No one cares that you think Gritty is an anarchist-syndicalist.
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This dates back to Georges Sorel, a French syndicalist philosopher who was revered by Mussolini and the Italian fascists.
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This guy was a sort of anarcho-syndicalist who'd somehow failed to find any fire-poy work at this year's Glastonbury.
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A constitution established an anarcho-syndicalist, corporatist state, in which one of the corporations was designed to represent the superior Übermensch.
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November 1911 issue Bulletin international du mouvement syndicaliste (English: International Bulletin of the Syndicalist Movement) was a syndicalist periodical published from 1907 by Christiaan Cornelissen and from 1913 by the International Syndicalist Bureau in Amsterdam. Cornelissen, a Dutch syndicalist living in Paris, was inspired to publish the bulletin after attending the 1907 Anarchist Congress in Amerdam. He published it until 1913 almost singlehandedly. In 1913, Cornelissen attended the First International Syndicalist Congress in London.
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On 10 September 1958, Rocker died in the Mohegan Colony. The Syndicalist Workers' Federation was a syndicalist group in active in post-war Britain and one of the Solidarity Federation's earliest predecessors. It was formed in 1950 by members of the dissolved Anarchist Federation of Britain. Unlike the AFB, which was influenced by anarcho- syndicalist ideas but ultimately not syndicalist itself, the SWF decided to pursue a more definitely syndicalist, worker-centred strategy from the outset.
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The Industrial Syndicalist Education League (ISEL) was a British syndicalist organisation which existed from 1910 to 1913. In May 1910 Guy Bowman and Tom Mann, two dissident members of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) travelled to France visiting members of the syndicalist General Confederation of Labour. Mann returned convinced of their doctrine. He started the monthly newspaper The Industrial Syndicalist in July.
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The French syndicalist Henri Sirolle then responded for the syndicalist delegates and defended Russian anarchism. He demanded that a representative of the Russian syndicalist movement who was present, most likely Schapiro, be allowed to address the congress, but he was denied.Thorpe 1989, pp. 198-199, Tosstorff 2016, pp. 387-389.
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A session of the congress The First International Syndicalist Congress was a meeting of European and Latin American syndicalist organizations at Holborn Town Hall in London from September 27 to October 2, 1913. Upon a proposal by the Dutch National Labor Secretariat (NAS) and the British Industrial Syndicalist Education League (ISEL), most European syndicalist groups, both trade unions and advocacy groups, agreed to congregate at a meeting in London. The only exception was the biggest syndicalist organization worldwide, the French General Confederation of Labor (CGT). Nevertheless, the congress was held with organizations from twelve countries participating.
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La Bataille syndicaliste ('Syndicalist Battle'), renamed Bataille on September 30, 1915, was a syndicalist morning daily published from Paris. It was the central organ of the Confédération générale du travail (CGT).
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Despite these developments, the influence of the anarchists in the pre-World War I FVdG remained quantitatively minute, especially as leading members like Kater were at the time very skeptical of the anarchist ideology.Rübner 1994, p. 46–47. A session of the First International Syndicalist Congress After both the British Industrial Syndicalist Education League (ISEL), a short-lived syndicalist organization heavily involved in the strike wave in Britain from 1910, and the Dutch syndicalist union National Labor Secretariat (NAS) published proposals for an international syndicalist congress in 1913, the FVdG was the first to express support. There were difficulties in organizing the congress, and the largest syndicalist union worldwide — the CGT — refused to participate because it was already affiliated with the social democratic International Federation of Trade Unions.
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Living Anarchism: José Peirats and the Spanish Anarcho-Syndicalist Movement is a biography of Spanish anarcho-syndicalist and historian of anarchism José Peirats written by Chris Ealham and published by AK Press in 2015.
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Felix Cantalicio Aracuyú was an early 20th century Paraguayan anarcho- syndicalist.
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Rasmussen joined the anarcho-syndicalist movement at an early age, and from his 20s and on-wards he contributed to the syndicalist weekly Arbejdet ("Work"). In the early 60s, he helped edit and publish the memoirs of revolutionary syndicalist Christian Christensen. Later on Rasmussen was also active in the Danish anti-nuclear movement, the campaigns against EU membership, and in Amnesty International.
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Murray Bookchin. To Remember Spain: The Anarchist and Syndicalist Revolution of 1936.
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Josep Juan i Domènech (Barcelona, 1900 - 1979) was a Catalan anarcho- syndicalist.
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Emanuele Macaluso (born 21 March 1924) is an Italian syndicalist and politician.
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Articles He was also an active anarchist throughout his life, and joined the Syndicalist Youth Federation, the youth organization of a syndicalist union, in 1941. At nineteen, he became the editor of "Storm", the youth paper, and at age twenty- two, he was appointed the cultural editor of Arbetaren ("The Worker"), then a daily newspaper of the syndicalist movement. He called "Arbetaren" his "spiritual birthplace".
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Schapiro decided to return to Berlin. He became one of the most active Russian syndicalist exiles.Thorpe 1989, p. 244. In December 1922, at conference in Berlin, he participated in the establishment of the anarcho-syndicalist International Working Men's Association (IWMA).
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Milly Witkop(-Rocker) (March 3, 1877November 23, 1955) was a Ukrainian-born Jewish anarcho-syndicalist, feminist writer and activist. She was the common- law wife of the prominent anarcho-syndicalist leader Rudolf Rocker. The couple's son, Fermin Rocker, was an artist.
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Teodomiro Menéndez Fernández (Oviedo, 1879 – Madrid, 1978) was a Spanish politician and socialist syndicalist.
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Organigramma CER CERUIC He was Mompeo mayor in 2004 and he worked as syndicalist.
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This was also one of the founding piece of Georges Sorel's anarcho-syndicalist theory.
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After the war, the goal of a syndicalist International was realized. The International Working Men's Association (IWA), which exists to this day, was formed in 1923. Its founding congress in Berlin made reference to the 1913 First International Syndicalist Congress as its predecessor.
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There he established the revolutionary syndicalist committee of Valenciennes, and in 1921 became its secretary.
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Tina Costa (11 November 1925 – 20 March 2019) was an Italian anti-fascist and syndicalist.
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The meeting decided to create an international Syndicalist Bureau, to which Schapiro would be the Russian representative, and discussed the position the syndicalist movement should take on the RILU. Concerning negotiations with the RILU, Schapiro presented the congress with two options. Syndicalists could present the Bolsheviks with minimal conditions, which they might accept, or harsher conditions, which they could not. The former he deemed a betrayal of syndicalist principles and the latter a mere ploy.
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He subsequently wrote about his imprisonment in several syndicalist journals in the West.Thorpe 1989, p. 312.
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The Norsk Syndikalistisk Forbund (Norwegian Syndicalist League) is an anarcho- syndicalist group in Norway. It is the Norwegian section of the International Workers Association, and was mandated as the secretariat of the International until 2007, when the Serbian section Anarho-sindikalisticka inicijativa (ASI- MUR) took over.
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He then became a leader in the syndicalist construction workers' union in Dresden and travelled Germany as a lecturer. In 1920, he became a member of the Business Commission of the FVdG-follow-up organization, the Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD). He also contributed to Der Syndikalist, the organ of the FAUD, and Die Schöpfung. Köster's wife Aimée contributed to the syndicalist women's magazine Die schaffende Frau and was a member of the Syndicalist Women's Federation (SFB).
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The French General Confederation of Labor (CGT), the largest syndicalist organization in the world, was critical of the proposal. It strove to radicalize ISNTUC from within. While in many countries both radical syndicalist and mainstream socialist labor federations existed, in France, there was only the syndicalist CGT. The FVdG in Germany, for example, where the ISNTUC-affiliated Free Trade Unions would not allow a rival organization from the country to join, did not have this possibility.
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Paul Lapeyre (28 May 1901 - 2 May 1991) was a militant anarchist, anarcho- syndicalist and free-thinker.
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Pedro Herrera Camarero (Valladolid, January 18, 1909 - Buenos Aires, October 28, 1969) was a Spanish anarcho-syndicalist.
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Foster, Pages from a Workers Life, pp. 208-209. The SLNA also maintained links with the British Industrial Syndicalist Education League. They sponsored a US speaking tour by Tom Mann, and sent a delegate to that groups First International Syndicalist Congress.Foster, From Bryan to Stalin, pp. 65-66.
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"Trade union membership 1993–2003". International: SPIRE Associates. Other active syndicalist movements include the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish Anarcho-syndicalist Youth Federation in Sweden; the Unione Sindacale Italiana in Italy; Workers Solidarity Alliance in the United States; and Solidarity Federation in the United Kingdom. The revolutionary industrial unionist Industrial Workers of the World claiming 2,000 paying members as well as the International Workers' Association, an anarcho- syndicalist successor to the First International, also remain active.
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The Nigerian anarchist movement emerged in the early 1990s, with the establishment of the anarcho-syndicalist Awareness League.
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James Thomson "JT" Bain (6 March 1860 – 29 October 1919) was a socialist and syndicalist in colonial South Africa.
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At the same time, infighting between the syndicalist ' and the insurrectionalist FAI hurt the unity of the anarchist struggle.
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Syndicalist groups in France promoted income tax evasion and defended evaders whose goods were in danger of government seizure.
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After the dissolution of the Industrial Socialist League and ISL into the CPSA, there was no active or explicit anarchist or revolutionary syndicalist movement in South Africa. The ICU exhibited revolutionary syndicalist influence, although this co-existed with ideas ranging from liberalism to black nationalism. Beginning with the "Durban Moment" in the early 1970s, New Left ideas began to influence parts of the anti-apartheid struggle. These brought some (often indirect) anarchist and revolutionary syndicalist influence into the political scene, although often not very pronounced or coherent.
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Schapiro and Efim Iarchuk, another former editor of Golos Truda, represented the Russian syndicalist movement. Reflections on the Russian Revolution played a central role in the deliberations, as the Russian experience demonstrated the fundamental differences between syndicalism and state socialism, according to the delegates. Rocker pointed to the Bolshevik government's treatment of Schapiro in making the case against participation in the RILU and for the formation of a syndicalist international. Schapiro himself argued that participation in the RILU would be incompatible with syndicalist principles.
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Fox decided to leave Home Colony in favor of a new start in Chicago, where syndicalist leader William Z. Foster had moved in order to establish a new organization called the Syndicalist League of North America.Edward P. Johannningsmeier, Forging American Communism: The Life of William Z. Foster. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994; pg. 69. Fox brought with him his publication The Agitator, previously produced at Home Colony, and renamed it The Syndicalist, making it the official organ of the new organization.Johannningsmeier, Forging American Communism, pp. 69.
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Francesc Isgleas i Piarnau (Sant Feliu de Guíxols, February 16, 1892 - Barcelona, February 14, 1977) was a Catalan anarcho-syndicalist.
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The city is home to the main seat of the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist labor union the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo.
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Klavdiya Ivanovna Nikolayeva ( June 13, 1893 – December 28, 1944), was a Russian revolutionary, syndicalist, feminist, Old Bolshevik and Soviet politician.
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Arturo Labriola Arturo Labriola (; 21 January 1873 – 23 June 1959) was an Italian revolutionary syndicalist and socialist politician and journalist.
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Ramón Rufat Llop (1916–1993) was a Spanish anarcho-syndicalist, agent of the Republican secret services, and anti-Franco fighter.
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Foner concludes, therefore, that the IWW did not inherit its philosophy of revolutionary industrial unionism from French Syndicalism. However, he does also note similarities. Foner believes that IWW members did learn about the organization's kinship with European syndicalist organizations through Wobbly publications, and thereby largely accepted the doctrines of syndicalism, especially after Bill Haywood brought back some ideas about syndicalist tactics from his 1910 visit to Europe. Conlin suggested in 1969 that those who wish to understand the true nature of the IWW should discontinue referring to the IWW as syndicalist.
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The oldest predecessor of the Revolutionary Socialist Party is the Revolutionary Socialist Union (Dutch: Revolutionair Socialistisch Verbond; RSV), a group of dissidents from the Communist Party Holland (CPH) led by Henk Sneevliet. Another predecessor is the Socialist Party (Dutch: Socialistische Partij; SP), a syndicalist party, which was closely linked to the anarcho-syndicalist trade union National Workers' Secretariat (NAS).
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'Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI; Italian Syndicalist Union or Italian Workers' Union) is an anarcho-syndicalist trade union. It is the Italian section of the International Workers Association (IWA; Associazione Internazionale dei Lavoratori in Italian or AIT - 'Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores in the common Spanish reference), and the name of USI is also abbreviated as USI-AIT.
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Karl Roche (1862-1931) was a German syndicalist and left communist trade unionist. Roche joined the Free Association of German Trade Unions (FVdG) around 1900 as a seaman. He became a prominent member of the organization. In 1913, Carl Windhoff, Fritz Kater, and he were the FVdG delegates at the First International Syndicalist Congress in London.
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The CGT wanted to preserve unity within the European labor movement, even with non-syndicalist groups, and was afraid affiliation with a syndicalist international would jeopardize its relations to the mainstream socialist unions. Moreover, the CGT was in a crisis. Reformists were rapidly gaining influence and making it harder to forge alliances with other radical unions.Gras 1971, pg.
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Valeri Mas i Casas (Sant Martí de Provençals, May 22, 1894 - Lissac-sur-Couze, July 19, 1973) was a Catalan anarcho-syndicalist.
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Sergio Antonio D'Antoni (born 10 December 1946 in Caltanissetta) is an Italian politician, syndicalist and sports manager, current President of CONI Sicilia.
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Avrich 1967, p. 227, Thorpe 1989, p. 169. In early 1921, the government started to ban syndicalist and anarchist writings.Avrich 1967, p.
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At its founding congress in 1905, influential members with strong anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist sympathies like Thomas J. Hagerty, William Trautmann and Lucy Parsons contributed to the union's overall revolutionary syndicalist orientation.Salvatore Salerno, Red November, Black November: Culture and Community in the Industrial Workers of the World (State University of New York Press, 1989), pp. 69–90, Although the terms anarcho-syndicalism and revolutionary syndicalism are often used interchangeably, the anarcho-syndicalist label was not widely used until the early 1920s: "The term ‘anarcho-syndicalist' only came into wide use in 1921–1922 when it was applied polemically as a pejorative term by communists to any syndicalists…who opposed increased control of syndicalism by the communist parties".David Berry, A History of the French Anarchist Movement, 1917–1945, (Greenwood, 2002), p. 134.
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Unlike the AFB, which was influenced by anarcho-syndicalist ideas but ultimately not syndicalist itself, the SWF decided to pursue a more definitely syndicalist, worker-centred strategy from the outset. The group joined the International Workers Association and during the Franco era gave particular support to the Spanish resistance and the underground CNT anarcho-syndicalist union, previously involved in the 1936 Spanish Revolution and subsequent Civil War against a right-wing military coup backed by both Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. The SWF initially had some success, but when Tom Brown, a long-term and very active member was forced out of activity, it declined until by 1979 it had only one lone branch in Manchester. The SWF then dissolved itself into the group founded as the Direct Action Movement.
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" In: Itinéraires d'Intellectuels. Paris, Nouvelle Librairie Nationale, pp. 227–232. as the leader who had realized his syndicalist myth."Hale (1971), p. 109.
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Tanner, first on left top row, in a World War II patriotic poster Frederick John Shirley Tanner (28 April 1889 - 3 March 1965), known as Jack Tanner, was a British trade unionist. Born in Whitstable, Tanner grew up in London and became a fitter and turner at the age of 14. He joined the Social Democratic Federation and the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, soon becoming a prominent activist, and helping found the National Federation of Women Workers. During the 1910s, he was a leading syndicalist, active in the Industrial Syndicalist Education League, and jointly chaired the First International Syndicalist Congress.
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Gaston Leval Gaston Leval (born Pierre Robert Piller; October 20, 1895 – April 8, 1978) was an anarcho-syndicalist, combatant and historian of the Spanish Revolution. Leval was the son of a French Communard. He escaped to Spain in 1915 to avoid conscription during the First World War. In Spain he joined the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo trade union.
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He was the editor of the Syndicalist League's magazine The Syndicalist during 1913. During World War I Wilshire worked with Emma Goldman in the Free Speech League in New York. In 1900, Wilshire launched the first of his publishing ventures in Los Angeles, a magazine called The Challenge. At least 40 issues of the publication were produced between December 1900 and October 1901.
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The meeting was called to discuss the international organization of the movement and whether to negotiate with the RILU or start an independent syndicalist international. Schapiro and Mrachnyi represented the Russian syndicalist movement, but a representative of Russia's centralist unions also attended. Schapiro and Mrachnyi used the meeting as another opportunity to denounce the Soviet government's repression of syndicalists and anarchists.
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Schapiro and a group of exiles that also included Maximoff edited the anarcho-syndicalist newspaper Rabochii Put (The Workers' Way), the IWMA's Russian-language organ. It was printed on the presses of the German syndicalist journal Der Syndikalist with financial support from the IWMA and secretly distributed in Russia. It ran for six issues from March to August 1923.Avrich 1967, p.
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Mitchievici, pp. 126–127 Cocea was by then frequenting the anarchist boyar Alexandru Bogdan-Pitești, an art patron, cultural innovator and personal friend of Arghezi.Cernat, Avangarda, p. 39 In 1911, he visited Italy together with Lagardelle, the French Syndicalist militant, and personally met with liberal theorists Benedetto Croce and Guglielmo Ferrero, as well as with Syndicalist Arturo Labriola and fellow journalist Giuseppe Prezzolini.
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Witkop was one of the leading founders of the Women's Union in Berlin in 1920. On October 15, 1921, the women's unions held a national congress in Düsseldorf and the Syndicalist Women's Union (SFB) was founded on a national level. Shortly thereafter, Witkop drafted Was will der Syndikalistische Frauenbund? (What Does the Syndicalist Women's Union Want?) as a platform for the SFB.
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Holborn Town Hall today Finally, delegates discussed the equally contentious issue of future international cooperation. Both the German FVdG and the Italian USI drafted proposals. The Germans advocated the creation of an international Syndicalist Secretariat seated in Amsterdam and administered by the Dutch NAS. The Italian proposal called for no more than a committee to maintain relations between syndicalist organizations.
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Bust on the tomb Spartaco Lavagnini (born September 6, 1889 in Cortona- died February 27, 1921, Florence) was an Italian communist syndicalist and activist.
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Sam Dolgoff (1902–1990) was an anarchist and anarcho-syndicalist from Russia who grew up and lived and was active in the United States.
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Agostino Lanzillo (31 October 1886 – 3 March 1952) was an Italian revolutionary syndicalist leader who later became a member of Benito Mussolini's fascist movement.
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He died soon after, and the Syndicalist Party did not survive the end of the conflict. He is interred in the Montjuïc Cemetery in Barcelona.
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The Petroleum Revolution (Valencian: La Revolució del Petroli) was a libertarian and syndicalist leaning workers' revolution that took place in Alcoy, Alicante, Spain in 1873.
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As a socialist activist, he attended CGT meetings and was a contributor to the development of the revolutionary syndicalist movement in the years 1904–1908.
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George R. Swasey (also spelt Swazey) was a syndicalist organiser notable for establishing the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in Great Britain. Swasey was sent to Great Britain in 1913 and the British section of the IWW was founded on 20 February 1913. He attended the First International Syndicalist Congress, held in London, 27 September to 2 October, 1913, but not as delegate of the IWW.
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Rafael Corrales Valverde (born 1957) is a Spanish anarcho-syndicalist. He was the general secretary of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist labor union, from July 9, 2005 to July 21, 2007. He belongs to the local federation of unions in Seville, so this city was seat of the Permanent Secretary of the National Committee of the CNT during his tenure.
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Major syndicalist organizations included the General Confederation of Labor in France, the National Confederation of Labor in Spain, the Italian Syndicalist Union, the Free Workers' Union of Germany, and the Argentine Regional Workers' Federation. Although they did not regard themselves as syndicalists, the Industrial Workers of the World, the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union and the Canadian One Big Union are considered by most historians to belong to this current. A number of syndicalist organizations were and still are to this day linked in the International Workers' Association, but some of its member organizations left for the International Confederation of Labor, formed in 2018.
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Instead, he proposed that the syndicalists break off negotiations with the RILU and go their own way. The assembly adopted a resolution which made no mention of negotiations with the RILU. This was the end of collaboration between the syndicalist and the communist movements in most countries. In its stead, the conference formed a Syndicalist Bureau, in which Schapiro represented Russia, to prepare a second conference at which a syndicalist international was to be formed.Dam'e 2006, pp. 251-252, Thorpe 1989, pp. 214, 219-224, Tosstorff 2016, pp. 488-493. After the meeting Schapiro decided to return to Russia, feeling he could make a contribution there.
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SPIRE Associates. Retrieved 24 September – via Eurofond. See also Carley, Mark (21 September 2009). "Trade Union Membership 2003–2008". SPIRE Associates. Retrieved 24 September – via Eurofond. Other active anarcho-syndicalist movements include the CNT–AIT in France, the Union Sindicale Italiana in Italy, the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish Anarcho-syndicalist Youth Federation in Sweden, the Workers Solidarity Alliance in the United States and the Solidarity Federation in the United Kingdom. The revolutionary industrial unionist Industrial Workers of the World claiming 10,000 paying members and the International Workers Association, an anarcho-syndicalist successor to the First International, also remain active.
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Ervin Szabó (born as Samuel Armin Schlesinger, 23 August 1877 – 29 September 1918)About Ervin Szabó was a Hungarian social scientist, librarian and anarcho-syndicalist revolutionary.
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Avrich & Avrich 2012, p. 315, Thorpe 1989, pp. 240-241, Wexler 1989, pp. 61, 67-68. In June 1922, he attended a syndicalist conference in Berlin.
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Louis Alexandre Louvet (7 February 1899 – 15 March 1971) was a French tram driver, proofreader, anarcho-syndicalist activist and anarchist. He wrote for many anarchist journals.
