270 Sentences With "campesino" | Random Sentence Generator

One of their most important ideas, borrowed from elsewhere in Central America, was a model of knowledge diffusion called "Campesino a Campesino"—peasant to peasant.

Excavaron por periodos de meses después de la visita del campesino.

Fue hijo de un campesino y a los 12 años comenzó a trabajar en la construcción.

El hallazgo del campesino condujo a la exposición de los restos óseos de seis de los más grandes titanosaurios conocidos.

Como dijo alguna vez el icónico líder campesino hispano César Chávez: "Hemos visto el futuro y el futuro es nuestro".

And there was also in that the legend of Teatro Campesino, which had been around in the '60s and helped to organize.

A campesino from Córdoba or Antioquia, where there are thousands of victims, would never have been able to go through this exercise.

"In Sancti Spiritus, Cuba, he was called a Jewish person; in Havana, a campesino; and in New York, a Puerto Rican," he said.

A campesino elder talks about how climate change has made the weather unpredictable for farmers, making it exponentially more difficult to yield a successful crop.

At the table next to me, a campesino relaxed with his cowboy hat pulled over his face and his chair tilted back against the wall.

América Hace cuatro años un campesino de la Patagonia encontró un hueso viejo y medio enterrado en el desierto, cerca de la localidad conocida como La Flecha.

First stop of the route is El Campesino market, where small, local producers offer local culinary gems like guamúchil, arrayán, atuto, and herbs like pipiza, pumpkin sprouts.

Así lo denunció ayer durante una manifestación el Comité de Desarrollo Campesino del país, grupo que exigió la renuncia del presidente Jimmy Morales por la impunidad y la corrupción en el país.

I did a long interview with a lawyer of a campesino (peasant) movement who was killed two days after talking to me, but I don't think it had anything to do with me.

Foremost among these is Thelma Cabrera, a Maya Mam Indigenous woman representing a little-known campesino party with little infrastructure or funding, and who received the endorsement of Ms. Aldana, the former attorney general.

Para muchos, este campesino sin educación, que se volvió un magnate de las drogas, es un Robin Hood de nuestros tiempos, venerado por su lucha contra el gobierno y la generosidad que muestra con los pobres.

La pistola semiautomática Browning, que fue adquirida por un campesino en Greenville, Carolina del Norte, en 1991, desapareció de los registros públicos durante casi veinticuatro años, hasta que de pronto comenzó a causar estragos en Jamaica.

Un hombre con escasa educación formal, hijo de un campesino que logró convertirse en un poderoso narcotraficante, se casó con una reina de belleza y ejecutó dos escapes dignos de Houdini, El Chapo quería producir su película biográfica.

On the right side of the road, at the opening of an alley, there appeared a black and white mural of a campesino, wearing a straw hat that sprouted an entire ecosystem of corn and agave, ranching and farming, tradition and hope.

El escritor Enrique Krauze analiza la película más reciente de Alfonso Cuarón y sostiene que, entre otras cosas, es el relato realista de una clase social privilegiada que tiene una enorme deuda de desigualdad social, racial y de género con el México campesino e indígena.

"Voy a ser honesto: Fui del PRI toda mi vida, pero es tiempo de cambiar, es momento de ir con López Obrador y ver qué pasa", dijo Juan de Dios Rodríguez, un campesino de 70 años que admitió que por primera vez votó por otro partido.

They told jurors how he rose from being a poor campesino in the village of La Tuna in the Sierra Madre mountains to become a billionaire narco lord with a $10 million beach house, a fleet of private jets, a yacht he named for himself and a personal zoo.

Two of their findings are worth repeating: As a brief counterpoint to the mainly white room of creative writing graduate degrees, Spahr and Young offer a cursory look at racially and ethnically specific arts organizations tied to radical political movements in the US during the 1960s and '70s, such as the Black Arts Repertory Theatre, El Teatro Campesino, the Watts Writers Workshop, and the Nuyorican Poets Café.

It was just past ten in the morning and he wasn't working today—his new job, strictly gardening, was with an old white-haired campesino , Rudy, who booked the clients and then sat in his beater truck and read spy novels while Marciano did all the work—so he really had nothing to do but sit in front of the television in his room all day.

Loayza Caero, Román, and Shirley Rasguido. Román Loayza Caero: lider quechua, contribuyó al ascenso campesino indígena del país. Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 3. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. p.

8 He did his military service at the 8th cavallery regiment Mariscal Braun in Santa Cruz.Loayza Caero, Román, and Shirley Rasguido. Román Loayza Caero: lider quechua, contribuyó al ascenso campesino indígena del país. Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 3.

Mario Rivera Campesino (born 12 August 1977) is a Spanish professional football coach who is the ex manager of the East Bengal team.

In 1977, she presented Travelling, an exhibition of photography on an escalator. Among other works, she took: Paisajes pintados, Teatro campesino, Strip Tease.

After finishing his education at UCLA, González toured with the New Christy Minstrels, and then became music director for Luis Valdez' El Teatro Campesino.

Its success lies in the dynamic grassroots organization of peasants with other peasants. These improvements in organization and adoption of agroecological methods over time have increased productivity dramatically, and thus also food sovereignty, as well as resilience to climate change.Rosset, P.M. et al. (2011). The Campesino-to-Campesino agroecology movement of ANAP in Cuba: social process methodology in the construction of sustainable peasant agriculture and food sovereignty.

After approximately seven years, he left CONIC and helped form a new organization, Encuentro Campesino (Peasant Encounter/Gathering). Choc continued helping indigenous Q'eqchi' communities reclaim their rights, especially through Encuentro Campesino. Choc didn't only work with Q'eqchi' communities but also with Ladino (of Spanish or mixed descent) and Garifuna (of African descent) peasants. On February 14, 2008, Choc was illegally abducted by the military and threatened with assassination.

BOC poster The Workers and Peasants' Bloc (in Catalan: Bloc Obrer i Camperol, in Spanish: Bloque Obrero y Campesino; BOC) was a "Right Opposition" communist group in Spain.

Eric Holt Giménez is an agroecologist, political economist, lecturer and author. From 1975 to 2002 he worked in Mexico, Central America and South Africa in sustainable agricultural development. During this time he helped to start the Campesino a Campesino (Farmer to Farmer) Movement. He returned to the U.S. twice during this period: once for his M.Sc. in international agricultural development (UC Davis, 1981) and then for his Ph.D. in environmental studies (UC Santa Cruz, 2002).

He attempted to run as a candidate for the Alternativa party, whose campesino wing promoted his bid. The IFE eventually quashed his aspirations by ruling in favor of Patricia Mercado.

Centro Cultural Xochitepequense houses the Doctor Emeterio González Museo del Campesino (Peasant Museum). There are 500 objects on exhibit, including a meteorite, archaeological pieces, and agricultural tools in two exhibition halls.

Bienvenido Zacu Mborobainchi: líder de la marcha por la Asamblea Constituyente. Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 6. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. pp. 7-8 His grandfather had been a Guarayo leader.Zacu Mborobainchi, Bienvenido, and Ricardo Ontiveros. Bienvenido Zacu Mborobainchi: líder de la marcha por la Asamblea Constituyente. Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 6. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. pp. 15-17 Zacu Mborobainchi grew up in Urubichá.

The Juan Bautista de Anza House, the General José Castro house, and the San Juan Bautista Plaza Historic District are National Historic Landmarks. El Teatro Campesino is based in San Juan Bautista.

Hugo Blanco Galdós (born November 15, 1934) is a Peruvian political figure, leader of the Confederación Campesina del Perú (CCP, Campesino Confederation of Peru), leader of Trotsky's Fourth International and a writer.

John Henry González Duque is a Colombian farmer, activist, speaker, and a labor movement leader in Colombia, most recognized for his involvement with the Small Scale Farmers Movement of Cajibio (Movimiento Campesino de Cajibo).

Run by Colombian/German staff the Hostel can provide service in 3 different languages. The city is also host to the NGO Instituto Mayor Campesino (IMCA) that assists in the development of farming communities.

301 When the defence became impossible, Líster was ordered to withdraw his troops, following which he was criticized by El Campesino, who was trapped with the 46th Division in the city. But later both Líster and Modesto, leader of the V Army Corps, would in turn accuse El Campesino of having fled Teruel leaving his men behind.Hugh Thomas (1976); p. 853 Following the bloodbath at Teruel the 11th Division was sent to the rearguard in order to recover from the heavy losses it had suffered.

Protesters were entertained by Luis Valdez's El Teatro Campesino, which put on skits with a political message. Within the protest movement there were some tensions between the striking farm-workers and the influx of student radicals.

Active since 1965, Hamilton has recorded four albums: "Blues/Soul/R&B;" (2002), "Live at the Oxford Music Festival" (2005), "Live at Club Hades" (2007), and "Campesino Blues"(2011). "My Baby Must Have Died," written by Hamilton, is featured on a compilation album from a British label called Funkee Fish Records. "I Sold Your Ring Today," another Hamilton composition, is included on a compilation CD from the Network Pacific label in California. Five songs from "Campesino Blues" were selected for the soundtrack of Purgatory Comics, an independent film released by Warm Milk Productions in 2012.

Protests began on 24 December 2014 with clashes ensuing, with campesino protesters being arrested and allegedly beaten by Nicaraguan authorities, with 47 of the protesters and their leaders being arrested. It was reported that the government was searching each home in the area to find those who participated in the protests. On 26 December, protesters demonstrated outside of El Chipote Prison and were confronted by Sandinista Youth on motorcycles, with some protesters being released later that day. On 30 December 6 of the campesino leaders were released from El Chipote Prison.

In the Cochabamba region the verbal confrontations between the two sides were often tense, and the Veliz group launched the slogan "MAS is Unzaguist, falangist, heil heil Hitler".Loayza Caero, Román, and Shirley Rasguido. Román Loayza Caero: lider quechua, contribuyó al ascenso campesino indígena del país. Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 3. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. p. 27 MAS-IPSP itself however stressed that the adaptation of the name MAS was a mere formality, the membership cards issued by the organization carried the slogan "MAS legalmente, IPSP legítimamente".

His tenure as COB leader ended after being shot by a military patrol on June 18, 1981, after which he was paralyzed.Gianotten, Vera. CIPCA y poder campesino indígena: 35 años de historia. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. p.

Former president Jorge Fernando "Tuto" Quiroga Ramírez was the candidate of the Christian Democratic Party, which had recently been part of the PODEMOS opposition front. His running mate was Tomasa Yarhui, a lawyer and former Minister of Campesino Affairs.

Tomasa Yarhui Jacomé (born 7 March 1968) is a Bolivian lawyer and politician. She became the country's first indigenous government minister when she occupied the portfolio of Campesino Affairs during the government of President Jorge Quiroga in March 2002.

Plotino Constantino Rhodakanaty () was a Greek (or for others a Mexican) socialist and anarchist and a prominent Mormon pioneer who was an early activist in Mexico's mid-nineteenth century labor and campesino movement, foreshadowing the Mexican Revolution in 1910.

President Villeda Morales did not complete his term, forced out in a coup d'etat orchestrated on 3 October by officials of the Armed Forces of Honduras to prevent the popular Rodas Alvarado from coming to power, as his ideological inclinations were seen as unfavorable to the powerful transnational fruit companies from the United States and members of the national business elite. Former president and Nationalist strongman Tiburcio Carías Andino had remarked in a speech that the Armed Forces were the inheritors of "nacionalismo", bringing the military to his side. Popular anger over the crackdowns on campesino strikers was high. The campesino leader Lorenzo Zelaya, leader of the recently founded National Campesino Federation of Honduras (FENACH), was leading a struggle against the unjust terminations of 19,000 farmworkers in the northern zone of the country, which Rodas Alvarado had been supporting with proposals for jobs and improvements to wages and working conditions.

It eventually merged with the Right Opposition communist party Bloque Obrero y Campesino, to form the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM), which was also lead by Nin until his kidnapping and death at the hands of NKVD the following year.

Loyaza Caero led the MAS faction in the Constituent Assembly.PPB-CN sella alianza opositora con Román Loayza He would lead CSUTCB until 2005.Loayza Caero, Román, and Shirley Rasguido. Román Loayza Caero: lider quechua, contribuyó al ascenso campesino indígena del país.

Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 3. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. Back Cover At the time of its foundation, an IPSP flag was adopted. It was coffee-coloured and green, with a sun in the middle.

El Corrido is a 1976 musical comedy made for TV film directed and written by Luis Valdez, and produced by El Teatro Campesino. The film was adapted from Valdez's stage musical La Gran Carpa de los Rasquachis, which was also produced with El Teatro Campesino. El Corrido was aired on PBS on November 4, 1976 as part of its Ballad of a Farmworker television series. The film stars Felix Alvarez as Jesus Pelado Rasquachi, a young Mexican man who travels to the United States in search of work, suffering various unfortunate and comical events along the way.

Luis Valdez and El Teatro Campesino were known for their use of corrido in conjunction with the Mexican carpa (Comedic shows usually arranged out of tents) to portray modern life for farm-workers and migrants. While El Corrido is a comedy like most carpa's, El Corrido was especially known for its usage of supernatural elements and very dark humor to establish morality and spiritual conflict El Teatro Campesino was also notable for their use of actual migrants in their plays, they often cast family members and nearby workers in order to maintain authenticity in their work.

Trevelyan Micah, an agent of the Stellar Union's Coordination Service, is alerted to some suspicious activity on the part of Murdoch Juan, a Trader with whom Trevelyan has crossed paths before. Murdoch claims to be recruiting settlers for a newly discovered planet he calls Good Luck. However, the cost of building housing and infrastructure for the settlers would make the settlement uneconomical for Murdoch, and the equipment he is loading aboard his ship, the Campesino, seems mismatched for the planet he describes. When the Campesino sets out, Trevelyan and his alien partner Smokesmith pursue in a smaller, faster ship called the Genji.

The presidency of José María Achá was one of the most violent periods in Bolivia's history. Although the mining sector improved, it failed to stimulate agricultural production, and most haciendas continued in a relative state of stagnation. This malaise contributed to the survival of campesino communities during the 19th century, despite repeated assaults on their common landholdings by various governments. The tax burden on the Indians resulted in campesino revolts in Copacabana. The overthrow of Linares by a military coup in 1861 initiated one of the most violent periods in Bolivian history under the rule of General José María Achá (1861–64).

Jacob Padrón was raised in Gilroy, California. He is Mexican-American. During his youth he attended a production of "La Virgen del Tepeyac" put on by El Teatro Campesino. He soon joined the company and was a member through his teenage years.

Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 1. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. p. Back Cover In connection with his arrival to the FDTCLP leadership, the name "Túpaj Katari" was added the name of the organization.García Jordán, Pilar, and Miquel Izard.

Rubén Jaramillo in an undated photo Rubén Jaramillo Méndez (1900 – May 23, 1962) was a Mexican military and political leader of campesino origin who participated in the Mexican Revolution. After the Revolution, he continued to fight for the land reform promised under the Mexican Constitution.

FENAGH was anti-peasantry (against the campesino) as well as anti-Salvadoran. This group put pressure on the Honduran president, Gen. Oswaldo López Arellano, to protect the property rights of wealthy landowners.Anderson, Thomas P. The War of the Dispossessed: Honduras and El Salvador 1957.

