The three worlds of Hunrath, Mofang, and Villein take center stage here, presenting us vividly colored ruins of Midwestern farmhouses, floating boulders overshadowed by two uncomfortably close moons, and strange, spiky pendulums loitering in metal corridors.
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The writ draws a marked line between the villein and the sokeman.
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Villein was a term used in the feudal system to denote a peasant (tenant farmer) who was legally tied to a lord of the manor – a villein in gross – or in the case of a villein regardant to a manor. Villeins occupied the social space between a free peasant (or "freeman") and a slave. The majority of medieval European peasants were villeins. An alternative term is serf, from the Latin , meaning "slave".
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Additionally, villein became used as a term of abuse and eventually took on its modern meaning.
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The revolt of Darnhall and Over was thus one of many small villein uprisings before the Peasants' Revolt of June 1381.
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Barring extreme cases, it is estimated that around 95% of all villein estates were between in size, though most were likely 120 arpents or less. Estates of less than 40 square arpents were considered to be of little value by villein socagers. To maximize simplicity when surveying, estates in villein socage were almost invariably distributed in rectangular plots following a rowed system, wherein the first row bordered the river, and was the first to be filled, followed by the second behind it and so on. Typically, the proportions of such rectangles coincided with the ratio of 1:10 for width and length, respectively.
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The Meaford estate was only half a hide but had four villein families and three bordars.Morris et al. Domesday text translation, Phillimore no. STS 5,1.
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It was usually £1 paid by the vill or 1 s. by the individual villein. It was a relatively advanced insurance scheme for the High Middle Ages.
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Land was subject to feudal tenure and could be held in allod or fief, the latter coming in two distinct forms—either free socage (seigneurie) or villein socage (roture). Free socage was considered 'noble' (but the owner did not have to be a member of the nobility) and the latter 'peasant'. Under feudal tenure, a fief could not be owned outright but was instead divided into competing interests known as estates in land; thus, a single tract of land could be held both in villein socage by a tenant and in free socage by the lord of the manor. Villein socage was subject to a number of real burdens and feudal incidents owed to the manorial landlord.
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For example, the Custom provided for the payment of an annual feu-duty (the cens) by villein socagers to the landlord as both revenue and as a token of submission. The entry fine (lods et ventes) was another mandatory payment, a conveyance fee for villein socages and amounting to a twelfth of the sales price, and derived from the feu-duty, as were other fees and the right of laudatio (retrait lignager). Additionally, the Custom of Paris accorded a number of privileges to lords over villein socagers who were their tenants. They included the right of soke (the lord could hold court), fishing and hunting restrictions, as well as astrictions such as a monopoly over mills and milling (mill soke), water power, hunting, and fishing (piscary).
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"The value of wild and tame" gives the values of various animals, for example: Values are also given for trees, equipment and parts of the human body. The value of a part of the body was fixed, thus a person causing the king to lose an eye would pay the same as if he had caused a villein to lose an eye. However he would also have to pay sarhad, and this would be far greater for the king than for the villein.
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There was one plough, 1 serf, 1 villein, 2 smallholders, 20 acres of pasture and 20 sheep. The value of the manor was 6 shillings though it had formerly been worth 10 shillings.Thorn, C. et al., ed.
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As agricultural properties they consisted of two kinds: land held by the nobility or monastic institutions (demesne land), and village land (tenement or villein land) held by the central government, though governed by district administrators. Demesne land consisted on average of one-half to three- quarters of an estate. Villein land belonged to the estates, but tenants normally exercised hereditary usufruct rights in exchange for fulfilling their corvée obligations. Tibetans outside the nobility and the monastic system were classified as serfs, but two types existed and functionally were comparable to tenant farmers.
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There were 2 ploughs, 1 serf, 1 villein, 3 smallholders, 10 acres of woodland, 40 acres of pasture, 10 cattle and 50 sheep. The value of the manor was £1; "this land is of St. Kew's".Thorn, C. et al., ed.
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A villein, otherwise known as cottar or crofter, is a serf tied to the land in the feudal system. Villeins had more rights and social status than those in slavery, but were under a number of legal restrictions which differentiated them from the freeman.
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It is usually supposed to have been clemency, the humane desire not to reduce a poor wretch to absolute beggary. It is possible, however, to imagine a different motive; the villein was the property of his lord, and John must respect the vested interests of others.
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It had largely died out in England by 1500 as a personal status, but land held by villein tenure (unless enfranchised) continued to be held by what was henceforth known as a copyhold tenancy, which was not abolished until 1925. Villeinage continued in France until the revolution in 1789.
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A taeog (pl. taeogion; Latin: villanus) was a native serf or villein of the medieval Welsh kingdoms. The term was used in south Wales and literally denoted someone "belonging to the house" (ty) of the lord's manor. The equivalent term in north Wales was aillt or mab aillt.
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The manor of Bowithick was recorded in the Domesday Book (1086) when it was held by Osferth from Robert, Count of Mortain. He had also held it before 1066 and paid tax for one furlong. There was land for 2 ploughs. There were one villein and 2 smallholders.
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The word villanelle derives from the Italian villanella, referring to a rustic song or dance, and which comes from villano, meaning peasant or villein. Villano derives from the Medieval Latin villanus, meaning a "farmhand". The etymology of the word relates to the fact that the form's initial distinguishing feature was the pastoral subject.