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Industrial Workers of the World 6\. Syndicalist League of North America 7\. International Trade Union Educational League 8\. AF of L: The Meat Packing Campaign 9\.
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Retrieved Marchg 31, 2019. Anarcho-syndicalist Rudolf Rocker called Andrews a significant exponent of libertarian socialism in the United States.Rocker, Rudolf (1949). Pioneers of American Freedom.
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Josefina Samper Rojas (8 May 1927 – 13 February 2018) was a Spanish syndicalist and feminist, member of the Communist Party of Spain and spouse of Marcelino Camacho.
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Mañana promotion poster Mañana (meaning Morning in Spanish) was the regional mouthpiece of the Syndicalist Party in Catalonia, Spain. The paper was published between 1938 and 1939.
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Roberto Forges Davanzati (23 February 1880, Naples1 June 1936, Rome) was an Italian journalist, academic and politician. Initially a syndicalist, he later became a nationalist and fascist.
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Within Syndicalist and Anarcho-syndicalist organizations, a syndic is a member of an autonomous union, also called a Syndicate, which make up the basic organizational unit of society. As these models are organized along principles of non-hierarchy and direct democracy, the title syndic is applied to all in the syndicate and does not imply a position of power over any other member, unlike older usages of the title.
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However, a widening dispute emerged between advocates of 'pure' anarchism (anarcho-communism) and supporters of anarcho-syndicalism, and the federation moved away from Ishikawa's ideas towards 'pure' anarchism. In response, syndicalist unions withdrew from the federation, and eventually formed a rival anarcho-syndicalist union, the Jikyo. As Japan became more militaristic, though, anarchism was repressed using harsher methods, and anarchist organisations essentially collapsed until the end of the Second World War.
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The anarchists within the JAF were also divided over their political strategy, quarrelling amongst themselves frequently. Idealism, rather than the practical considerations of the populace, became the focus of Heimin Shinbun, and this hindered their capacity to muster public support. Tensions between the 'pure' and syndicalist anarchists resurfaced due to their lack of success. In May 1950, a splitting organisation, the 'Anarcho-Syndicalist Group' (Anaruko Sanjikarisuto Gurūpu) formed.
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Michele Bianchi (22 July 1883 – 3 February 1930) was an Italian revolutionary syndicalist leader who took a position in the Unione Italiana del Lavoro (UIL)R. J. B. Bosworth, Mussolini's Italy: Life Under the Fascist Dictatorship, 1915–1945, Penguin Books, 2005, p. 136 He was among the founding members of the Fascist movement. He was widely seen as the dominant leader of the leftist, syndicalist wing of the National Fascist Party.
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Durruti and his companions returned to Spain and Barcelona, becoming an influential militant group within two of the largest anarchist organisations in Spain at the time, the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI), and of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). The influence Durruti's group gained inside the CNT caused a split, with a reformist faction under Ángel Pestaña leaving in 1931 and subsequently forming the Syndicalist Party.
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The anarchists within the JAF were also divided over their political strategy, quarrelling amongst themselves frequently. Idealism, rather than the practical considerations of the populace, became the focus of Heimin Shinbun, and this hindered their capacity to muster public support. Tensions between the 'pure' and syndicalist anarchists resurfaced due to their lack of success. In May 1950, a splitting organisation, the 'Anarcho-Syndicalist Group' (Anaruko Sanjikarisuto Gurūpu) formed.
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Orano began his political career as one of a number of leading syndicalist thinkers associated with the Italian Socialist Party at the turn of the century. His estrangement from the Socialists began in 1905 when he resigned his position at the newspaper Avanti! following the dismissal of syndicalist Enrico Leone.Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder & Maia Ashéri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, 1995, p.
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The Syndicalist League of North America did not last long. The Syndicalist ceased publication in September 1913, followed by St. Louis Unionist, and, finally, the Toiler in January 1915. In the summer of 1914 Fox and Foster had become a vice-president and an organizer, respectively of the International Union of Timber Workers in Washington state and both relocated there for a few months.Foster, From Bryan to Stalin, p. 66.
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These discriminatory regulations fueled growing discontent from the black population. The 1910s saw significant opposition to pass laws being applied to black women. In 1919, the revolutionary syndicalist International Socialist League (South Africa), in conjunction with the syndicalist Industrial Workers of Africa and the early African National Congress, organised a major anti-pass campaign. The 1950s saw the ANC begin the Defiance Campaign to oppose the pass laws.
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In February 1913, the British Industrial Syndicalist Education League (ISEL) and the NAS independently published very similar invitations to an international syndicalist congress. Both criticized the existing labor internationals, especially the reformist social democratic International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centers (ISNTUC), from which, according to the Dutch group, "all revolutionary propaganda [...] is excluded systematically."Quoted by Westergard-Thorpe 1979, pg. 36, French original: "toute propagande révolutionnaire [...] est exclue systématiquement".
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Here he became a supporter of Victor Grayson. He spoke in Chicago with Malatesta in October 1908 and with Rudolf Rocker at the Charlotte Street Club in London the following month. In 1910 he was expelled from the Industrialist League because of his association with Grayson. In August 1912 he moved to London to become assistant secretary of Tom Mann’s Industrial Syndicalist Education League and contributed to their journal The Syndicalist.
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Charles Aristide Desplanques (6 February 1877 – 17 July 1951) was a militant anarchist, syndicalist and anti-militarist who wrote regularly for numerous anarchist journals in France and Belgium.
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115-116, Bantman 2013, p. 159-160, Kloosterman 1979, p. 276, Thorpe 1989, p. 89. Schapiro took part in the First International Syndicalist Congress in London in 1913.
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A debate on the issue within the German syndicalist movement ensued. Meetings on the issue were well-attended meetings and new SFB chapters were formed.Nelles 2000, pg. 3.
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Nationalism and Culture is a nonfiction book by German anarcho-syndicalist writer Rudolf Rocker. In this book, he criticizes religion, statism, nationalism, and centralism from an anarchist perspective.
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At the time of the 1930 coup, three trade unions existed in Argentina: the Confederación Obrera Argentina (COA, founded in 1926 and linked to the Socialist Party, the Unión Sindical Argentina (USA, anarcho- syndicalist) and the FORA V, dissolved by Uriburu. On 20 September 1930, the COA and the USA merged in the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), although the two rival tendencies remained. The syndicalist current, however, became discredit, supporting alliance with the government in order to reach social advances, while the socialist current proposed open opposition tied to political support to the Socialist party. The syndicalist current was in particular affected by its agreements with the pro-fascist governor of Buenos Aires, Manuel Fresco.
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According to some views, this opposition between two visions of the organization of the workers' movement in trade-unions was later on merged in anarcho-syndicalism, which combined the revolutionary conception of trade- unionism with anarchist principles. However, French syndicalists Monatte and Robert Louzon continued to argue for (revolutionary) syndicalist unions independent of any political party or grouping, while Maletesta continued arguing against the syndicalist or anarcho-syndicalist conception of revolutionary unions. To him unions needed to be open to all workers open to activity to defend their conditions, and anarchists should work inside those unions to influence the broadest layer of workers, without wanting to make the unions themselves anarchist.Errico Malatesta, “Syndicalism and Anarchism” (April/May 1925).
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Obdulio Barthe (Encarnación; September 5, 1903 – Buenos Aires; 1981) was a Paraguayan Communist and syndicalist politician. In 1931, he was one of the leaders in the taking of Encarnación.
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José Bové (1953-) - Syndicalist 88\. Jean Ferrat (1930-2010) - Singer and songwriter 89\. Lionel Jospin (1937-) - Prime Minister 90\. Jean Cocteau (1889-1963) - Dramatist, poet, playwright and filmmaker 91\.
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Juan García Oliver (1901–1980) was a Spanish anarcho-syndicalist revolutionary and Minister of Justice of the Second Spanish Republic. He was a leading figure of anarchism in Spain.
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163 Corradini spoke of the need for a national syndicalist movement that would be able to solve Italy's problems, led by elitist aristocrats and anti-democrats who shared a revolutionary syndicalist commitment to direct action through a willingness to fight. Corradini spoke of Italy as being a "proletarian nation" that needed to pursue imperialism in order to challenge the "plutocratic" nations of France and the United Kingdom.Martin Blinkhorn. Mussolini and fascist Italy.
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Cover of volume 1, number 1 of The Agitator, dated Nov. 15, 1910. The Agitator was a radical newspaper published by Jay Fox of the anarchist Home Colony in the American state of Washington from 1910 to 1912. In 1913 the paper was briefly relaunched as The Syndicalist as the official organ of William Z. Foster's Syndicalist League of North America, at which time it was moved first to Lakebay, Washington and thereafter to Chicago.
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Preto also started to organize militias(Shock Brigades). According to Police reports the Lisbon Brigade, known as the Black Brigade (Brigada Negra), composed of about 60 men, became quite active on the streets. After a long meeting with the chief of the political police, Salazar decided to dissolve the National Syndicalist Movement. On 4 July 1934 Preto was briefly detained and later exiled as part of purge of the leadership of the National Syndicalist Movement.
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During this period the FVdG grew rapidly and the coalition with the communists soon began to crumble. Eventually all syndicalist members of the Communist Party were expelled. From December 27 to December 30, 1919, the twelfth national congress of the FVdG was held in Berlin. The organization decided to become the Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD) under a new platform, which had been written by Rocker: the Prinzipienerklärung des Syndikalismus (Declaration of Syndicalist Principles).
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The Iberian Anarchist Federation (, FAI) is a Spanish organization of anarchist (anarcho-syndicalist) militants active within affinity groups inside the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) anarcho-syndicalist union. It is often abbreviated as CNT-FAI because of the close relationship between the two organizations. The FAI publishes the periodical Tierra y Libertad. The Iberian part of its name alludes to the purpose of unifying Spanish and Portuguese anarchists in a Pan-Iberian organization.
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The circles set up by Foster began to secede from the IWW and enter the mainstream unions on their own; the first group to do so being the local in Nelson, British Columbia, headed by Jack Johnstone. In January 1912, Foster established the Syndicalist Militant Minority League in Chicago.Edward P. Johanningsmeier "William Z. Foster and the Syndicalist League of North America" in Labor History vol. 30, no. 3 (Summer 1980), p. 332.
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The pair attempted to establish a new anarcho- syndicalist organization in the industrial mecca of Chicago, hoping that their ideas about revolutionary unionism would there ignite.Johannningsmeier, Forging American Communism, pp. 69-70. Foster and Fox's organization, called the Syndicalist League of North America, was headquartered in a rooming house run by anarchist activist Lucy Parsons, widow of one of the best known victims of the Haymarket Affair of the 1880s.Johannningsmeier, Forging American Communism, pg. 70.
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Wayne Thorpe (1989), The Workers Themselves The successful Bolshevik-led revolution of 1918 in Russia was mirrored by a wave of syndicalist successes worldwide, including the struggle of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in the United States alongside the creation of mass anarchist unions across Latin America and huge syndicalist-led strikes in Germany, Portugal, Spain, Italy and France, where it was noted that "neutral (economic, but not political) syndicalism had been swept away".Vadim Damier (2009), Anarcho-syndicalism in the 20th Century The final formation of this new international, then known as the International Workingmen's Association, took place at an illegal conference in Berlin in December 1922, marking an irrevocable break between the international syndicalist movement and the Bolsheviks. The IWA included the Italian Syndicalist Union (500,000 members), the Argentine Workers Regional Organisation (200,000 members), the General Confederation of Workers in Portugal (150,000 members), the Free Workers' Union of Germany (120,000 members), the Committee for the Defense of Revolutionary Syndicalism in France (100,000 members), the Federation du Combattant from Paris (32,000 members), the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (32,000 members), the National Labor Secretariat of the Netherlands (22,500 members), the Industrial Workers of the World in Chile (20,000 members) and the Union for Syndicalist Propaganda in Denmark (600 members).
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The IWW's politics in 2007 mirror Burgmann's analysis: the IWW does not proclaim Syndicalism, or Anarchism (despite the large number of anarcho-syndicalist members) but instead advocates Revolutionary Industrial Unionism.
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86-91 Other than these writers, the Insula group played home to Nae Ionescu, the future far-right philosopher—at the time a cultural promoter with Futurist and syndicalist sympathies.
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The Socialist Party (, SP), also called the "Kolthek party" after its founder Harm Kolthek, was a Dutch revolutionary syndicalist political party. It was represented in Parliament between 1918 and 1922.
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After release under amnesty in 1918, Santillán returned to Argentina and worked as an activist for the anarcho-syndicalist Federación Obrera Regional Argentina (FORA). He edited its weekly newspaper La Protesta.
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Sara Berenguer Laosa Sara Berenguer Laosa (Barcelona, 1 January 1919 – Montady, 8 June 2010) was a Spanish Catalan militant anarcho-syndicalist, anarcha-feminist, and writer active in the Mujeres Libres movement.
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76-77, Thorpe 1990, pg. 257, Lehning 1982, pg. 80. Though all major British newspapers reported on the First International Syndicalist Congress, it has received little treatment since.Westergard-Thorpe 1978, pg.
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The Social Democratic Federation (SDF), founded in Cape Town in 1904 and open to socialists of all persuasions, had an active anarchist wing. A notable revolutionary syndicalist formation was the International Socialist League (ISL). Founded in Johannesburg in September 1915, the ISL established branches across much of South Africa (excluding the western Cape) and organised the first black African trade union in the country, the Industrial Workers of Africa (IWA) - influenced by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) - in September 1917. In 1918, the anarchists and syndicalists in Cape Town left the SDF to form the revolutionary syndicalist Industrial Socialist League, which supported the IWA in the western Cape and also formed its own syndicalist union in food processing factories.
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Following his disillusionment with what he saw as the CPGB's reformism and opposition to real struggle, Lawrence became a syndicalist, associated first with Solidarity, then the Syndicalist Workers Federation, the London Anarchist Group, founding Workers Mutual Aid and the London May Day Committee. In the early 1970s, he wrote extensively for Freedom, and worked on campaigns with Brian Behan, but in 1973 he was expelled from his union and moved to Shoreham-by-Sea and entered semi-retirement.
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Butaru, p.158-159 Other extremist clubs on the right were courted by the PP over the remainder of its existence: as historian of fascism Stanley G. Payne notes, the post-1920 PP was "an ever-diminishing, increasingly right-wing organization."Payne, p.135 The national syndicalist doctrinaire Nae Ionescu saw the Averescan League as a "federalist" group resembling the "syndicalist ethos", but noted with regret that it had evolved into a more rigid and "abstracting" structure.
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Born to a working-class family in Tresigallo, a small town in the Province of Ferrara, Rossoni was imprisoned in 1908 for his revolutionary activities as a syndicalist. After leaving Italy in 1910 and arriving in the United States, Rossoni began to work with Big Bill Haywood as an organizer for the Industrial Workers of the World union (IWW), and edited the revolutionary syndicalist newspaper Il Proletario (The Proletarian), which by1912 was the Italian-language newspaper of the IWW.
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93 Outside the BSP, Hall founded a small syndicalist organisation in Birmingham, linked with Tom Mann's The Syndicalist journal, but it attracted only around twenty members. He later joined the Socialist Labour Party. Hall was killed in 1916 after accidentally tripping in front of a bus he meant to board on Paradise Street in front of Queen's College, Birmingham. At the inquest into his death, his daughter Nellie stated that his eyesight had been poor of late.
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Rudolf Rocker was one of the most popular voices in the anarcho-syndicalist movement. He outlined a view of the origins of the movement, what it sought, and why it was important to the future of labor in his 1938 pamphlet Anarcho-Syndicalism. The International Workers Association is an international anarcho-syndicalist federation of various labor unions from different countries. The Spanish Confederación Nacional del Trabajo played and still plays a major role in the Spanish labor movement.
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Ideas and Action is an anarcho-syndicalist journal that was founded in 1981 as a result of numerous conferences organized by the New York Metropolitan area Libertarian Workers' Group and the Syndicalist Alliance of Milwaukee. In 1984, the newly formed Workers Solidarity Alliance took over publication of the journal. Publication of Ideas and Action was suspended after issue #17 (1997). In 2010, an online version of the publication was launched and continues to publish new material.
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Iwasa was a firm believer in anarcho-communism, influenced by thinkers such as Peter Kropotkin. As such, he endorsed the motto "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs", and believed in anti- authoritarianism. He opposed centralised authority, whether in the attempted 'Anarchist Communist Party', or through syndicalist methods of revolution, resulting in his labelling as a 'pure anarchist'. One of his criticisms of syndicalist organising methods was his 'labour union mountain bandit theory'.
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Philosophy professor David Sherman considers Camus an anarcho-syndicalist. Graeme Nicholson considers Camus an existentialist anarchist. The anarchist André Prudhommeaux first introduced him at a meeting of the Cercle des Étudiants Anarchistes ("Anarchist Student Circle") in 1948 as a sympathiser familiar with anarchist thought. Camus wrote for anarchist publications such as Le Libertaire, La Révolution prolétarienne, and Solidaridad Obrera ("Workers' Solidarity"), the organ of the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) ("National Confederation of Labor").
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49, 71. The congress in London was attended by delegates of many different kinds of organizations: educational and propaganda groups, national syndicalist confederations, union federations, local trade unions, local branches of national trade unions, local trades councils. All major European national syndicalist union confederations, except for the French CGT, sent delegates: the German FVdG, the Dutch NAS, the Swedish SAC, and the Italian USI. The Danish Fagsoppositionens Sammenslutning (FS) was represented by the SAC delegate Albert Jensen.
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"Ricardian socialism". The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political Thought. 1987. p. 441 while communist and syndicalist anarchism has its earliest origins in early 18th century liberalism (such as the French Revolution).Graham, Robert.
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87-88, Thorpe 1989, pg. 54-55, 58. Syndicalists outside of France rejected the CGT's view. Some held that the CGT could participate in the syndicalist congress while remaining in the ISNTUC.
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Louis Kotra Uregei (born February 4, 1951 in Nouméa) is a New Caledonian syndicalist and politician. He is a member of the Labour Party, and is a Kanak who supports independence from France.
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Poor, misfit, he killed himself by plunging into the Marne after he burned his manuscripts. Deubel is considered to have been the last poète maudit. He was associated with the syndicalist Pierre Monatte.
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This often led to conflicts with his superior officers and Järv was considered as "unmilitary". In 1952 Järv joined the Swedish anarcho-syndicalist union SAC and started writing articles in its newspaper Arbetaren.
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Diego Abad de Santillán (May 20, 1897 – October 18, 1983), born Sinesio Vaudilio García Fernández, was an anarcho-syndicalist activist, economist, author, and a leading figure in the Spanish and Argentine anarchist movements.
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Agrarian Trade Union Federation (in Spanish: Federación Sindical Agraria) was a national-syndicalist trade union in Spain, founded in 1933 in Castile. The federation was linked to the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista.
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Benita Gil Lamiel (14 January 1913 – 26 July 2015) was a Spanish teacher and syndicalist organizer. She was made a Commander of the Order of Isabella the Catholic in 2014, at age 101.
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Antonio Soto Canalejo (8 October 1897 – 11 May 1963), also known as "El Gallego Soto", was one of the principal anarcho-syndicalist leaders in the rural strikes in Patagonia of Argentina in 1921.
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The Syndicalist Confederation of Intercultural Communities of Bolivia (; CSCIB) is a peasant union of rural communities in the lowlands of Bolivia whose members included people of highland origin. It is led by Pedro Calderón and includes federations in six departments: La Paz, Cochabamba, Santa Cruz, Tarija, Chuquisaca, and Beni. It was founded on February 18, 1971 as the Syndicalist Confederation of Colonizers of Bolivia (). At the time, its independence from the government represented a defiant break from the so- called Military-Peasant Pact.
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Kōtoku endeavoured to translate an American anarcho-syndicalist pamphlet titled The Social General Strike. Unions were banned due to the 1900 Peace Preservation Law, however, and much anarchist discussion, particularly surrounding unions, was highly theoretical rather than practical. The goal of a revolutionary general strike learned from the syndicalist IWW was frustrated both by a failure to organise workers and by the suppression of labour movements. Kōtoku also translated Kropotkin's seminal work The Conquest of Bread into Japanese, finishing in 1909.
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The IWW's perspective was joined by syndicalist trade unionists that were part of the French and Spanish delegations. Ultimately, however, the syndicalist elements proved a small minority and the Congress approved a resolution sponsored by Mann and Rosmer which called for "the closest possible link" between the Profintern and Comintern, including joint sessions of the organizations, as well as "real and intimate revolutionary unity" between the Red unions and the Communist parties at the national level.Carr, The Bolshevik Revolution, vol. 3, pg. 400.
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Kate Austin (1864–1902) Milly Witkop was a Ukrainian-born Jewish anarcho-syndicalist, feminist writer and activist. She was the common-law wife of Rudolf Rocker. In November 1918, Witkop and Rocker moved to Berlin; Rocker had been invited by Free Association of German Trade Unions (FVdG) chairman Fritz Kater to join him in building up what would become the Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD), an anarcho-syndicalist trade union. Both Rocker and Witkop became members of the FAUD.
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Syndicalism was a radical current in the labor movement of the early 20th century. Syndicalists viewed class interests as irreconcilable and advocating overthrowing capitalism and replacing it with workers' collectivized control of industry. To this end, syndicalist doctrine emphasized the importance of revolutionary labor unions, independent of all political parties. Unions had to be politically neutral or even hostile to political activity in order to unite the entire working class, though in practice anarchism played a significant role in syndicalist unions.
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Thus, a total number of twelve countries from Europe and Latin America had delegates at the First International Syndicalist Congress. The Austrian Free Trade Unions Association was unable to raise the funds to send a representative and therefore adhered without actually being present. Additionally, the American Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) organizer George Swasey attended some of the sessions, though not as a delegate of his union. Cornelissen and the Russian anarcho- syndicalist Alexander Schapiro participated, but did not represent any organization.