La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. p. 10 In 1978 he became the treasurer of a consumers’ cooperative in Independencia.Loayza Caero, Román, and Shirley Rasguido. Román Loayza Caero: lider quechua, contribuyó al ascenso campesino indígena del país. Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 3. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. Back Cover Between 1983 and 1985 he was the general secretary of the Independencia Provincial Trade Union Centre. He then moved on to serve as Secretario de Vialidad of the Sindicato Unico de Trabajadores Campesinos de Cochabamba (SUTCCBA) between 1985 and 1987, then becoming the Organizing Secretary of SUTCCBA between 1987 and 1989 and International Secretary between 1989 and 1991.

Jenaro Flores Santos: líder fundador de la CSUTCB y de la resistencia a las dictaduras militares. Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 1. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. p. 6 Flores Santos did his military service in the Waldo Ballivián Regiment in 1965.

Instituto Mayor Campesino (IMCA) was founded by the Jesuits in Buga, Colombia, in 1962 to be of service to rural villagers. It has undertaken a wide variety of works over time for the integral development of workers and peasants.Occasional Papers series, Amherst U. Accessed 27 May 2016.

Evelio Duque, one of the rebel commanders, claimed in a June 1965 speech that the rebels had lost 1,200 killed and 5,000 imprisoned. Jose Suarez Amador put rebel deaths at 2,005.Joanna Swanger. "Rebel Lands of Cuba: The Campesino Struggles of Oriente and Escambray, 1934–1974." Page 243.

Notably, the majority of the grassroots supporters of ASP sided with Morales in the split. One of the prominent ASP leaders who sided with Morales was Román Loayza Caero, leader of CSUTCB.Loayza Caero, Román, and Shirley Rasguido. Román Loayza Caero: lider quechua, contribuyó al ascenso campesino indígena del país.

Rodolfo Montiel Flores is a campesino, a subsistence farmer, from the village El Mameyal in the state of Guerrero, Mexico. He was awarded the Goldman Environmental Prize in 2000Goldman Environmental Prize: Rodolfo Montiel Flores (Retrieved on December 16, 2016) for organizing campesinos to protest against rampant logging in their district.

22 Felipe Quispe aligned himself with Veliz's group. In the Cochabamba region the verbal confrontations between the two sides were often tense, the Veliz group launched the slogan "MAS is Unzaguist, falangist, heil heil Hitler".Loayza Caero, Román, and Shirley Rasguido. Román Loayza Caero: lider quechua, contribuyó al ascenso campesino indígena del país.

In 1994, Zayas and his band, "Taller Campesino," joined with the Smithsonian Folklife Festival for a series of performances at the DC Mall, and followed with a US tour. That year, he also participated in the Banco Popular's Christmas program with a runaway piece called, "Duelo de los Cuatros," with Pedrito Guzmán.

Remnants of the system are still found today in modern Peru, such as the Mink'a () communal work that is levied in Andean Quechua communities. An example is the campesino village of Ocra close to Cusco, where each adult is required to perform 4 days of unpaid labor per month on community projects.

Usually, the mink'a labor is without salary, such as in the public works projects of Ocra, a campesino community in the Andes. Faenas are seen as a labor tribute to the community or a cash-free form of local taxation. Mink'a is mainly practiced in Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile and Paraguay.

His dissertation research was the basis for his first book Campesino a Campesino: Voices from the farmer-to- farmer movement for sustainable agriculture in Latin America. After receiving his Ph.D. with an emphasis in agroecology and political economy, he taught as a university lecturer at UC Santa Cruz and Boston University in the International Honors Program in Global Ecology. He gives yearly courses of food systems transformation and social movements in Italy in the Masters program of the University of Gastronomic Sciences in Pollenzo (slow food) and in the doctoral program at the Universidad de Antioquia in Medellín, Colombia. His work has appeared in The New York Times, The Herald Tribune, Le Monde Diplomatique, La Jornada and The Des Moines Register.

A key component of the agroecological method used to achieve food sovereignty is campesino-a- campesino, or farmer-to-farmer knowledge exchange, which is an effective way to strengthen social relations within and between communities. Similarly, the collaboration between researchers from universities and farmer research projects allows farmers to have greater social standing than in industrial agriculture where they are simply told what to do. Additionally, indigenous customs and knowledge are highly valued, whereas they have historically been considered irrelevant by most agronomists and "development experts". Through the agroecological techniques that produce a higher and more diverse overall crop yield than industrial agriculture, small-scale farmers are able to be self-sufficient and at the same time produce excess to sell in local "solidarity markets," i.e.

Born in a peasant campesino family, Cabrera grew up in El Asintal on the west coast of Guatemala and married at the age of 15. She has recounted of how she spent her childhood working barefoot harvesting coffee with her mother and sisters, only to be cheated by those who paid them for their labor.

427 pp. # Año nuevo, vida nueva [Drama] in Doce a las doce. Works by Alejandro Licona, Willebaldo López, Pilar Campesino, Tomás Urtusástegui, Miguel Ángel Tenorio, Antonio González Caballero, Tomás Espinosa, Dante del Castillo, Víctor Hugo Rascón Banda, Pablo Salinas, Norma Román Calvo and Marcela del Río. México: Obra citada, 1989. 183-202. 202 pp.

Local actors include water users and farmer organizations, campesino communities, indigenous people, public and private enterprises, NGOs, Universities, and public local entities. The Interinstitucional del Agua (CONIAG), created in 2002 though Decree No. 26599, is aimed at create a forum for government, social and economic organizations to agree on legal, institutional and technical aspects related to water resources management.

Bienvenido Zacu Mborobainchi: líder de la marcha por la Asamblea Constituyente. Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 6. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. back cover In 2002, Zacu Mborobainchi led the 'March for Popular Sovereignty, Territory and Natural Resources', a protest march by foot that went from Santa Cruz de la Sierra to La Paz.

At least two photos were taken of Cajemé during his arrest, in both traditional Mexican campesino garb (as shown in the first photo), as well as in a dark blue military jacket that he was known to wear when fighting. In both photos he is seen holding a Carbine, and carrying a white-handled Colt revolver.

NPR Music Bobine by Ska Cubano was used in the soundtrack of the first series of Dexter, an American television series set in Miami. In 2010/11, their song Soy Campesino was used extensively for adverts for UK electrical store Comet. The Ska Cubano project was suspended and the band stopped accepting touring requests in 2014.

MECATE (Movimiento de Expresión Campesina Artística y Teatral) can be translated to Campesino Movement of Rural Artistic and Theatrical Expression. With her organization Bustos stages plays and songs, and publishes stories and poems. On stage she uses costumes and theatrical property that originate from the cultural tradition of the campesinos. Furthermore, she organizes workshops, meetings and exchanges.

President Ismael Montes dominated the Liberal era. Pando, however, reneged on his promises and allowed the assault on Indian land to continue. The government suppressed a series of campesino uprisings and executed the leaders. One of these revolts, led by Pablo Zárate (Willka), was one of the largest Indian rebellions in the history of the republic.

Jenaro Flores Santos: líder fundador de la CSUTCB y de la resistencia a las dictaduras militares. Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 1. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. p. 9 From 1968, Flores Santos emerged as the leader of the La Paz-based Aymara nucleus of peasant activists that sought to challenge the Military-Peasant Pact.

Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 3. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. p. 7 Loayza Caero was a candidate in the 2009 presidential election, on behalf of the grouping ‘Gente’. However, shortly before the election he withdrew from the race and broke with Gente after having received low percentages in pre-poll opinion surveys.

The Reaper ("El segador"), also known as Catalan peasant in revolt ("El campesino catalán en rebeldía") was a large mural created by Joan Miró in Paris in 1937 for the Spanish Republic’s pavilion at the 1937 Paris International Exhibition. One of Miró's largest works ( high), it was destroyed or lost in 1938, and only a few black and white photographs survive.

The second annual Cesar Chavez Convocation occurred on May 16, 2005. The keynote speaker that participated in the convocation was the artist, director and founder of El Teatro Campesino, Luis Valdez. Through the framework of Luis Valdez accomplishments the convocation sought to honor Cesar Chavez’s life work. The second annual Cesar Chavez Convocation sought to continue a theme of Social Justice.

On March 25, Yagüe took Fraga and entered Catalonia. He attacked the next town, Lleida, but El Campesino held him off for a week, giving the Republicans a chance to withdraw with valuable equipment.Hugh Thomas, (2001), pp. 778-779. The retreat of the Republican forces was covered by Colonel Durán's Mountain Group in the Maestrazgo, the rugged mountainous area of southern Aragon.

Ocra (from Quechua "ayllu Uqra Katunki", named after the plant Okra and the hacienda "Katunki" that used to be where Ocra is today) is a Quechuan Campesino community within the Chinchaypujio District in Peru and about 1.5 hours outside of Cusco; its central village is located at altitude. Instituto Nacional de Estadística e Informática. Banco de Información Distrital . Retrieved April 11, 2008.

Broyles-Gonzalez, Yolanda "The Living Legacy of Chicana Performances: Preserving History through Oral Testimony" Frontiers Vol. XI, NO. 1 1990 She joined El Teatro Campesino during the mid-1970s. In political sketches for César Chávez and full-length works, she honed her comedic skills performing on a variety of stages from flat bed trucks to ancient European Greco Roman amphi-theatres.Broyles-Gonzalez, Yolanda.

El Teatro Campesino Theater in the Chicano Movement. Austin. University of Texas Press 1994 In 1988 she co-founded the comedy troupe Latins Anonymous as a response to the Hollywood stereotyping of Latino actors.Latins Anonymous. Houston: Arte Publico Press University of Houston Rodriguez then served as director of the Latino Theatre Initiative at the Mark Taper Forum from 1995–2000.

Nuestra guerra. Memorias de un luchador. p. 152 Once in Aragon the division participated in the Zaragoza Offensive on 24 August which eventually gave way to the difficult Battle of Belchite. The 11th Division fought these battles together with the 35th International led by General "Walter" and again with the 46th Division led by "El Campesino".Hugh Thomas (1976); p.

The Trade Union Confederation of Bolivian Workers (, CSTB) was the largest and most prominent trade union confederation in Bolivia from 1936 to 1952. A National Labor Congress met on 29 November–6 December 1936, with 134 delegates present, and created the CSTB.Luis Antezana Ergueta. La revolución campesina en Bolivia: historia del sindicalismo campesino. La Paz, Bolivia: Empresa Editora "Siglo," 1982. P.12.

Coordination among indigenous, campesino, and agrarian movements in Bolivia increased in the 1990s, particularly through collaboration in joint mobilizations and increased cooperation between department-wide organization in Santa Cruz. During the third national indigenous march, five Santa Cruz organizations fused to form the Bloque Oriente (literally, "Eastern Bloc"): Coordinadora de Pueblos Étnicos de Santa Cruz (CPESC), Federación Sindical de Única de Trabajadores Campesinos Santa Cruz Apiagüayki Tumpa (FSUTC-SC), the Movimiento Sin Tierra (MST), the Federación Departamental de Mujeres Campesinas Bartolina Sisa (FDMC-BS), and the Federación Departamental de Colonizadores de Santa Cruz (FDC-SC). In La Paz, a coalition of grassroots organizations signed the Pact of Unity and Commitment () among campesino, indigenous, and originally peoples organizations of Bolivia () on March 15, 2002. This document was drafted and issued at the end of a movement summit on the question of constitutional reform.

In September 1969 the first study course in the history of Bolivia for campesino Indian women was held under the auspices at the Local Spiritual Assembly of La Paz and the Regional Teaching Committee of Departmento La Paz. The Cúellars moved to the United States in 1969 to live near their daughter. For her service to the religion Sra. Cúellar was titled the "Spiritual Mother of Bolivia".

San Pedro has more than 6,000 phone lines installed. The radio stations Ykuamandyju and Ñasaindy transmit in AM, and the stations Santaní, Choré, Amistad, San Estanislao, Tapiracuai, La Voz del Campesino and Libertad transmit in FM. The city also has television channels, a post office, and public transportation. In San Pedro are 54,707 housings: 8,251 in the urban area and 46,456 in the rural area.

Valdez and his brother co-founded the theater group, Teatro Campesino. In 1973, Valdez's first solo album, Mestizo, became the first Chicano album to be produced by a major label, A&M; Records. During the late 1970s, Valdez appeared in such films as Which Way Is Up? (1977), with Richard Pryor, and The China Syndrome (1979), with Jane Fonda, Jack Lemmon and Michael Douglas.

Los Vendidos (Spanish for The Sold Ones or The Sellouts) is a one-act play by Chicano playwright Luis Valdez, a founding member of El Teatro Campesino. He wrote it in 1967, and it was first performed at the Brown Beret junta in Elysian Park, East Los Angeles. The play examines stereotypes of Latinos in California and how they are treated by local, state, and federal governments.

However, the local campesino women demanded that, as a woman, she be given a proper Christian burial. When her death was announced over the radio, Guevara, still struggling through the jungles close by, refused to believe the news; suspecting it was army propaganda to demoralise him. Later, when Fidel Castro learned of her demise, he declared "Tania the guerrilla" a hero of the Cuban Revolution.

12\. Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) In recent years there have been more controversial retablos, such as those showing exploitation and mistreatment of the Indigenous peoples, and the plight of the Andean people caught between leftist guerrillas and the security forces of the State. One recurring theme is the way the campesino is caught between the Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) Marxist guerrillas and the military.

TIERRA O MUERTE. VENCEREMOS. MOVIMIENTO CAMPESINO REVOLUCIONARIO. The newspaper reported "total intransigence" on the part of the Indians, who claimed that the lands were stolen from their community in the past and insisted upon remaining on the farm until it was repossessed by the Agrarian Reform Corporation (CORA). This is significant because in 1971 and 1972 some 120 farms were repossessed in this manner.

The Portal de las Palomas (The entrance hall of the Columbidae) is home to several traditional bars, fronted by a square called Plaza Tacuba. Away from the center of the town are a number of other landmarks. The Casa de Campesino is a construction from the 18th century which was the home of various organizations for rural farmers. Today it is a multiuse building.

The trademark character made its debut on a whole-page ad in the Sunday edition of The New York Times on January 6, 1960, featuring a country farmer (campesino) carrying coffee on his mule Conchita. In November 2019, the Federation received the Distinguished Leadership Award for Social Equity from the Inter- American Dialogue. The award was presented by the vice president of Colombia, Marta Lucía Ramírez.

The Indian Movement Túpac Katari (, MITKA) was an Indigenous political party in Bolivia. The Indian Movement Túpac Katari was founded in April 1978 by Luciano Tapia Quisbert. Proclaiming itself “the political vanguard of the Indian people of Collasuyo” with the policy of returning to communal forms of production and the re-establishment of the indigenous languages, MITKA's base was in the campesino communities of the altiplano (Andean high plain).James Dunkerley.

Hamilton lived and toured in Europe from 2006 to 2010. In 2011, he relocated to Austin, TX, where he was signed by AMI Records, a small independent label that released "Campesino Blues" (nine studio tracks plus three live tracks recorded in Poland and Austin, TX) at the end of 2011. Billy Hamilton now plays various venues in central Texas with the latest incarnation of his band, The Lowriders.

Máximo Castillo was born on May 11, 1864 on his grandfather's ranch in Chihuahua outside the village of San Nicolás de Carretas (now Gran Morelos). The ranch was home to nearly four thousand mestizos, including his parents who owned several small tracts of land. At eighteen, he married María de Jesús Flores. Though he was a literate and respected campesino, he, his wife, and their two children struggled financially.

In the play, set in the mid-1990s, workers in a Watsonville, California cannery strike. The workers at the Pajaro Valley Cannery strike partly because they want additional rights,Mendoza, p. 134. and also because they want to be paid better wages. As strategies the workers use a type of protest theater used by El Teatro Campesino and they also use hunger strikes in the manner done by César Chávez.