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Some historians suggest that the structure of feudal land tenure itself might have caused delays in economic growth for New France. Morris Altman, for example, argued that by shifting disposable wealth and therefore spending power from the villein socagers to the manorial lords (crown vassals), the system deeply altered the economy of New France. Furthermore, since the manorial lords rarely had their estates as their chief source of income, the relatively insignificant sums of money from the feu-duties were used largely in the purchase of luxury items which were almost always imported from France. Altman theorizes that since the villein socagers would have either re-invested this money or bought goods produced locally, this limited growth and was damaging to the economy of New France.
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In one of the wood stacks, they discover a charred skeleton. The remains are carefully brought to the Abbey by Hugh's men. A sergeant brings in a half-starved man living wild in the forest. Harald is a runaway villein farrier from a manor to the south. He found Clemence’s dagger in the forest.
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Many villeins were in villeinage because of the land they held, rather than by birth. They could become free men if their lord agreed with them to move them to a different holding. Villeinage was not a purely exploitative relationship. In the Middle Ages, land guaranteed sustenance and survival; being a villein guaranteed access to land.
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On sign of village is digger and hoe, which has remained unchanged to today. Mining was too useless because of poory gold lode and because of high expenses in hard terrain. Part of gold miners went to Bocianska dolina. In 1390 Hybe became the property of Liptov District Administrator and become villein small town of domination in Liptovský Hrádok.
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Beringar expects him to join the King's army, marching north to confront the rebels. Meriet and the villein Harald are both absolved of guilt. Harald is found a farrier job in town, where he will be safe if he stays a year and a day. Only now does Leoric see the similarity of himself and Meriet.
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Estates in free socage were the most macro-level of land division in New France but, within them, there existed several tenurial subdivisions. Immediately below the level of free socage was that of the villeinage (roture). Throughout New France, several thousand estates in villeinage were developed. Furthermore, these villein tenancies were remarkably uniform in terms of size.
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On the other side of the account, manorial administration involved significant expenses, perhaps a reason why smaller manors tended to rely less on villein tenure. Dependent holdings were held nominally by arrangement of lord and tenant, but tenure became in practice almost universally hereditary, with a payment made to the lord on each succession of another member of the family. Villein land could not be abandoned, at least until demographic and economic circumstances made flight a viable proposition; nor could they be passed to a third party without the lord's permission, and the customary payment. Although not free, villeins were by no means in the same position as slaves: they enjoyed legal rights, subject to local custom, and had recourse to the law subject to court charges, which were an additional source of manorial income.
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Reaney gives the surname deriving from the Old French cotier "cottager" (see: villein). Early bearers of the English surname are Robert le Robert le Cotier in 1198; and William le Coter(e) in 1270 and 1297. The Irish name is a reduced anglicised form of the Gaelic Mac Oitir. The personal name Oitir is the Gaelic form of the Old Norse Óttarr.
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Drogo left Hyacinth landless, but wants him for his skill in fine leather work. Hyacinth ran after he beat up the steward when he chanced on him raping a local girl. Cadfael promises to keep Hyacinth's secret, at odds with his promise to Hugh. Drogo's son Aymer arrives at the Abbey focussed on finding the villein, learning his father is dead.
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The other half would be split evenly among the surviving children. Children were entitled to a legitime, whether they were male or female, and could access their inheritances at 25, the legal age of majority. They could not be disinherited. Estates in free socage (seigneuries) were subject to different rules of inheritance, and estates in villein socage had to be partitioned equally.
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Mansfield stated that the Somersett case had only determined that a master could not force a slave to leave England, much as in earlier times a master could not forcibly remove his villein. He ruled that Charlotte was not entitled to relief under Poor Laws because relief was dependent on having been "hired", and this did not relate to slaves.
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Kingsley is first listed in the Domesday Book of 1086 as Chingeslie in the Roelau Hundred. The village is listed as having been held from Earl Hugh d'Avranches by a Saxon named Dunning. It has land for two ploughs, and home to five serfs, one villein, and three bordars. It also mentioned one and a half fisheries, four hays for roe deer, and a hawk's eyrie.
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Three chapters of Magna Carta are occupied with remedies for this ill. Chapter 20 seeks to protect the ordinary layman; chapter 21, the barons; and chapter 22, the clergy. Three subdivisions—the freeman, the villein, and the merchant—are treated here. Amercements are much mentioned in Magna Carta, particularly article 20: > A free man shall not be amerced for a trivial offence except in accordance > with the degree of the offence, and for a grave offence he shall be amerced > in accordance with its gravity, yet saving his way of living; and a merchant > in the same way, saving his stock-in-trade; and a villein shall be amerced > in the same way, saving his means of livelihood--if they have fallen into > our mercy: and none of the aforesaid amercements shall be imposed except by > the oath of good men of the neighbourhood.
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They varied from century to century, from district to district, and even from manor to manor; but at best the life of the villein was, as a contemporary writer has described it, burdensome and wretched (graviter et miserabiliter). After his obligations were discharged, little time was left him for the ploughing and reaping of his own holding. The normal villein possessed his virgate or half virgate (thirty or fifteen scattered acres) under a tenure known as villenagium, sharply distinguished from the freeholder's tenures. He was a dependent dweller on a manor which he dared not quit without his master's leave. It is true that he had rights of a proprietary nature in the acres he claimed as his own; yet these were determined, not by the common law of England, but by “the custom of the manor,” or virtually at the will of the lord.