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At the time of the 1930 coup, three trade unions existed in Argentina: the Confederación Obrera Argentina (COA, founded in 1926 and linked to the Socialist Party), the Unión Sindical Argentina (USA, anarcho-syndicalist) and the FORA V (dissolved by Uriburu). On September 20, 1930, the COA and the USA merged in the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), although the two rival tendencies remained. Meanwhile, the syndicalist current of the CGT was discredited, because of its supporting alliance with the government in order to achieve social advances, while the socialist current proposed open opposition, tied to political support to the Socialist party. The syndicalist current was in particular affected by its agreements with the pro-fascist governor of Buenos Aires, Manuel Fresco (1936–1940).Felipe Pigna, Los Mitos de la Historia Argentina, 3, ed.
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The first secretaries of the International included the famed writer and activist Rudolph Rocker, along with Augustin Souchy and Alexander Schapiro. Following the first congress, other groups affiliated from France, Austria, Denmark, Belgium, Switzerland, Bulgaria, Poland and Romania. Later, a bloc of unions in the United States, Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, Guatemala, Cuba, Costa Rica and El Salvador also shared the IWA's statutes. The biggest syndicalist union in the United States was the IWW and considered joining, but eventually ruled out affiliation in 1936, citing the IWA's policies on religious and political affiliation.Fred W. Thompson and Patrick Murfin (1976), IWW: Its First 70 Years, 1905-1975 Although not anarcho-syndicalist, the IWW were informed by developments in the broader revolutionary syndicalist milieu at the turn of the 20th century.
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They brought the journal with them back to Russia. The syndicalists formed the Union of Anarcho-Syndicalist Propaganda and Golos Truda became its mouthpiece. Schapiro joined the editorial staff of Golos Truda.Avrich 1967, pp.
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Cerignola is the native town of philologist Nicola Zingarelli, founder of the Zingarelli Italian dictionary, and syndicalist Giuseppe Di Vittorio. Achille La Guardia, father of Fiorello LaGuardia, Mayor of New York, originated from here.
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Gras 1971, pg. 95-96, Thorpe 1989, pg. 76-77. At first the advocates of a Syndicalist International dominated the discussion. However, even many of the proponents favored postponing the creation to another congress.
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Publisher: Penguin Group. Date: Re-print, 2000. Work: Auto-biographical account of the Author's participation in the Spanish Civil War. or anarcho-syndicalist groups such as the Durruti Column, the IWA and the CNT.
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The Direction assumed three new members: left maximalist Carlo Marchisio, manager of the Lyon section, fusionist Filippo Amedeo, former syndicalist and deputy of Turin, and maximalist Franco Clerici, already member of PSI Direction in 1921.
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In 1998, Hampus Hellekant murdered syndicalist union member Björn Söderberg after Söderberg exposed the ideology of Vesterlund in the workplace. The case also became the focus of an important debate over privacy and medical ethics.
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In 1913 Foster joined forces with Fox, changing the name of The Agitator to The Syndicalist and moving the editorial office of the publication away from the Home colony to the town of Lakebay, Washington.
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Rafael Farga i Pellicer c.1880 Rafael Farga i Pellicer, also known as the "Just Pastor of Pellico", (1844, Barcelona - Aug. 14, 1890) was a typesetter, political cartoonist, painter, syndicalist, anarchist and journalist from Catalonia.
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Marie Mayoux (24 April 1878 – 16 June 1969) was a French teacher, revolutionary syndicalist, pacifist and libertarian. She and her husband François Mayoux were imprisoned during World War I (1914–18) for her pacifist activities.
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Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (JONS) (English: Councils of National-Syndicalist Offensive) was a nationalist and fascist movement in 1930s Spain, merged with the Falange Española into the Falange Española de las JONS in 1934.
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Retrieved 7 September 2006. Although more often associated with labor struggles of the early 20th century (particularly in France and Spain), many syndicalist organizations are active today, united across national borders by membership in the International Workers' Association, including the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden in Sweden, the Italian Syndicalist Union in Italy, the National Confederation of Labour and the General Confederation of Labour in Spain, the Workers Solidarity Movement of Ireland and the Industrial Workers of the World in the United States.
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Due to his imprisonment, he evaded the persecution of the High Treason Incident which devastated the anarchist movement. Nevertheless, he opted to move to Europe in 1913, not returning to Japan until 1920. While in Europe, he stayed mostly with the Reclus family in Brussels, where he learned about syndicalist methods from French unions. Like the Russian anarchist Peter Kropotkin, he signed the Manifesto of the Sixteen endorsing the Allies of World War I. In 1926, Ishikawa helped to found Zenkoku Jiren, a federation of syndicalist unions.
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He went on to establish contacts with leading syndicalists in the United Kingdom like Peter Larkin and James Larkin, and other dissidents in the Independent Labour Party, the SDF, and the Clarion movement. In November 1910 the ISEL was founded at two-day conference in Manchester, allegedly attended by 200 delegates representing 60,000 workers. The ISEL became the first British fully syndicalist organisation, and the largest ever. It was not a trade union, but rather sought to disseminate syndicalist ideas within the labour movement.
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The other trend emerged as an organisational alternative to platformism, since it had similarities to party structure. Anarchist intellectual Voline was one of the most notable opponents of platformism, and he pointed toward to what is today known as synthesis anarchism. During the German Revolution of 1918–1919, anarchists Gustav Landauer and Erich Mühsam took important leadership positions within the revolutionary councilist structures of the Bavarian Soviet Republic. In Italy, the syndicalist trade union Unione Sindacale Italiana (Italian Syndicalist Union), had half a million members.
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He also became vice president of the Liverpool Trades Council. Around 1910, Cotter identified as a syndicalist, and he and Frank Pearce from the union both joined the Industrial Syndicalist Education League (ISEL). The union played a prominent part in the Seamen's Strike of 1911, working closely with Tom Mann of the ISEL, and the National Sailors' and Firemen's Union (NSFU), and obtained recognition by the Shipping Federation. Cotter became known for his lively speeches and tendency to incautious action, and was nicknamed "Explosive Joe".
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Mussolini's booking file following his arrest by the police on 19 June 1903, Bern, Switzerland In 1902, Mussolini emigrated to Switzerland, partly to avoid compulsory military service. He worked briefly as a stonemason in Geneva, Fribourg and Bern, but was unable to find a permanent job. During this time he studied the ideas of the philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, the sociologist Vilfredo Pareto, and the syndicalist Georges Sorel. Mussolini also later credited the Christian socialist Charles Péguy and the syndicalist Hubert Lagardelle as some of his influences.
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The International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centers (ISNTUC) brought together trade unions, most of them highly centralized and affiliated with socialist parties. However the French General Confederation of Labour (Confédération générale du travail in French, CGT), the largest syndicalist organization and the role model for syndicalist unions around the world, and the Dutch National Labor Secretariat (Nationaal Arbeids-Secretariaat in Dutch, NAS) also belonged. They sought to revolutionize ISNTUC from within, with limited success, so the Dutch left in protest in 1907.Thorpe 1989, pg.
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Albert Henri Bourderon (26 November 1858 – 2 April 1930) was a French cooper (barrel maker) and syndicalist who became a leading socialist. During World War I he supported a pacifist position in line with internationalist principles.
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El Pueblo poster El Pueblo (The People) was a Spanish daily newspaper, the central organ of the Syndicalist Party during the 1930s. The paper had its headquarters in Valencia. It had a moderate republican political stance.
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The Free Workers' Union (German: Freie Arbeiterinnen- und Arbeiter- UnionArbeiterinnen is the female version of the male Arbeiter, both mean workers in English or Freie ArbeiterInnen-Union; abbreviated FAU) is an anarcho-syndicalist union in Germany.
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In 2001, the Stockholm chapter of the Swedish Anarcho- syndicalist Youth Federation () launched the campaign Planka.nu (literally, fare-dodge.now) as a reaction to a rise in ticket prices by the Stockholm County Council. The domain name .
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NSF members are active in international solidarity, such as for the recent strike of the Spanish Confederación Nacional del Trabajo at Mercadona supermarkets and in fighting for anarcho-syndicalist methods of organisation amongst workers in Norway.
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David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of Northern Carolina Press, 1979, p. 256 Through this “fascos corporativism,” the true economic nation would have the means to govern itself as economics and politics grew closer towards a convergence.David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of Northern Carolina Press, 1979, pp. 256-257 This unification of politics and economics was the “core of the left-fascist conception” for most fascist syndicalists, who upheld fascism as a political idea and principle, but not as an economic system.David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of Northern Carolina Press, 1979, p. 257 The Fascist state's duty was to discipline production and economic activities, organized under economic groupings and collective interest, while no longer allowing the economy to operate on its own.
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Pierre Besnard (8 October 1886 - 19 February 1947) was a French revolutionary syndicalist. He was the Secretary of the Confédération Générale du Travail- Syndicaliste Révolutionnaire (CGT-SR) from 1929, and the Secretary of the International Workers' Association.
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In 1897, Émile Pouget, a famous syndicalist and anarchist wrote "action de saboter un travail" (action of sabotaging or bungling a work) in Le Père Peinard and in 1911 he also wrote a book entitled Le Sabotage.
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On 16 September 1999, the syndicalist newspaper Arbetaren revealed that Robert Vesterlund, a prominent figure in the Swedish neo-Nazi movement, held a chair in the board of the local chapter of the Swedish Commercial Employees' Union at a Svanströms warehouse in Stockholm. Arbetaren had received the information from a co-worker of Vesterlund, the syndicalist union member Björn Söderberg. A week later, Vesterlund was expelled from his union, and quit his job. Because of this, Hellekant and two friends, Björn Lindberg-Hernlund and Jimmy Niklasson, came to Söderberg's home in Sätra on 12 October.
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In 1922, some militants who had been active in anarchist circles founded the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), influenced by the success of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and by the feeling of failure, in appeal and unity, of the syndicalist workers' federations. Among them, Astrojildo Pereira, Octovia Brandão, Bernardo Canelas, Jose Elias da Silva. Others, like José Oiticica and Edgard Leuenroth, stayed loyal to anarchist principles. The party was not recognised as communist by the Comintern, however, being accused of being a doctrinal mess, still retaining much anarcho-syndicalist influence.
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In full, it was named Zenkoku Rōdō Kumiai Jiyū Rengōkai ('All-Japan Libertarian Federation of Labour Unions'), and it started off with as many as 8,372 members. The anarcho-syndicalist Ishikawa Sanshirō helped to found it and at its founding it strongly drew from syndicalist ideology, particularly mirroring the French CGT union. Its commitment to 'libertarian federation', which allowed autonomy for member unions to pursue their own disputes freely, was appealing to potential members. This meant that Zenkoku Jiren grew rapidly after its founding, and its members were heavily involved in industrial disputes.
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The syndicalist unions would organize the occupations as well as provide the radically democratic structures through which workplaces would be self-managed, and the larger economy coordinated. Thus, for Bakunin, the workers' unions would "take possession of all the tools of production as well as buildings and capital." Nevertheless, Bakunin did not reduce the revolution to syndicalist unions, stressing the need to organize working-class neighborhoods as well as the unemployed. Meanwhile, the peasants were to "take the land and throw out those landlords who live by the labor of others".
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In 1950, Fidel Manrique was born in Medina del Campo, Valladolid. As a transport and hospitality worker, he became an anarcho-syndicalist and participated in the reorganization of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist labor union, during the Spanish transition to democracy, until he was prosecuted for his militant activities. He moved to Torrelavega, Cantabria, where he collaborated in the reconstitution of the local union. On July 21, 2007, he was elected the general secretary of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), a position that he held until December 2010.
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On September 27, the First International Syndicalist Congress commenced. Among the first questions discussed was to what extent educational and propaganda groups should be able to participate. The Germans advocated admitting only representatives of trade unions, while the Dutch thought all organizations advocating syndicalist ideas should be permitted to participate in the discussions and vote on all issues. Discussions yielded a compromise allowing non-trade union organizations to take part in debates, yet barring them from voting on issues which would entail financial obligations on the part of the unions.
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Nevertheless, IWW and syndicalist influences would decline as the black workers' movement was brought into the trade union fold and came under the domination of the Communist Party of South Africa, which opposed syndicalist tendencies in the unions. Almost a hundred years later, multiple attempts were made to rebuild the South African IWW, with a short-lived South African Regional Organising Committee being founded in the early 2000s in Durban and attempts made to build a branch in Cape Town in the early 2010s, with neither resulting in success.
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Luigi Angeletti (2006) Luigi Angeletti (born May 20, 1949) is an Italian trade unionist and syndicalist. He is the present general secretary of Italian Labour Union (UIL)See personal file from uil.it Angeletti was born in Greccio, Italy.
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In fact, depending on the translation the original statement of aims and principles of the IWA (drafted in 1922) refers not to anarcho-syndicalism, but to revolutionary syndicalism or revolutionary unionism."Principles of Revolutionary Syndicalism". , Anarcho- Syndicalist Review.
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Niilo Wälläri in 1955. Niilo Frans Wälläri (6 July 1897 – 25 August 1967) was a Finnish Socialist, syndicalist politician. Wälläri led the Finnish Seamen's Union from 1938 until his death. In 1913 Wälläri left Finland to become seaman.
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Italian fascism: its origins and development. 3rd ed. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. p. 45. Because of the merger of the Nationalists with the Fascists, tensions existed between the conservative nationalist and revolutionary syndicalist factions of the movement.
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The Syndicalist League of North America was an organization led by William Z. Foster that aimed to "bore from within" the American Federation of Labor to win that trade union center over to the ideals of Revolutionary syndicalism.
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Although the RSP was too small to have a real pillar of social organizations around it, it did have strong links with the anarcho-syndicalist trade union National Labour Secretariat, which previously had strong links with the communist party.
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Paul Delesalle (29 July 1870 – 8 April 1948) was a French anarchist and syndicalist who was prominent in the trade union movement. He started work as a machinist, became a journalist, and later became a bookseller, publisher and writer.
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After the "Bolshevisation" of the party in 1924, he became active in opposition to it in 1925. He later left the party and in 1926, he joined the revolutionary syndicalist cause. He died on 12 October 1932, at 62.
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The beverages sold in these places under the name of wine were extremely poor quality and were often not wine at all. The damage was such that in the 1890s an anti- alcoholic, syndicalist and socialist movement was born.
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However heavy repression in France of the Paris Commune, as well as in Spain and Italy, alongside the rise of propaganda of the deed within the anarchist movement and a dominant strand of social- democracy on the wider left wing in Europe, meant that serious moves to establish an anarcho-syndicalist international would not begin until the early 20th century.Rudolph Rocker (1960), Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism The 1900s saw a major leap forward for the labor movement with the adoption of a new method of organizing, industrial unionism and in 1913 there was an international syndicalist congress held in London which aimed at building stronger ties between the existing syndicalist unions and propaganda groups. Present at the congress were delegates from the FVdG (Germany), NAS (Netherlands), SAC (Sweden), USI (Italy), and ISEL (Britain). Observers attended from the Industrial Workers of the World (US), CNT (Spain), and FORA (Argentina).
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The conservative and syndicalist factions of the Fascist movement sought to reconcile their differences, secure unity and promote fascism by taking on the views of each other. Conservative nationalist Fascists promoted fascism as a revolutionary movement to appease the revolutionary syndicalists, while to appease conservative nationalists, the revolutionary syndicalists declared they wanted to secure social stability and insure economic productivity. This sentiment included most syndicalist Fascists, particularly Edmondo Rossoni, who as secretary-general of the General Confederation of Fascist Syndical Corporations sought "labor's autonomy and class consciousness".David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979 pp. 289-290 The Fascists began their attempt to entrench Fascism in Italy with the Acerbo Law, which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote.
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Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta y Merelo (5 October 1896, Madrid - 9 July 1992, Madrid) was a leading Spanish politician with both the Falange and its successor movement the Spanish Traditionalist Phalanx of the Assemblies of National-Syndicalist Offensive.
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Giuseppe Di Vittorio, also known under the pseudonym Nicoletti (August 11, 1892 – November 3, 1957), was an Italian syndicalist and communist politician. He was one of the most influential trade union leaders of the labour movement after World War I.
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55, including the anarcho-syndicalist union Casa del Obrero Mundial. In 1917 he came into conflict with another Zapatista chief, Otilio Montaño Sánchez and played a role in having Otilio executed.Peter Newell, "Zapata of Mexico", Black Rose Books Ltd., 1997, pg.
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Members of the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT marching in Madrid in 2010 Anarchism was influential in the counterculture of the 1960sShively, Charley (1990). "Anarchism". In Dynes, Wayne R., ed. Encyclopedia of Homosexuality. 2. New York: Garland Publishing. p. 52. .
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Their ideas and principles were "based on the especifist trend within libertarian communism". In October 2013, Chávez's successor, President Nicolás Maduro, accused unionist workers of the SIDOR steel company of being behind regional unemployment, denouncing them as "anarcho-syndicalist populists".
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Péricat's position after the war has been called "Ultra-Left", a blend of Bolshevism with syndicalist anarchism. He founded and became editor of the newspaper L'Internationale. In the first edition, published on 15 February 1919, he disparaged the Second International and called for a true International to be established. On 8 May 1919 the Committee for Resumption, the Committee of Syndicalist Defense and other anarchist elements decided to combine into the Committee for the Third International (Comité pour la 3e Internationale.) The secretaries of the committee were Alfred Rosmer, Péricat, Loriot and Saumoneau, all Anarcho-Syndicalists.
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Social anarchism emphasizes mutual aid, social ownership and workers' self-management. Social anarchism has been the dominant form of classical anarchism and includes the major collectivist, communist and syndicalist schools of anarchist thought. Mutualism is also sometimes included within this social anarchism tradition, although it is mainly advocated by individualist anarchists.. The social ownership advocated by social anarchists can come through collective ownership as with Bakuninists and collectivist anarchists; common ownership as with communist anarchists; and cooperative ownership as with mutualist and syndicalist anarchists. It has come in both peaceful and insurrectionary as well as anti-organizationalist and platformist tendencies.
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Amongst these was Sanshirō Ishikawa, who had learned syndicalist organising methods from French unions while in Europe. In contrast, advocates of anarcho-communism such as Sakutarō Iwasa were strongly focused on the principles of communal solidarity and mutual aid espoused by Kropotkin. Their focus, and rejection of ideas they perceived to be antithetical to anarchism, led to anarcho-syndicalists giving their ideology the label of 'pure anarchism'. 'Pure anarchists' sharply criticised syndicalist methods and argued that - even if unions seized power, the fundamentally exploitative nature of capitalism would remain, as they argued had happened in the Soviet Union.
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When the more radical members of the Socialist Party bolted the 1919 Emergency National Convention of the Socialist Party in Chicago and elected to create an American Communist party, Whitney, who considered the Socialist Party too moderate, threw herself into the Communists' cause and drummed up support for the new Communist Labor Party throughout California. Following a speech at the Hotel Oakland to the Oakland Civic Club on behalf of the CLP,["Oakland Holds Anita Whitney as Syndicalist: Near-Riot Follows" "Oakland Holds Anita Whitney as Syndicalist: Near-Riot Follows,"] San Francisco Chronicle, Nov. 29, 1919, pp.
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International Libertarian Solidarity was an international anarchist network with over 20 participating organizations from North and South America, Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. According to their website, "International Libertarian projects are open to anarchist, anarcho-syndicalist, revolutionary syndicalist, and clearly anti-Statist, non-party aligned social organisations which run along libertarian principles". The projects mostly consisted of supporting various practical initiatives in South America such as funding printshops and communal halls, and, more broadly, the struggle against corporate globalization. Its creation was rejected by the International Workers Association, who accused the initiators of being reformist and bearing confusion and division among anarchists.
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If the Congress of Florence in 1919 had 145 in attendance in July 1920, the meeting in Bologna attracted about 700. In the syndicalist camp, the Italian Syndicalist Union (USI) went from 58,000 members by the end of 1919 to more than 180,000 in the first half of 1919 and to 300,000 the following year. Among the Confederation, the anarchists succeeded in taking the key administrative reformists such as the FIOM of Turin, with Pietro Ferrero and Maurizio Garino. It was a magical moment for Italian anarchism, to which the daily contributed more than a bit.
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One of the more radical fascist syndicalist was the philosopher Ugo Spirito. Considered as a “left fascist,” Spirito supported the struggle for a populist type of “corporativism”, a sort of proprietary corporation that provided the features of “collective ownership without undesirable economic centralization.”David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979 p. 294 Besides Rossoni, Sergio Panunzio and A. O. Olivetti were considered the “most coherent” Italian syndicalists who have been classified as the “Fascist left” by historians.Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945, Oxon, England: Routledge, 2001, pp. 111- 112 They identified Fascism and syndicalist ideology as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism so as to advance the interests of workers and common people as well as “modernize the economy.”Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945, Oxon, England: Routledge, 2001, p. 112 To Rossoni, corporations were viewed as the best institutions to promote “economic justice and social solidarity” among producers.
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Salvador Seguí (23 September 1887, in Lleida – 10 March 1923, in Barcelona), known as El noi del sucre ("the sugar boy" in Catalan) for his habit of eating the sugar cubes served him with his coffee, was a Catalan anarcho-syndicalist in the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), a Spanish confederation of anarcho-syndicalist labor unions active in Catalonia. Together with Ángel Pestaña, Seguí opposed the paramilitary actions advocated and carried out by other members of the CNT. On 10 March 1923, while completing preparations to promote the idea of emancipation as a form of social empowerment among workers, he was assassinated by gunshot on Carrer de la Cadena, in Barcelona's Raval District, at the hands of gunmen working for the Catalan employers' organisation under protection of Catalonia's Civil Governor, Martínez Anido. At this same shooting, another anarcho-syndicalist, Francesc Comes, known as Perones, was wounded and was to die several days later.
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Unions were granted the right to freely organize. The Casa del Obrero Mundial ("House of the World Worker"), an organization with anarcho-syndicalist was founded during his presidency.Tortolero Cervantes,. "Francisco I. Madero" in Encyclopedia of Mexico, Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997, pp. 766-67.