Upon returning to Guatemala, Mack conducted fieldwork among several of the many Maya campesino communities who were uprooted during the Civil War. She became sympathetic to their cause and became more of a human rights activist. As she was working closely with the indigenous peoples, she learned about the attacks made against them by government forces. On 11 September 1990, she was assassinated outside her office in Guatemala City.

The Republican military commander Valentín González El Campesino refers to the existence of a gang of Spanish children in Kokand, who refused to mix with Russian children, and who used the flag of the Spanish Republic as an emblem. González said that when one of those children was captured and executed, it was not in his role as a bandit, but as a supposed "Falangist".González González, Valentín.

After the fall of the Bilbao's Iron Ring, it went to Santander and from there to Asturias, participating in the Battle of Mazuco. In this battle, the entire battalion was decorated with the Medal of Freedom (highest distinction of the Second Spanish Republic) awarded by Belarmino Tomás, president of the Sovereign Council of Asturias and León, to the commander of the battalion, Antonio Teresa de Miguel. When the northern front fell, he managed to embark in Avilés for Bordeaux. From there he was transferred by train to Catalonia. In December 1937, Marcelino Bilbao joined and commanded the “63. Maxim ”Machine Gun Company of the Special Defense Against Aircraft (DECA) of the People's Army of the Republic (EPR). Under his leadership the unit fought in the Battle of Teruel (February 1938), where he met Valentín González, “El Campesino”. After the unsuccessful offensive on Teruel, the company fell back until it reached Lleida, where it coincided with Valentín González (“El Campesino”) and Enrique Lister.

The United Nations and even its Human Rights Council prominently uses the term "peasant" in a non-pejorative sense, just like in its Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas adopted in 2018. In general English-language literature, the use of "peasant" has been in steady decline since 1970. More precise terms that describe current farm laborers without land ownership are farmworker or campesino, tenant farmer, and sharecropper.

He has been director of the Paulo Freire Institute of Social Training. He was a member of the , and during the Popular Unity government he was a member of the MAPU Obrero Campesino. After the return of democracy he identified himself as an independent close to the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh). This same party proclaimed him presidential candidate for the 2005 election, where he finally yielded his selection to the humanist Tomás Hirsch.

The Finnish-language rendering of "Paloma Blanca" has been recorded by Aaron (fi), Jukka Kuoppamäki, and Matti ja Teppo. Patricia Lavila (fr) recorded both French and Italian renderings of "Paloma Blanca", the former reaching No. 39 on the French chart. French singer Georgie Dann recorded a version in Spanish of the song, released in 1975 in Spain as the B-side of "Campesino". Other versions were by Demis Roussos and Slim Whitman.

In 1966 Barrientos legitimized his rule by winning the presidential election. He formed the Popular Christian Movement (Movimiento Popular Cristiano, MPC) as his base of support. Although the MPC was not very successful, he won the election with a coalition of conservative politicians, the business community, and the peasants. Barrientos's efforts to build support in the countryside succeeded at first with the signing in February 1964 of the Military-Peasant Pact (Pacto Militar-Campesino).

KFSC-LP (94.1 FM) was a radio station licensed to broadcast in Visalia, California, United States. KFSC-LP's license was cancelled on December 1, 2013, for failing to file an application for renewal with the Federal Communications Commission. The station was owned by Friends of Radio Grito/Proyecto Campesino. Past programming formats included Latin music of various genres such as conjunto y norteño, La Onda Chicana, mariachi, pop y rock en español, and Tejano.

The new coach will be announced within a few days. On 22 January, the East Bengal FC management announced a double signing: Liberian striker Ansumana Kromah and Monotosh Chakladar for the remainder of the season. Mario Rivera Campesino was appointed the new head coach on 23 January, a few hours later Alejandro Menendez left the city. Mario worked with the club in the previous season as the assistant coach and video analyst.

In 1975, he auditioned with Pedro Conga and his International Orchestra and was hired as a singer. After a short while, he left the band and joined the "Conjunto Borincuba", conducted by Justo Betancourt, as lead singer. With this band, he participated in the recording of Con Amor (With Love), which became a "hit" in 1978. That same year Rojas joined the Fania All-Stars and had a "hit" song with El Campesino (The Farmer).

Of campesino origin, he was probably a Morisco (Iberian Muslim converted to Christianity) or Mudéjar (Iberian Muslim not converted to Christianity). He learned to read and write studying with the Jesuits in Cádiz. He embarked from Spain for America at a young age, attracted by the promise of easy riches that the New World seemed to offer. He tried various schemes over many years in Peru, but without making the fortune he sought.

Moreover, there is an indirect subsidy on interest rates for internal financing funds and those projects co financed by Non- governmental organizations. The campesino and indigenous community have never paid for water use. This together with the fact that they are the poorest group in Bolivia has traditionally excluded this group for water user tariffs in Water Law drafted in the past. Moreover, the Water Law of 1906 does not either establish a system to grant water rights.

She was invited to events such as World Crafts Council meetings in and out of Mexico and won many national and international prizes and other recognitions. Two years before her death, Nelson Rockefeller came to Oaxaca to meet her, who collected over 175 pieces of her work. Her ceramics also made her relatively wealthy by rural Oaxaca standards. However, she remained a “campesino” with this wealth mostly shown in the way of the purchase of farm animals.

Ramón then became the only female co-founder of KDNA (she served as station manager from 1979 to 1984). After all this, a search for an acronym was done and KDNA was formed. When pronounced, KDNA sounded like "cadena" (the word for "chain" in Spanish, it was labeled Radio Cadena. Along with a new acronym, KDNA, the small program also received a new slogan: "Radio Cadena, La Voz de Campesino" ("Radio Cadena, the Voice of the Farmworker").

Though unschooled in any formal setting, Abraham Salazar has studied art and executes pastoral scenes of Mexican campesino (peasant) life that are outstanding examples of the form. With his brother Roberto Mauricio Salazar, and Felix Camilo Ayala, Juan Camilo Ayala, he formed a cooperative. While many in the tradition never became known for their works, Salazar was the subject of a seminal (now out-of-print) book on the high-quality papel amate paintings of the Nahuatl.

Then attendees return to Self Help, where altars, ofrendas, prints, and other works are exhibited. Often there are musical and theatrical performances. In 1978, Luis Valdez's Teatro Campesino performed El Fin del Mundo as part of the program. The event has not only been the occasion to, as a promotional brochure explains, "learn about the important role that heritage and tradition play in defining who we are", but has also been used to make artistic and political statements.

National tier winners include: Air Canada (Canada), Arcor (Argentina), Banco de Chile (Chile), Banco do Brasil (Brazil), Banco Mercantil Santa Cruz (Bolivia), Banco Popular (Puerto Rico), Budweiser (US), Café Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic), Campesino (Paraguay), Copa Airlines (Panama), De Prati (Ecuador), Disney (US), Dos Pinos (Costa Rica), El Corral (Colombia), Fontana Pharmacy (Jamaica), Ford and HP from the US, J.P. Wiser's and Manulife from Canada, Prüne (Argentina), Televisa and TELMEX from Mexico, Unimed (Brazil) and Volt (Peru).

The recently opened casino Plaza Sol de los Lagos is a new popular attraction for tourists and locals alike. Osorno hosts a number of annual celebrations. The Festival de la Carne y la Leche (Milk and Meat Festival) is a music festival held annually in late January, features performances by national music pop singers and bands. The Festival del Folklore Campesino (Country Folk Festival) held annually in mid- January, features performances of regional music folk artists.

Luis Valdez founded El Teatro Campesino, which is the first farm workers theater in Delano, CA where the actors educated and entertained workers on their civil rights. He was a playwright, producer, and director, and was heavily inspired by Cesar Chavez.Julio Cammarota, Revolutionizing education: Youth participatory action research in motion, (New York City: New York, Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2010), 131. His 1978 play "Zoot Suit", was based on the 1943 Zoot Suit Riots in Los Angeles.

Cuban güiro Zapateo is a typical dance of the Cuban "campesino" or "guajiro," of Spanish origin. It is a dance of pairs, involving tapping of the feet, mostly performed by the male partner. Illustrations exist from previous centuries and today it survives cultivated by Folk Music Groups as a fossil genre. It was accompanied by tiple, guitar and güiro, in combined 6/8 and 3/4 rhythm (hemiola), accented on the first of every three quavers.

PCH took the initiative to launch FPH in September 1979, with the intention of contesting upcoming elections, following the successes of the Nicaraguan Revolution. The founding leader of FPH was Aníbal Delgado Fiallos, an intellectual connected with the labour movement in northern Honduras.Proceso Digital. Muere destacado dirigente Liberal Aníbal Delgado Fiallos en San Pedro Sula Organizations participating in FPH included Central General de Trabajadores (CGT), the Frente Nacional Campesino Hondureño and the Federación de Estudiantes Universitarios (FEUH).

Diane Rodriguez was a Latino theatre professional. By Kat Avila she was born in the 1950s to American parents from farm working families."Cruising Through Town in a Red Convertible", in anthology Puro Teatro, A Latina Anthology, 2000 Tucson: University of Arizona Press. She co-founded two theatre companies, El Teatro de la Esperanza (Theatre of Hope) and Latins Anonymous, and was a leading actress for the seminal Chicano theatre group, El Teatro Campesino (Theater of the Farmworkers).

El Segundo Barrio has been the "starting point for thousands of families" coming from Mexico since the 1880s. It is the second historic neighborhood of El Paso, the first being Barrio Chihuahuita. The railroad arrived in El Paso in 1881, and afterwards, the population of El Paso grew quickly. The first resident of Segundo Barrio was a campesino, or farm worker, named Santiago Alvarado, who received a Mexican land grant to farm the area in 1834.

This trio played traditional Latin American music and songs at college events, bars, and university spaces. He graduated from Santa Cruz in 1986 and subsequently worked in theater with "El Teatro De La Esperanza" in San Francisco, California, and El Teatro Campesino with Luis Valdez (producer of La Bamba). One of his most important experiences during this period was to perform in a bilingual theater for immigrant children, which resulted in his concert and album Para Los Chiquitos.

Alba began to study rights at a young age, beginning his studies at the University of Barcelona. He started his career as a political journalist at a young age. Affiliated with the Bloque Obrero y Campesino (BOC)(Workers and Peasants' Bloc), he later worked for the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) when the BOC combined with it. During the Spanish Civil War, he was the director of La Batalla, the organ of expression for the POUM.

Gonzalez has collaborated musically and/or toured with numerous artists, including Los Lobos, Los Van Van, Jackson Browne, Susana Baca, Perla Batalla, Jaguares, Ozomatli, Jonathan Richman, Los Muñequitos de Matanzas, ¡Cubanismo!, Taj Mahal, Tom Waits, Los Super Seven, Lila Downs, Raul Malo, Rick Trevino, Son de Madera, Relicario, Chuchumbe Charanga Cakewalk, B-Side Players, Teatro Campesino and Laura Rebolloso. In the summer of 2014 Gonzalez’s tarima (stomp box) and zapateado shoes were acquired by the National Museum of American History.

The initial goals of APROH were to attract foreign investment and to block the growth of "popular organizations" (labor unions, campesino and other activist groups) such as those that supported the FMLN in El Salvador. APROH's acceptance of funding from the South Korea-based Unification Church proved controversial, garnering negative publicity for both the organization and Álvarez. The general's purportedly-popular following, moreover, was suspect. He seemed much more comfortable and adept at high-level political maneuvering than grassroots organization.

Witnesses testified that he had assisted someone wounded by campesino protesters before being attacked himself. There has been speculation that Ticacolque's dying or dead body, which was carried through the same intersection, may have helped to incite the violence against Urresti. Luciano Colque, a 45-year-old coca farmer who joined the protests on January 10, was beaten severely by civic protesters on January 11, and received care at Hospital Viedma. He died of cranial trauma early in the morning of February 27.

Two seats each were selected by indigenous people and by peasants through usos y costumbres. In alliance with the indigenous and peasant representatives, the MAS-IPSP controls the presidency of the Assembly. The three MNR representatives and their alternates were derecognized by the national party in 2010 when they backed MAS-IPSP policies and leadership. The December 2011 suspension of Governor Ernesto Suarez was backed by 15 votes, including the MAS and MNR delegations, and two indigenous or campesino representatives.

For the audio component of the album, The Ex recorded four tracks at Koeienverhuur Studios and invited van der Weert to contribute vocals. Two are Spanish language songs with music and lyrics originally sung by 1930s Spanish revolutionary forces and supporters. On the flip side of each single was an English language song about the revolution, one assembled from lines borrowed from other Spanish revolutionary songs, the other quoted an interview with a campesino recorded in Ronald Fraser's book, Blood Of Spain.

He left the CNT and became an activist in the socialist Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT, General Workers' Union). From 1931 Vidiella was head of the Catalan Federation of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE, Spanish Socialist Workers' Party). Efforts to merge the small left-wing parties of Catalonia began in March 1935. The Bloque Obrero y Campesino and the Izquierda Comunista merged in October 1935 to form the Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxista (POUM, Workers' Party of Marxist Unification).

Eventually an uncle decided to help him train his voice and compose songs; Diomedes mastered his vocal training and was invited to perform at parties. He moved to Valledupar to work as a gardener, and also worked as a messenger and office boy for local radio station Radio Guatapuri. Between 1974 and 1975, he got his first recording deal with Jorge Quiróz and Luciano Poveda, a vallenato group. They recorded the song "La Negra and Cantor Campesino", which won Díaz fame.

This traveling Latino theater company toured the United States, Mexico, Central America, and Western Europe. El Teatro de la Esperanza toured and put on performances until the 1990s. According to ex-artistic director Rodrigo Duarte Clark, it was intended to be "revolutionary" and was inspired by El Teatro Campesino touring company founded by Luis Valdez. El Teatro de la Esperanza started in Santa Barbara but moved to San Francisco's Mission District shortly after its founding, where it operated for over 20 years.

As the Nationalists advanced on the right flank, the Republican troops collapsed, and Barron advanced from Boadilla and reached Las Rozas on 4 January. Yet in Pozuelo the Republican Modesto division, consisting of four mixed brigades, led by El Campesino, Luis Barcelo, Gustavo Duran and Cipriano Mera, managed to hold the front. Furthermore, the heavy fog slowed the Nationalist advance. On 5 January Nationalist forces under Varela concentrated his eight batteries of 105 and 155 mm artillery, tanks and aircraft on Pozuelo.

Under the agreement, the campesino militias agreed to adopt an anti-leftist stance and to subordinate themselves to the army. But his attempt to impose taxes on peasants resulted in a violent response and loss of support in rural areas. Determined to keep the labor sector under control, Barrientos took away most of the gains it had achieved during the MNR's rule. He placed Comibol under the control of a military director and abolished the veto power of union leaders in management decisions.

Broyles-González is a professor and chair of the department of American Ethnic Studies at Kansas State University. She previously taught at University of California, Santa Barbara and University of Arizona. Her research in Germany resulted in her doctoral dissertation on the German response to Latin American literature and the reception of Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges and Chilean poet Pablo Neruda (1979). She has also written El Teatro Campesino: Theater in the Chicano Movement (1994) which focuses on women and performance.

Isaías Juárez (1885–1967) was a leader in The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) in Mexico, an agriculturalist and a local judge and political leader in San Pedro Mártir. Juarez was born to a poor family was born in San Pedro Martir, not far from Mexico City. He had little education and was often called a "campesino" by those who opposed his policies. In 1907, he and his wife Magdalena were baptized into the LDS Church.