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The messenger was Renaud Bourchier, whose horse was found, with empty saddlebags, and no sign of the man. Drogo Bosiet and his groom Warin of Northamptonshire appear at the Abbey, hunting a villein named Brand who fled his manor. Abbot Radulfus is not well inclined to Drogo's goal, so recommends him to the sheriff. After Vespers, Brother Jerome meets with Drogo to tell him that the hermit's helper might be Brand.
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The estates given to Garamsaintbenedict-abbey were a conflict-point between the abbot and the archbishop. The estate was thereafter held by the Estergomian archbishop, who held an earth-master position until 1848, the end of the subjugate. In 1228 the Udvardian masters/peasants organized an insurgency, because of the unbearable taxes that the abbey took from them. This was the first villein- insurgency in the medieval Kingdom of Hungary.
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Between 14th and 15th centuries mining retreated farming and crafts. Despite of villein ratio to Liptovský Hrádok, Hybe was important farming and culture center of top part of Liptov from the end of the 19th century to 1st half of the 20th century. Above 20 kinds of crafts were in the village but the most widespread was builders, which became famous specialists at building of City of Budapest.
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According to the Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition, published in 1911, Vinogradoff's Villainage in England (1892) was "perhaps the most important book written on the peasantry of the feudal age and the village community in England; it can only be compared for value with FW Maitland's Domesday Book and Beyond. In masterly fashion Vinogradoff here shows that the villein of Norman times was the direct descendant of the Anglo-Saxon freeman, and that the typical Anglo- Saxon settlement was a free community, not a manor, the position of the freeman having steadily deteriorated in the centuries just around the Norman Conquest. The status of the villein and the conditions of the manor in the 12th and 13th centuries are set forth with a legal precision and a wealth of detail which shows its author, not only as a very capable historian, but also as a brilliant and learned jurist." The article considered that almost equally valuable was Vinogradoff's essay on “Folkland” in vol. viii.
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This situation sometimes led to replacement by cash payments or their equivalents in kind of the demesne labour obligations of those peasants living furthest from the lord's estate. As with peasant plots, the demesne was not a single territorial unit, but consisted rather of a central house with neighbouring land and estate buildings, plus strips dispersed through the manor alongside free and villein ones: in addition, the lord might lease free tenements belonging to neighbouring manors, as well as holding other manors some distance away to provide a greater range of produce. Nor were manors held necessarily by lay lords rendering military service (or again, cash in lieu) to their superior: a substantial share (estimated by value at 17% in England in 1086) belonged directly to the king, and a greater proportion (rather more than a quarter) were held by bishoprics and monasteries. Ecclesiastical manors tended to be larger, with a significantly greater villein area than neighbouring lay manors.
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The manor of Delabole (Deliou) was recorded in the Domesday Book (1086) when it was held by Roger from Robert, Count of Mortain. There was one hide of land and land for 4 ploughs. There were 1 plough, 1 serf, 1 villein, 3 smallholders, 1 acre of meadow, 40 acres of pasture, 5 cattle and 25 sheep. The value of the manor was 10 shillings though it had formerly been worth 30 shillings.
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Communes of France ending with -villeIn France, after the 6th Century, especially in the North, first of all Normandy (20% of the communes end with -ville), Beauce and French speaking part of Lorraine. In the Southeast, they are exceptional and modern. In the Southwest, -ville is very often a translation of the Occitan -viala (Gascon -viela), sometimes ill gallicized in -vielle (variant -fielle). There are almost all combined with the landowner's name. f.
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As Prior Robert ate the other half of the partridge without ill effects, suspicion falls on Bonel's household. Richildis was never alone with the partridge. Aelfric, who carried the dishes from the kitchen, bears a grudge as Bonel deprived him of free status and made him a villein. Neither the maid, Aldith, nor Meurig, an illegitimate son of Bonel who is apprenticed to Richildis' son-in-law master carpenter Martin Bellecote, have any apparent motive.
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Milwich is listed in the Domesday Book of 1086. In the survey the village has the name Mulewiche and Melewich in the Hundred of Pirehill.The Domesday Book, Englands Heritage, Then and Now, Editor: Thomas Hinde, Staffordshire Section, Milwich: In the survey the settlement was described as quite small with only 8 households. The assets of the village listed include 4 villager or villein, meadow of 1 acres, a league of woodland and 4 smallholders.
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Adbaston is listed in the Domesday Book of 1086. In the survey the village has the name EdboldestoneThe Domesday Book, Englands Heritage, Then and Now, Editor: Thomas Hinde, Staffordshire Section: In the survey the settlement was described as quite small with only 5.8 households. Other Assets included 17 villager or villein, meadow of 15 acres, 40 smallholders and 1 slave. There was also 25 ploughlands (land for), 3 lord's plough teams, 13 men's plough teams.
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Hilderstone is recorded in the Domesday Book of 1086. In the survey the village has the name HeldulvestoneThe Domesday Book, Englands Heritage, Then and Now, Editor: Thomas Hinde, Staffordshire Section, Hilderstone: In the survey the settlement was described as quite small with only 6 households. Other Assets included 2 villager or villein, meadow of 1 acres, 2 smallholders and 2 slave. There was also 3 ploughlands (land for), 1 lord's plough teams, 1 men's plough teams.
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It has been Burghill for the last eight centuries. The village of Burghill was a feudal manor with a strip field system of villein cultivation. Its true significance however was as a nobleman's manor owned first by Bernard de Neumarch, William de Braose, and thence to Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford. It was connected to the manor of Tillington in the 13th century until Roger de Burghill sold it to Earl Berkeley of Berkeley Castle, Gloucestershire.