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In 1910 Joad went up to Balliol College, Oxford. Here he developed his skills as a philosopher and debater. By 1912 he was a first class sportsman and Oxford Union debater. He also became a Syndicalist, a Guild Socialist and then a Fabian.
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Popular education continued to be an important field of socialist politics, reemerging in particular during the Popular Front in 1936–38, while autogestion (self-management), a main tenet of the anarcho-syndicalist movement, became a popular slogan following the May '68 revolt.
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Schapiro was tasked with mediating the conflict between the FAI and treintistas.Casanova 1997, p. 151. He traveled on to France, where he continued to work with the IWMA and edited another anarcho-syndicalist paper, La Voix du Travail (The Voice of Labour).
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Lanzillo was drawn to revolutionary syndicalism and became a follower of George Sorel. Lanzillo wrote: Lanzillo corresponded personally with Sorel, and published in 1910 the first biography of Sorel. Lanzillo also contributed to the syndicalist journals Avanguardia Socialista and Il divenire sociale.
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Harry Järv (27 March 1921 – 21 December 2009Harry Järv Obituary (in Finnish). Retrieved 4 July 2013.) was a Finland Swedish librarian, author and translator. He was a lieutenant ranked veteran of World War II. By his political views Järv was an anarcho-syndicalist.
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Frank Bohn died July 29, 1975, at the age of 96. He is best remembered today as co-author with Big Bill Haywood of the influential pamphlet Industrial Socialism, a short work which helped fuel the American syndicalist boom of 1912–14.
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Sergio Panunzio was born on July 20, 1886, in Molfetta, Italy. He started his political involvement young by associating with syndicalist circles in 1902. From the University of Naples, he obtained two degrees, in jurisprudence in 1908 and in philosophy in 1911.
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Avrich and Avrich, Sasha and Emma, p. 388. Instead, Berkman was buried in a common grave in Cochez Cemetery in Nice. Berkman died weeks before the start of the Spanish Revolution, modern history's clearest example of an anarcho-syndicalist revolution.Newell, p. xiii.
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Chomsky envisions an anarcho- syndicalist future with direct worker control of the means of production and government by workers' councils which would select representatives to meet together at general assemblies.McGilvray, James (2014). Chomsky: Language, Mind, Politics (second ed.). Cambridge: Polity. p. 199. .
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An anarcho-syndicalist trade union, Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation, was founded in 1910. A Swedish magazine, Brand, is the oldest continuously published anarchist magazine. Being published since 1898. Many Swedish anarchists joined and fought with the CNT-FAI during the Spanish Revolution 1936–1939.
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While bans were often placed on the union's regular meetings, authorities in Düsseldorf even banned meetings of the syndicalist choir.Thorpe 2000, p. 197–198 and Thorpe 2001, p. 6. Another problem for the union was that many of its members were conscripted.
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The dynamic new organization was attached to peace and to the anti-imperialist and anti- colonialist struggle. As a member of the anarcho-syndicalist minority of the CGT, Gaston Monmousseau became General Secretary of the CGTU, a position he held until 1933.
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Rudolf Rocker is considered a leading anarcho-syndicalist theorist. He outlined a view of the origins of the movement, what it sought and why it was important to the future of labour in his 1938 pamphlet Anarchosyndicalism.Anarchosyndicalism by Rudolph Rocker '.' Retrieved 7 September 2006.
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Librado Rivera Librado Rivera (August 17, 1864 - March 1, 1932) was an anarchist during the Mexican Revolution. He co-published the anarchist newspaper Regeneración with Jesús Flores Magón and Ricardo Flores Magón. He took over editorial duties for the anarcho-syndicalist newspaper Sagitario in 1924.
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Albert Bourderon was born on 26 November 1858 in Corbeilles-en-Gâtinais, Loiret. He became a cooper (barrel maker) by trade. In the 1890s he became a disciple of the radical syndicalist pioneer Jean Allemane. In 1903 he founded the coopers unions (Fédération du Tonneau).
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Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. p. 95. . Chomsky envisions an anarcho- syndicalist future with direct worker control of the means of production and government by workers' councils which would select representatives to meet together at general assemblies.McGilvray, James (2014). Chomsky: Language, Mind, Politics (second ed.).
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Many revolutionary songs appeared during the Spanish Civil War and subsequent social revolution, especially amongst members of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). The most famous of these, "A Las Barricadas", remains popular for anarchist militants to this day.
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He obtained a doctorate in Law. He served as the legal attorney of the General Confederation of Labour (CGT). Inside French Section of the Workers International (SFIO), Lafont belonged to the insurrectionary syndicalist and anti-parliamentary left.Wohl, Robert. French Communism in the Making, 1914-1924.
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138, Kloosterman 1979, p. 275, Thorpe 1989, p. 88. In Paris, he came to know many of the city's leading anarchists and became a member of Étudiants socialistes révolutionnaires internationalistes, an anarcho-syndicalist group involved in the preparations for the banned international congress.Kloosterman 1979, p.
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In the mid-1920s he moved closer to the Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD), the Anarcho-Syndicalist of Rudolf Rocker, and published several of Rocker's texts in his magazine. However, it had become apparent by then that the revolutionary cause had lost its momentum.
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R.J.B. Bosworth (2009), The Oxford Handbook of Fascism, Oxford University Press, p. 299 Such were the strength of his beliefs that Preziosi criticized a contemporary antisemitic critic Paolo Orano for his 'soft' stance on Jews.David D. Roberts (1979), The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, pp.
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Cercle Proudhon (; French for Proudhon Circle) was a National-syndicalist political group founded in France on December 16, 1911 by Georges Valois and Édouard Berth. The group was inspired by Georges Sorel, Charles Maurras and a selective reading of anarchist theorist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon.
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Alceste De Ambris (between 1925 and 1934) Alceste De Ambris (15 September 1874 – 9 December 1934) was an Italian syndicalist, the brother of fascist politician Amilcare De Ambris. De Ambris had a major part to play in the agrarian strike actions of 1908 in Parma.
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He became a committed syndicalist after touring Europe in 1910 and 1911, and criticized the IWW for not working within established unions or within the workshop in any event. He urged American leftists to enter the AFL unions, rather than establish rival unions, as the IWW had tried to do. He also denounced electoral politics as a dead end that smothered the revolutionary ardor of these groups by channeling their energies into pursuit of office, with all the compromises that entails. Foster lost the battle, however, and soon thereafter left the IWW and formed his own organization, the Syndicalist League of North America (SLNA).
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Historian Theodore Draper notes that Browder "was influenced by an offshoot of the syndicalist movement which believed in working in the AF of L (American Federation of Labor)." This ideological orientation brought the young Browder into contact with William Z. Foster, founder of an organization called the Syndicalist League of North America which was based upon similar policies and James P. Cannon, an IWW adherent from Kansas. Browder moved to Kansas City and was employed as an office worker, entering the AFofL union of his trade, the Bookkeepers, Stenographers and Accountants union. In 1916 he took a job as manager of the Johnson County Cooperative Association in Olathe, Kansas.
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David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979, p. 290 Rossoni strove to build a “collective interest in the economy,” that would subject employers to Fascist discipline while providing a more substantial role for workers to make economic decisions.David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979, p. 289 In an effort to set the basic revolutionary direction of the Fascist state, Rossoni argued that Fascist syndicalism should be at the forefront, proclaiming in Mussolini's Il Popolo d'Italia newspaper that “only the Fascist syndicates could complete the revolution.”Martin Blinkhorn, edit.
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The original ICU was founded in Cape Town in 1919.Chris Saunders, 'Pan-Africanism: The Cape Town Case', Journal of Asian and African Studies, June 2012 47: 291–300, doi:10.1177/0021909611428055 Later that year it held a famous joint strike on the docks with the syndicalist Industrial Workers of Africa, a black-based union modelled on the syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World. In 1920, the two unions merged with a number of other emergent African and Coloured- based unions into an expanded ICU with the stated aim of "creating one great union" of workers south of the Zambezi river i.e. spanning Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
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In the early 20th century, the popularity of socialism and anarchism grew throughout Spain. There was widespread discontent in Catalonia, which was heavily industrialized and was a stronghold of the anarcho- syndicalist trade unions. A series of strikes due to wage cuts and in response to military conscription for the Second Rif War in Morocco culminated in the Tragic Week (25 July – 2 August 1909) in which workers rose up in revolt and were suppressed by the army. The anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) was formed in October 1910 and immediately called for a general strike, which was suppressed by the military.
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César De Paepe César De Paepe (12 July 1841 in Ostend, Belgium – 1890 in Cannes, France) was a medical doctor and a prominent syndicalist whose work strongly influenced the Industrial Workers of the World and the syndicalist movement in general. Anticipating modern political philosophy, democracy according to de Paepe would inevitably spread to the economic segments of society and economic organizations: workplace democracy was inevitable. He graduated in medicine at the Universite Libre de Bruxelles. De Paepe was a leading member of the First International and was the principal leader of the Collectivist victory over the supporters of Proudhonian mutualism, like Henri Tolain, at the 1868 Brussels conference.
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Massive government repression repeated such defeats around the world as anarcho-syndicalist unions were destroyed in Peru, Brazil, Colombia, Japan, Cuba, Bulgaria, Paraguay and Bolivia. By the end of the 1930s, legal anarcho-syndicalist trade unions existed only in Chile, Bolivia, Sweden and Uruguay. However, perhaps the greatest blow was struck in the Spanish Civil War, which saw the CNT, then claiming a membership of 1.58 million, driven underground with the defeat of the Spanish Republic by Francisco Franco. The sixth IWA congress took place in 1936, shortly after the Spanish Revolution had begun, but was unable to provide serious material support for the section.
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Grigori Petrovitch Maximoff (, ; 11 November 1893, Mitushino Smolensk Governorate – 16 March 1950, Chicago) was a Russian-born anarcho-syndicalist who was involved in Nabat, a Ukrainian anarcho-syndicalist movement. Along with several other anarchists, he was imprisoned on 8 March 1921 following a Cheka sweep of anarchists in the area. After a hunger strike attracted the attention of visiting syndicalists, Maximoff was one of the 10 anarchists who were released from prison and deported. Maximoff's work was first published in the US by the Union of Russian Workers, an anarchist organization with nearly 10,000 members which had a substantial presence in New York City.
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Miller, David and Janet Coleman, The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Political thought, 10th ed. (Malden, Massachusetts; Oxford, England; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, 2004) p. 148. Benito Mussolini mentioned revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel—along with Hubert Lagardelle and his journal Le Mouvement socialiste, which advocated a technocratic vision of society—as major influences on fascism. According to Zeev Sternhell, World War I caused Italian revolutionary syndicalism to develop into a national syndicalism reuniting all social classes, which later transitioned into Italian Fascism, such that "most syndicalist leaders were among the founders of the Fascist movement" and "many even held key posts" in the Italian Fascist regime by the mid-1920s.
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1-2, 48-50, Lehning 1982, pg. 77. November 1911 issue of the Bulletin international du mouvement syndicaliste In 1909, the NAS declared: "To us it appears [...] necessary that the question of whether the isolation of revolutionary organizations is to be perpetuated should be posed seriously in every country"Quoted by Gras 1971, pg. 86, French original: "Il nous semble [...] nécessaire qu'on se pose sérieusement, dans tous les pays, la quéstion de savoir si l'isolement des organisations révolutionaires doit continuer." and suggested an international syndicalist congress. The Catalan syndicalist group Solidaridad Obrera, which would later become the National Confederation of Labor (CNT), was quick to support this proposal.
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The IWW had significant experience in multiracial organizing in the United States through its support for the multiracial Brotherhood of Timber Workers, as well as IWW Local 8 in Philadelphia, which organized longshoremen. The celebrated multiracial local, in turn, had strong ties to the Marine Transport Workers Industrial Union (MTWIU), an industrial union which formed a component of the broader IWW. The MTWIU created a point of contact between the continentally-based IWW and radical sailors and dockworkers in Latin America, Europe, Africa, and Asia. South African port cities such as Durban became home to radical syndicalist currents which were strongly integrated into the international socialist and syndicalist movement.
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David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979, p. 370 With state backing, Rossoni greatly expanded membership in the Fascist Syndicate, where membership rose from 250,000 to 1.8 million between 1920 and 1924, surpassing every other labor organization.Martin Blinkhorn, edit.
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Fernand Pelloutier. Fernand-Léonce-Émile Pelloutier (1 October 1867, Paris – 13 March 1901, Sèvres) was a French anarchist and syndicalist. He was the leader of the Bourses du Travail, a major French trade union, from 1895 until his death in 1901. He was succeeded by Yvetot.
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Finally, negotiations in which Schapiro, Berkman, two Spanish delegates, and two French delegates represented the syndicalist side yielded a compromise with the Bolshevik leadership.Thorpe 1989, pp. 196-198, Tosstorff 2016, p. 399-400. The anarchist prisoners would end their hunger strike, be released, and leave the country.
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Kokay was born to Lojos Ferenz Kokay and Maria do Perpétuo Socorro Jucá. Prior to becoming a politician Kokay worked as a banker. Kokay has also worked as a syndicalist since 1992, and is a member and past president of the trade union Central Única dos Trabalhadores.
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Paolo Orano Paolo Orano (born 15 June 1875 in Rome – died 7 April 1945 in Padula) was an Italian psychologist, politician and writer. Orano began his political career as a revolutionary syndicalist in Italian Socialist Party. He later became a leading figure within the National Fascist Party.
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The CGT was opposed, wanting to remain affiliated with ISNTUC. Such a congress was likely to cause a split between the radical and the reformist wings within the CGT. The French syndicalist leader Pierre Monatte convinced the Dutch to withdraw their proposal.Gras 1971, pg. 85-86.
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Some members saw this as women regaining the rights that had belonged to them in pre-invasion Gaelic civilisation. ffrench-Mullen was on the socialist wing of the moment, holding to the ideals of universal social equality of the syndicalist James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army.
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Joaquín Ascaso Budria (Zaragoza, c. 1906/1907 – Caracas, March 1977) was an anarcho-syndicalist and President of the Regional Defence Council of Aragon between 1936 and 1937. He was a cousin of CNT leader Francisco Ascaso.[Jesús Mestre i Campi, Diccionari d'Història de Catalunya, Edicions 62.
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Thorpe 1989, pg. 53. Furthermore, the syndicalists lamented the lack of an international syndicalist organization. The British proposal called for the congress to be held in London, while the Dutch left this question open and called for suggestions for the site of the meeting.Thorpe 1989, pg. 53. Christiaan Cornelissen The invitations were immediately received warmly by numerous syndicalists, including the Free Association of German Trade Unions (Freie Vereinigung deutscher Gewerkschaften in German, FVdG), Pierre Ramus's journal Wohlstand für Alle from Austria, the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (SAC), the Spanish periodical Tierra y Libertad, the Italian Syndicalist Union (Unione Sindacale Italiana in Italian, USI), the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in the United States, and the Syndicalist League of North America. Christiaan Cornelissen, editor of the Bulletin international du mouvement syndicaliste and a prominent anarchist in Paris, also welcomed the idea, but considered the May date proposed by ISEL too soon, as the decentralized decision-making employed by syndicalists required more time for preparation.Thorpe 1989, pg. 53-54.
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The One Big Union (OBU) was a Canadian syndicalist trade union active primarily in the western part of the country. It was initiated formally in Calgary on June 4, 1919 but lost most of its members by 1922. It finally merged into the Canadian Labour Congress during 1956.
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The International Trade Union Educational League was a short lived organization led by William Z. Foster from 1915 to around 1917. It carried over some of the ideas of his former Syndicalist League of North America about boring from within existing trade unions, but had less radical rhetoric.
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Harold "Jock" Barnes (17 July 1907 – 31 May 2000) was a New Zealand trade unionist and syndicalist, leader of the Waterside Workers Union from 1944 to 1952. He was heavily involved in the 1951 New Zealand waterfront dispute. His memoir Never a White Flag was published in 1998.
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Maffeo Pantaleoni. Maffeo Pantaleoni (; Frascati, 2 July 1857Milan, 29 October 1924) was an Italian economist. At first he was a notable proponent of neoclassical economics. Later in his life, before and during World War I, he became an ardent nationalist and syndicalist, with close ties to the Fascist movement.
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Schapiro became the editor of the Bureau's journal, the Bulletin de l'Internationale Anarchiste, which he published in French from London until 1910. The Bulletin disseminated information about anarchist and syndicalist movements between countries. For about a year, it appeared almost every month, but then died off slowly.Bantman 2006, p.
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Mella wrote more than thirty essays throughout his life. Some of his writings received international awards and were translated into Italian, Dutch, Portuguese, English, and French. He collaborated with numerous periodicals in many countries. Key anarcho- syndicalist beliefs of the CNT in its early years came from Mella's writings.
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El País. Las centrales ultiman sus campañas The historical anarcho-syndicalist CNT called for a boycott of the polls. Their slogan was "si nadie trabaja por tí, nadie debe decidir por tí" ('if no-one works for you, no-one should decide in your name').Guinea, José Luis.
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Arbetaren (The Worker) is a Swedish weekly newspaper, founded in 1922. It is published by the anarcho-syndicalist union SAC, Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden. As of 2013 the paper has a circulation of 2,500. The edition had its high point in 1941 with 29 600 copies.
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Photographs illustrated Barbarous Mexico. They used to have sensational captions describing slavery in Mexico. In Los Angeles, Turner met the Socialist Party leaders Job Harriman and John Murray. They introduced him to Mexican anarcho-syndicalist leaders Ricardo Flores Magón, Librado Rivera, Manuel Sarabia, and Antonio Villareal in April 1908.
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At this point the anarchist movement was in decay, having faced growing government persecution. The Chaco War also caused many problems. Later, anarcho- syndicalist unions saw themselves forced to join the Bolivian Workers' Center to survive. Some anarchists tried to influence the BWC from within, among them Líber Forti.
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Antoinette Cauvin, known as Madame Sorgue (1864-18 February 1924), was a French anarcho-syndicalist. She was associated with a great many strikes in Europe and travelled widely in France, Portugal, Italy, Wales and England (Hull) and Scotland (speaking in Leith to the Dockers during their strike in 1913).
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Oriol's rapport with a new civil governor, the Carlist sympathizer Juan Granell, was very poorBallestero 2014, p. 76 and most Traditionalists viewed him as a traitor. The Falangist rank-and-file resented him as well, the syndicalist radicals perfectly aware of his high bourgeoisie profile.Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p.
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Gáspár Miklós Tamás (G. M. Tamás; ; born 28 November 1932), often referred to in the media as TGM, is a Hungarian marxist-anarcho-syndicalist philosopher and public intellectual. He is currently a contributor to online newspaper Mérce and to OpenDemocracy, where he writes primarily about political and aesthetic questions.
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François Mayoux (24 June 1882 – 21 July 1967) was a French teacher who became in turn a socialist, communist and revolutionary syndicalist. He and his wife Marie Mayoux were imprisoned during World War I (1914–18) for publishing a pacifist pamphlet. He wrote many articles for anarchist journals.
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The Union emerged from secrecy during the democratic transition after Franco's death, as did the communist Workers' Commissions (Comisiones Obreras, CCOO). The UGT and CCOO, between them, constitute the major avenues for workers' representation in today's Spain, with the anarcho- syndicalist Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) a distant third.
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Proletcult, Eden Paul (1921) In the first issue of the Plebs, dated February 1909, Ablett contributed an article on the need for independent working class education.Biographical Dictionary of European Labor Leaders, A. T. Lane (1995), p. 3 The League ran classes teaching Marxist principles and later syndicalist ideas.
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The Frente de Estudiantes Sindicalistas (FES) (English: Front of Syndicalist Students) was a Spanish student group belonging to the Falangist minority opposition to the Francoist regime. Founded in 1963 in Madrid, the FES was led by Jorge Perales, and José Real. Initially operating as the student arm of the Frente Nacional de Trabajadores (FNT; "National Front of Workers"), its mottos were Falange sí, Movimiento no ("Yes to Falange, No to Movement"); Falange sí, dictadura no ("Yes to Falange, no to dictatorship") and Por la reconstrucción de Falange ("For the re-building of Falange"). It eventually developed intense conflict with its matrix organization, the FNT, led by Narciso Perales, that transformed into the Revolutionary Syndicalist Front.
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The PSI's refusal to support the war led to its national syndicalist faction either leaving or being purged from the party, such as Mussolini who had begun to show sympathy to the national syndicalist cause. A number of the national syndicalists expelled from the PSI later joined Mussolini's Fascist Revolutionary movement in 1914, including the Fasces of Revolutionary Action in 1915 (later Italian Fasces of Combat). In late 1921, during the Third Fascist Congress, Mussolini turned the Fasces of Combat into the National Fascist Party. After the Russian Revolution of 1917, the PSI quickly aligned itself in support of the Communist Bolshevik movement in Russia and supported its call for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie.
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While the IWW was a spent force after that strike, syndicalist thinking remained popular on the docks. Longshoremen and sailors on the West Coast also had contacts with an Australian syndicalist movement that called itself the "One Big Union" formed after the defeat of a general strike there in 1917. The Communist Party had also been active in the area in the late 1920s, seeking to organize all categories of maritime workers into a single union, the Maritime Workers Industrial Union (MWIU), as part of the drive during the Third Period to create revolutionary unions. The MWIU never made much headway on the West Coast, but it did attract a number of former IWW members and foreign-born militants.
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A central debate concerned the relation between anarchism and syndicalism (or trade unionism). The Spanish Workers Federation in 1881 was the first major anarcho-syndicalist movement; anarchist trade union federations were of special importance in Spain. The most successful was the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour: CNT), founded in 1910. Before the 1940s, the CNT was the major force in Spanish working class politics, attracting 1.58 million members at one point and playing a major role in the Spanish Civil War. The CNT was affiliated with the International Workers Association, a federation of anarcho-syndicalist trade unions founded in 1922, with delegates representing two million workers from 15 countries in Europe and Latin America.