Reflecting both history and culture, Honduran folk traditions accompany and represent significant events in peoples' lives. Since the 1950s, folklorists starting with Rafael Manzanares Aguilar have documented about 150 traditional dances and the costumes and music that have accompanied them in the communities from which they originated. The National Office of Folklore is part of the Ministry of Public Education. These are broadly categorized as colonial, mestizo, indigenous (or campesino), and Garifuna, reflecting the primary cultural influence of a particular dance.

POUM came out as a result of the merger of Izquierda Comunista de España (ICE) and Bloque Obrero y Campesino (BOC), representing Trotskyist factions in the anarchist and communist movements. It was led by Andreu Nin, Joaquín Maurín and Juan Andrade. It saw its greatest support in Catalonia, where BOC had already developed a large support organization. As dissenting communists, they would soon find themselves in conflict with the Communist Party of Spain, and CNT who saw them as potential rivals.

Conalid directed the Permanent Executive Coordination and Operations Council (Consejo Permanente de Coordinación Ejecutiva y Operativa—Copceo). Like Conalid, Copceo was headed by the foreign minister, and its membership also included the ministers of interior, migration, and justice; planning and coordination; social services and public health; agriculture, campesino affairs, and livestock affairs; education and culture; national defense; and finance. A new National Executive Directorate (Directorio Ejecutivo Nacional—DEN) was to support Copceo's plans and program dealing with alternative development, drug prevention, and coca- crop eradication.

She resigned this post after her nomination as Minister of Campesino Affairs and Indigenous and Native Peoples in the second cabinet of President Jorge Quiroga (2001–2002), replacing Wigberto Rivero and becoming the first indigenous woman to head a ministry in Bolivia. Until August 2001 she was a member of the MBL's regional management. She was then elected alternate senator of the Social Democratic Power political front (Podemos) for Chuquisaca for the 2006–2010 term. In parallel to her political life, Yarhui decided to further her education.

On 7 March 1973, the MAPU split into two feuding groups: one organization, led by Oscar Guillermo Garretón and Eduardo Aquevedo embraced Marxism-Leninism and militant leftist positions. This group was supported by the Socialist Party, the MIR and the Izquierda Cristiana. The other faction, led by Jaime Gazmuri and Enrique Correa criticized the former for ultraleftism and formed a new party, MAPU Obrero Campesino, that was close to PCCh and followed more moderate tactics. Both groups remained in the Unidad Popular until it was overthrown.

Princess Grace Foundation, "Yareli Arizmendi", Princess Grace Foundation, circa 2014. She also starred in the 2004 film A Day Without a Mexican which she wrote and produced with her husband Sergio Arau who directed it. Arizmendi is also known for her roles in A Day Without a Mexican and Emmy-winning television shows such as Six Feet Under, Heroes, House, The Agency, 24, Medium, NYPD Blue and Chicago Hope. She worked with Luis Valdez and Teatro Campesino and toured with Teatro de la Esperanza to Nicaragua.

After retiring as a player, he became a manager along 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and 1990s with Club León, Unión de Curtidores, Atletas Campesino and Atlético Morelia. He twice won both the Copa México as Campeón de Campeones with Club Leon in the early 1970s. Then he managed Unión de Curtidores in the only two seasons this club advanced to play-offs, and was awarded as Primera División's best coach one time. He achieved the championship in Segunda División with Atléticos Campesinos in partnership with Antonio Ascencio.

For example, campesino groups staged rallies outside the Constituent Assembly's chambers to press their demand for continuation of the agrarian-reform decrees. The drafting of the constitution was delegated by the Constituent Assembly to a special commission composed of representatives of all the major political parties. The assembly agreed to reinstate the 1962 constitution (with only a few exclusions) until a constitution was produced and approved. At the same time, the deputies voted to affirm the validity of the decrees issued by the junta governments (including those that enacted agrarian, banking, and foreign-commerce reforms).

In the 1990s, the logging company Boise Cascade Corp. made efforts to establish itself in this part of Guerrero state, making arrangements with national and local leaders to log forests located on ejido land in the area. The logging quickly began to exceed legal limits and began seriously damaging the ecology of the area, such as causing rivers and streams like the Coyuquilla River to dry up. Local farmers depend on these resources and, in the late 1990s, banded together to form the Campesino Environmentalist Organization of Petatlan and Coyuca de Catalan (OCEP).

Active in the first half of the century, sculptor Carlos Bracho's work has been compared to that of Juan Rulfo. His works have been done in plaster, bronze, terracotta and green onyx and include monumental works which can be found in the cities of Xalapa, Puebla, Pachuca and Mexico City. His best-known works are El abrazo, Cabeza verde and El campesino se apodera de la tierra. Norberto Martínez only lived 45 years but is considered one of the most prolific of Mexican painters who dedicated most of his works to social themes.

El Teatro Campesino was founded in 1965 as the cultural wing of the United Farm Workers. Chicano/a performance art continued with the work of Los Angeles' comedy troupe Culture Clash, Guillermo Gómez-Peña, and Nao Bustamante, known internationally for her conceptual art pieces and as a participant in Work of Art: The Next Great Artist. Chicano performance art became popular in the 1970s, blending humor and pathos for tragicomic effect. Groups such as Asco and the Royal Chicano Air Force illustrated this aspect of performance art through their work.

Welch, C., 2001. Peasants and globalization in Latin America: a survey of recent literature. Paper presented at the XXIII International Congress of the Latin American Studies Association, 6–8 September, Washington, DC. According to Desmarais (2008), the term "peasant" in English has a connotation related to feudalism, but in other languages and contexts, the meaning is broader; campesino comes from the word campo, meaning "countryside", which ties the people to the land. This feudalist connotation is one reason why the organization chose not to translate its name into English.

Andreu Nin y la revolución española. It was published jointly by Libros de la Catarata and the Fundació Andreu Nin, and is a personal and observed discussion of the poorly understood time period and political movement – some have called it one of the two most important works about the POUM, the other being Andrew Durgan's study of the Bloque Obrero y Campesino, BOC 1930-1936. As yet neither work is available in English. His personal archive is located in the Pavelló de la República CRAI Library - University of Barcelona .

Choquehuanca, who is of Aymara descent, is an activist in the Aymara indigenous and campesino movement. Starting in the 1980s, he worked in support of the Unified Syndical Confederation of Rural Workers of Bolivia, through various political actions, trainings, and congresses."Estaba presente en los bloqueos de caminos, huelgas de hambre, movilizaciones sociales, talleres de capacitación, ampliados y congresos de las organizaciones del movimiento popular." From 1998 to 2005, he worked as National Coordinator of the Programa Nina (meaning fire in Aymara), an NGO consortium that provides training to rural movement leaders.

Choquehuanca visited the Eighth Grand National Indigenous March twice on behalf of the government. On September 14 and 15, he conveyed the message that "We cannot change what the president has already decided" at the beginning of a long but fruitless dialogue with leaders of CIDOB and the Subcentral TIPNIS. From September 15, the march was blockaded from advancing by a crowd of some 200 campesino and colonizers' union members at the San Lorenzo bridge of Yucumo. Between the two protests, police set up a their own blockade, preventing the march from advancing.

El Corridor was first produced as a stage musical with El Teatro Campesino as La gran Carpa de los RasquachisI. Valdez made many revisions to the story of El Corrido over the 60's and 70's, before culminating in his most polished version of the play. Valdez was known for the musical style known as corrido, a narrative form of storytelling that heavily incorporated Mexican folk music and rhythm, which he incorporated into the musical. When adapting the play for PBS, Valdez had to shorten the musical for its PBS adaptation, El Corrido.

They follow Campesino to an Earthlike world a hundred light years from the remains of a supernova. Landing on the world, Trevelyan discovers that it once had a race of intelligent natives who were wiped out four centuries earlier when the supernova's radiation front passed by. Their buildings are still mostly intact, and Trevelyan realizes that that is the secret to Murdoch's plan: he won't have to build housing or other infrastructure for his settlers, because he can simply renovate the deserted native buildings. Murdoch stands to become the richest man in the Stellar Union.

Romance Campesino was one of the first television and radio series that aired from the station. Besides providing entertainment and information, this media outlet was also used by the government to communicate favorable propaganda for the Trujillo regime. During the 1970s, the channel was officially renamed Radio Televisión Dominicana (RTVD), a title which persisted for several decades. On July 29, 2003 its name was changed once again to Corporación Estatal de Radio y Televisión (CERTV) by means of a national decree which transformed it into a public company sustained and operated by the Dominican Government.certvdominicana.

Elisa Alvarado was born in San Jose, California, to Blanca Alvarado and Jose J. Alvarado. Her parents gave her access to books and the arts, and instilled values of social justice, spurring her natural talent and passion for the arts. Her passion for theater, as well social change through theater, was sparked in high school in the 1970s after a performance by the legendary theater company El Teatro Campesino. Shortly after, she joined the San Jose- based theater company Teatro de la Gente and toured through San Jose, Mexico, and the American Southwest.

Nemesia (sometimes written as Nemecia) Achacollo Tola is a Bolivian political and union leader. She served as the Minister of Rural Development and Lands for nearly five years, and is past president of the Bartolina Sisa National Federation of Campesino Women of Bolivia. She was appointed to the Ministry by President Evo Morales in January 2010, following a long career of union leadership in her native Santa Cruz. As Minister, she presided over the Indigenous Fund (formally the Fund for Development for Indigenous and Native People and Peasant Communities; ; FDPPIOYCC).

By 1922 he had become a political leader, forming Partido Obrero Campesino, on the platform that large landowners should yield some of their land to farmers in the Costa Grande, a project that would encourage the formation of ejidos. De la Cruz once met with President Álvaro Obregón to explain the precarious situation in the state, where those who had been property-owners now had nowhere to grow. In September 1923, during his third trip to Mexico City in search of presidential support, he was arrested and executed.

At age 11, Portabales began work as a printer's assistant in Cienfuegos. In 1928, he made his radio debut on the station CMHI, and from then on divided his time between his work as a printer and performing. In the beginning, Portabales sang a variety of styles — canción, tango, bolero, son — until he discovered that his listeners enjoyed the guajira the most. He thereby refined the style and developed his signature salon guajira style in which he depicted in bucolic terms the life of the Cuban guajiro (the rural campesino).

However, their formation did not do away with the old caciques, which still exerted considerable influence. One example of this was Silvestre Mariscal, who controlled the municipality of Atoyac starting in 1914. For the rest of the 20th century to the present, the history of the area has been dominated by the struggles of campesinos against local and regional caciques, along with national and international interests which have worked with caciques for their own ends. Early efforts, to strengthen campesino rights included a league established in 1925, in Atoyac by Amadeo Vidales.

Another struggle has been between local farmers and logging interests, especially in Petatlán. In the 1990s, arrangements with national and local leaders to log forests located on ejido land in the area. The logging quickly began to exceed legal limits and began seriously damaging the ecology of the area, such as causing rivers and streams like the Coyuquilla River to dry up. Local farmers depend on these resources and in the late 1990s, banded together to form the Campesino Environmentalist Organization of Petatlan and Coyuca de Catalan (OCEP).

Carlos Reyes-Manzo (born 1944 Cartagena, Chile) is a social documentary photographer and poet. He studied with Bob Borowicz and Rafael Sánchez S.J. at the Instituto Filmico of the Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile Cinechile, "Instituto Fílmico UC: Una historia con nombre proprio". Retrieved July 7, 2016 and in 1964 began working as a photojournalist at Revista Vea in Zig Zag publishing. He was one of the leaders of the Regional Santiago-Litoral and of the Departamento Campesino of the Central Committee of the Socialist Party of Chile.

Since 2008, many indigenous people have joined the "Movimiento Nacional Campesino Indígena" (National Movement of Indigenous Peasants) and fight for the legal right to their land and against agribusiness. In 2010 this movement became especially powerful when the governor of Formosa, Gildo Insfrán, began to push for the construction of the University Institute of Formosa as part of the National University of Formosa, near the Pilcomayo National Forest. However, the La Primavera Qom Community alleges they possess the title to land, which resulted in territorial conflicts when construction began.Cardin, Lorena.

In 2001, he published his work "Angulo Hotel", in which he spoke of living on the streets and explaining the risks of drugs and crime. He played many different roles in theater, among which highlight their works in Shakespeare and Sartre. He acted on many stages in the Bay Area, Magic Theatre, American Conservatory Theater, Theatreworks USA, and ELTeatro Campesino. He also participated in 20 films (among them The Zodiac, and Fun with Dick and Jane), and many TV shows (among them The Shield, Nash Bridges and Midnight Caller).

The MAPU Obrero Campesino (Spanish abbr. MAPU/OC; MAPU Worker-Peasant) was a leftist political party in Chile that was formed after a split of MAPU in March 1973. It claimed to represent the political legacy of Rodrigo Ambrosio, the principal founder of the original MAPU, who had deceased in May 1972. The MAPU/OC aimed at forming a "third proletarian party" in Chile, supporting cooperation with the Communist Party of Chile and the Socialist Party. It adhered to the more “moderate”, legalistic tendency of Unidad Popular, like the Communist Party and Radicals.

Users are granted water rights through registries or authorizations. Registries are granted to the indigenous and local families or communities and are aimed at securing water access for domestic or traditional agriculture use respectively. Authorizations are granted to other farmer organizations for agricultural or agro-forestry use for a maximum of 40 years. The Irrigation Law recognizes the Water Ministry, previous Ministry for Agriculture and Campesino Issues, as the national water authority and created the National Irrigation Service (Servicio Nacional de Riego – SENARI) and the Local Irrigation Service (Servicio Departamental de Riego – SEDERI).

Bolivian food sovereignty advocates from varied backgrounds of campesino and indigenous identification, take advantage of the now broad and landless global conception of indigeneity and indigenous rights to advocate for food sovereignty. Some argue, however, that the use of this discourse may actually only reinforce a class system in which indigenous peoples are viewed as the a lower ring, powerless group. Migration from the Andes into the Bolivian lowlands, where many agroindustrial complexes have been built, has resulted in the mixing of indigenous knowledge systems and agricultural practices that provide a broad base for the food sovereignty struggle.

However, by the end of 1939, both the Toronto and Montreal groups of this organization had ceased to function. In a few places, communist groups affiliated with the ICO achieved more success than the Comintern-affiliated organizations. For example, in Sweden, the Socialist Party of Karl Kilbom, affiliated with the ICO, received 5.7% of the vote in the 1932 elections to the Riksdag, outpolling the Comintern section which received 3.9%. In Spain, the ICO- affiliated Bloque Obrero y Campesino (BOC), led by Joaquin Maurin, was for a time larger and more important than the official Spanish Communist Party.

Workers Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) was founded on 29 September 1935 in Barcelona as a result of mergers of the Bloque Obrero y Campesino and Izquierda Comunista. They would find support from many inside the anarchist union, CNT. By the mid-1936 and through to 1938, Spanish communist found itself in internal conflict between Stalinist and Trotskyites, with PCE lining up behind Stalin and POUM supporting Trotsky. The Russian backed Stalinist PCE started purging left-wing Trotskyites in the during the Civil War, culminating in the May Days of 1937 purges in Barcelona and the overthrow of Prime Minister Largo Caballero.