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A villein (or villain) represented the most common type of serf in the Middle Ages. Villeins had more rights and higher status than the lowest serf, but existed under a number of legal restrictions that differentiated them from freemen. Villeins generally rented small homes, with a patch of land. As part of the contract with the landlord, the lord of the manor, they were expected to spend some of their time working on the lord's fields.
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Similarly, Reaney gives the surname deriving from the Old French cotier "cottager" (see: villein). Early bearers of the English surname are Robert le Robert le Cotier in 1198; and William le Coter(e) in 1270 and 1297. The surname Cottier, in some cases, is an Americanized form of the French Gauthier. The French surname Gauthier (also found in Switzerland) is derived from a Germanic personal name made up of the elements wald "rule" and hari, heri "army".
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Weston on Trent is mentioned in the Domesday Book of 1086.The Domesday Book, Englands Heritage, Then and Now, Editor: Thomas Hinde,Norfolk page 194 In the survey the village is recorded as being as the holding of one of King William's thegn's named Sperri, having previously being held by a Saxon named Wulfhelm. Assets of the village were listed as half a virgāta of land. Land for one plough, one villager or villein, 3 acres of meadows.
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Hopton is listed in the Domesday Book of 1086. In the survey the village has the name Hotone in the Hundred of Pirehill.The Domesday Book, Englands Heritage, Then and Now, Editor: Thomas Hinde, Staffordshire Section, Milwich: In the survey the settlement was described as of a medium size with 12 households. The assets of the village listed include 6 villager or villein, meadow of 4 acres, 2 furlongs by half furlong wide of woodland, 4 smallholders and 2 slaves.
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Not all of Wessex used this system, however: it was not used in Devon, for example. The law which mentions a "yard" of land is the first documented mention of that unit. A yard was a unit of land equal to a quarter of a hide; a hide was variable from place to place but could be as much as . The yard in this sense later became the standard holding of the medieval villein, and was known as the virgate.
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Like feudalism which, together with manorialism, formed the legal and organizational framework of feudal society, manorial structures were not uniform or coordinated. In the later Middle Ages, areas of incomplete or non-existent manorialization persisted while the manorial economy underwent substantial development with changing economic conditions. Not all manors contained all three classes of land. Typically, demesne accounted for roughly a third of the arable area, and villein holdings rather more; but some manors consisted solely of demesne, others solely of peasant holdings.
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Mansfield's judgment in the Somerset case does not expressly say that slaves became free when they entered England—it is silent as to what their status in England was. In the Thames Ditton case, Lord Mansfield appeared to compare a slave's status to that of "villein in gross"—i.e., an ancient feudal status of servitude that had not technically been abolished from English Law but which had died out in practice. He had not done so in the Somerset case despite the invitation of Stewart's counsel.
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Friendly Mofang warned the other species, and they instituted various lockdown protocols to slow the Mofang from planting these weapons. Most then took shelter through cryogenic hibernation in a Villein "Silo". One human, C.W. (Robyn Miller), opted to stay behind in Hunrath and isolated himself in a safe room, believing the others were dead. He implores the player to help provide water to each Tree in the four cells and restart the power systems in Hunrath to allow him to return them back to Earth.
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Though Altman later altered the precise estimates he made (based on annual outputs) of how much disposable income the socagers might have been deprived of (and therefore the amount of local investment lost), he confirmed his original thesis that the feudal fees reduced growth through wealth transfer. Other historians such as Allan Greer have also argued that the wealth transfer limited the growth of the villein socagers’ farms as well as other local enterprises, which in the long run might limit general economic growth.
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A villein was thus a bonded tenant, so he could not leave the land without the landowner's consent. The term derives from Late Latin villanus, meaning a man employed at a Roman villa rustica, or large agricultural estate. The system of tied serfdom originates from a decree issued by the late Roman Emperor Diocletian (ruled 284–305) in an attempt to prevent the flight of peasants from the land and the consequent decline in food production. The decree obliged peasants to register in their locality and never leave it.
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Villeins might also be required to pay a fine on the marriage of their daughters outside of the manor, the inheritance of a holding by a son, or other circumstances. Villeins were tied to the land and could not move away without their lord's consent. Villeins typically had to pay special taxes and fines that freemen were exempt from, for example, "filstingpound" (an insurance against corporal punishment) and "leyrwite" (fine for bearing a child outside of wedlock). Merchet was very often used against a villein's petition for freedom, since paying it proved a villein status.
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Luxembourg had lost 1,400 killed, which led the count to remark, "Three gentlemen for a villein!" When the bishop's marshal, Robert de Forvie, arrived with reinforcements only to find Ciney besieged by the count, he retreated to Dinant with the intention of raising further reinforcements. The next day (18 April) the city was stormed and razed, its inhabitants, who had sought refuge in the church of Notre-Dame, were burnt along with it. All the chroniclers agree on the date—variously expressed as 18 April, 14th kalends of May or the feast of Saint Ursmar.
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A variety of kinds of villeinage existed in Europe in the Middle Ages. Half-villeins received only half as many strips of land for their own use and owed a full complement of labour to the lord, often forcing them to rent out their services to other serfs to make up for this hardship. Villeinage was not, however, a purely uni-directional exploitative relationship. In the Middle Ages, land within a lord's manor provided sustenance and survival, and being a villein guaranteed access to land, and crops secure from theft by marauding robbers.