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Anarchism in South Africa dates to the 1880s, and played a major role in the labour and socialist movements from the turn of the twentieth century through to the 1920s. The early South African anarchist movement was strongly syndicalist. The ascendance of Marxism–Leninism following the Russian Revolution, along with state repression, resulted in most of the movement going over to the Comintern line, with the remainder consigned to irrelevance. There were slight traces of anarchist or revolutionary syndicalist influence in some of the independent left-wing groups which resisted the apartheid government from the 1970s onward, but anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism as a distinct movement only began re-emerging in South Africa in the early 1990s.
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The goal of FMP was to promote socialist and revolutionary ideas and to organize and develop the worker movement. After some time, members of the FMP began to feel the need for a "revolutionary vanguard" among Portuguese workers. After several meetings at various trade union offices, and with the aid of the Comintern, this desire culminated in the foundation of the Portuguese Communist Party as the Portuguese Section of the Comintern on 6 March 1921. Unlike virtually all other European communist parties, the PCP was not formed after a split of a social democratic or socialist party, but from the ranks of anarcho- syndicalist and revolutionary syndicalist groups, the most active factions in the Portuguese labour movement.
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Left-libertarianism in South Africa dates to the 1880s and played a major role in the labour and socialist movements from the turn of the 20th century through to the 1920s. The early South African libertarian movement was strongly anarchist and syndicalist. The ascendance of Marxism–Leninism following the Russian Revolution, along with state repression, resulted in most of the movement going over to the Comintern line, with the remainder consigned to irrelevance. There were slight traces of anarchist or syndicalist influence in some of the independent left-wing groups which resisted the apartheid government from the 1970s onward, but as a distinct movement they only began re-emerging in South Africa in the early 1990s.
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Also it was decided to establish within the organization a Committee of Relations composed of a General Secretary, a Secretary of Internal Relations, a Secretary of External Relations a Committee of Redaction of Le Monde Libertaire and a Committee of Administration. In 1955 a Commission on Syndicalist Relations was established within the FA as proposed by anarcho- syndicalist members. Regrouping behind Robert and Beaulaton, some activists of the former Entente anarchiste quit the FA and created on November 25, 1956, in Bruxelles the AOA (Alliance ouvrière anarchiste), which edited L’Anarchie and would drift to the far-right during the Algerian war. The French Surrealist group led by André Breton now openly embraced anarchism and collaborated in the Fédération Anarchiste.
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He explained that the two most important tasks of the congress should be drafting a declaration of principles and to deciding upon how international cooperation between syndicalist groups would continue. However, instead of tackling these issues, the congress then plunged into a lengthy discussion on Wills' co-presidency: it was revealed that Wills was a local councilor in a London borough. A number of delegates, particularly from France and Spain, argued that a politician could not preside over a meeting of syndicalists opposed to the state. The Dutch delegates, on the other hand, argued that Wills' political involvement was irrelevant, as long as he was a syndicalist on economic and labor questions.
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Vicentinho is the son of Francisco Germano da Silva and Maria Jeronimo da Silva. Prior to entering politics he was the head of syndicalist organization in São Paulo and was the president for 36 years of a trade union called "Central Única dos Trabalhadores" (CUT) that campaigned for wage equality.
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Vicente Paulo da Silva (born 8 April 1956) more commonly known as Vicentinho is a Brazilian politician as well as a syndicalist and trade union president. Although born in Rio Grande do Norte, he has spent his political career representing São Paulo, having served as federal deputy representative since 2003.
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Hugo Leal Melo da Silva (born 6 August 1962) more commonly known as Hugo Leal is a Brazilian politician as well as a syndicalist and trade union president. Although born in Minas Gerais, he has spent his political career representing Rio de Janeiro, having served as federal deputy representative since 2007.
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Bernardino Verro (; July 3, 1866 – November 3, 1915) was a Sicilian syndicalist and politician. He was involved in the Fasci Siciliani (Sicilian Leagues) a popular movement of democratic and socialist inspiration in 1891-1894, and became the first socialist mayor of Corleone in 1914. He was killed by the Mafia.
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Sdružení československých horníků ('Czechoslovak Miners Association', abbreviated SČH) was a Syndicalist mine workers trade union in Czechoslovakia.Masaryk University. Sdružení československých horníků - představitelé revolučního syndikalismu The union had its roots in the Free Association of Miners and Ironworkers of Austria. SČH was founded in Northern Bohemia by anarchists and revolutionary socialists.
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Retrieved 14 March 2013. In October 1933, she married Rudolf Michaelis who, as an anarcho-syndicalist, was almost immediately arrested and imprisoned by the Nazis. In December 1933, after Rudolf's release, the couple moved to Spain but they separated shortly afterwards. In Barcelona, Michaelis opened her own studio, Foto-elis.
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Lino Ravecca (1920) is an Italian trade unionist and syndicalist. In 1950 he was one of the founders of Italian Labour Union (UIL)See historic section from uil.it one of the biggest Italian trade union centers. He was general secretary of UIL from 27 October 1969 to 27 October 1971.
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They argue that the wage system is hierarchical and authoritarian in nature and consequently capitalism cannot be anarchist.Morris, Brian, Anthropology and Anarchism, "Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed" (no. 45); Mckay, Iain, The legacy of Voltairine De Cleyre, Anarcho-Syndicalist Review, no. 44; Brown, L. Susan, The Politics of Individualism.
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In addition to publishing books and pamphlets on anarchist and syndicalist themes, the Union of Russian workers additionally provided and educational and social function, maintaining reading libraries, conducting classes to teach the English language to newcomers from Russia, and providing a setting for socialization of Russian speaking emigrants with their fellows.
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The French Confédération générale du travail (CGT) adhered to the syndicalist line and harshly criticized the lack of independent political advocacy of ISNTUC. This dispute was notable both at the 1907 (Stuttgart) and 1910 (Copenhagen) congresses of ISNTUC. CGT withdrew from ISNTUC in 1905 and returned in 1909.Goethem, Geert van.
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C.E. Ruthenberg, "Communists Throw Challenge In Face of Michigan Authorities." Press release, March 10, 1923. Corvallis, OR: 1000 Flowers Publishing, 2005. He was released on a $1,000 bond but was never brought to trial on charges of having violated the Michigan anti-syndicalist law through his participation in the gathering.
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After 1920 it attracted former members of radical and syndicalist groups such as the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Many of the new members were Jews, Finns or Ukrainians who supported the Russian Revolution.Nelson Wiseman, Social Democracy in Manitoba: a History of the CCF- NDP (Univ. of Manitoba Press, 2014).
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The end of cooperation between the FVdG and the political parties in the Ruhr region was part of a nationwide trend after Paul Levi, an anti-syndicalist, became chairman of the KPD in March. Moreover, Rudolf Rocker, a communist anarchist and follower of Kropotkin, joined the FVdG in March 1919.
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Towards the end of 1922, the core of the local structures of the USPD in Berlin, which continued to exist as a small party, was composed largely of former Revolutionary Stewards. Some Stewards who continued to follow a party-independent "antiauthoritarian" council model joined the anarcho-syndicalist Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD).
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The Agitator was launched as a bi-monthly tabloid newspaper in Home, Washington on November 15, 1910.Melvyn Dubofsky, "The Agitator: Home, Washington, 1910-1912; The Syndicalist: Lakebay, Washington, and Chicago, 1913," in Joseph R. Conlin (ed.), The American Radical Press, 1880-1960. In Two Volumes. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1968; vol.
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Guérin was born in a liberal Parisian family. Early on, he started political activism in the revolutionary syndicalist magazine La Révolution prolétarienne of Pierre Monatte. He abandoned university and a literary career in 1926, traveling to Lebanon (1927–1929) and French Indochina (1929–1930) and became a passionate opponent of colonial ventures.
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The Direkte Aktion (German for Direct Action, ) is a German bimonthly newspaper by the anarcho-syndicalist Free Workers' Union. It has existed since the union's formation in 1977.Bernd Drücke. "Anarchist and Libertarian Media, 1945-2010 (Federal Germany)" in: John D. H. Downing (Editor, Southern Illinois University Carbondale), Encyclopedia of Social Movement Media.
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137-139, Thorpe 1989, p. 96. The journal began appearing in August 1917. It published articles on French syndicalism and the theory of the general strike. Schapiro was the driving force behind Golos Trudas's publishing house, which released Russian translations of works by Western syndicalist theorists like Fernand Pelloutier, Émile Pouget, or Cornelissen.
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The 1st Congress of the Comintern was an international gathering of communist, revolutionary socialist, and syndicalist delegates held in Moscow which established the Communist International (Comintern). The gathering, held from March 2 to 6, 1919, was attended by 51 representatives of more than two dozen countries from around Europe, North America, and Asia.
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The FAQ has been complimented by several sources. The anarcho-syndicalist Solidarity Federation called it an "invaluable resource" and "highly recommended" for people wishing "to gain a better understanding of anarchism".Direct Action (44). p. 30. Flint Jones, a member of NEFAC, hailed the FAQ as "the most comprehensive [anarchist] resource available".
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The boycott was successful. In 1923, a boycott "of all California products in ship's stores" was threatened in an effort to have the Criminal Syndicalist Law repealed. The threat, carried out in conjunction with a general strike on the Los Angeles and San Francisco waterfronts, was successful in shutting down the harbors.
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Maksim RayevskyAlternate spellings of Rayevsky's first and last names are Maxim and Raevskii or Raevsky. () (died 1931 in Moscow) was a Russian-Jewish anarcho-syndicalist. Rayevsky was born L. Fishelev in Nizhyn, Russia, into a well-to-do Jewish family. He was educated at the gymnasium in Nizhyn and attended university in Germany.
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Women had a prominent role in the anarcho- syndicalist movement. In 1927 the Sindicato Femenino de Oficios Varios was founded. Also founded in 1927 was the Federación Obrera Femenina, a branch of FOL and merger of several other all-female unions. Among female anarchist activists were Catalina Mendoza, Petronila Infantes, and Susana Rada.
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19 (1). 75–90. . left-libertarianism, or social anarchism. Anarchists typically discourage the concept of left-wing theories of anarchism on grounds of redundancy and that it lends legitimacy to the notion that anarchism is compatible with capitalism or nationalism. Syndicalist Ulrike Heider categorized anarchism into left anarchism, right anarchism and green anarchism.
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The discussion on this question was prolonged and lively. It became a debate on the syndicalist rejection of statism. Support for De Ambris's position eventually ebbed and he gave in; the declaration that was finally unanimously accepted contained a number of references to the overthrow of the state.Thorpe 1989, pg. 75-76.
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After his military service Monmousseau joined the state railway in Paris in 1910. He became an anarcho-syndicalist, and was active in the railway workers' union. In January 1913 he organized an anti-militarist rally in a hotel in Azay-sur-Cher. During World War I (1914–18) he worked on railway maintenance.
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Maria Rygier (born 1885 in Kraków, died 1953 in Rome) was an Italian journalist and politician. She was at times in her life an anarchist propagandist, a revolutionary syndicalist, an anti-militarist, an ardent pro- war militant, an early supporter of the fascist movement in Italy, an anti- fascist, and a monarchist.
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He does not seem to have played an active part in the life of the Party, but after leaving it went on to be a prominent trade union leader in the bricklayers' union. Hicks first came to prominence during the great labour unrest just before the First World War, particularly in the London building trades lockout of 1914. He was a well-known syndicalist agitator at this time, being linked with Tom Mann’s Industrial Syndicalist Education League and its effective successor the Industrial Democracy League. In 1912 he became National Organiser of the Operative Bricklayers' Society, serving as its General Secretary from 1919 to 1921. Subsequently he was General Secretary of Amalgamated Union of Building Trade Workers (the successor to the OBS) from 1921 to 1941.
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Like most European syndicalist unions, the NAS saw its membership boom after World War I. Although the Netherlands were neutral in the war, they were not untouched by it: food shortages plagued the country and the revolutionary wave that swept Europe from 1917 to 1920 left its mark on the country. The massive wave of strikes greatly benefited the NAS, its membership rose from 10,500 in 1916 to 51,000 in 1920. During this time NAS members had great influence on the Socialist and Communist Parties. In 1922, the NAS decided to join the pro-Soviet Red International of Labour Unions (RILU), although many in the federation favored the anarcho- syndicalist International Workers Association (IWA). In 1923, the question of international affiliation led to a split.
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Durack's leadership lasted only for about three months, and he was succeeded by John Storey in February 1917. In April 1918 the Industrial Section changed its name to the Industrial Vigilance Council, a change in part prompted by a leftward shift in the union movement influenced by the Great War and the Russian Revolution. At this point it was increasingly beset by internal divisions, in particular between the relatively conservative AWU and smaller unions and radicals such as the syndicalist-influenced Sam Rosa. This came to a head during 1919 due to divisions over whether conscription should end following the closing of the First World War and whether the Australian union movement should adopt the syndicalist principle of the One Big Union.
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After Wills was forced to resign, Kater served as co-president with Jack Tanner. The congress had difficulty agreeing on many issues, the main source of conflict being whether further schisms in the European labor movement (as had occurred in Germany and the Netherlands) should be risked. The FVdG generally agreed with their Dutch comrades in calling on other unions to decide between syndicalism and socialism, while their Italian, French, and Spanish counterparts, most notably Alceste De Ambris of the Italian USI, were more intent on preventing further division. Accordingly, the congress was divided on the question of whether its purpose was to simply pave the way for deeper relations between the syndicalist unions or whether a Syndicalist International was to be founded.
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Although more frequently associated with labor struggles of the early 20th century (particularly in France and Spain), many syndicalist organizations are active today, including the SAC in Sweden, the USI in Italy and the CNT in Spain. A number of these organizations are united across national borders by membership in the International Workers Association.
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But it was also as a trade unionist that Sloan criticised wealthy employers (the "fur-coat brigade") in the leadership of unionism. With his Independent Orange Order, Sloan supported dock and linen- mill workers, led by the syndicalist James Larkin, in the great Belfast Lockout of 1907.Goldring (1991), pp. 101-104Collins, Peter (1998).
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Kōtoku also came into contact with the Industrial Workers of the World, an anarcho-syndicalist union, and became aware of Emma Goldman's anarchist newspaper Mother Earth. Before he left California, he founded a Social Revolutionary Party amongst Japanese-American immigrants, which quickly radicalised towards the use of terrorist tactics to bring about the anarchist revolution.
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In 1917 however he left social democracy to become a syndicalist, in Norsk Syndikalistisk Forbund. He became known as manager of Oslo sten, jord og cementarbeiderforening in 1927, a union he had joined in 1923. In 1930 he became deputy chairman of the Norwegian Union of Building Industry Workers. He later chaired the union.
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The manifesto also called for a national syndicalist economy, and advocated agrarian reform, industrial expansion, and respect for private property with the exception of nationalizing credit facilities to prevent usury.Hans Rogger, Eugen Weber. The European Right. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press; London, England, UK: University of Cambridge Press, 1965.
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The uprising was organized by Captain Fermín Galán. He was assigned to Jaca in June 1930. He wanted to link a military uprising with the political movements opposed to the dictatorship. He established contacts with the CNT in Zaragoza and Huesca, and started a close friendship with the syndicalist leader Ramón Acín of Huesca.
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In the refounded IFTU the general principle was that only one national centre per country would be admitted. However, at the founding congress there were exceptions. The British delegation consisted of both TUC and GFTU representatives. From Germany and the Netherlands both Social Democratic (GGWD and NVV) and Syndicalist (VDGW and NAS) trade unions participated.
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The CNT-F (Confédération nationale du travail) or National Confederation of Labour is a French anarcho-syndicalist union. It was founded in 1946 by Spanish anarcho-syndicalists in exile, and former members of Confédération Générale du Travail-Syndicaliste Révolutionnaire (CGT-SR), its name is derived from the Spanish CNT, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo.
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During the Second Spanish Republic, workers' groups had aligned with the anarchists, communists or other Republican forces. However, Franco's regime tended to favour the interests of large capitalist businesses despite its proclaimed syndicalist rhetoric. In response, workers (often anarchists) created illegal syndicates and organized strikes, which usually were repressed brutally by Franco's police state.
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Before becoming a politician, Alevras was employed at the Bank of Greece. He was a prominent syndicalist and a key figure in the foundation of OTOE (Federation of Bank Employee Organizations of Greece) in 1955. OTOE united all relevant trade unions along the lines of craft unionism with Alevras at its head for several years.
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The film revolves around a working-class family in São Paulo in 1980. Otávio, a syndicalist leader, and Romana are the parents of Tião, whose girlfriend, Maria, becomes pregnant. Fearing to be fired and thus unable to support his now fiancée, Tião does not participate on a strike, which starts a series of family conflicts.
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Writings, 1932–33 p. 96, Leon Trotsky. During the Spanish Revolution, some areas where anarchist and libertarian socialist influence through the CNT and UGT was extensive, particularly rural regions, were run on the basis of decentralized planning resembling the principles laid out by anarcho-syndicalist Diego Abad de Santillan in the book After the Revolution.
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In response to the furious tone of the debate, and jeering by Kokuren members at the conference, the anarcho- syndicalists opted to secede from Zenkoku Jiren and walked out. Over the next several years, all the anarchist groups took part in a process which involved the separation of the pure- and anarcho-syndicalist factions.
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The study was cited in the book Francisco Morente Valero, "The Falange and the Academia: Falangist Intellectuals and the Idea of a National-Syndicalist University (1933-1943)". Díaz is a professor of Contemporary Spanish History and a member of Centro de Documentación y Estudios Jose Maria Escrivá de Balaguer at the University of Navarra.
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At the convention Mooney organized a "militant minority" of seventy left-wing delegates into a propaganda organization for conducting syndicalist propaganda within the union, under SLNA auspices. Mooney chartered four chapters of this International Foundry Workers Educational League in San Francisco.Johanningsmeier p. 348William Z. Foster "Molders Convention" in International Socialist Review, vol 33, no.
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He was an activist and syndicalist in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara during his youth. He graduated in Economics at Sétif university, in Algeria. He then moved to Spain to complete his education, earning a master's degree in "Conflicts, Peace and Development" at James I University in Castellon and a doctorate at the University of Granada.
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Gregorio Jover Cortés (Teruel, October 25, 1891 - Mexico, March 22, 1964) was a Aragonese anarcho-syndicalist and a member of the CNT during the first third of the 20th century. During the Spanish Civil War he was commander of the Ascaso Column and later the militarized 28th Division, which fought on the Aragon front.
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Jesus Ruiz. Posibilismo libertario. Felix Morga, Alcalde de Najera (1891-1936). El Najerilla-Najera. 2003. In 1932, they establish the Syndicalist Party which participates in the 1936 Spanish general elections and proceed to be a part of the leftist coalition of parties known as the Popular Front obtaining two congressmen (Pestaña and Benito Pabon).
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The SP was a revolutionary syndicalist libertarian socialist party. It sought to end private ownership in general and combat the ruling class. The SP wanted to abolish indirect taxation and implement a system of strongly progressive income taxes. It wanted to end child labour and night shifts and reduce the working day to eight hours.
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Gómez extensively persecuted rivals, political dissidents, and trade unionists. Among the later victims were members of a nascent anarcho- syndicalist movement, belonging to an ideology brought in by radical immigrants from Europe. While they were few in numbers, the efforts of these people in forming mutual societies, organizing oil industry strikes, spreading propaganda, etc.
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26–28 Other Italian Fascists considered their radical nationalism to be based on the struggle for equality by the plebeians, who were seen as being exploited by plutocratic governments. Robert Michels, an early revolutionary syndicalist who affiliated with the National Fascist Party by 1924, declared that Fascism was "the revolutionary nationalism of the poor".
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Vallverdu i Martí 2014, p. 92 In 1943 he co-signed a large document addressed to Franco and known as Reclamación de Poder; its Carlist signatories called to do away with syndicalist features and to introduce a traditionalist monarchy.Vallverdu i Martí 2014, p. 96, Alcalá 2001, p. 52 Though maintaining correct formal relations with official administration,e.g.
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The new union revived the journal Hornické Listy ('Miners' Newspaper'), which had been the organ of the Free Association of Miners and Ironworkers of Austria, as its organ.AP Distribuce. Anarchosyndikalismus v Čechách The prominent anarcho-syndicalist Václav Draxl was the main leader of the new union. The union was not affiliated to any trade union centre.
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Hale, "Criminal Anarchy and Syndicalist Trials," pg. 19. The jury remained out only a few hours before returning with a guilty verdict. On March 29, Judge Weeks passed a sentence of 5 to 10 years in prison, with Winitsky being transported to Dannemora State Penitentiary in Dannemora, New York. An appeal of the case was refused.
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The International Socialist League of South Africa was the earliest major Marxist party in South Africa, and a predecessor of the South African Communist Party. The ISL was founded around the syndicalist politics of the Industrial Workers of the World and Daniel De Leon.Hirson, Baruch. A History of the Left in South Africa: Writings of Baruch Hirson.
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Jewish Public Library Léa Roback (3 November 1903 - 28 August 2000) was a Canadian trade union organizer, social activist, pacifist, and feminist. She campaigned against exclusion, violence, racism and injustice. A polyglot and a suffragist, she was a pioneer of feminism in Quebec. A Syndicalist, Communist and a Marxist, she opened the first Marxist book store in Montreal.
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Bruguera was an anarcho-syndicalist militant woman who served as a indefatigable fighter for her beliefs until her death in Madrid in 1992. Early on, she was involved with Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), fighting for workers' rights. Later, Bruguera became affiliated with the Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT). She was often affiliated with the anarchist movement.
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Alphonse Adolphe Merrheim was born on 7 May 1871 in La Madeleine, Nord, a suburb of Lille. He became a coppersmith, and adopted revolutionary syndicalist views. He arrived in Paris in 1904, and soon after met Pierre Monatte at the office of Pages Libres. The two men would work together to launch La Vie Ouvrière (The Worker's Life).
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Ambroise Croizat (28 January 1901 – 11 February 1951) was a French syndicalist and communist politician. As the minister of Labour and of Social security, he founded the French Social security system (or social safety net) and the retirement system, between 1945 and 1947. He was also the general secretary of the Fédération des travailleurs de la métallurgie CGT.