Cedillo rose in revolt in 1938 against Cárdenas, but the federal government had clear military superiority and crushed the uprising. In 1939, Cedillo, members of his family, and a number of supporters were killed, Cedillo himself betrayed by a follower while he was in hiding. He was “the last of the great military caciques of the Mexican Revolution who maintained his own quasi- private army,” and who constructed “his campesino fiefdom.” Cárdenas's victory over Cedillo showed the power and consolidation of the newly reorganized Mexican state, but also a showdown between two former revolutionary generals in the political sphere.

The march regrouped and arrived in La Paz on October 19 to a massive public welcome. During the march, other movements such as the Cochabamba campesino confederation and the colonos union in Yucumo mobilized in favor of the project. In early October, the Plurinational Legislative Assembly passed legislation authored by the MAS authorizing the road following a consultation process, but indigenous deputies and the indigenous movement opposed the bill. At the opening of negotiations with the protesters on October 21, Morales announced that he would veto the legislation and support the text proposed by the indigenous deputies.

Trevelyan confronts Murdoch, and tells him that he must wait until archeological teams from the Stellar Union have thoroughly investigated Good Luck, probably for a century, before he can begin moving settlers in. Murdoch has a counterproposal: Trevelyan will surrender to him, and Murdoch will maroon him alone on a deserted island on Good Luck for ten years while the planet is colonized. Trevelyan responds with his final offer: Murdoch will allow him to leave Good Luck or else Smokesmith will nuke Trevelyan, Murdoch, and the Campesino. After Smokesmith sets off a sample nuke in the atmosphere above them, Murdoch agrees.

Since that time he composed folk Protest Songs which were famous in social movements as Soy Campesino (I'm A Peasant) and Jugar a la vida (Play To Life) which was popularized by Amparo Ochoa. In 1984 Ballesté toured Mexico with the "Zumbón" theatre company performing ', a theater piece based in Popol Vuh. In 1985 he achieved the first financing of an independent theatrical group by UNAM and the Mexican Social Security Institute to his piece Los Flores Guerra, a social critique situated in student movement of 1968 and released in Teatro Legaria of Mexico City at the end of 1985.

In her mid 20s, Rolón landed a number of roles with Latino theaters in New York, including Porton and Thalia, and was doing voiceovers on the side. By 1978, she was still working part-time with the AHA and had additionally found a job as an adjunct professor at Lehman College. However, creatively, she began looking to branch out and start something on her own. She was immersed in political discourse and aware of the tradition of Teatro Popular, or street theater, and Teatro Campesino, and so began to think about making theater in those traditions.

Chileans marching in support of Allende In the 1970 election, Allende ran with the Unidad Popular (UP or Popular Unity) coalition. Succeeding the FRAP left-wing coalition, Unidad Popular comprised most of the Chilean Left: the Socialist Party, the Communist Party, the Radical Party, the Party of the Radical Left (until 1972), the Social Democratic Party, MAPU (Movimiento de Acción Popular Unitario) (in 1972, a splinter group – MAPU Obrero Campesino – emerged) and since 1971 the Christian Left. Allende received a plurality with 36.2% of the vote. Christian Democrat Radomiro Tomic won 27.8% with a very similar platform to Allende's.

The Chamber of Deputies () is the lower house of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly of Bolivia. The composition and powers of this house are established in the Political Constitution of the State. The session room is located in the Legislative Palace building in Plaza Murillo. The Chamber of Deputies comprises 130 seats, elected using the additional member system: 70 deputies are elected to represent single-member electoral districts, 7 of which are Indigenous or Campesino seats elected by the usos y costumbres of minority groups, 60 are elected by proportional representation from party lists on a departmental basis.

The second play was a romance about two star-crossed lovers. One of the characters is the son of a farm owner and the other character is a Chicana protesting the labor conditions existing at the farm with the United Farm Workers. They are unable to be open about their interests in each other because of their roles so they sneak around and only communicate publicly via exchanges of glances and material possessions. She was first involved with El Teatro Campesino in Juan Bautista, but later joined Teatro de la Gente when she moved to San Jose.

For this reason, Air Force Colonel Oswaldo López Arellano took the presidency in the coup, fearing that the campesino protests would spread and wanting to halt the infiltration of communism he saw in their ideology. In his speech on 7 October 1963, López Arellano claimed, among other things, that "red guerrillas exist in various sectors of Honduran territory".Juan Aráncibia Córdova, Honduras historia, política y poder, p. 261 Rodas Alvarado was exiled from the country, sent by airplane to Costa Rica, the National Congress was dissolved,History of Honduras and the Constitution of 1957 was nullified.

Whilst the government made some effort to improve campesino peasants' civil rights, rural conditions in Guatemala could not be improved without large-scale agrarian reform, proposed as mediated and fairly compensated land redistribution. Failure in achieving that was a weakness for Arévalo's party in Congress and thus for his administration, which his successor attempted to confront and to remedy with Decree 900. Arévalo was succeeded by Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán, who continued the agrarian reform approach of Arévalo's government. Arévalo freely yielded succession to his presidency in 1951 to Jacobo Árbenz in the second democratic election in Guatemala's republican history.

With CMP, the Zapatista communities have produced videos on agricultural collectives, fair trade coffee, women's collectives, autonomous education, traditional healing, and the history of their struggle for land. With the Community Human Rights Defenders Network, CMP produced a video about the work of this group to educate other communities. Videos produced with Community Human Rights Devenders Network were used as evidence in court proceedings related to human rights abuses, resulting in compensation to indigenous families. In Guerrero, CMP worked with the Organization of Campesino Environmentalists to document and draw attention to the destruction of virgin forests in the region.

Unlike other arts organizations that catered to one ethnic group or another, Inner City was operated under the concept of multiculturalism and provided assistance to a wide variety of cultural institutions. This included Luis Valdez's El Teatro Campesino, the East West Players and the Bilingual Foundation for the Arts, founded by Carmen Zapata. Inner City's multi-cultural approach did not come without criticism from the black artistic community and the mainstream press, despite the fact that Inner City was also the largest producer of black theatre in Los Angeles. Jackson was also a proponent of non-traditional casting.

Residents of Chinanton and Agua Hedionda reported that former Patrols from San Andrés Sajcabaja were firing guns near people's homes and threatened to kill those who interfered with them. The GHRC also reported that members of the Campesino Unity Committee in El Quiché were threatened by members of Local Security Boards, who were mostly former patrollers organized by the National Civil Police. Residents of Zacualpa received threats from the boards after being labelled as guerrillas for organizing. In 2000, the United Nations Verification Mission in Guatemala and the Guatemalan Human Rights Ombudsman's Office began investigating the Patrol's resurgence.

During the march, other movements such as the Cochabamba campesino confederation and the colonos union in Yucumo mobilized in favor of the project. In early October, the Plurinational Legislative Assembly passed legislation authored by the MAS authorizing the road following a consultation process, but indigenous deputies and the indigenous movement opposed the bill. At the opening of negotiations with the protesters on October 21, Morales announced that he would veto the legislation and support the text proposed by the indigenous deputies. This text was passed by the Assembly and signed into law on October 24, effectively ending the conflict.

After hearing the news about the 11 September coup MRC (Spanish acronym for Revolutionary Campesino Movement), a group formed with help of MIR, decided to take actions against the police station in Neltume as a first step to defend the Unidad Popular government. The idea of the MRC was to take control of the building, have the police to surrender, making them join the revolt and seize any weapons to be found there. People from MCR gathered all weapons they could find, four rifles and some shotguns, and prepared dozens of molotov cocktails and home-made grenades. The assault was launched at 02.00 in the night, September 12.

The Maya Indian and campesino population suffered greatly under Ríos Montt's government. Ríos Montt along with several other men who served high positions in the military governments of the early 1980s were defendants in several lawsuits alleging genocide and crimes against humanity; one of these cases was filed in 1999 by Nobel Peace Prize-winning K'iche'-Maya activist, Rigoberta Menchú. Center for Justice and Accountability: human rights lawyers prosecuting the Spanish case In early 2008 the presiding judge, Santiago Pedraz, took testimony from a number of indigenous survivors. The genocide cases saw little progress due to a climate of ongoing and entrenched impunity in Guatemala.

Harlow is a noted salsa bandleader and multi-instrumentalist, although he primarily plays piano. He produced over 260 albums for Fania Records including his brother Andy's four albums on the Fania stable mate Vaya Records between 1972 and 1976: Sorpresa La Flauta, La Música Brava, El Campesino and Latin Fever. The first garnered a gold disc and spawned "La Lotería", the company's biggest selling 45 rpm release to date. Larry recommended that Andy adopt a trombanga sound for the album and eschew his main instrument, the sax, to play flute in the band's two ‘bones and flute frontline, after which his brother's career was significantly enhanced.

Guerrilla theater shares its origins with many forms of political protest and street theatre including agitprop (agitation-propaganda), carnival, parades, pageants, political protest, performance art, happenings, and, most notably, the Dada movement and guerrilla art.Random House Webster's College Dictionary. New York: Random House, 1992, pp. 27. Although this movement is widely studied in Theater History classrooms, the amount of research and documentation of guerrilla theater is surprisingly lacking. The term, "Guerrilla Theater" seems to have emerged during the mid-1960s primarily as an upshot of activist Radical Theater groups such as The Living Theatre, San Francisco Mime Troupe, Bread and Puppet Theater, El Teatro Campesino, and the Free Southern Theater.

Solano completed his secondary studies at the Institut Balmes, in Barcelona. He distinguished himself as a leader of the student movement, organizing his institute's first student group during the fall from power of General Miguel Primo de Rivera, and later founding the Catalan National Student Federation. Solano went on to study medicine at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. In 1932 he joined the youth wing of the Marxist Bloque Obrero y Campesino (BOC – Workers' and Peasants' Bloc) —a major workers' organization, at the time under the influence of the Soviet Union's Right Opposition, that would later fuse into the POUM— and began organizing the Association of Revolutionary Students of Barcelona.

Radio KDNA is the nation's first full-time Spanish-language non-commercial radio station, and the first Spanish-language public radio station in Washington state. Known as "la voz del campesino" (the voice of the farm worker) Radio KDNA is the first radio station in Eastern Washington to produce programming to the Spanish- speaking population of Eastern Washington. KDNA was founded on December 19, 1979 by Ricardo García, Julio Cesar Guerrero, Rosa Ramon and Daniel Robleski in Granger, Washington. García met Robleski in Bellingham, Washington, and decided to unite Robleski and Guerrero and create the first radio station to broadcast all in Spanish in Washington State.

The Real News Network. June 1, 2011. However, his prime focus has been on the land conflict in the Bajo Aguán part of Honduras' Aguán River Valley following the December 2009 occupation of more than 10,000 hectares of palm oil plantations by the Aguan Unified Campesino Movement. According to Devlin Kuyek of GRAIN, Freeston's video documenting the burning to the ground of the village of Rigores by Honduran police "vividly illustrates the courageous struggle for land and food sovereignty that peasants in Honduras are waging against the ruthless combined force of agribusiness and national and foreign governments."“Honduran police burn community to the ground”. GRAIN.

As a result of these efforts, González Duque traveled across the US, meeting students in university campuses and other labor leaders. Currently, González Duque is delegated to represent the MCC in national human rights platforms such as the Colombia Europe USA coordination, the Alliance of social and related organizations, as well as the regional organization: Network for Life and Human Rights in Cauca. He is also the national coordinator of the Argo-Environmental Plan of Dignity in Life (Agro- Ambiental del Plan de Vida Digna - Movimiento Campesino de Cajibío). In 2013, he wrote an article about hunger and the politics of food in Colombia.

For men, it consists of pants and shirt of undyed cotton, a hat of palm fronds, huaraches and a black or brown wool overcoat. Variations in the clothing style and embroidery generally indicates the wearers’ origin. Traditional dishes in the municipality include “pinchón del campesino” mixote made with chicken, rabbit or beef, sopes, chalupas, tlacoyos and eggs with chili pepper. Traditional drinks include hard apple cider and other fruit wines. The municipality has 178 education centers from preschool to high school along with vocational training sites. There are 61 preschools, 69 primary schools, 37 middle schools, eight high schools/vocational school and two adult education centers.

In the 1960 and 1970s, prior to the creation of the reserve, the area had a strong lumberjack-campesino labour movement. It was for this reason that Revolutionary Left Movement chose it to create a focus of resistance inspired by the Fidel Castro's 26th of July Movement in the Sierra Maestra in order to combat Pinochet's dictatorship. Los que retornaron para luchar The Chilean army succeeded in isolating the group by August 1981 and in October of the same year its last members were captured. Magic Mountain Hotel The reserve was created in 1999 and includes of native forest in Chile dedicated to wildlife conservation and tourism.

Despite the threat of government persecution, campesino organizations as well as small armed groups began to form in Chiapas in the 1970s. In efforts to suppress Indigenous resistance in the region, farm and land owners created paramilitary forces sponsored by the Mexican government designed to violently reciprocate against potential Indigenous defiance. At the same time, many Indigenous individuals known as guerrilleros formed small armed militant groups in response to persecution, one of which became the EZLN. Carlos Salinas was elected president of Mexico in 1988, and while he promised to utilize government funding to assist poor states like Chiapas, residents never saw the money controlled by the Institutional Revolutionary Party.

González' first televised composition was the PBS broadcast of La Pastorela as part of its Great Performances program. La Pastorela was initially a production of El Teatro Campesino, a Christmas pageant set in a Tex-Mex milieu, featuring Linda Ronstadt, Lupe Ontiveros, Paul Rodriguez and Cheech Marin. Since then, González' compositions have been featured in over 200 films, documentaries, and television programs. Some of the most prominent of his compositions for film and television include Quentin Tarantino's Jackie Brown and Curdled, the Academy Award-nominated documentary Colors Straight Up, Lifetime Television's feature-length Little Girl Lost, and the entire run of the Showtime series Resurrection Blvd.

Zepeda was a teacher at the San Cristóbal de las Casas's Preparatory School as well its law school in 1957. He taught at Universidad Veracruzana from 1958 to 1960, at Cuba's Universidad de Oriente in 1961 and one year later at the Universidad de La Habana, as well as at the Escuela de Instructores de Arte de La Habana and the Instituto de Lenguas Extranjeras de Pekín. Eraclio Zepeda created the Compañía Nacional de Subsistencias Populares rural orientation group in 1967, founded the Teatro de Orientación Campesina (Theatre of Rural Orientation), where he would produce the radio soap opera San Martín de la Piedra; and founded the newspaper El Correo Campesino.

The current name was adopted in the organization's Organic Congress of 29-30 November 2008, redefining the organization as a confederation and adopting the phrase Campesino, Indigenous, and Native from the text of the new Bolivian constitution. Their main aims are to organize and facilitate women's participation in national terrain. The Bartolina Sisa Confederation is a member of the Pact of Unity in Bolivia, and of the National Coordination for Change, and a constituent organization in the Movement toward Socialism party. The president of the Constituent Assembly in Bolivia, Silvia Lazarte, was elected Executive Secretary at the National level at the 8th national congress in April 1999.

At thirteen, he moved to the capital, Santo Domingo, and found work at a music store owned by singer Cuco Valoy, who also owned a record label. Eventually, Edilio started recording for him, and soon became one of the most sought after guitarists to record bolero campesino, later known as bachata. After some time, he began recording for Radhames Aracena, the owner of Radio Guarachita, the only radio station in the Dominican Republic featuring guitar music, all of which was recorded by Aracena's own labels. It was during the 1970s, at Radio Guarachita, that bachata was beginning to develop as its own musical genre.