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The son of Count Fernán González and Queen Sancha Sánchez of Pamplona, in 970 he succeeded his father as Count of Castile. He continued to recognise the suzerainty of the Kingdom of León, even though he was practically autonomous. In order to expand his frontiers at the expense of the Moors, in 974 he expanded the social base of the nobility by promulgating decrees stating that any villein of Castrojeriz who equipped a knight for battle would enter the ranks of the nobility. He was succeeded by his son, Sancho I of Castile.
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Carville is originally a Normandy place name, which is a toponymic compound of Old French -ville "farm" (see villain, villein) and the Old Norse and Old Danish personal name Kári.Jean Adigard des Gautries, Les noms de personnes scandinaves en Normandie de 911 à 1066, Lund, 1954, p. 116.François de Beaurepaire, Les noms de communes et anciennes paroisses de l’Eure, Picard, Paris, 1981, p. 84.Kerstin Schlyter, « Les Noms des Scandinaves en Normandie », in Onomastique et langues en contact, Actes du colloque de Strasbourg (1991), Association bourguignonne de dialectologie et d'onomastique, 1992, p. 241b.
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The humans had peacefully worked with alien species from the other worlds to understand this process: the technologically-advanced Mofang from the planet Soria, the insect-like Arai species from Kaptar, and the peaceful Villein species from Maray. The four species found ways to harness the Seeds to transfer themselves between their worlds at will, allowing for collaboration and to try to find a means home. However, the player finds they had just arrived after a major conflict. The Mofang felt the other species were holding them back, and developed a weapon of mass destruction capable of devastating the other spheres.
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The social class of the peasantry can be differentiated into smaller categories. These distinctions were often less clear than suggested by their different names. Most often, there were two types of peasants: # freemen, workers whose tenure within the manor was freehold # villein Lower classes of peasants, known as cottars or bordars, generally comprising the younger sons of villeins; Studies of field systems in the British Isles By Alan R. H. Baker, Robin Alan Butlin An Economic History of the British Isles By Arthur Birnie. P. 218 vagabonds; and slaves, made up the lower class of workers.
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Truthwall is a hamlet southeast of Crowlas in the civil parish of Ludgvan, west Cornwall, England, United Kingdom.Ordnance Survey get-a-map SW5273432369 (Another settlement by the name of Truthwall is situated on the B3306 between St Just and Pendeen in west Cornwall OS SW3680432465.) In the Domesday Book of 1086 Truthwall was held by the church of St. Michael i.e. the Priory of St Michael's Mount. Before 1066 it had been held by Brictmer. There were 2 hides of land which never paid tax and land for 8 ploughs. There were 1 plough, 1 villein, 2 smallholders, 10 acres of pasture, 4 cattle and 60 sheep.
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In 1348 a group of villein tenants of the manor of Badbury lead a revolt against their lord and unsuccessfully claimed that they should have the right to hold their land according to the customs of ancient demesne. In 1543, the manor passed to William Essex and over the following two hundred years it passed to the Kibblewhite family, the Redferne family, the Norden family and the Mellish family before eventually being bought by the Stone family in 1718. The Stone family remained at the house until at least the late 20th century. By 1773, the hamlet largely existed along a road between west from Liddington to Chiseldon.
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It was contemplated that the manorial lords would receive their commutation payments by 11 November 1936, in consideration of the capital represented by the feu-duties to be collected. However, the work of the SNRRS was briefly on hiatus from 1936–1940 during the government of the Union Nationale. It was resumed by the new provincial Liberal government in 1940, after which the final feu-duties were paid in November 1940. Compared to the situation of the short cadastre (survey) of 1854, it was determined that annuities owed amount to no more than 25% of the original amount owed by the villein socagers overall.
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In Greek mythology, Hyacinth is killed because two of the gods pursue him for his beauty; from his blood sprang a beautiful flower. In pre-Hellenic myths, he was the "classical metaphor of the death and rebirth of nature", which well suits the villein who is fought over by his lord, disappears from his home to reappear in a new place, fall in love, make new friends and a new life. Hyacinth relates a very brief version of the Greek myth as an "old story" he heard from a priest, when Abbot Radulfus asks about his name when the two first meet. Abbot Radulfus mentions having heard of a bishop by that name.
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Perhaps he means the man who later became Cardinal Hyacinth and at the end of his long life, Pope Celestine III, or a Cardinal Hyacinth mentioned as a correspondent to Thomas Becket. Many characters in this novel, beyond the Benedictine Abbey itself, were of the landed gentry, with manors to direct, to gain by marriage, and to inherit. In the feudal system, they owed allegiance to their liege lord, and had both free and villein workers doing the work on the land or in the house. The group of characters who were either free men or villeins held distinctly different views of the Sheriff, and the law in general, as a protector of their life and property.
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French villeins in the 15th century before going to work, receiving their Lord's Orders. The term villain first came into English from the Anglo-French and Old French vilain, which is further derived from the Late Latin word villanus, which referred to those bound to the soil of the Villa and worked on an equivalent of a plantation in Late Antiquity, in Italy or Gaul. Vilain later shifted to villein, which referred to a person of a less than knightly status, implying a lack of chivalry and politeness. All actions that were unchivalrous or evil (such as treachery or rape) eventually fell under the identity of belonging to a villain in the modern sense of the word.