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The Free UnionMiscellaneous Syndicalist, Anarchist or Libertarian Organisations or Free League (Dutch: Vrije Bond) is an anarchist organisation in the Netherlands and Flanders that was founded in 1990. The Free Union originated from the Business organization Collective Sector (BCS) and the Independent Union of Business Organizations (OVB) in the 1980s. Does the Free Union have a future?, Ravage , nr.
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104 a small Partido Nacionalista Español merged indeed,Tusell 2002, p. 104, Payne 2000, p. 261 an independent syndicalist organization CESE joined the Carlist Obra Nacional Corporative schemein January 1937 Confederacion Eespañola de Sindicatos Obreros, a trade union organization with 500,000 affiliates, joined the Carlist Obra Nacional Corporativa; also the Catalan Lliga was leaning towards Carlism, Tusell 2007, p.
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151 even when in the early 1940s FET indeed assumed a proto-Fascist tone. Eventually FET was formatted along syndicalist lines and in the Francoist Spain it turned into merely one of many groupings competing for power; other of these so-called political families included the Alfonsists, the Carlists, the military, the technocrats, the Church and the bureaucracy.
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The firing of the union leader resulted in a wildcat strike amongst the subway workers in Stockholm on the morning of October 6, 2005. More strikes followed in November. These were organised by a rival union, the anarcho-syndicalist SAC. The dismissal was challenged in the Swedish Labour Court (Arbetsdomstolen), which found that the dismissal was lawful and justified.
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Oakland, California: PM Press. p. 641. "Left libertarianism can therefore range from the decentralist who wishes to limit and devolve State power, to the syndicalist who wants to abolish it altogether. It can even encompass the Fabians and the social democrats who wish to socialize the economy but who still see a limited role for the State." .
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Hubert Bourgin is clearly a socialist and syndicalist doctrinal position: socialism Lucien Herr and Jean Jaures. He is a member of the Socialist Party. Mobilized August 6, 1914, he began the war as an instructor at Prytanée La Flèche, second lieutenant of infantry (Department forges); he became Head of Information to the Undersecretariat of State Artillery and ammunition.
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240, Wexler 1989, pp. 54, 58-61. Their status in Sweden was precarious and they were only allowed to stay as long as they pledged not to participate in anarchist activities. While Berkman and Goldman remained in Stockholm and wrote about their experiences in Russia, Schapiro decided to join the Russian syndicalist exiles in Berlin after entering Germany secretly.
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On her mother's side, Cavani came from a working-class family of militant antifascists. Her maternal grandfather, a syndicalist, introduced her to the works of Engels, Marx and Bakunin.Marrone, The Gaze and the Labyrinth, p. 4 She graduated in literature and philology at Bologna University in 1960, writing a dissertation on the fifteenth-century poet and nobleman Marsilio Pio.
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Habiba Djilani was born into a Tunisian bourgeois family of 19th century merchant craftsmen. Her grandfather Hadi is a renowned Qaid and her father, Ali, is a businessman specialized in textiles and clothing. Her brother Hedi is a businessman, syndicalist and politician. She studied at Lycée Carnot in Tunis, where she obtained her high school diploma in June 1967.
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Lum's political philosophy was a fusion of individualist anarchist economics, "a radicalized form of laissez-faire economics" inspired by the Boston anarchists, with radical labor organization similar to that of the Chicago anarchists of the time. Lum's ideas have variously been described as individualist anarchist,Lum, Daniel (1888).Freedom. 2: 17. syndicalist, mutualist and anarcho-communistMcElroy, Wendy (2003).
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Falange Española de las JONS (Spanish for "Spanish Phalanx of the Committees for the National-Syndicalist Offensive", FE-JONS) is a Spanish political party registered in 1976, originating from a faction the previous Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista.«Nuevo grupo FE de las JONS». El País. 10 de septiembre de 1976.
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José Buenaventura Durruti Dumange (14 July 1896 - 20 November 1936) was a Spanish insurrectionary, anarcho-syndicalist militant involved with the CNT, FAI and other anarchist organisations during the period leading up to and including the Spanish Civil War. Durruti played an influential role during the Spanish Revolution and is remembered as a hero in the anarchist movement.
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He was a member of the collective putting out Commonweal,Quail, John. The Slow Burning Fuse, London, Paladin Books, 1978. and also the editor of Freedom's syndicalist journal The Voice of Labour, which denounced the "blight of respectability" of mainstream labour unions. The paper began as a weekly in 1907, and advocated direct action and the general strike.
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El Najerilla-Najera. 2003. The name of this political position appeared for the first time between 1922 and 1923 within the discourse of catalan anarcho- syndicalist Salvador Segui when he said: "We have to intervene in politics in order to take over the positions of the bourgeoisie".César M. Lorenzo. Les Anarchistes espagnols et le pouvoir. 1868-1969.
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Leticia Herrera was born in Puntarenas Province, Costa Rica during the exile of her father, a Nicaraguan worker and syndicalist who was persecuted during Somoza's dictatorship. She went through a large part of her primary and secondary education in Costa Rica where, at age 14, she had already formed a socialist organization at the institute where she studied.
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Gaetano Salvemini, The Fate of Trade Unions Under Fascism, Chap. 3: "Italian Trade Unions Under Fascism", 1937, p. 35 This was a difficult stage as the trade unions were a significant component of Italian fascism from its radical syndicalist roots and they were also a major force in Italian industry. The changes were embodied in two key developments.
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It was marked by heated debate and constant disagreements over both tactics and principles. Yet, it succeeded in creating the International Syndicalist Information Bureau as a vehicle of exchange and solidarity between the various organizations and the Bulletin international du mouvement syndicaliste as a means of communication. It would be viewed as a success by almost all who participated.
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Others felt membership in the social democratic international and syndicalist doctrine were incompatible and considered revolutionizing the social democrats impossible. They warned that the CGT was straying from the revolutionary course by collaborating with the reformist social democrats. They pointed out that the French union already had a considerable reformist wing.Gras 1971, 89, Thorpe 1989, pg. 54-55.
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95-96, Thorpe 1989, pg. 76-79. Alceste De Ambris Eventually, Fritz Kater withdrew the German proposal. It had become clear that, even among the proponents of an International, most preferred putting the founding off for the moment. The creation of the International Syndicalist Information Bureau, upon which all participants agreed, was decided as a compromise.
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Gaston Monmousseau (17 January 1883 – 11 July 1960) was a French railway worker, trade union leader, politician and author, from a rural working-class background. He became an anarcho-syndicalist, then a communist, and played a leading role in the French Communist Party and in the national trade union movement both before and after World War II (1939–45).
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During the first decade of the 20th century, the FVdG was transformed from a localist union federation into a syndicalist labor organization with anarchist tendencies. The process was initiated by the death of Gustav Keßler, the most important ideologue in the FVdG, in 1903. His role was largely assumed by the physician Raphael Friedeberg.Müller 1985b, p. 246.
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To pay the bills, Hammersmark ran a tobacco shop in Tacoma, an enterprise which also stocked an array of Marxist and other radical political literature.Harvey O'Connor, Revolution in Seattle. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1964; pg. 236. Ultimately, however, the activities of Foster and Fox drew Hammersmark back to Chicago to participate in Syndicalist League activity there.
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The USI was founded in 1912, after a group of workers, previously affiliated with the Confederazione Generale del Lavoro (CGL), met in Modena and declared themselves linked to the legacy of the First International, and later joined the anarcho-syndicalist International Workers Association. The most left-wing camere del lavoro adhered in rapid succession to the USI, and it engaged in all major political battles for labor rights - without ever adopting the militarist attitudes present with other trade unions. Nonetheless, after the outbreak of World War I, USI was shaken by the dispute around the issue of Italy's intervention in the conflict on the Entente Powers' side. The problem was made acute by the presence of eminent pro-intervention, national-syndicalist voices inside the body: Alceste De Ambris, Filippo Corridoni, and, initially, Giuseppe Di Vittorio.
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The new base principles of the FA were written by Charles-Auguste Bontemps and Maurice Joyeux which established an organization with a plurality of tendencies and autonomy of federated groups organized around synthesist principles. According to historian Cédric Guérin, "the unconditional rejection of marxism became from that moment onwards an identity element of the new Federation Anarchiste" and this was motivated in a big part after the previous conflict with Georges Fontenis and his OPB. Also it was decided to establish within the organization a Committee of Relations composed of a General Secretary, a Secretary of Internal Relations, a Secretary of External Relations a Committee of Redaction of Le Monde Libertaire and a Committee of Administration. On 1955 a Commission on Syndicalist Relations was established within the FA as proposed by anarcho-syndicalist members.
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This was one of the first splits between reformists and revolutionaries within the European labour movement. Both the revolutionaries and the reformists have their own labour unions, the reformist Nederlands Verbond van Vakverenigingen and the anarcho-syndicalist Nationaal Arbeidssecretariaat. At the end of the First World War, a brief and very unsuccessful attempt at revolution occurred during the Red Week.
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Among the victims were: Witold Hulewicz (poet and radio journalist), Stanisław Piasecki (right-wing politician and literary critic), Jerzy Szurig (lawyer, syndicalist), Stanisław Malinowski (attorney).Bartoszewski (1970), p. 109.Domańska (1978), p. 158. The last known mass execution in Palmiry was carried out on 17 July 1941 when 47 people, mostly prisoners of Pawiak, were murdered in the forest glade.
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While libertarian socialism has roots in both socialism and liberalism, different forms have different levels of influence from the two traditions. For instance, mutualist anarchism is more influenced by liberalism while communist and syndicalist anarchism are more influenced by socialism. However, mutualist anarchism has its origins in 18th- and 19th-century European socialism (such as Fourierian socialism)Swartz, Clarence Lee. What is Mutualism?.
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The F. Ascaso was a semi-automatic pistol designed and produced in Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War. Its name comes from the Anarcho-syndicalist Francisco Ascaso Abadía. It was a copy of the Astra 400, but with a lower quality, even though it had a good design. The weapon production started in 1937 and they were produced to the anarchist militias.
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Quoted in The new political group, called Cercle Proudhon, was founded on 16 December 1911. It included Berth, Valois, Lagrange, the syndicalist Albert Vincent and the royalists Gilbert Maire, René de Marans, André Pascalon, and Marius Riquier. As the name Cercle Proudhon suggests, the group was inspired by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. It was also inspired by Georges Sorel and Charles Maurras.
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Louis Bouët (6 April 1880 - 9 July 1969) was a French teacher and anarcho- syndicalist. He played a leading role in the National Federation of Teachers' Unions and in the socialist party. He was briefly a member of the steering committee of the French Communist Party. For many years he edited the pedagogical review L'Ecole Emancipée (The Emancipated School), which he had founded.
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He laid the foundations for an International of Education. Due to his union activities, Louis Bouët and his wife were dismissed from their teaching jobs from 8 August 1920 to 1925. Bouët represented Maine-et-Loire at the 3rd International's congress at Tours in December 1920. He confirmed his syndicalist views, and would not accept that one organization should be subject to another.
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The Second International (1889–1916) was an organisation of socialist and labour parties, formed on 14 July 1889 at a Paris meeting in which delegations from twenty countries participated.José Luis Rubio (1971). Las internacionales obreras en América. Madrid. p. 42. The Second International continued the work of the dissolved First International, though excluding the powerful anarcho- syndicalist movement and trade unions.
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He was married to Émilie Busquant, a French feminist, anarcho-syndicalist and anti-colonial activist. His daughter, Djanina Messali-Benkelfat, published a book about her father called "Une vie partagée avec Messali Hadj, mon père" ("A Life Shared with Messali Hadj, my Father"). Messali Hadj was in exile in France when he died in 1974. His body was buried in his native Tlemcen.
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La Humanidad ('The Humanity') was a weekly anarcho-syndicalist newspaper published from La Paz, Bolivia. La Humanidad was founded in 1928 as the organ of the Federación Obrera Local de La Paz (FOL, 'Local Workers Federation of La Paz'). FOL had emerged out a split from the Marxist-oriented Federación Obrera del Trabajo.Webber, Jeffery R. Red October: Left-Indigenous Struggles in Modern Bolivia.
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About 8,000 members left to found the IWA-affiliated Dutch Syndicalist Trade Union Federation (NSV).Ron Blom, "De Oude Socialistische partij" The NAS, however, split from the RILU in 1927 due to fear of Moscow control. After the NAS had seceded from the RILU, it was reaching to the German revolutionary trade-unions and the international revolutionary-syndicalism, which opposed soviet politics.
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Johann Rudolf Rocker (March 25, 1873 – September 19, 1958) was a German anarchist writer and activist. Though often described as an anarcho- syndicalist, he was a self-professed anarchist without adjectives, believing that anarchist schools of thought represented "only different methods of economy" and that the first objective for anarchists was "to secure the personal and social freedom of men".
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Schapiro returned to Russia, arriving in Petrograd on May 31, 1917.Rodenburg 2014, p. 243. He was one of several anarcho-syndicalists returning from exile including Vladimir Shatov, Maksim Raevskii, and Volin. The three had been on the editorial board of the syndicalist journal Golos Truda (Voice of Labor), the organ of the Union of Russian Workers of the United States and Canada.
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The establishment of the IWMA finalized the international syndicalist movement's break with Bolshevism. Berlin was selected as the seat of the IWMA. Schapiro, Souchy, and Rocker were elected to its secretariat. Within a few years, the IWMA consisted of union federations in Germany, Italy, Sweden, Spain, Norway, Portugal, the Netherlands, France, Argentina, and Mexico as well as minor affiliates in numerous other countries.
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Carl Windhoff (1882-1940) was a German syndicalist trade unionist. He joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in 1890. He was one of the most important SPD leaders Düsseldorf until he left the party in 1901. He then joined the Free Association of German Trade Unions (FVdG) and become one of its most prominent members in the Rhineland.
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He published La Huelga General (The General Strike), a syndicalist journal, between 1901 and 1903, and worked to organize the Catalonian revolutionary labor movement and promote direct action. Ferrer led a parade of 1,700 children for secular education on Good Friday in April 1906. Ferrer was intimidated and vilified for his work in Barcelona. Police raided his house and tailed his movements.
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Anarchists had a much larger impact on trade unions than their authoritarian left counterparts. In Argentina, Uruguay and Brazil, a strong anarcho-syndicalist current was formed—partly because of the rapid industrialisation of these countries. In 1905, anarchists took control of the Argentine Regional Workers' Federation (FORA) in Argentina, overshadowing social democrats. Likewise, in Uruguay, FORU was created by anarchists in 1905.
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Corona's father Noé Corona was a commander in Francisco Villa's División del Norte during the Mexican Revolution, which he joined after members of his family were killed in a massacre at Tomochic, Chihuahua. Noé Corona was an anarcho-syndicalist and member of Partido Liberal Mexicano.Bacon, "El Valiente Chicano." His mother, Margarita Escápite Salayandía, was a Chihuahua schoolteacher educated at Protestant missionary schools.
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Krsta Cicvarić () (September 14, 1879 – October 31, 1944) was a Serbian political activist and journalist. During the first decade of the 20th century, he espoused anarcho-syndicalist ideas. However, later in his life, Cicvarić was the editor of several openly antisemitic tabloid journals, and a Nazi collaborator. He was executed on 31 October 1944 by the Yugoslav Partisans after the Belgrade Offensive.
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He also collaborated with the Yiddish newspaper Fraye Arbeter Shtime, was the editor of the anarcho-syndicalist newspaper Dielo Trouda-Probuzhdenie and wrote the book The Guillotine at Work: Twenty Years of Terror in Russia on the Bolshevik repression of anarchists and labor unionists during the 1917 Russian Revolution. He died of a heart attack in New York on 16 March 1950,.
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He was secretary of the local committee of the Communist Party of Croatia for Karlovac. In his earliest youth he was involved in the workers' movement and he became a syndicalist at this time. In 1939 he joined the Communist Party. Immediately before the war he became the secretary of the committee for the third region of the KPH in Zagreb.
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He won scholarships for a year each in Hamburg (1912) and London (1913). While still a student in Hungary, he joined the Hungarian Social Democratic Party (MSZDP) in 1910 and was also a secretary and active member of the anarcho-syndicalist student movement, the Galilei Circle.Propagandafilm forgatókönyve Rákosi Mátyás 60. születésnapjára (MOL M-KS 267. f. 65. cs. 388. ő. e.
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Brion was arrested on 17 November 1917 and sent to the women's prison of Saint Lazare. A smear campaign was started in newspapers such as le Petit Parisien and le Matin. Among other things she was accused of wearing trousers. The national syndicalist journalist Émile Janvion published an undated pamphlet, probably in late 1917, titled Le féminisme défaitiste (Defeatist Feminism).
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Meltzer was involved in founding the Anarchist Black Cross. He joined the anarcho- syndicalist Direct Action Movement in the early 80s, remaining a member of it and its successor, the Solidarity Federation, until his death. The leading anarcho-pacifist writer and gerontologist Alex Comfort characterised himself as an "aggressive anti-militarist". He held that pacifism rested "solely upon the historical theory of anarchism".
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Retrieved April 21, 2010 Hyslop, Jonathan, "The notorious syndicalist: J.T. Bain, a Scottish rebel in colonial South Africa," pages 140,143. Jacana Media, 2005. . Retrieved April 21, 2010 He returned to the United States after the war to a hero's welcome and toured on the lecture circuit. He subsequently published a memoir of his experience during the war, A West Pointer With The Boers.
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Mussolini stated that he became a syndicalist during the 1904 Italian general strike; his close contact with syndicalists dates to 1902.Sternhell et al., p. 33. Mussolini reviewed Sorel's Reflections on Violence in 1909 and supported Sorel's view of consciousness as being a part of protracted struggle, where people display uplifting and self- sacrificing virtues akin to the heroes of antiquity.
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In November 1922, Martinsson wrote her first article for the syndicalist paper Arbetaren's ("The Worker's") page for women. She continued writing for the paper and in 1923 she had articles published weekly in Arbetaren. In her articles she wrote about how men and women should work together for a better world. She frequently engaged in debates, especially those involving women's issues.
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Up until 1919 the CGT was dominated by anarcho-syndicalist tendencies, with Émile Pouget as vice-secretary and leader of the union from 1906 to 1909. The CGT was violently opposed to both the authorities and employers. Moreover, it refused to become affiliated with a political party. In 1906, the Amiens Charter (Charte d'Amiens) proclaimed the independence of this trade union.
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Deported to France in 1935, he returned to Spain at the start of the Spanish Civil War. Heidenreich joined the Rovero Battalion POUM, the Anarcho- Syndicalist unit memorialized by George Orwell in his book, Homage to Catalonia., an anti-Stalinist Spanish Communist Party. In 1938, he was incarcerated by the Stalinist-controlled Catalonian government and tortured in Barcelona's Modelo prison.
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Lola Iturbe Lola (Dolores) Iturbe (Barcelona, 1 August 1902 – Gijón, 5 January 1990)Lola Iturbe, sindicalista libertaria, El País, 6 January 1990.Lola Iturbe , lamalatesta.net. was a prominent Spanish anarcho-syndicalist, trade unionist, activist, and journalist during the Second Spanish Republic, and a member of the French Resistance during the Battle of France. Working as a maid since childhood, she was self-taught.
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The congress's declaration of principles was the classical expression of pre-war international syndicalism in the same way the Charter of Amiens was the classical expression of French syndicalism. It also expressed an evolution in syndicalist principles. Whereas the Charter made no reference to the state, the declaration explicitly condemned it, much like the post-war IWA did.Westergard-Thorpe 1978, pg.
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29 In the early morning hours of August 10 the same cars were used in a co-ordinated action of detaining local syndicalist and left-wing activists.Gil Honduvilla 2017, p. 31 Once the local commanding officer Arturo Roldán Trápaga assumed power in Jerez, Palomino and other UDI leaders offered their services. Roldan declared no further aid was needed,Gil Honduvilla 2017, p.
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Acharya was in the latter group. This was the beginning of the end of Acharya's associations with the international Communist movement. In 1922 Acharya returned to Berlin, working with the Indian independence committee and subsequently with the League against Imperialism. He remained deeply critical of the Communist International, and some have described his political views at the time as anarcho-syndicalist.
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A number of "independent nationalists" are gathered around Info-14.Fakta Info 14/Salemfonden Neo-Nazi organizations and sympathizers have committed other violent crimes in recent decades. In 1998, Hampus Hellekant murdered syndicalist union member Björn Söderberg after Söderberg exposed the ideology of Vesterlund in the workplace. The case also became the focus of an important debate over privacy and medical ethics.
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In 1897, Ilona Duczynska was born near Vienna to a Hungarian mother and a Polish-Austrian father. In 1915, during the First World War, she became acquainted with anarcho-syndicalist revolutionary Ervin Szabó, who connected her with the work of the Galileo Circle. She became a revolutionary socialist. For her anti-war activities, she was expelled from school in 1915.
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By the end of the 1930s legal anarcho- syndicalist trade unions existed only in Chile, Bolivia, Sweden and Uruguay. But perhaps the greatest blow was struck in the Spanish Civil War which saw the CNT, then claiming a membership of 1.58 million, driven underground with the defeat of the Spanish Second Republic by the Nationalists. The sixth IWA congress took place in 1936, shortly after the Spanish Revolution had begun, but was unable to provide serious material support for the section. The IWA held its last pre-war congress in Paris in 1938, with months to go before the start of the Second World War it received an application from ZZZ, a syndicalist union in the country claiming up to 130,000 workers – ZZZ members went on to form a core part of the resistance against the Nazis, and participated in the Warsaw uprising.
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This anti-reformist tendency was accompanied by an anti-organisational tendency, and its partisans declared themselves in favour of agitation amongst the unemployed for the expropriation of foodstuffs and other articles, for the expropriatory strike and, in some cases, for 'individual recuperation' or acts of terrorism." Even after Peter Kropotkin and others overcame their initial reservations and decided to enter labor unions, there remained "the anti-syndicalist anarchist- communists, who in France were grouped around Sebastien Faure's Le Libertaire. From 1905 onwards, the Russian counterparts of these anti-syndicalist anarchist-communists become partisans of economic terrorism and illegal 'expropriations'." Illegalism as a practice emerged and within it "[t]he acts of the anarchist bombers and assassins ("propaganda by the deed") and the anarchist burglars ("individual reappropriation") expressed their desperation and their personal, violent rejection of an intolerable society.