Ernesto de Quesada was born in the Oriente, in Manzanillo, Cuba, when Cuba was still a Spanish colony (see the history of Cuba). After he completed high school and college, he devoted himself for a time to teaching guajiros how to read, riding his horse or walking long distances to reach them. (In Cuba, guajiro is a synonym for campesino (peasant).) In 1905, with his income from teaching and some additional funds borrowed from his parents, de Quesada went to the United States. There he studied English for some months in Boston, Massachusetts, attending church on Sundays to listen to the services and accustom his ears to the new language.

Almost all of its members died young and it would be their contemporaries, the Grupo Montparnasse, who would eventually overtake the School of Fine Arts to become set a new standard of painting in Chile. Since 1945, the painting of The 13 Generation has been recognized in originality and merit. There have been several studies of their works and their sensibilities, especially those of the most popular members of the group, Arturo Gordon and Pedro Luna, whose works are highly valued in the Chilean art market. The 13 Generation began the art trend of Arte campesino, while under the influence of the Spanish style taught by Alvarez de Sotomayor.

Beginning in 2014, a large-scale corruption and mismanagement scandal emerged over dealings with the Development Fund for Indigenous and Native Peoples and Campesino Communities (Fondo de Desarrollo para los Pueblos Indígenas Originarios y Comunidades Campesinas; FDOOIOYCC), commonly known as the Indigenous Fund. The Indigenous Fund allocated a portion of the Direct Tax on Hydrocarbons to indigenous community use, and was supervised by leaders of the five major indigenous organizations of Bolivia, including the CSUTCB. These organizations and their affiliates were also the main recipients of the fund. In 2014, Condori served on the directing board of the Fund, and also as an official representative of some approved projects.

The Armed Peasant Association (, short ACA, less commonly Armed Campesino Group) is a far-left rebel group that takes part in the insurgency in Paraguay. Formed in 2014 as splinter faction of the Paraguayan People's Army (EPP) by two brothers, Albino and Alfredo Jara Larrea, ACA began to decline almost immediately after its foundation as result of repeated raids and arrests by the Paraguayan security forces. After the death of most of its members and leaders in 2016, the group became defunct. It was refounded in 2017, however, by two sisters of the Jara Larrea brothers and a former member of the "Army of Marshal López", another insurgent group.

Starting during the Aztec era and continuing into 20th century, efforts were made to drain Lake Chalco and her sister lakes in order to avoid periodic flooding and to provide for expansion. The only lakes that are still in existence are a diminished Lake Xochimilco and the Lake of Zumpango. Lake Chalco and Lake Xochimilco were the original habitat of the axolotl, an amphibian which is now critically endangered and possibly extinct in the wild due to urban destruction. A land speculator's draining of the lake in the late 1860s led to a tenant farmer (campesino) revolt organized by Julio López Chávez that was eventually put down by the federal government.

Bolivia is established by the current constitution as a plural and unitary state: The Constitution (in Chapter Three of Title I) defines the forms of democracy—participatory, representative and community-based—and structure of government to be used in Bolivia. Direct and participatory democracy takes place through referenda, citizen legislative initiatives, revocation of elected officials' mandates, assemblies, cabildos and prior consultation. Representative democracy takes place through the election of representatives through universal, direct, and secret vote. Communal democracy takes place through the "election, designation or nomination of authorities and representatives" among indigenous, originary, or campesino peoples and nations, using their own norms and procedures.

In Peru, the concept of mink'a is associated with pre-Columbian indigenous cultures. It is practiced in mestizo and campesino communities of the Andes, where the notion of reciprocity (ayni) organizes community work. An example of this type of reciprocity is the development of agricultural activities among a dozen neighbors in traditional productive units, or the building of a community kitchen with personal tools and local materials. During the Inca Empire, mink'a was the basic way in which work was carried out within communities (ayllu) and was also practiced for the benefit of larger territories (mit'a), as part of the services that each ayllu provided to the whole of the society.

In the late 1980s, XENAC fell victim to a concerted campaign by Tabasco governor Salvador Neme Castillo against a group influential in XENAC's operation, the Indigenous and Peasant Theatre Laboratory of Tabasco (Laboratorio de Teatro Campesino e Indígena de Tabasco). The governor was upset that the laboratory was not involved in Institutional Revolutionary Party political activities. Beginning January 1, 1989, his first day in office, Governor Neme Castillo refused to fund the station, claiming that the station was broadcasting supposed "subversive proclamations against his government". He then proceeded to name Andrés Madrigal, a PRI politician not liked locally, as the Tabasco delegate to the INI.

Though most Puerto Ricans self identified as white only, many have varying degrees of Taino (Native Puerto Rican) ancestry as well. In 1802, the options available on the Census documents were either "black" or "white" and people were no longer able to indicate on the census self identification, so they were no longer counted. Before that, in 1797, 2,312 had self-identified as Indio. Evidence suggests that some Taíno men and African women inter-married and lived in relatively isolated Maroon communities in the interior of the islands, where they evolved into a hybrid rural or campesino population with little or no interference from the Spanish authorities.

This made attendance to take special preference for music jacket, and that will permeate his personality with campesino traits, giving more elements to his creations. The milonga Mi tierra en invierno (My land in winter) is one of them, which shows his knowledge of the various facets of rural life. The attachment to the horse and his special care, as an essential element in the daily tasks: The chores with livestock: Pests: Or the times of harvest: In his early youth, and as tired announcer on the radio, in Montevideo, his artistic call begings to awake and passion for Boheme, and the night and its ghosts. These are times of various experiments, testing his ability in different art fields.

After he was forced into exile following the 1964 coup d'état, he worked as ILO Agrarian Reform Regional Advisor for Central America, and later under the auspices of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), he was able to launch a multitude of 'Experimental Laboratories' (later called Organization Workshops in the Southern Africa version of the method). From 1973 he applied the emerging method to peasants' capacitation within the Agrarian reform Program of Honduras:Where he was consultant in charge of the PROCCARA Program (Campesino Capacitation Program for Agrarian Reform), which was to become the blueprint for the "Honduran Model", i.e. the application of the OW on a countrywide basis. re: and Chapter 6.

This format is reminiscent of traditional carpas that traveled to working-class Latinx people to engage them in theatre and political discourse (like Luis Valdez's El Teatro Campesino). Thus, the backdrop of Los Angeles, a city claimed to be of "Chicanos and Mexicanos" that Palacios has called "complex and brilliant inspiration" for her art, provides a place where she can teach and perform for diverse audiences. Like Queer Chicano Soul, the majority of her shows are grounded in her identity as a Chicana woman, as they switch between English and Spanish and have cultural references throughout. Palacios also draws inspiration from Latinx writers Jorge Huerta, Irene Fornes, Migdalia Cruz, Marga Gomez, and several others.

Realidades is a PBS TV series of 30 minute documentary and arts programming, showcasing Hispanic artists, which aired on WNET Channel 13 New York from 1975 to 1977.Luis Reyes, Peter Rubie -Hispanics in Hollywood: A Celebration of 100 Years in Film and Television 2000 1580650252 "Realidades featured everything from drama (film and videotaped segments and entire shows) to documentary to news features. It was one of the first shows to present Luis Valdez's El Teatro Campesino and many other prominent Hispanic arts groups and performing artists. Jesus Trevino and ... Willie Colon was..." Salsa musician Willie Colón was music director of the series; he included the theme tunes on his 1975 album The Good, the Bad, the Ugly.

When the Lucha Contra Bandidos (LCB) special units were created that year he became head of LCB operations in the Escambray. Notably in March of 1962, he interrogated Mario Lanza Flores (known as Tondique, an Afro-Cuban campesino rebel) upon the rebel's capture. Dreke also served as second in command to Raúl Menéndez Tomassevich, head of the LCB within the Central Army, until January 1965, when the final cleanup operation was almost finished. In April 1965, Comandante Dreke served as second in command to Che Guevara in the Cuban military training mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, to help train rebel fighters originally organised by supporters of former prime minister Patrice Lumumba (murdered in 1961).

Although Sandino had communicated with Trincado only through a series of letters, after his return to Nicaragua, his manifests and his personal affiliations were increasingly shaped by his applying the ideals of the EMECU. He named Tricado as one of his official representatives and replaced the former seal (with an image of a campesino beheading a U.S. Marine) with the symbol of EMECU. His distrust of his former Communist associates led him to break off relations with Farabundo Martí, a Salvadoran who was formerly one of his most trusted lieutenants, and accused Martí of spying for the Communists. In February 1931, Sandino issued his "Manifest of Light and Truth", which reflected a new millenarian tone in his beliefs.

Richard Montoya was born in San Diego, CA in 1959 to parents actively involved in the United Farm Workers Movement of the 1970s and 1980s. He was influenced by his family's involvement in matters of civil rights to pursue a career in political and social activism, and chose to accomplish these goals mainly through writing original works and acting in plays and films concerned with matters of culture, racism, and Latino identity in the United States. He attended California State University, Sacramento in addition to studying at the American Conservatory Theatre. Montoya has also spent time working with Luis Valdez's famed El Teatro Campesino, as well as with the Sundance Institute's Writers and Directors Lab.

Besides growers, the coca networks employed numerous Bolivians, including carriers (zepeadores), manufacturers of coca paste and cocaine, security personnel, and a wide range of more nefarious positions. The unparalleled revenues made the risk worthwhile for many. Coca leaves Government efforts to eradicate the rampant expansion of coca cultivation in Bolivia began in 1983, when Bolivia committed itself to a five-year program to reduce coca production and created the Coca Eradication Directorate (Dirección de la Reconversión de la Coca—Direco) under the Ministry of Agriculture, Campesino Affairs, and Livestock Affairs. Bolivia's National Directorate for the Control of Dangerous Substances (Dirección Nacional para el Control de Substancias Peligrosas—DNCSP) was able to eradicate several thousand hectares of coca.

Following the bloodbath at the Jarama the 11th Division was barely being reorganized when it was sent to Guadalajara where on 8 March the Fascist Italian Corpo Truppe Volontarie had launched an offensive. The purpose of the Italians was to encircle the loyalists in a pocket around Madrid and the ensuing battle would be known as Battle of Guadalajara. In this conflict the 11th Division was formed by the 1st Bis Mixed Brigade, the 1st Mobile Shock Brigade (1.ª Brigada Móvil de Choque) led by Valentín González "El Campesino" —which would later be known as the 10th Mixed Brigade— as well as the XI International Brigade ("Thälmann Brigade") and the XII International Brigade ("Garibaldi Brigade").

The other major tendency of resistance movements against Torrijos was loosely associated with the fascist former presidency of Arnulfo Arias. The MLN-20 attempted to gain contacts with the campesino base of some of these movements, but little coordination resulted, in large part due to the huge political differences. As the leading militant force against the regime in Panama, the MLN-20 saw its first few years using urban guerrilla tactics, but while some assaults on soldiers and bank expropriations saw success, there was little organizing amongst the masses. As militants were captured and killed, the MLN-20 became so weak that it entered a dormant phase in which some fled into temporary exile, while others remained to quietly expand base support.

Some argue that the state's conception of food sovereignty serves the purpose of maintaining profit stability as an independent nation and does not possess the same concern for the effects of resource extraction as indigenous groups. The indigenous and peasant advocacy organization Vía Campesina is active in Bolivia's food sovereignty movement. Four Bolivian organizations are affiliated with Vía Campesina, the Unified Syndical Confederation of Rural Workers of Bolivia (CSUTCB), the National Confederation of Indigenous Campesino and Native Women of Bolivia–Bartolina Sisa, the Syndicalist Confederation of Intercultural Communities of Bolivia, and the Landless Workers' Movement of Bolivia (MST-B). They advance the idea that food is primarily a people's resource and source of nutrition and should only secondarily be an item of trade.

Poster for Teatro Campesino performing at a strike benefit with Quicksilver Messenger Service; July 1966 at The Fillmore, San Francisco. Luis Valdez, along with Agustin Lira (Teatro de la Tierra), founded the troupe. After attending San Jose State University and working briefly with the San Francisco Mime Troupe, Luis Valdez met Agustin Lira,a local Chicano with theatrical experience who had already hit upon the idea of using theater as an organizing tool in the fields and was already involved in the United Farmworkers Union in Delano. Teatro Campesino's early performances drew on varied traditions, such as commedia dell'arte, Spanish religious dramas adapted for teaching Mission Indians, Mexican folk humor, a century-old tradition of Mexican performances in California, and Aztec and Maya sacred ritual dramas.

Food First attempts to counter this structural racism by providing information and analysis, helping spread awareness and debate, and by helping create a national coalition of urban communities of color for food security. By studying international economic development and U.S. inequalities and development, Food First is taking a holistic approach that aims to change the way that we view the relationship between access to food and economic development. # Helping farmers form food sovereignty by creating projects such as The Campesino in Mexico and Central America, and by working with Via Campesina. These groups focus on farmer alternatives to the corporate agrifoods industry, helping farmers educate each other on strategies for alternatives. Food First’s strategy emphasizes the farmer’s sovereignty and acknowledges their self-determination.

This initial money was used to establish basic organizational infrastructure, register as a non-profit, expand the scientific advisory committee, set up an active Facebook page and build a website. In its first year, TiME has over one thousand affiliates. This is My Earth successfully purchased its first parcel of land in the El Toro forest, Peru, in 2016 and transferred it to Mr. Isidoro Lozano, a community member of Yambrasbamba Campesino Community in La Esperanza, who works closely with the local Asociación Neotropical Primate Conservation Peru.Neotropical Primate Conservation The El Toro forest campaign, designed to purchase land in the Peruvian Amazon to protect the habitat of the Critically Endangered yellow- tailed woolly monkey (Oreonax flavicauda),IUCN, Yellow-Tailed Woolly Monkey managed to raise over $30,000.

He would be part of SCR's acting company for three years, which culminated in his role in the world premiere of L.J. Schneiderman's Screwball. After that, Director Frank Condon invited him to work with Teatro Campesino under the direction of Luis Valdez, which he did for a year. Gross has appeared in a number of stage productions with a variety of companies in the Los Angeles area, including LATC, Pasadena Playhouse, Odyssey Theater Ensemble, MET Theater and Stages Theater Center. Gross' stage credits include La Bete for the Stages Theatre Center, Room Service for the Pasadena Playhouse, Three Sisters for the Los Angeles Theatre Center, Taming of the Shrew and Much Ado About Nothing for the Grove Shakespeare Festival, Troillus and Cressida for the Globe Playhouse.

In 1990, along with other farmers, González Duque founded MCC, Movimiento Campesino de Cajibio (The Small Scale Farmers Movement of Cajibio), which consists of various farmers’ movements in the municipality of Cajibio, Cauca. The group is a self-help organization meant to deal with various problems related affecting local communities in rural Colombia. Since then, González Duque has worked as an international representative of the organization and a key figure in domestic issues affecting low-income farmers in Colombia. In 1999, he became the target of death threats for leading a forum about the impact of planting pine and eucalyptus trees for mass production (monocultures) by the Multinational SMURFIT KAPPA CARDBOARD COLOMBIA, and its effect on water, food security and land ownership.

The Bartolina Sisa National Confederation of Campesino, Indigenous, and Native Women of Bolivia (; CNMCIOB-BS; informally, the Bartolina Sisas) is the primary union organization of peasant women in Bolivia, and the women's organization with the largest membership in the country. The organization was founded as the Bartolina Sisa National Federation of Peasant Women of Bolivia in January 1980, shortly after the founding of the Unified Syndical Confederation of Rural Workers of Bolivia (CSUTCB). The founding members were Lucila Mejía de Morales (the first executive), Irma García, Isabel Juaniquina and Isabel Ortega. The name Bartolina Sisa refers to the Aymara peasant leader of the 18th century, the wife of Túpac Katari, and reflects the strong influence of the Katarista movement in peasant politics.