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When a villein addresses him as "Master", Cadfael promptly corrects him: "No man's master, every man's brother, if you will." He is neutral in political matters, refusing to take sides in the civil war between the Empress Maud and King Stephen for control of England. His abjuration of politics is influenced by his holy vows as a monastic brother, but also comes of having fought and seen destruction by political will during the crusades. Cadfael is on good terms with people on both sides of the English war; his best friend Hugh is a staunch supporter of King Stephen, and his son Olivier is just as much committed to the Empress Maud.
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Whitsun (also Whitsunday or Whit Sunday) is the name used in Britain and Ireland, and throughout the world among Catholic, Anglicans and Methodists, for the Christian festival of Pentecost. It is the seventh Sunday after Easter, which commemorates the descent of the Holy Spirit upon Christ's disciples (Acts 2). In England it took on some characteristics of Beltane, which originated from the pagan celebration of Summer's Day, the beginning of the summer half-year, in Europe. Whitsuntide, the week following Whitsunday, was one of three vacation weeks for the medieval villein;The others being Yuletide, the week following Christmas, and Easter Week, the week following Easter that ended at Hocktide (Homans 1991).
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Sub-letting of villein holdings was common, and labour on the demesne might be commuted into an additional money payment, as happened increasingly from the 13th century. This description of a manor house at Chingford, Essex in England was recorded in a document for the Chapter of St Paul's Cathedral when it was granted to Robert Le Moyne in 1265: :He received also a sufficient and handsome hall well ceiled with oak. On the western side is a worthy bed, on the ground, a stone chimney, a wardrobe and a certain other small chamber; at the eastern end is a pantry and a buttery. Between the hall and the chapel is a sideroom.
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The former existence of a tide mill on the River Lavant near Apuldram Common is an indication of the level of the sea at that time at the northern boundary of the parish. The landing place was moved down channel owing to silting of the upper reaches, and for a time there was access to the harbour a little to the south of the mouth of the Lavant. Here there was a sunken channel, now dry, which led to the centre of the medieval Apuldram village. There is also evidence of a landing place at La Delle. A rent list, dated 1432, records a villein whose duties included "to cart from La Delle to Chichester".
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Landlords, even where legally entitled to do so, rarely evicted villeins because of the value of their labour. Villeinage was much preferable to being a vagabond, a slave, or an unlanded labourer. In many medieval countries, a villein could gain freedom by escaping from a manor to a city or borough and living there for more than a year; but this action involved the loss of land rights and agricultural livelihood, a prohibitive price unless the landlord was especially tyrannical or conditions in the village were unusually difficult. In medieval England, two types of villleins existed-villleins regardant that were tied to land villleins in gross that could be traded separately from land.
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The manor of Harborne was granted to Halesowen Abbey by Margaret de Redvers (later de Breauté), daughter of Warin II fitzGerold. She also granted the advowson of the church, a gift that led to much greater conflict than that of the manor(see below). The manor of Smethwick went with Harborne and was included in Margaret's grant: both were held under the overlordship of the bishop of Coventry and Lichfield. The date of the grant is not certain but it was probably by 1227, when Osbert de Parmentur, a villein, testified in a land dispute that the ten acres of land he held at Harborne were part of the free tenement of abbot of Halesowen.
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There were 30 villagers and they together with 12 bordars (cottagers or small holdersBordar is the English translation of the latin word bordarius, which is the standard word used in Domesday Book for a villein of the lowest class, holding a cottage and some land at the will of the lord of the manor in return for work or services which he was obliged to render on the manor) had 20 ploughs. There were 3 slaves. There were 2 mills, worth 14s 8d a year, meadow for 7 ploughteams (generally taken as needing 8 oxen each) and woodland sufficient for 1,000 pigs. In total it paid £47 a year in white silver, less 16d.
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The proportion of unfree and free tenures could likewise vary greatly, with more or less reliance on wage labour for agricultural work on the demesne. The proportion of the cultivated area in demesne tended to be greater in smaller manors, while the share of villein land was greater in large manors, providing the lord of the latter with a larger supply of obligatory labour for demesne work. The proportion of free tenements was generally less variable, but tended to be somewhat greater on the smaller manors. Manors varied similarly in their geographical arrangement: most did not coincide with a single village, but rather consisted of parts of two or more villages, most of the latter containing also parts of at least one other manor.
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The effect of circumstances on manorial economy is complex and at times contradictory: upland conditions tended to preserve peasant freedoms (livestock husbandry in particular being less labour- intensive and therefore less demanding of villein services); on the other hand, some upland areas of Europe showed some of the most oppressive manorial conditions, while lowland eastern England is credited with an exceptionally large free peasantry, in part a legacy of Scandinavian settlement. Similarly, the spread of money economy stimulated the replacement of labour services by money payments, but the growth of the money supply and resulting inflation after 1170 initially led nobles to take back leased estates and to re-impose labour dues as the value of fixed cash payments declined in real terms.
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There was Irish decree in 1171 "that all the English slaves in the whole of Ireland, be immediately emancipated and restored to their former liberty." The same source indicates that slavery in England was abolished by a general charter of emancipation in 1381. Other historical sources for such an emancipation proclamation appear thin, although the date would coincide with the Peasants' Revolt, after which a number of concessions were made by the 14-year-old King Richard II, which were later rescinded. Certainly villeinage continued in England, slowly decaying, until the last villein died in the early 17th century.. In later common law cases, none of the foregoing decrees or proclamations were cited or referred to as binding law in relation to the status of slaves generally.