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Meanwhile, the revolutionary syndicalists quickly became again in majority inside the CGT, and in 1921, following the equivalent of the 1920 Tours Congress for the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO, socialist party), a split divided Léon Jouhaux's reformist trade-unionists with other revolutionary members, who founded the Confédération générale du travail unitaire (CGTU). After Monatte's exclusion from the French Communist Party (PCF) in 1924, he created along with other ex- members the Ligue syndicaliste (Syndicalist League) to organize again the revolutionary syndicalists. They published the Révolution Prolétarienne (Proletarian Revolution) journal which succeeded to Monatte's Vie Ouvrière. In 1936, the CGT and the CGTU re-unified themselves, an event in which the Syndicalist League's initiative of launching the Comité des 22 (Committee of the 22) grouping together since 1924 known activists of the CGT, the CGTU and autonomous trade-unions.
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On visits to New York City, Chomsky continued to frequent the office of the Yiddish anarchist journal Fraye Arbeter Shtime and became enamored with the ideas of Rudolf Rocker, a contributor whose work introduced Chomsky to the link between anarchism and classical liberalism. Chomsky also read other political thinkers: the anarchists Mikhail Bakunin and Diego Abad de Santillán, democratic socialists George Orwell, Bertrand Russell, and Dwight Macdonald, and works by Marxists Karl Liebknecht, Karl Korsch, and Rosa Luxemburg. His readings convinced him of the desirability of an anarcho- syndicalist society, and he became fascinated by the anarcho-syndicalist communes set up during the Spanish Civil War, as documented in Orwell's Homage to Catalonia (1938). He read the leftist journal Politics, which furthered his interest in anarchism, and the council communist periodical Living Marxism, though he rejected the orthodoxy of its editor, Paul Mattick.
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The column became known for including groups of international fighters. Among them was an international group of German anarchists from the German Anarcho-syndicalist Group and German Marxists from the People's Olympiad, which together formed a century, commanded by Hans Beimler. Italian internationalists also participated in the column. The liberal republicans of the column formed Giustiza e Libertà, led by Carlo Rosselli and Fausco Falschi.
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Deniz Gezmiş (27 February 1947 – 6 May 1972) was a Turkish Marxist-Leninist revolutionary, student leader, and political activist in Turkey in the late 1960s. He was one of the founding members of the People's Liberation Army of Turkey (THKO). He was born to an inspector of primary education and syndicalist Cemil GezmişDeniz Gezmiş'in babası öldü, Milliyet, 24 June 2000. and a primary school teacher Mukaddes Gezmiş.
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Foster p.74 While still generally syndicalist, the new groups philosophy emphasized the inherently revolutionary and anti-capitalist nature of even mainstream unions; their tendency to demand more and more from capitalism as they grow stronger, and eventually "expropriate the capitalists and take command of society". Foster based this idea on the experience of the "Triple Alliance" of miners, railroaders and transportation workers in Great Britain.Foster p.
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The anarcho- syndicalist Casa del Obrero Mundial (House of the World Worker) was founded in September 1912 by Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama, Manuel Sarabia and Lázaro Gutiérrez de Lara and served as a center of agitation and propaganda, but it was not a formal labor union.Cumberland, Charles C. Mexican Revolution: The Constitutionalist Years. Austin: University of Texas Press 1972, pp. 252–53.Lear, John.
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Membership of the various national sections of the Red Sport International was by no means monolithic. According to the RSI's own study of the issue, members of the organizations were predominantly male, but hailed from a variety of communist, socialist, syndicalist, and anarchist tendencies, including many of whom who were members of no party.Internationaler Arbeitersport: Zeitschrift für Fragen der internationalen revolutionären Arbeitersportbewegung. Aug. 1931, pg. 303.
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Solidaridad Internacional Antifascista (), SIA, was a humanitarian organisation that existed in the Second Spanish Republic. It was politically aligned with the anarcho-syndicalist movement composed of the CNT, FAI and other groups. One of its general secretaries was Lucía Sánchez Saornil, an anarcha-feminist activist. It engaged in publicity and fundraising in an attempt to assist the refugee-packed Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War.
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By 1919 the Democratic Party was again in power. After 1919, with Afonso Costa in Paris, the party was led by António Maria da Silva. In the next phase of the party's existence, political, popular and syndicalist opposition created a climate of constant revolt. Groups also seceded from the party, with the creation of the Democratic Leftwing Republican Party and the Reformist Party, both on the Left.
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But the owners quickly turned public opinion against the AFL. A Red Scare had swept the United States in the wake of the Russian revolution of October 1917. The steel companies took advantage of the change in the political climate, publishing articles exposing Foster's past as a Wobblie and syndicalist. The steel companies also played heavily on nativist hatreds and implied that immigrant steelworkers were communists.
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146 At times they specifically identify hard-line syndicalist groups as genuine architects of the plot,"Carlos VIII, auspiciado por Falange", Josep Carles Clemente, Los días fugaces. El Carlismo. De las guerras civiles a la transición democratica, Cuenca 2013, , p. 54, "todo parecía indicar que era la Falange quien se encontraba detrás de la financiación de este pretendiente carlista", Pérez- Nievas Borderas 1999, p.
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The ISEL did not have a formal organisational structure or membership. It did not consider the conditions to be ripe to start a mass organisation, thus it consisted mainly of Mann and a few of his confidants. It gained the support of E. J. B. Allen, associated with the Industrialist League. It published a monthly newspaper The Syndicalist, which claimed a circulation of 20,000.
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That winter, the organisation began setting up branches and drawing up a constitution. In September 1913, the ISEL hosted the First International Syndicalist Congress at Holborn Town Hall in London, where syndicalists from all over Europe and South America convened. The same year also saw the ISEL collapse. The period of unrest that had been significant for the development of British syndicalism was coming to an end.
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Antoinette Fouque was born in a poor neighbourhood of Marseille to Alexis Grugnardi, a Corsican syndicalist. Her mother, of Italian origin, emigrated from Calabria to France for economic reasons and settled in a popular district of Marseille. Early in life, Fouque listened to the speeches of communist leader Maurice Thorez. She became a teacher, married René Fouque, and developed an interest in Latin culture and Italian literature.
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Joseph (José) Bové (born 11 June 1953 in Talence, Gironde) is a French farmer, politician and syndicalist, member of the alter-globalization movement, and spokesman for Via Campesina. He was one of the twelve official candidates in the 2007 French presidential election. He served in the European Parliament as a member of the European Greens in the 2009-2014 term, and also for the 2014-2019 term.
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Thorpe 1989, pp. 239-240. Although wary of the persecution of syndicalists in Russia,Thorpe 1989, p. 170-171. representatives of syndicalist organizations from several Western countries attended the founding congress of the Red International of Labor Unions (RILU), which the Bolsheviks convened in July 1921.Thorpe 1989, pp. 132, 178-179. Disputes between syndicalists and communists over tactical issues dominated the congress.Tosstorff 2016, p. 349.
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Eduard Pons Prades (December 19, 1920 - May 28, 2007), also known as Floreado Barsino, was a Catalan writer and historian, specializing in the 20th-century history of Spain. Pons Prades was also active in the Syndicalist Party of Ángel Pestaña, a member of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), and after Francisco Franco's defeat of the Second Spanish Republic in the Spanish Civil War, a maqui.
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These were dominated mostly by the USPD, with the KPD also participating. The anarcho-syndicalist Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD) was also represented. Worker-soldiers were deployed, who controlled the cities. The Red Ruhr Army, whose strength was estimated at approximately 50,000 members judging by the number of rifles that were later confiscated, prevailed over government forces in the area in a very short time.
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Dylan Riley, The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania 1870–1945, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010, p. 50 A delegate to the Bologna Congress in 1904, he backed the syndicalist line enforced by Arturo Labriola. In 1905, Bianchi renounced his position at Avanti! and took over leadership of the Gioventù socialista (paper of the Federazione dei Giovani Socialisti—youth wing of the PSI).
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In 1909, George Sorel started collaborating with the French nationalist-monarchist movement Action Française, creating national syndicalism. While many in the Italian Left attacked Sorel and reproached him for his close links with Action Française, Italian revolutionary syndicalists supported Sorel. Lanzillo, for example, defended his master in a series of articles published in Il divenire sociale. Later, Lanzillo wrote to the national syndicalist journal La lupa.
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Järv was first introduced to anarchist ideas as a teenager by the books of Peter Kropotkin. On his time at the sea Järv was influenced by Finnish syndicalist Niilo Wälläri who was the leader of Finnish Seamen's Union. During the war Järv suited anarchist ideas on his role as a platoon leader. Järv treated his men equally to himself and the decisions were made democratically.
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The New Zealand Federation of Labour, also known as The Red Federation and The United Federation of Labour, was a New Zealand federation of syndicalist trade unions which was formalised in 1909. The federation is best known for its involvement in the nation-wide Great Strike of 1913 which almost brought New Zealand's economy to a halt. The Federation's members were often referred to as 'Red Feds'.
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Ramón Acín Aquilué (1888, Huesca, Aragon, Spain - 1936) was a Spanish anarcho- syndicalist, teacher, painter, sculptor, writer and avant-garde artist who was murdered by fascists in the first year of the Spanish Civil War. Acín was a friend of film director Luis Buñuel and provided some of the money for Las Hurdes: Tierra Sin Pan (1932) and so is credited as co-producer of the film.
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They were prosecuted for this act. It was said that Georges Valois was providing money for the Terre Libre from Action Française. Valois probably used Marius Riquier, who worked for both the Action Française and the Terre Libre, to make contact with the syndicalist movement through Janvion. Left- wing members of the Action Français who followed Charles Maurras collaborated in Terre Libre with revolutionary syndicalists.
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Wu declared himself an anarchist the next year. He later founded influential revolutionary organizations like the Society to Advance Morality and supervised radical journals like New Era and Labor, China's first syndicalist magazine. He promoted science, rationalism, language reform, and the abolition of marriage. His ideas were revolutionary, but he estimated that it would take 3,000 years to achieve his vision of a utopian society.
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Shortly thereafter, Witkop drafted Was will der Syndikalistische Frauenbund? (What Does the Syndicalist Women's Union Want?) as a platform for the SFB. From 1921, the Der Frauenbund was published as a supplement to the FAUD organ Der Syndikalist, Witkop was one of its primary writers. Witkop reasoned that proletarian women were exploited not only by capitalism like male workers, but also by their male counterparts.
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"Direct Action" is based on the syndicalist principles of the direct self-governance. It is a non-leader structure. The leadership posts exist only formally – all decisions are taken on a general meeting through the procedure of reaching the consensus. The union is called independent because it declares its full independence from political parties or commercial structures, and is not financed by the administration of the universities.
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From Le Petit Parisien December 29, 1908. Pierre Biétry (9 May 1872 – 3 December 1918) was a French syndicalist and politician who initially followed orthodox socialism before moving to the right. He was the pioneer of "Yellow socialism", a movement that has been portrayed as a forerunner of fascism. He was also the maternal grandfather of journalist and White House Press Secretary Pierre Salinger.
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Socialist libertarianism has been included within a broad left-libertarianism in its original meaning. Left- libertarianism also includes "the decentralist who wishes to limit and devolve State power, to the syndicalist who wants to abolish it altogether. It can even encompass the Fabians and the social democrats who wish to socialize the economy but who still see a limited role for the State".Marshall, Peter (2009) [1991].
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Luc André Diouf Dioh (born 18 January 1965) is a Spanish politician as well as a trade unionist and syndicalist. He is known in the Spanish media for being the first politician of African descent elected from the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party, as well as for being homeless in the past and having to sleep on the beach of the Canary Islands for over a month.
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In Valencia, anarcho-syndicalist organizations added to the turmoil in much of the region. There was disorder throughout Valencia and in numerous towns in the province, such as Riba-roja d'Ebre, Bétera, Benaguasil and Utiel. In Gestalgar several bombs explode. Anarchists took the town of Bugarra, after intense combat with law enforcement, with a balance of more than five dead and several wounded, and proclaimed libertarian communism.
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De Leonism, occasionally known as Marxism–De Leonism, is a form of syndicalist Marxism developed by Daniel De Leon. De Leon was an early leader of the first United States socialist political party, the Socialist Labor Party of America. De Leon combined the rising theories of syndicalism in his time with orthodox Marxism. According to De Leonist theory, militant industrial unions are the vehicle of class struggle.
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Over a thousand people are exiled after these two revolts and from then on, the Republican rebels will mostly organize in exile, through an association known as the Liga de Paris. On 20 July 1928, a coup attempt is planned by the Liga de Paris, Major Sarmento Beires, and military leaders of the Portuguese mainland interior, which are supported by various syndicalists (namely railroad syndicalist workers).
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She was a member of Blanquist Parti Socialiste Revolutionnaire (PSR) of Édouard Vaillant and represented the group in 1889 and 1900 at the general socialist congresses of Paris. In 1905, she showed solidarity with textile workers in Limoges. She also met with famous Anarcho-Syndicalist, Tom Mann. In 1914, during the First World War, she was one of a few anarchists to support the war.
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In 2013 he was elected national senator for the Province of Entre Ríos, with the support of political leaders such as the Head of Government of the City of Buenos Aires Mauricio Macri, the deputy Patricia Bullrich, the syndicalist Gerónimo Venegas, the deputy Eduardo Amadeo and the mayor of San Isidro Gustavo Posse, among others. In 2019, he voted against the abortion legalization project.
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Marie Bonnevial became involved with various groups interested in spiritualism and literature. She was also a feminist, syndicalist and socialist. She became active in the Ligue des droits des femmes (League of Women's Rights), where she met Maria Deraismes and Clémence Royer. The secretary of the Fédération Française des Sociétés Féministes, Aline Valette, founded the weekly tabloid L'Harmonie sociale which first appeared on 15 October 1892.
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French revolutionary syndicalist Hubert Lagardelle claimed that French revolutionary syndicalism came to being as the result of "the reaction of the proletariat against idotic democracy," which he claimed was "the popular form of bourgeois dominance." Lagardelle opposed democracy for its universalism, and believed in the necessity of class separation of the proletariat from the bourgeoisie, as democracy did not recognize the social differences between them.
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"The Manifesto of the Italian Fasces of Combat" (), commonly known as the Fascist Manifesto, was the initial declaration of the political stance of the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento ("Italian Fasces of Combat") the movement founded in Milan by Benito Mussolini in 1919 and an early exponent of Fascism. The Manifesto was authored by national syndicalist Alceste De Ambris and the futurist poet Filippo Marinetti.
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Illustrated London News, 17 October 1908, "London's New Public Building: Holborn Town Hall; Opened by the Lord Mayor last Tuesday" A wrought-iron balcony bearing a borough coat of arms made by the Bromsgrove Guild of Applied Arts was installed in the middle of the central section on the first floor. The principal rooms were a court room on the ground floor a council chamber at the rear of the building on the first floor. The First International Syndicalist Congress, a meeting of European and Latin American syndicalist organizations, was held at the town hall from 27 September to 2 October 1913. A plaque, manufactured by De La Rue, commemorating the efforts of council employees in contributing to the Wings for Victory Week, as part of a wider War Savings Campaign, was erected on the wall just inside the right hand doorway in 1943.
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The tension between the anarcho-syndicalist faction and the pure anarchist faction grew from 1927 onwards. When Zenkoku Jiren mistakenly sent delegates to a conference organised by the Bolshevik Profintern in 1927, Kokuren was highly sceptical of their actions and openly decried 'opportunist' elements within their counterpart. The two sides entrenched, as in June 1927 syndicalists within Kokuren began to publish a newspaper of their own in response to increasing attacks by the pure anarchist majority. A booklet by Iwasa Sakutarō called 'Anarchists Answer Like This', published in July 1927, further provoked the split by criticising anarcho-syndicalist theory such as the idea of class struggle. In March 1928, Zenkoku Jiren's second national conference took place. The tension between the two factions only grew, despite a call for unity in a January 1928 letter by Augustin Souchy, a secretary of the anarchist International Workers' Association.
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Nicolas Hosch was a Luxembourgish syndicalist labor leader, who served as the General Commissioner of the Lëtzebuerger Scouten. In 1979, Hosch was awarded the 136th Bronze Wolf, the only distinction of the World Organization of the Scout Movement, awarded by the World Scout Committee for exceptional services to world Scouting, at the World Scout Conference in Birmingham in 1979, becoming the first Luxembourger to be honored with this Scout distinction.
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In the 1984 Sergio Leone film Once Upon a Time in America syndicalist James Conway O'Donnell's character, played by Treat Williams, is inspired by Hoffa. In the 1985 television miniseries Robert Kennedy and His Times, Hoffa is portrayed by Trey Wilson. In the 1992 film Hoffa, Hoffa is portrayed by Jack Nicholson. He is portrayed by Thomas Wagner in the 1993 television movie Marilyn & Bobby: Her Final Affair.
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37, available here Lamamié was confirmed in presidency of CNCA and president of one of its components, Confederación Católico Agraria. Relations with the emerging Francoist regime remained correct; the traditional confederative structure was affiliated within the newly established national syndicalist Servicio Nacional de Trigo and both organizations declared total mutual understanding.La Espiga 05.11.37, available here In late 1937 Lamamié personally obtained some unspecified contracts in the Salamanca provinceEl Adelanto 26.11.
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The Revolutionary Socialist Party ( or RSP) was a Dutch socialist political party, that has been variously characterized as Trotskyite and syndicalist. In 1935 it merged with the Independent Socialist Party (OSP) to form the Revolutionary Socialist Workers' Party (, RSAP), but most of the former OSP members left the united party the same year. Henk Sneevliet was the RSP/RSAP's undisputed leader throughout its existence, as well as its only Representative.
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Agustín Guillamón, Biografía de del luchador anarquista Aurelio Fernández Sánchez (1897-1971), [in:] Kaosenlared service 10.05.2018, available here The fate of Solans is unknown. The Catalan anarchism deteriorated during Francoism and after 1975 was reborn as a minoritarian political force; today CNT is a small syndicalist organization. Of all protagonists of the November 1936 events, only Companys and Tarradellas are currently remembered and honored in the Catalan public space.
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Because it rejects hierarchical organizations and political representation and believes in the concept of federalism, most of the decisions are made by the local unions. The federalist organization exists in order to coordinate strikes, campaigns and actions and for communication purposes. There are 800–1000 members organized in the various local unions. The FAU publishes the bimonthly anarcho-syndicalist newspaper Direkte Aktion as well as pamphlets on current and historical topics.
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The Republican government was supported by a number of factions with conflicting aims, including the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM – Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxista), the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) and the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (a wing of the Spanish Communist Party, which was backed by Soviet arms and aid). The ILP was linked to the POUM so Orwell joined the POUM.
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Union of Polish Syndicalists () was a Polish civilian-military conspiratorial organization, active between April 1941 and mid-1945 in Nazi occupied Poland. It was based on the left wing of the syndicalist association Freedom and People, founded in Warsaw on October 21, 1939. Association Freedom and People (Wolność i Lud, WiL) had two wings - military and civilian. Its objectives were presented in official declaration Kupujmy broń (Let us buy weapons).
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Alphonse Merrheim withdrew to concentrate on union work. Pierre Brizon, Jean Raffin-Dugens and Bourderon joining the SFIO minority led by Jean Longuet. The socialists Fernand Loriot, Charles Rappoport, Louise Saumoneau and François Mayoux took control of the committee. Péricat disagreed with the committee's direction and founded a Committee of Syndicalist Defense (Comité de défense syndicaliste) early in 1917 to campaign for a general strike and demand an immediate peace.
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Valois later became an anti-fascist.After becoming a wartime resistance fighter, Georges Valois was arrested and died in a Nazi concentration camp. Le Corbusier knew another former member of Faisceau, Hubert Lagardelle, a former labor leader and syndicalist who had become disaffected with the political left. In 1934, after Lagardelle had obtained a position at the French embassy in Rome, he arranged for Le Corbusier to lecture on architecture in Italy.
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He moved back to Tokyo and started working at the Heimin Shimbun in early 1907 where he met lifelong friends Toshihiko Sakai and Kanson Arahata . He became a syndicalist under the influence of Kotoku only a month later, but was sent to jail again in 1908. After being released a few years later, Yamakawa moved back home once more and dropped all socialist activities because of government suppression.
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De Leonism is a form of syndicalist Marxism developed by Daniel De Leon. De Leon was an early leader of the first United States socialist political party, the Socialist Labor Party of America. De Leon combined the rising theories of syndicalism in his time with orthodox Marxism. According to De Leonist theory, militant industrial unions (specialized trade unions) and a party promoting industrial unionist ideas are the vehicles of class struggle.
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The Paraguayan Regional Workers Federation was founded on April 22, 1906, organized under the anarcho-syndicalist model of the FORA. It declared itself opposed to all political parties, proposing to fight for the "Federation of Associates and Free Producers" as its objective. Its mouthpiece was the newspaper El Despertar. The anarchists in Paraguay were particularly influential among the peasants, even organizing "Societies in Armed Resistance" to confront landowners.
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The defeat of the general strike proved a watershed for the trade unions, persuading most General Council leaders to abandon their previous syndicalist philosophy. With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin (1881–1951), Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from the path of class conflict rhetoric to pragmatic cooperation with employers and government in return for union recognition and industrial advances.
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70, available here he stood in defense of syndicalist "pluralismo asociativo a ultranza".Diario de Burgos 02.12.70, available here Perfectly aware of his minoritarian position Zubiaur – dubbed "el viejo zorro carlista"Víctor Manuel Arbeloa, Jesús María Fuente, Vida y asesinato de Tomás Caballero, Llanera 2006, , p. 106 – approached the legislative exercise as means of stirring public opposition and using the rules of the regime to dismantle it from within.