The only persons living on the farm at the time were a shepherd and a tractor driver. The Mapuches, following what seemed to be a carefully prepared course of actions, decorated the house around the farm's main facility with red and black banners of the Castroite MIR (Movement of the Revolutionary Left) and of its peasant affiliate, Movimiento Campesino Revolucionario (MCR). On the next morning the provincial newspaper, El Diario Austral, printed a front-page photograph of the Mapuches, armed with thin short sticks and pitchforks, gathered at the entrance to the farm, which had been barred with poles that came from tall trees that bore a glowering portrait of Che Guevara. Above their heads a large banner was tied to the gateposts that read: CAPAMENTO LAUTARO.

Prior to 1996 CONAIE had been very untrusting of politicians and wary of those who sought to become involved in politics because of politicians' tendency to make concessions. Nevertheless, the situation in Ecuador, especially in the Amazon region of the Oriente, was becoming desperate, as oil exploration was due to increase at any moment. Rumblings began within the organization to adapt to the political process, but a statute was passed in 1995 by CONAIE prohibiting members from running for political office. In 1996, CONAIE reversed its stand on elections and played a major role in the formation of Pachakutik (Pluri-National Pachakutik United Movement - New Country), an electoral coalition of indigenous and non-indigenous social movements including CONFEUNASSC-CNC, Ecuador's largest campesino federation.

This immigration led to land-related conflicts and an increasing pressure on the rainforest. To halt the migration, the government decided in 1971 to declare a large part of the forest (614,000 hectares, or 6140 km2) a protected area: the Montes Azules Biosphere Reserve. They appointed only one small population group (the 66 Lacandon families) as tenants (thus creating the Lacandon Community), thereby displacing 2000 Tzeltal and Chʼol families from 26 communities, and leaving non-Lacandon communities dependent on the government for granting their rights to land. In the decades that followed the government carried out numerous programs to keep the problems in the region under control, using land distribution as a political tool; as a way of ensuring loyalty from different campesino groups.

Dipinti, disegni, teatro, Rome, Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 2002, page VI and Roberto Benigni from Italy. As talent scout, Neumann promoted internationally the work of Italian theater artist and companies such as Magazzini Criminali and Pierluigi Pieralli from Florence, and Remondi & Caporossi and Memé Perlini from Rome. After his engagement in Florence he was commissioned by Carlo Molfese to create for Teatro Tenda (Piazza Mancini, Rome) a festival under the name of Rassegna Internazionale di Teatro Popolare,Gennaro Colangelo, Carlo Molfese, Un teatro a Roma. L'avventura del Teatro Tenda di Piazza Mancini, Rome, Gangemi Editore, 2006, pages 87, 89 where artists such as Marcel Marceau from France, Vittorio Gassman and Gigi Proietti from Italy, Teatro Campesino from the US, Tadashi Suzuki from Japan, Robert Serumaga from Uganda and Jango Edwards from Netherlands were presented.

150 The party developed a written set of principles and a platform that drew support from agraristas and workers in the Laborist Party. "The PNR is the instrument of political action by means of which Mexico's great campesino and worker masses fight to keep control of the public power in their hands, a control wrested from the landowning and privileged minorities through the great armed movement that began in 1910."quoted in Buchenau,Plutarco Elías Calles, p.150 One possible presidential candidate for the PNR was Aarón Sáenz Garza, former governor of the state of Nuevo León, who was the brother-in-law of Calles's son, and was involved with Calles family businesses, but his political views were too far to the right of the PNR to be considered.

Between 2004 and 2005, he and the CM participated in the Movimiento del Frente Amplio - FA (Foundation Movement Broad Front) also conformed by the Movimiento Nueva Izquierda – MNI (New Left Movement), Partido Comunista del Perú – Patria Roja PCP(PR)(Communist Party of Peru - Red Fatherland), Partido Comunista del Perú – PCP (Peruvian Communist Party), Partido Socialista Revolucionario – PSR (Revolutionary Socialist Party), Frente Popular – FP (Popular Front), Frente Obrero Campesino del Perú – FOCEP (Peasant Labor Front of Peru), Movimiento Democrático Pueblo Unido – MDPU Democratic (Movement United People), and Partido Nacionalista de las Comunidades Andinas – PANACA (Nationalist Party of the Andean Communities). He left the FA since it refused to support the Ollanta Humala (OHT)’s presidential candidacy. He then led the CM to support OHT in the 1st and 2nd elections.

The government refused to negotiate with Quispe, claiming that he did not have the authority to represent the campesino movement. As the protests continued, protesters in El Alto, a sprawling indigenous city of 750,000 people on the periphery of La Paz, proceeded to block key access routes to the capital causing severe fuel and food shortages. They also demanded the resignation of Sánchez de Lozada and his ministers, Yerko Kukoc, Minister of Government, and Carlos Sánchez de Berzaín, Minister of Defense, who were held responsible for the Warisata massacre. Protesters also voiced their opposition to the Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement that was at the time under negotiation by the US and Latin American countries (since the November 2005 Mar del Plata Summit of the Americas, it has been put on stand- by).

Campesino cibaeño, 1941 (Museo de Arte Moderno, Santo Domingo) Due to cultural syncretism, the culture and customs of the Dominican people have a European cultural basis, influenced by both African and native Taíno elements, although endogenous elements have emerged within Dominican culture; culturally the Dominican Republic is among the most-European countries in Spanish America, alongside Puerto Rico, Cuba, Central Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay. Spanish institutions in the colonial era were able to predominate in the Dominican culture's making-of as a relative success in the acculturation and cultural assimilation of African slaves diminished African cultural influence in comparison to other Caribbean countries. Music and sport are of great importance in the Dominican culture, with Merengue and Bachata as the national dance and music, and baseball as the favorite sport.

However, being a campesino is also used in a neutral or positive context or self- descriptively with pride because it describes a humble and hard worker person. Most male children in El Salvador as young as five are raised and began working in a cowboy atmosphere, working on ranches along with their fathers and older members of the family learning about agriculture and livestock, herding animals throughout much of El Salvador tending cattle, in an all-male environment which have also retain the machismo culture in El Salvador. Most men in El Salvador, particularly in the towns in the rural countryside including mayors wear elements of cowboy clothing. Cabalgadores in El Salvador dress in cowboy hats and carry machetes also known as Corbos in El Salvador, and they listen to nueva canción guitar type music.

Guinovart i Escarré 1997, p. 321 he realized the danger and after few days went into hiding by his relatives in Barcelona. He refused to flee the Republican zone, since he considered it a treason to Traditionalist cause.Guinovart i Escarré 1997, p. 324 Confronted with a tragic choice between two bad options he preferred to face whatever the future brings.Guinovart i Escarré 1997, p. 12; already when appointed the regional jefe he realized that in the charged ambience the post might cost him life, see Vallverdú 2008, p. 302 In early August the Valls committee of Milícies AntifeixistesValls was a leftist and especially the anarchist stronghold, compare Andrew Charles Durgan, BOC 1930–1936. El Bloque Obrero y Campesino, Barcelona 1996, , 9788475843117 launched their search of the Carlist leader.

The party's first name was Social Democratic and Peasant Alternative Party (Partido Alternativa Socialdemócrata y Campesina) but in May 2007, it changed its name to Social Democratic Alternative Party, and in 2008, it changed once again to simply Social Democratic Party. The party started as an alliance between two political leaders: Ignacio Irys and Patricia Mercado. However, most of its members come from four extinct parties: the Social Democracy Party, led by Gilberto Rincón Gallardo (which lost its registration as an officially recognized party by barely 20,000 votes in the 2000 election), México Posible, led by Patricia Mercado, Fuerza Ciudadana and the Partido Campesino y Popular. According to the documents submitted to the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE), the party had 214,314 members as of July 14, 2005, and it defined itself as a New Left party.

The Pact of Unity (which gathers the major Bolivian indigenous and campesino organizations) drafted the long version of the Law between the April 2010 World People's Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth and October 2010, when they finished the final version in a joined effort with a commission of the Plurinational Legislative Assembly, the Bolivian Vice- Ministry of Environment, and a legal team of constitutional development from the Vice President's Office. Later, a ten-article short version was agreed with then Senator Freddy Bersatti and Deputy Galo Silvestre, to be passed by the Legislative Assembly in December 2010. The short version was rushed so as to be presented by president Evo Morales at the 2010 United Nations Climate Change Conference. The Framework Law was expected to be considered by the Assembly in 2011, but was not.

Most reforms were planned by left-leaning intellectuals of the time, and some of them successfully improved the Peruvian quality of life. A root and branch education reform was in march looking to include all Peruvians and move them towards to a new national thinking and feeling; the poor and the most excluded were prioritized in this system and the Día del Indio or Peruvian Indian's day name was changed to Día del Campesino or Peruvian Peasant's day every June 24, a traditional holiday of the land, the day of winter solstice. The education reform of 1972 provided for bilingual education for the indigenous people of the Andes and the Amazon, which consisted nearly half of the population. In 1975, the Velasco government enacted a law making Quechua an official language of Peru equal to Spanish.

Government efforts to eradicate the expansion of coca cultivation in Bolivia began in 1983, when Bolivia committed itself to a five- year program to reduce coca production and created the Coca Eradication Directorate (Dirección de la Reconversión de la Coca—Direco) under the Ministry of Agriculture, Campesino Affairs, and Livestock Affairs. Bolivia's National Directorate for the Control of Dangerous Substances (Dirección Nacional para el Control de Substancias Peligrosas—DNCSP) was able to eradicate several thousand hectares of coca. These efforts, however, put only a small dent in the coca industry and were highly controversial among thousands of peasants. Under the joint agreement signed by the United States and Bolivia in 1987, which created DNCSP, Bolivia allocated US$72.2 million for the 1988 to 1991 period to eradication programs, including a wide-ranging rural development program for the Chapare region.

XHFCE-FM (Radio Huayacocotla: La Voz de los Campesinos – "The Voice of the Campesinos") is an indigenous community radio station based in Huayacocotla, a community of some 4000 inhabitants in the mountainous north of the Mexican state of Veracruz. It began broadcasting, with a permit on 2390 kHz, a short wave frequency, on August 15, 1965 as XEJN-OC ("OC" for onda corta), using a 500 W transmitter. On February 14, 2005, the Secretariat of Communications and Transport (SCT) granted the station a legal permit after 27 years of negotiations, assigning it the call sign XHFCE-FM and an FM frequency of 105.5 MHz. In its early years, the station's programming focused on adult literacy and numeracy efforts before evolving toward a more general community-radio format: local information, regional cultural dissemination, agricultural news, campesino rights.

Requiem for a Spanish Peasant (Réquiem por un campesino español) is a famous short novel in twentieth-century Spanish literature by Spanish writer Ramón J. Sender. It relates the thoughts and memories of Mosén Millán, a Catholic parish priest, as he sits in the vestry of a church in a nameless Aragonese village, preparing to conduct a requiem mass to celebrate the life of a young peasant named Paco killed by the Nationalist army a year earlier, at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. As he waits, his thoughts are interrupted by the occasional comings and goings of an altar boy, who hums to himself an anonymous ballad. The novel was originally published under the title Mosén Millán; however, the author changed the title to shift the focus from the priest to its peasant protagonist.

At the age of 13 she was taken—essentially kidnapped—from her rural village in Mizque and brought to the city of Cochabamba to work, with the promise that she would be given in return the schooling and care her campesino parents could not provide. Instead, her supposed employers held Rodríguez in abusive servitude for two years, forcing her to work long hours with no pay. When she was 21 she became involved with the group which would become the Domestic Workers’ Union of Cochabamba. This led to become a founding member of the Domestic Workers Federation in 1985; it also led to her later election as the leader of the National Federation of Domestic Workers in Bolivia. She was instrumental in the creation and passage of the Domestic Workers’ Protection Law, which Congress approved in 2003.

The unparalleled revenues made the risk worthwhile for many. Government efforts to eradicate the expansion of coca cultivation in Bolivia began in 1983, when Bolivia committed itself to a five- year program to reduce coca production and created the Coca Eradication Directorate (Dirección de la Reconversión de la Coca—Direco) under the Ministry of Agriculture, Campesino Affairs, and Livestock Affairs. Bolivia's National Directorate for the Control of Dangerous Substances (Dirección Nacional para el Control de Substancias Peligrosas—DNCSP) was able to eradicate several thousand hectares of coca. These efforts put only a small dent in the coca industry and were highly controversial among thousands of peasants. Under the joint agreement signed by the United States and Bolivia in 1987, which created the DNCSP, Bolivia allocated US$72.2 million for the 1988 to 1991 period to eradication programs, including a wide-ranging rural development program for the Chapare region.

Each of the country's nine departments returns four senators elected by proportional representation (using the D'Hondt method). (From 1985 to 2009, the Senate had 27 seats: three seats per department: two from the party or formula that receives the most votes, with the third senator representing the second-placed party.) Senators are elected from party lists to serve five-year terms, and the minimum age to hold a Senate seat is 35 years. The Chamber of Deputies comprises 130 seats, elected using the additional member system: 70 deputies are elected to represent single-member electoral districts, 7 of which are Indigenous or Campesino seats elected by the usos y costumbres of minority groups, 60 are elected by proportional representation from party lists on a departmental basis. Deputies also serve five-year terms, and must be aged at least 25 on the day of the election.

Equally important has been the effort to recover earlier Asian American authors, started by Frank Chin and his colleagues; this effort has brought Sui Sin Far, Toshio Mori, Carlos Bulosan, John Okada, Hisaye Yamamoto and others to prominence. Indian-American author Jhumpa Lahiri won the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction for her debut collection of short stories, Interpreter of Maladies (1999), and went on to write a well-received novel, The Namesake (2003), which was shortly adapted to film in 2007. In her second collection of stories, Unaccustomed Earth, released to widespread commercial and critical success, Lahiri shifts focus and treats the experiences of the second and third generation. Hispanic literature also became important during this period, starting with acclaimed novels by Tomás Rivera (...y no se lo tragó la tierra) and Rudolfo Anaya (Bless Me, Ultima), and the emergence of Chicano theater with Luis Valdez and Teatro Campesino.

During their short conversation, Guevara pointed out to Cortez the poor condition of the schoolhouse, stating that it was "anti- pedagogical" to expect campesino students to be educated there, while "government officials drive Mercedes cars"; Guevara said "that's what we are fighting against." Location of Vallegrande in Bolivia Later that morning on 9 October, Bolivian President René Barrientos ordered that Guevara be killed. The order was relayed to the unit holding Guevara by Félix Rodríguez reportedly despite the United States government's desire that Guevara be taken to Panama for further interrogation.Grant 2007 The executioner who volunteered to kill Guevara was Mario Terán, a 27-year-old sergeant in the Bolivian army who while half-drunk requested to shoot Guevara because three of his friends from B Company, all with the same first name of "Mario", had been killed in a firefight several days earlier with Guevara's band of guerrillas.