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Mansfield stated that the Somersett case had determined only that a master could not force a slave to leave England, much as in earlier times a master could not forcibly remove his villein. He ruled that Charlotte was not entitled to relief under Poor Laws because relief was dependent on having been "hired", and this did not relate to slaves. In the official report of the case, Lord Mansfield is recorded as actually interrupting counsel to specifically state: "The determinations go no further than that the master cannot by force compel him to go out of the kingdom." The official report of Thames Ditton case supports the account of his judgment given in The Times letter, and it is the strongest argument for a limited scope to the decision.
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Cadfael, the central character of the Cadfael Chronicles, is a Benedictine monk and herbalist at the Shrewsbury Abbey, the county town of the English county of Shropshire. Cadfael himself is a Welshman and uses patronymics in the Welsh fashion, naming himself Cadfael ap Meilyr ap Dafydd (Cadfael son of Meilyr son of Dafydd) as his full name. He was born in May 1080 into a villein community in Trefriw, Conwy (see also the historic county called Caernarvonshire which included Conwy), in North Wales, and had at least one sibling, a younger brother. Rather than wait to inherit the right to till a section of land, he left his home at the age of fourteen as servant to a wool-trader, and thus became acquainted with Shrewsbury early in life.
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The name of Aston Botterell is derived from the Old English for "eastern settlement (tun)", with 'Botterell' being the name of a former local landowning family: William Botterell is recorded as holding the manor in 1203.His family came over with William of Normandy in 1066. Before Saxon times, the only evidence for human activity in the area comes from the discovery of two flint arrow heads found near what is now Bold Farm. The Domesday Book of 1086 describes the manor of Eston at the time as having a population of 14 households h 2 [wit[villein s, 3 bordars, 6 serfs and 3 radmans; it was held by Tochil, from Rainald, and is recorded as having been held by a landowner called Elric in the time of Edward the Confessor.
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On the European continent under feudalism, there were various forms of status applying to people (such as serf, bordar, villein, vagabond and slave) who were indentured or forced to labor without pay. Under Muslim rule, the Arab slave trades that included Caucasian captives were often fueled by raids into European territories or were taken as children in the form of a blood tax from the families of citizens of conquered territories to serve the empire for a variety of functions. In the mid-19th century, the term 'white slavery' was used to describe the Christian slaves that were sold into the Barbary slave trade. The modern legal term applies more narrowly to sexual slavery, forced prostitution and human trafficking, with less focus on the race of victims or perpetrators.
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Launceston was the caput of the feudal barony of Launceston and of the Earldom of Cornwall until replaced by Lostwithiel in the 13th century. Launceston was later the county town of Cornwall until 1835 when Bodmin replaced it. The lands of Robert, Count of Mortain, became the core holdings of the feudal barony of Launceston, and the Fleming family continued to hold most of their manors from that barony, as can be seen from entries in the Book of Fees. In the Domesday Book (1086) it is recorded that Launceston was held by the Count of Mortain, and that he had his castle there. There was land for 10 ploughs, 1 villein and 13 smallholders with 4 ploughs, 2 mills which paid 40 shillings (£2 sterling) and 40 acres of pasture.
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Walter de Caen held the manor as tenant-in-chief from Robert Malet's mother. This manor formed part of the Easton Estate once owned by the Earl of Rochford, and later the Dukes of Hamilton. The first historical details of the manor were recorded in the Domesday book which stated prior to the Norman conquest the manor was in the estate of Edric in Edward the Confessor's time, and was held by Robert Malet at the time of the survey. The original manor land in the Domesday Book was recorded as being . No manor apparently existed in Saxon times but Edric held a carucate and a half of land, with 1 villein, 1 bordar, 1 serf, 1 ploughteam, 2 acres of meadow, 1 rouney, 4 beasts, 16 hogs and 80 sheep valued at 20s.
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As used here, "villain" means "villein". It is true that Froissart often omits to talk about the common people, but that is largely the consequence of his stated aim to write not a general chronicle but a history of the chivalric exploits that took place during the wars between France and England. Nevertheless, Froissart was not indifferent to the wars' effects on the rest of society. His Book II focuses extensively on popular revolts in different parts of western Europe (France, England and Flanders) and in this part of the Chronicles the author often demonstrates good understanding of the factors that influenced local economies and their effect on society at large; he also seems to have a lot of sympathy in particular for the plight of the poorer strata of the urban populations of Flanders.
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In The Hermit of Eyton Forest a prosperous forester's daughter falls in love with a runaway villein, a skilled leatherworker who will work his year and a day to establish himself in his trade in Shropshire before he marries her. In St. Peter's Fair, a tradesman's daughter settles for another tradesman's son after her aristocratic first choice turns out to be a cad, calling her a "shopkeeper's girl of no account." In most cases, it seems that Pargeter's characters deliberately curtail their romantic aspirations where class conflict would undermine them. There are some exceptions to this class consciousness; in The Virgin in the Ice a noblewoman marries her guardian's favourite squire, though he is the illegitimate son of a footsoldier and a Syrian widow, and in The Pilgrim of Hate an aristocratic youth marries the daughter of a tradesman.
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Together with Whitsuntide and the twelve days of Yuletide, the week following Easter marked the only vacations of the husbandman's year, during slack times in the cycle of the year when the villein ceased work on his lord's demesne, and most likely on his own land as well.Noted by George C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century, 2nd ed. 1991:365. At Coventry there was a play called The Old Coventry Play of Hock Tuesday. This, suppressed at the Reformation owing to the incidental disorder that accompanied it, and revived as part of the festivities on Queen Elizabeth's visit to Kenilworth in July 1575, depicted the struggle between Saxons and Danes, and has given colour to the suggestion that hock-tide was originally a commemoration of the massacre of the Danes on St. Brice's Day, 13 November 1002, or of the rejoicings at the death of Harthacanute on 8 June 1042 and the expulsion of the Danes.