The President asked the Parliament on several occasions to vote for a state of constitutional exception, resulting in actions such as the famous burning of the 285th issue of the satirical magazine Topaze, which published a caricature of Alessandri he considered offensive. Such precautions were not without reason, especially considering the appearance of new violent movements, such as the Nazi-inspired National Socialist Movement of Chile of Jorge González von Marées. In 1934, the rural rebellion of Ranquil was crushed, 477 workers and Mapuches being killed during the Ranquil Massacre in the upper Bio-Bio River, which had recently been opened for Chilean and foreign settlers of the occupation of the Araucania.Levantamiento campesino en Ranquil, Lonquimay In the economic sphere, the recovery from the crisis of 1929 was begun with the work of Treasury Minister Gustavo Ross, a pragmatic liberal who implemented a "development inwards" approach to growth.

Mameria is an area of high-altitude jungle to the northeast of the Paucartambo range in southeast Peru, drained by the Mameria river, an affluent of the Nistrón river. Until the 1960s this remote and sparsely populated area would have been considered a part of the Callanga jungle area. Machiguenga peoples, fleeing the slavery that they were subject to along the Yavero river, fled to this area which acquired its current name from the Machiguenga observing that "mameri," which means "there are none," regarding the lack of fish in the river. Mameria has pre-Columbian stone ruins that are the remains of ancient Incan coca plantations, some of which were sacked by the Peruvian helicopter- borne General Ludwig Essenwanger in 1980, a year after the area was first brought to the attention of the outside world by the also helicopter-borne expedition made by French-Peruvian explorers Herbert and Nicole Cartagena, guided by Peruvian campesino/adventurer Goyo Toledo.

Arias indicated he intended to propose a reconciliation government headed by Zelaya combined with political amnesty. Ramon Custodio, the Human Rights Commissioner for Honduras, suggested that both Micheletti and Zelaya could resign in favor of Zelaya's former Vice President and current presidential candidate, Elvin Ernesto Santos, noting that Santos' resignation as Vice President in 2008, which Congress accepted, was an unconstitutional act which needs to be repaired. Campesino leader Rafael Alegria announced that if there was no settlement in Costa Rica over the weekend, that there would be a national strike on Monday supported by a variety of unions within the country. In Honduras, peaceful protests to allow Zelaya to return continued for the 18th day, with roads blocked in the north of the country, between Choloma and Puerto Cortés, while protesters in the west block the roads to Guatemala and El Salvador, and protestors in the department of Francisco Morazan blocked the road between Tegucigalpa and Comayagua.

Rather than focusing only on the religious affairs that they had once been restricted to, catechists began fostering discussion of economic and political matters that impacted people's daily lives. Passivity was replaced by these new methods of catechists, and through the development of base communities, which built the framework for reflection and collective action. Indigenous poor no longer accepted the "low wages they earned on plantations, the lack of security in their land titles, the corruption of government agencies, and the abuses of merchants and landowners", instead using "their religious faith and interpretation of the Bible to create concrete solutions to immediate problems". Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, for whom Bishop Ruiz named a human rights center, depicted as Savior of the Indians in a painting by Felix Parra In 1989, Bishop Ruiz founded the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Rights Center to push back against increasing violence against indigenous and campesino activists in his diocese.

Radio Sutatenza grew to the point where it aired 19 hours of educational programs per day, covering 687 towns and four main Colombian cities at the time. It distributed 6,453,937 handbooks, answered 1,229,552 letters from students, it created a weekly newspaper called El Campesino, and educated about 8,000,000 farmers around the country. It also became a model for other rural education initiatives in Latin America, such as Fundación Radio Escuela para el Desarrollo Rural (FREDER) in Osorno, Chile; Instituto de Cultura Popular (INCUPO) in Reconquista, Argentina; Escuelas Radiofónicas Populares de Ecuador (ERPE); Radio Onda Azul in Puno, Perú; Asociación Cultural Loyola (ACLO) in Sucre, Bolivia; Radio Occidente in Tovar, Venezuela, and Escuelas Radiofónicas de Nicaragua. Despite its important role in improving the education of millions of people, by the late 1980s Radio Sutatenza was on the verge of bankruptcy and ended being sold in March 1989, with its powerful transmitters, to Caracol Radio, the largest radio network in Colombia.

The inspiration for these "boarding" type OWs came from a CEPAL-led course for international economic development experts which Clodomir attended during his studies in Santiago (Chile) in 1965.Correia in It was to Guanchias that development and agrarian reform agencies would send their recruits for initiation into the OW.see 1980's period: OW spread by former Guanchias recruits and notes 67–69 below In 1969 he directed a large "Centre" OW in Panamá in the context of Omar Torrijos' Mil Jovenes (Thousand Youths) Operation which sent out 1,000 young Panamanians to reproduce the OW in support of the government's agrarian reform. 280 new enterprises resulted, grouped under the Panamanian CONAC (National Confederation of Campesino Land Settlements) which subsequently organized other OW learning events nationally.Sobrado in In 1970 (until 1973) de Morais, on account of the ILO, moved to Costa Rica where a new Land Settlement Policy had just come in operation.

His conferences at the University of Costa Rica and the Universidad Nacional aroused a keen interest. At the behest of T. Quirós, president of the Institute for Lands and Colonization (ITCO), an ILO- funded Centre OW was arranged in Bataán.Bataánre: The new cadres and OW directors formed there were responsible, in 1973 alone, for 80 new pre- cooperative groups and 15 new enterprises.Sobrado in Barrantes' 1998 book Coopesilencio: 25 years on traces the story of one of the many long-term surviving cooperative enterprises hailing back to those groundbreaking years.see Organization Workshop 'Long term survival'see also 'External Links' After having spent some time as visiting scholar at the University of Wisconsin, US, de Morais was again in Honduras from 1973 until 1976 as FAO consultant in charge of the PROCCARAPROCCARA Program (Campesino Capacitation Program for Agrarian Reform), which was to become the blueprint for the "Honduran Model", the application of the OW on a countrywide basis.

Asian American theater is represented in the early 1970s by Frank Chin and achieved international success with David Henry Hwang's M. Butterfly. Latino theater grew from the local activist performances of Luis Valdez's Chicano-focused Teatro Campesino to his more formal plays, such as Zoot Suit, and later to the award-winning work of Cuban Americans Fornés (multiple Obies) and her student Nilo Cruz (Pulitzer), to Puerto Rican playwrights José Rivera and Miguel Piñero, and to the Tony Award-winning musical about Dominicans in New York City, In the Heights. Finally, the rise of the gay rights movement and of the AIDS crisis led to a number of important gay and lesbian dramatists, including Christopher Durang, Holly Hughes, Karen Malpede, Terrence McNally, Larry Kramer, Tony Kushner, whose Angels in America won the Tony Award two years in a row, and composer-playwright Jonathan Larson, whose musical Rent ran for over twelve years.

The New Left in Latin America can be loosely defined as the collection of political parties, radical grassroots social movements (such as indigenous movements, student movements, mobilizations of landless rural workers, afro-descendent organizations and feminist movements), guerilla organizations (such as the Cuban and Nicaraguan revolutions) and other organizations (such as trade unions, campesino leagues and human rights organizations) that comprised the left between 1959 (with the beginning of the Cuban Revolution) and 1990 (with the fall of the Berlin Wall). Influential Latin American thinkers such as Francisco de Oliveira argued that the United States used Latin American countries as "peripheral economies" at the expense of Latin American society and economic development, which many saw as an extension of neo-colonialism and neo-imperialism. This shift in thinking led to a surge of dialogue related to how Latin America could assert its social and economic independence from the United States. Many scholars argued that a shift to socialism could help liberate Latin America from this conflict.

Cuban rural landscape It seems that Punto and Zapateo Cubano were the first autochthonous musical genres of the Cuban nation. Although the first printed sample of a Cuban Creole Zapateo (Zapateo Criollo) was not published until 1855 in the "Álbum Regio of Vicente Díaz de Comas", it is possible to find references about the existence of those genres since long time before. Its structural characteristics have survived almost unaltered through a period of more than two hundred years and they are usually considered the most typically Hispanic Cuban popular music genres. Cuban musicologists María Teresa Linares, Argeliers León and Rolando Antonio Pérez coincide in thinking that Punto and Zapateo are based on Spanish dance –songs (such as chacone and sarabande) that arrived first at the most important population centers such as Havana and Santiago de Cuba and then spread throughout the surrounding rural areas where they were adopted and modified by the peasant (campesino) population at a later time.

After this battle, the commander of the Parapar unit was sued for the gross negligence of human losses, as well as an unfavorable report to El Campesino for skipping and disobeying the orders of the high command of Miaja and Rojo. He returned to the front located in the Alto Tajuña, holding heavy combats during the Republican offensive, and the subsequent Francoist counter-offensive, carried out in this area between March 14, March 22, March 31 and April 16, 1938, in that the brigade, coming from the reserve, successfully commissioned the offensive in the central area between April 2 and 6. The combat around the municipalities of Abánades and Sotodosos cost the brigade many losses, The commander of the 261st Battalion, the eldest of militias Juan Molina Aliaga, was discharged for dissensions with his commissar. On May 15, 1938, the commander of the Infantry Juan Andrés Vivó del Toro, who had been a lieutenant in the Vizcaya Regiment No. 12 of the garrison in Alcoy, assumed command.

Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff (March 6, 1912 – May 16, 1994) was an anthropologist and archaeologist known for his research and also in-depth fieldwork among many different Amerindian cultures such as in the Amazonian tropical rainforests (e.g. Desana Tucano), and also among dozens of other indigenous groups in Colombia in the Caribbean Coast (such as the Kogi of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta), as well as other living in the Pacific Coast, Llanos Orientales, and in the Andean and inter-Andean regions (Muisca) as well as in other areas of Colombia, and he also did research on campesino societies. For nearly six decades he advanced ethnographic and anthropological studies, as well as archeological research, and as a scholar was a prolific writer and public figure renowned as a staunch defender of indigenous peoples. Reichel- Dolmatoff has worked with other archaeologists and anthropologists such as Marianne Cardale de Schrimpff, Ana María Groot, Gonzalo Correal Urrego and others.

Most reforms were planned by left-leaning intellectuals of the time, and some of them successfully improved the Peruvian quality of life. A root and branch education reform was in march looking to include all Peruvians and move them towards to a new national thinking and feeling; the poor and the most excluded were prioritized in this system and the Día del Indio or Peruvian Indian's day name was changed to Día del Campesino or Peruvian Peasant's day every June 24, a traditional holiday of the land, the day of winter solstice. The education reform of 1972 provided for bilingual education for the indigenous people of the Andes and the Amazon, which consisted nearly half of the population. In 1975, the Velasco government enacted a law making Quechua an official language of Peru equal to Spanish. However, this law was never enforced and ceased to be valid when the 1979 constitution became effective, according to which Quechua and Aymara are official only where they predominate, as mandated by law – a law that was never enacted.

In 2011, the FEPLP was part of the jury panel for the Business Award "La Paz - Leader" 2011 "Promoting productivity and business competitiveness." From 2011 to 2012, the FELPLP worked on the initiative Forum for the Development of the Department of La Paz, A partnership with government entities, foundations, and other organizations to undertake and design actions to articulate all different levels of government and public entities, and to prioritize actions that would lead to the development of La Paz. The main participants were: the Association of Organizations of Ecological Producers of Bolivia (la Asociación de Organizaciones de Productores Ecológicos de Bolivia, AOPEB), the Joint Committee of Campesino Economic Organizations (Coordinadora Integral de Organizaciones Económicas Campesinas, CIOEC), the Federation of Private Entrepreneurs of La Paz (FEPLP), the government of La Paz, the Jubilee Foundation, the University of San Andrés (Universidad de San Andrés), and the Autonomous Government of the Municipality of La Paz (Gobierno Autónomo Municipal de La Paz, GAMLP),). The FEPLP then coordinated roundtables to further discuss the topics concluded at the Forum.

The Amazon Defense Coalition (ADC) structure is focused on training (a three-year integral leadership training course offered to Amazonian residents in Orellana and Sucumbíos provinces), legal (legal advice and defence of campesino and indigenous socio- environmental community rights), environmental monitoring (a technical team which monitors and reports on areas and communities that suffer from oil pollution as a result of drilling in the Amazon), and alternative products (promotion of cleaning and energy products that do not harm the environment as well as seeking local sustainable development and biodiversification). The Amazon Defense Coalition was formed in 1994 after a group of 75 indigenous people and farmers brought an environmental clean-up lawsuit against Texaco (consolidated into Chevron Corporation in 2001) in the name of 30,000 Amazonian residents near the Lago Agrio oil field. The accumulation of waste there over three decades now fills a region the size of Rhode Island. The case was initially heard in a U.S. court in New York City where it received representation from New York human rights lawyer Steven Donziger.

The Simón Bolívar Great Patriotic Pole (, GPPSB) is a left-wing socialist electoral alliance/popular front of Venezuelan political parties created in 2012 to support the re-election of Hugo Chávez in the 2012 presidential election. The organisation, which "formally unites 35,000 Venezuelan movements and collectives",Venezuelanalysis.com, 28 February 2012, Interview: The Great Patriotic Pole (GPP) – How Thousands of Movements are Constructing their Revolutionary Organisation is led by Nicolás Maduro's United Socialist Party of Venezuela (Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela, PSUV). Although the coalition shares a name with the "Sovereign Front" of the 1998 presidential election, the 1998 coalition was one of political parties, and did not include the wide range of social movements and community organisations involved in the GPP. For example, in Mérida state the GPP includes "[m]ovements such as the Tupamaros, the Educational Community Socialist Front, the Frebin (the Bolivarian Front of Researchers and Innovators), the student movement Community Integration, the comrades in the rural workers front- the Campesino Front Ezequiel Zamora, the popular educators network, the Women’s Bicentennial Front, and... Tatuy TV".

This is mainly signified by the "narcocorrido", many of which are egocentric ballads paid for by drug smugglers to anonymous and almost illiterate composers (more about this assertion here l), but with others coming from the most popular norteño and banda artists and written by some of the most successful and influential ranchera composers. Toma de Ciudad Juárez In the Mestizo-Mexican cultural area the three variants of corrido (romance, revolutionary and modern) are both alive and sung, along with popular sister narrative genres, such as the "valona" of Michoacán state, the "son arribeño" of the Sierra Gorda (Guanajuato, Hidalgo and Querétaro states) and others. Its vitality and flexibility allow original corrido lyrics to be built on non-Mexican musical genres, such as blues and ska, or with non-Spanish lyrics, like the famous song El Paso by Marty Robbins, and corridos composed or translated by Mexican indigenous communities or by the "Chicano" people in the United States, in English or "Spanglish". The corrido was, for example, a favorite device employed by the Teatro Campesino led by Luis Valdez in mobilizing largely Mexican and Mexican-American farmworkers in California during the 1960s.

A second March for Territory, Land, Political Participation and Development was held in 1996. It began with 2000 CIDOB marchers in Santa Cruz de la Sierra on August 27, 1996, and was joined by members of the Unique Confederation of Rural Laborers of Bolivia (CSUTCB) and the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia (CSCB) on the following day. CIDOB won its demand that indigenous land rights be protected as indigenous territories, with elements of sovereignty and local jurisdiction and ended its participation in the march in Samaipata, Santa Cruz. CSUTCB and CSCB continued the march to La Paz, where some 13,000 marchers grew to twenty to forty thousand protesters, but were unsuccessful in winning the campesino federations' demands. The mobilization coincided with the passage of the 1996 National Institute of Agrarian Reform (INRA) Law (Law 1715), which changed land reform policy in ways that encouraged absentee land ownership and speculation. In 2000, CPESC (the regional federation for Santa Cruz), the Mojeño people of Beni, and several Amazonian peoples carried out the March for the Earth, Territory, and Natural Resources () from Riberalta, Beni to Montero, Santa Cruz.