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Generic map of a medieval manor. The mustard-colored areas are part of the demesne, the hatched areas part of the glebe. William R. Shepherd, Historical Atlas, 1923 Manors each consisted of up to three classes of land: #Demesne, the part directly controlled by the lord and used for the benefit of his household and dependents; #Dependent (serf or villein) holdings carrying the obligation that the peasant household supply the lord with specified labour services or a part of its output (or cash in lieu thereof), subject to the custom attached to the holding; and #Free peasant land, without such obligation but otherwise subject to manorial jurisdiction and custom, and owing money rent fixed at the time of the lease. Additional sources of income for the lord included charges for use of his mill, bakery or wine-press, or for the right to hunt or to let pigs feed in his woodland, as well as court revenues and single payments on each change of tenant.
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The question of a slave's rights as against his putative master (as opposed to merchant's rights as against each other) eventually came before Lord Mansfield and the King's Bench in 1771. A writ of habeas corpus had been issued to secure the release of James Somersett, a black man confined in irons on board a ship arrived in the Thames from Virginia, bound for Jamaica, and the return stated that he was a slave under the law of Virginia. Lord Mansfield was anxious to avoid the issue principle, and pressed the parties to settle; but the case was taken up by the West India merchants, who wanted to know whether slaves were a safe investment, and by abolitionists such as Granville Sharp, so that it became a cause célèbre. The law of villeinage was turned by Somersett's counsel into an argument against slavery, since the kind of proof that was required to establish villein status was not available in claiming slaves.
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What seems to be traces of an heraldic device can be seen on each side of the painting, probably the arms of the House of Braganza or the royal coat of arms. The lower scene is the representation of a trial scene with two judges: the "Good Judge" to the left, and the "Bad Judge" to the right, both seated on wooden and richly-crafted Gothic thrones. The Good Judge is seated facing the viewer directly, wearing robes of great sobriety (a white houppelande over a dark doublet and matching cap), and holding steady the red staff of the old municipal courts; he seems to be acquitting a man dressed in white. The Bad Judge, wearing showy robes of orange and a red fur-lined cap and holding a broken red staff, is depicted as having two faces and is approached by two men in the act of bribery: the man to the right (a rico homem) takes gold coins from a purse, and the man to the left (a villein) offers the judge a pair of partridges.
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The first book concludes with a very interesting chapter on copyhold tenures, which marks the exact point at which the tenant—by-copy-of-court-roll, the successor of the villein, who, in his turn, represented the freeman reduced to villeinage by the growth of the manorial system, acquired security of tenure. The second book relates to the reciprocal rights and duties of lord and tenant, and is mainly of historical interest to the modern lawyer. It contains a complete statement of the law as it stood in Littleton's time relating to homage, fealty, and escuage, the money compensation to be paid to the lord in lieu of military service to be rendered to the king, a peculiar characteristic of English as distinguished from Continental feudalism. Littleton then proceeds to notice the important features of tenure by knight's service with its distinguishing incidents of the right of wardship of the lands and person of the infant heir or heiress, and the right of disposing of the ward in marriage.
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Betchworth lay within the Wotton hundred and appears in two entries in the Domesday Book as Becesworde, held by Richard Fitz Gilbert, Richard de Tonebrige. On the Domesday survey in 1086 its Assets were: 27 villagers/smallholders, 15 slaves, two hides; one church, two mills worth £1 10 s, 12 ploughlands, of meadow, pasture for five swine and woodland and herbage/woodland worth 81 hogs. To its overlords it rendered in total £7 10s Surrey Domesday Book Domesday Map website – image of Betchworth's entry and transcription in summary retrieved 30 October 2012 A distinct part named Thorncroft is mentioned in the first listing which was split by five overlords in 1066 before the conquest, Lewis (1848) and Malden (1911) say this relates to the formerly detached part in the west that is now between Brockham and Dorking. After a succession of lords, in the 13th century a reclassification of the hundred took place for the east main part to Reigate hundred – ownership of Betchworth Manor passed to Hamelin de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, who did villein service on Friday's Mead as Lord of (among others) Reigate and Betchworth in 1279.
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Initially, the courts held that an action for trover would lie for blacks, as if they were chattels, but this was reasoned on the grounds that they were infidels rather than slaves, and lacked the rights enjoyed by ChristiansSee Butts v Penny (1677) 2 Lev 201, 3 Keb 785 - an action was brought to recover possession of 100 slaves. The court held that slavery was legal in England in relation to infidels and that an action for trover would lie; see also Gelly v Cleve (1694) 1 Ld Raym 147 (reasoning which would later find echoes in the U.S. case of Dred Scott v. Sandford 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393 (1857)) but Judge Holt was to later reject this analysis,Chamberlain v Harvey (1697) 1 Ld Raym 146; Smith v Gould (1705-07) 2 Salk 666 and also denied the possibility of bringing an assumpsit on the sale of a black person in England: "as soon as a negro comes to England he is free; one may be a villein in England, but not a slave."Smith v Brown (1702) 2 Salk 666 However, this comment was construed as more of an admonition against careless pleading rather than a reproach to slave dealers.
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