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María Bruguera Pérez (6 November 1913 - 26 December 1992) was an anarcho- syndicalist who died in Madrid in 1992. Bruguera came from a family of deep anarchist convictions in a PSOE dominated town in a Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) area. By the age of nine, she was getting politically involved by joining Juventudes Libertarias. She also became involved with the women's theater group Ni Dios Ni Amo.
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In 1905 the Louis Bouët signed the manifesto of the teacher's union. Bouët joined the socialist party, the Section Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière (SFIO) in 1906. His revolutionary syndicalist views did not prevent Bouet from joining the socialist party, where he often defended "Hervéiste" concepts. In 1908 the Maine-et-Loire teacher's syndicate, led by Louis Bouët, advocated the organization of joint conferences of civil servants and workers.
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She went on to become prominent in the syndicalist movement. In 1908 Bretin and Guillot were among those involved in organizing a section of the teacher's federation in Saône-et-Loire. On 7 November 1905 the government had made it clear that it was illegal to form a teacher's union. Guillot was brought before the school inspector on 29 May 1908, and Theo Bretin on 1 June 1908.
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In 1908 a syndicalist minority tendency, the Industrialist Union, headed by E. J. B. Allen, organised itself and exited the SLP, disclaiming all political work. With eyes to America, the SLP started its own federation of industrial unions, akin to the Industrial Workers of the World. The British incarnation, established in February 1906, was known as the British Advocates of Industrial Unionism (BAIU).Callaghan, Socialism in Britain, pg. 80.
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SAGE, Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore, Washington D.C., 2011, p. 39. In line with anarcho-syndicalist principles, the editors are elected by the national convention of the Free Workers' Union and can be recalled at any time. They do not receive any royalties for their work. Notably, the Direkte Aktion does not have a central office, instead it is created decentrally in the editors' flats and the union's establishments.
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Raven Press, 1987. Visiting American and Caribbean sailors played a key role in the introduction of both Garveyite and syndicalist ideas. The ICU remained active in Zimbabwe into the 1950s as the Reformed Industrial Commercial Union (RICU), but had declined elsewhere by the end of the 1930s.van der Walt, L., The First Globalisation and Transnational Labour Activism in Southern Africa : white labourism, the IWW and the ICU, 1904–1934, 2007.
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Rocker, Rudolf. 'Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice' AK Press (2004) p. 73 Moreover, anarcho-syndicalists believe that workers' organizations (the organizations that struggle against the wage system, which, in anarcho-syndicalist theory, will eventually form the basis of a new society) should be self-managing. They should not have bosses or "business agents"; rather, the workers should be able to make all the decisions that affect them themselves.
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By 1909, Stirton had turned away from electoral politics, believing instead that workers must engage in industrial action along syndicalist lines to achieve liberation.James Oneal, Sabotage or Socialism Vs. Syndicalism, (The National Rip-Saw Publishing Co., 1913), p. 23. This change in views brought Stirton into the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) where he organized in the 1910s. With the Industrial Workers of the World, Stirton was an active organizer.
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Cornelissen's international contacts were also useful in organizing the 1907 International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam, which served to establish relations between anarchists worldwide. From 1907, he edited the Bulletin international du mouvement syndicaliste. He also played an important role in organizing the 1913 International Syndicalist Congress in London. During World War I, Cornelissen actively supported the Union sacrée, a patriotic truce between the French state and the socialist movement.
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For his efforts, Older was called a communist, a Wobblie, a syndicalist and traitor, but Hearst backed him. Older died a few years before Mooney was pardoned by California Governor Culbert Olson in 1939. Older was also an early defender of prostitutes, having published a story at the Bulletin in 1917 entitled "A Voice from the Underworld, by Alice Smith." The article also increased the circulation of the Bulletin.
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He contacted Chicherin and received assurances he could safely return to Russia. However, on the night of September 2-3, two weeks after Schapiro's return to Russia, he was arrested in Moscow. The secret police charged him with working with underground anarchists, but was mostly interested in his international contacts. Chicherin ignored a letter Schapiro sent him from prison and the RILU refused to notify the Syndicalist Bureau of his arrest.
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1925 also saw Rocker visit North America on a lecture tour with a total of 162 appearances. He was encouraged by the anarcho-syndicalist movement he found in the US and Canada. Returning to Germany in May 1926, he became increasingly worried about the rise of nationalism and fascism. He wrote to Nettlau in 1927: "Every nationalism begins with a Mazzini, but in its shadow there lurks a Mussolini".
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The IWA meanwhile merged into the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU) in 1920, one reason the ICU exhibited syndicalist influence. The anarchist movement in South Africa only re-emerged in the early 1990s with the establishment of small anarchist collectives in Durban and Johannesburg. The Anarchist Revolutionary Movement (ARM) was founded in 1993. It was succeeded by the more tightly organised Workers' Solidarity Federation (WSF) in 1995.
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Within, Rocker offers an introduction to anarchist ideas, a history of the international workers' movement, and an outline of the syndicalist strategies and tactics embraced at the time (direct action, sabotage and the general strike). The Pluto Press and the newest AK Press editions including a lengthy introduction by Nicolas Walter and a preface by Noam Chomsky. An abridged version was published in the 1950s as Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism.
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Between 1924 and 1932, the movement had 24 centre of supporters. Also, in the 1930s, several other libertarian groups were active. One of these, in Czernowitz, (Bukovina), was initiated by Naftali Schnapp, promoting revolutionary syndicalism. In the absence of the possibility of creating real unions and facing severe repression, the group of Czernowitz was established as an "Anarcho-Syndicalist Propaganda Organization", becoming the Romanian section of the IWA (International Workers' Association).
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In 1952, Philip Sansom invited Rooum to draw a regular cartoon strip for The Syndicalist and he contributed Scissor Bill. The name derived from an IWW name for a bosses' yes-man. From 1960, his cartoons started appearing in such outlets as She, The Daily Mirror, Private Eye and The Spectator. Rooum has had a long relationship, with interruptions, with Peace News, his first work appearing for them in 1962.
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In 1926 he was admitted to the leadership of the anarcho-syndicalist group attached to the International Red Aid organization. Mije was a militant among the CNT unionists until 1928, when he joined the Internacional Sindical Roja (Profintern). In 1930, after the end of the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera, Mije was elected secretary- general of the CNT Reconstruction Committee. He was very active in the labor disputes in Seville.
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Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the primary proponent of mutualism, who influenced many future individualist anarchist and social anarchist thinkers Inceptive currents among classical anarchist currents were mutualism and individualism. They were followed by the major currents of social anarchism (collectivist, communist and syndicalist). They differ on organisational and economic aspects of their ideal society. Mutualism is an 18th-century economic theory that was developed into anarchist theory by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon.
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Historically, Smithville was the location of Work People's College, a radical labor college launched in 1907 by activists of the Finnish Socialist Federation. This residential school, originally a Finnish religious seminary and general education facility, continued in operation until 1941, during most of which time it was politically close to the syndicalist trade union, the Industrial Workers of the World. The main building was later converted into a residential apartment house.
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The Autonomous Workers' Confederation () is an independent autonomist and syndicalist trade union in Bulgaria. It is chaired by Mergul Hassan, a former female employee of the Piccadilly supermarket chain. The AWC is headquartered in the coastal city of Varna and claims to have large union sections in Bulgaria's major cities, specifically among the medical, arts and IT sectors, though it does not specify how many members its sectors and affiliates have.
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Fried's instructions were to eliminate the social-democratic and anarcho-syndicalist elements, and prevent the Trotskyists from gaining influence. He was to resolve rivalry, eliminate unsound elements and install men loyal to Moscow at the head of the party. Fried, a charming and persuasive man, achieved these goals within a few years. He removed Henri Barbé and Pierre Célor and advanced Maurice Thorez, Jacques Duclos, Benoît Frachon and André Marty.
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The Revolutionary Syndicalist Committees (, CSR) were a trade-unionist organization created in 1919 by Pierre Monatte inside the General Confederation of Labour (Confédération Générale du Travail, CGT) trade-union. It grouped the revolutionary syndicalists who were opposed to the Union sacrée national bloc during World War I and to the CGT's collaboration with the government. Pierre Monatte became the CSR general secretary in 1921. They boasted 300,000 members.
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The following year, however, some revolutionary syndicalists opposed both to the parties' influence on the trade unions and to inner bureaucracy split to form the Cercles Syndicalistes Lutte de Classe (Syndicalist Circles Class Struggle). Following the 1995 strikes, a trade- unionist current took again the name, claiming itself of its founders. They included members of the CGT, Solidaires Unitaires Démocratiques (SUD) and the CNT-Vignoles, and publish a journal called Syndicaliste!.
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Chomsky is a prominent political dissident. His political views have changed little since his childhood, when he was influenced by the emphasis on political activism that was ingrained in Jewish working-class tradition. He usually identifies as an anarcho-syndicalist or a libertarian socialist. He views these positions not as precise political theories but as ideals that he thinks best meet human needs: liberty, community, and freedom of association.
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This devastated the anarchist movement, and Zenkoku Jiren was forced to disband in early 1936. Later in 1936, a further 300 anarchists were arrested after the state fabricated a 'Nōseisha incident' named after a different and defunct organisation. This sort of repression continued and essentially made it impossible for anarchists to organise. The last group to survive was the anarcho-syndicalist Tokyo Printers' Union, which disappeared in 1938.
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He resigned from the ALP and founded the Victorian Socialist Party. Returning to Britain in 1910, Mann wrote The Way to Win, a pamphlet that argued that socialism could be achieved only through trade unionism and co-operation, and that parliamentary democracy was inherently corrupt. He founded the Industrial Syndicalist Education League, and worked as an organiser for Ben Tillett. He led the 1911 Liverpool General Transport Strike.
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The Charter of Carnaro (Carta del Carnaro in Italian) was a constitution that combined anarchist, proto-fascist, and democratic republican ideas. D'Annunzio is often seen as a precursor of the ideals and techniques of Italian fascism. His own explicit political ideals emerged in Fiume when he coauthored the charter with syndicalist Alceste De Ambris. De Ambris provided the legal and political framework, to which d'Annunzio added his skills as a poet.
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On 18 August 1914 Italian syndicalist Alceste de Ambris, speaking from the rostrum of the Milanese Syndical Union (USM), began a ferocious attack against neutrality in World War I and urged intervention against German reaction and the necessity of aiding France and the United Kingdom. He equated the war with the French Revolution. This caused a deep split within the Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI). The majority opted for neutrality.
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Onésimo Redondo Ortega (16 February 1905 – 24 July 1936) was a Spanish Falangist politician. He founded Juntas Castellanas de Actuación Hispánica (the Castilian Hispanic Action Groups), a political group that merged with Ramiro Ledesma's Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (Unions of the National-Syndicalist Offensive) and José Antonio Primo de Rivera's Falange Española. Together with Ledesma and Primo de Rivera, Redondo was one of the key figures of Francoist propaganda.
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Bergegren and Ungsocialisterna were expelled from the SDP between 1906 and 1908. The Invisible Party was a decentralized campaign founded by different parts of the Swedish extra-parliamentary left, in particular the Swedish Anarcho-syndicalist Youth Federation. The purpose was to highlight the real politics going on in the workplaces and in the streets, as compared with the parliamentary politics of the Riksdagen. The campaign "disbanded" in September 16, 2006.
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One of the strongest locals of the SLNA was the Kansas City Syndicalist League. It announced that it was in the process of formation in January 1913, and published its own paper The Toiler from October 1913-January 1915. Earl Browder, eventual general secretary of the Communist Party USA, became this chapters secretary in February 1914. In fall 1914, with the SLNA disintegrating, the KCSL became the Workers Educational League.
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Spain 1833-2002, p.133, Mary Vincent, Oxford, 2007 Anarchist and communist factions in Spain had called general strikes. However, the strikes immediately exposed differences on the left between the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE)-linked Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT), which organised the strike, and the anarcho- syndicalist trade union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). As a result, the strikes failed in much of the country.
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In 1862, aged 19, he was arrested for his role in organising the first typesetters' strike in Paris. Subsequently he helped found the typesetters' union. Despite his youth, Allemane played an important role in the emerging French syndicalist movement and emphasised the need for workers to form their own organisations, independent of bourgeois radicals. In 1870 Allemane served in the Parisian National Guard, where he became a corporal.
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Pau Sabater Pau Sabater i Lliró (March 5, 1884 in Algerri, province of Lleida - July 17, 1919 in Barcelona) was a Spanish anarcho-syndicalist in the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo in Catalonia. He was known also as "el Tero". He was secretary of the Union of Dyers, one of the most powerful trade unions of the textile industry. His partner was Josepa Ros, with whom he had three children.
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"There Is No Communism in Russia" by Emma Goldman. Quote: "Soviet Russia, it must now be obvious, is an absolute despotism politically and the crassest form of state capitalism economically." The victory of the Bolsheviks damaged anarchist movements internationally as workers and activists joined Communist parties. In France and the United States, for example, members of the major syndicalist movements of the CGT and IWW joined the Communist International.
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Avrich, Russian Anarchists, p. 137. After university, Rayevsky became an anarcho-syndicalist and moved to Paris, where he and Nikolay Rogdayev founded Burevestnik ("The Stormy Petrel"), which has been described by anarchist historian Paul Avrich as "the most important anarchist journal of the postrevolutionary period" (i.e., the period after the Russian Revolution of 1905).Avrich, Russian Anarchists, p. 114. The two men published Burevestnik from 1906 to 1910.
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Fleischer's political background is leftist, without any known party affiliation. In the early 2000s, he worked for some years as a journalist for Arbetaren, the weekly newspaper of the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden, a syndicalist union. Around the same time, he criticized parts of the Swedish political left for tendencies of nationalism"Nationalvänstern - så funkar den", Arena (issue 1, 2004). Arena is a Swedish leftist political magazine.
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Corridonia is a comune (municipality) in the Province of Macerata in the Italian region Marche, located about south of Ancona and about southeast of Macerata. Corridonia was called, until 1931, Pausula. The name was changed by Benito Mussolini to honor Filippo Corridoni, interventionist syndicalist who died on 23 October 1915. Corridonia borders the following municipalities: Francavilla d'Ete, Macerata, Mogliano, Monte San Giusto, Monte San Pietrangeli, Morrovalle, Petriolo, Tolentino, Urbisaglia.
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Thorpe 1989, pg. 80-81. In early 1914, the Dutch group established a permanent committee for the International Syndicalist Information Bureau, which took over publishing Bulletin international du mouvement syndicaliste, though Cornelissen continued to take care of most of the editorial duties. However, neither the Bureau nor the periodical lasted long. After World War I broke out in August 1914, both had to be terminated.Thorpe 1989, pg. 83.
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Meanwhile, preparations in London were scarcely coming along. It became necessary for Christiaan Cornelissen to travel to England to salvage the project. At the time, the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union, which had syndicalist elements, was involved in the Dublin Lockout and the British were focused on supporting this struggle. Bowman even suggested postponing the congress or holding it in secret, but Cornelissen would have none of it.
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Niembro was born amid a medium-class family in Parque Chacabuco. He is son of Paulino Niembro, a notable syndicalist during the 1970s. During the government of Carlos Menem he was appointed as "media secretary", one of his tasks was to announce the Presidential Pardon for perpetrators of state terrorism in Argentina and members of insurgent groups the 1970s. Since then he has had a long career as a sports journalist.
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The IWW (SA)'s immediate successor was the Industrial Workers of Africa (IWA), which was formed out of the work of Andrew Dunbar's Industrial Socialist League. The ISL gained prominence as the First World War came to a close, and deepened ties between the coastal, largely white syndicalist movement, and native South Africans. In particular, the ISL would adopt one of its first native African leaders, Thomas William ("T. W.") Thibedi.
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Samuel T. Hammersmark as he appeared in the late 1930s. Samuel Tellefson "Sam" Hammersmark (February 13, 1872 – 1957) was an American book publisher, trade union organizer, political activist, and Communist Party functionary. Hammersmark is best remembered as a political lieutenant of William Z. Foster in the Chicago anarcho-syndicalist and communist movements of the 1910s through the 1930s and as a candidate of the Communist Party for public office.
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Simonne Monet-Chartrand (November 4, 1919 – January 18, 1993) was a Canadian labor activist, feminist writer, and pacifist. She was an advocate for syndicalist causes and a proponent of women in the labor movement. A co- founder of Concordia University's Simone de Beauvoir Institute, dedicated to feminist studies, Monet-Chartrand also co-founded the Federation des femmes du Quebec, the pacifist movement Voix des Femmes, and the Movement for Nuclear Disarmament.
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Unione Sindacale Italiana is an Italian trade union that was founded in 1912, after a group of workers, previously affiliated with the Confederazione Generale del Lavoro (CGI), met in Modena and declared themselves linked to the legacy of the First International, and later joined the anarcho-syndicalist International Workers Association (IWA; Associazione Internazionale dei Lavoratori in Italian or AIT - Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores in the common Spanish reference). The most left-wing camere del lavoro adhered in rapid succession to the USI, and it engaged in all major political battles for labor rights - without ever adopting the militarist attitudes present with other trade unions. Nonetheless, after the outbreak of World War I, USI was shaken by the dispute around the issue of Italy's intervention in the conflict on the Entente Powers' side. The problem was made acute by the presence of eminent pro-intervention, national-syndicalist voices inside the body: Alceste De Ambris, Filippo Corridoni, and, initially, Giuseppe Di Vittorio.
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Errico Malatesta, influential Italian activist and theorist of anarcho-communism Social anarchism is a branch of anarchism emphasizing social ownership, mutual aid and workers' self-management. Social anarchism has been the dominant form of classical anarchism and includes the major collectivist, communist and syndicalist schools of anarchist thought. As a term, social anarchism is used in contrast to individualist anarchism to describe the theory that places an emphasis on the communitarian and cooperative aspects in anarchist theory while also opposing authoritarian forms of communitarianism associated with groupthink and collective conformity, favoring a reconciliation between individuality and sociality. Mikhail Bakunin, Russian revolutionary socialist and collectivist anarchist Social anarchists oppose private ownership of the means of production, seeing it as a source of inequality and instead advocate social ownership be it through collective ownership as with Bakuninists and collectivist anarchists; common ownership as with communist anarchists; and cooperative ownership as with syndicalist anarchists; or other forms.
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Francesc Pi i Margall, Catalan follower and translator of Proudhon and libertarian socialist theorist who briefly became president of Spain Pierre- Joseph Proudhon ran for the French constituent assembly in April 1848, but he was not elected although his name appeared on the ballots in Paris, Lyon, Besançon and Lille. He was successful in the complementary elections of June 4. The Catalan politician Francesc Pi i Margall became the principal translator of Proudhon's works into Spanish and later briefly became president of Spain in 1873 while being the leader of the Federal Democratic Republican Party. Salvador Seguí, Catalan libertarian socialist within the anarcho- syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo For prominent anarcho- syndicalist Rudolf Rocker: Pi i Margall was a dedicated theorist in his own right, especially through book-length works such as La reacción y la revolución (Reaction and revolution, from 1855), Las nacionalidades (Nationalities, 1877) and La Federación (Federation) from 1880.
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Many moderate Socialists, such as Victor Berger and International Typographical Union President Max S. Hayes, urged close cooperation with the American Federation of Labor and its member unions. Others in the Socialist Party's ranks dismissed the American Federation of Labor and its craft unions as antiquated and irrelevant, instead favoring the much more radical IWW and the "syndicalist" path to socialism. In 1911, IWW leader Bill Haywood was elected to the National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party, on which American Federation of Labor partisan Morris Hillquit also served. The syndicalist and the electoral socialist squared off in a lively public debate in New York City's Cooper Union on January 11, 1912, with Haywood declaring that Hillquit and the Socialists ought to try "a little sabotage in the right place at the proper time" and attacked Hillquit for having abandoned the class struggle by helping the New York garment workers negotiate an industrial agreement with their employers.
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Although nominally the Falangist leader in Santander, Hedilla was based in A Coruña when the northern uprising began. He thus took charge of securing this city and was responsible for the bloody repressions. Despite this Hedilla, who was on the left wing of the Falange and emphasised the proletarian and syndicalist nature of the movement soon became a critic of the indiscriminate violence being perpetrated by the Nationalists. Beevor, The Battle for Spain, p.
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Anarcho-syndicalism and other branches of anarchism are not mutually exclusive. Anarcho-syndicalists often subscribe to communist or collectivist anarchism. Its advocates propose labour organization as a means to create the foundations of a non-hierarchical anarchist society within the current system and bring about social revolution. According to the writers of An Anarchist FAQ, anarcho-syndicalist economic systems often take the form of either an anarcho-communist or collectivist anarchist economic system.
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The anarchist militias formed part of the Red and Black Column and went to the Aragon front. A part of this column was the Column of the Vallès Oriental, of Granollers, which had about 600 volunteers. The Red and Black Column was commanded by the syndicalist García Prada and Jiménez Pajarero and in total would be around 1,500 militiamen. On arrival at the front at Huesca, the column became subordinate to the Harriers Column.
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It survived underground with 15-20,000 members until January 1934, when it called a general revolutionary strike against plans to replace trade unions with corporations, which failed. It was able to continue in a much reduced state until World War II but was effectively finished as a fighting union. Massive government repression repeated such defeats around the world, as anarcho- syndicalist unions were destroyed in Peru, Brazil, Columbia, Japan, Cuba, Bulgaria, Paraguay and Bolivia.
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Anarchists continued to hold specifically anarchist congresses and conferences after the war, mostly focused on theoretical/ideological discussion. The objective was often the same: to create an international organization which would group together the various non-syndicalist anarchist organizations, i.e. those that were not already members of the IWA. A stable international organization was finally established in 1968 at a congress in Carrara, Italy - the International of Anarchist Federations (IFA), which still exists today.
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The magazine Freie Jugend connected the different groups and was published by Friedrich until 1926. From 1923 on, the group fusioned with the Syndikalistisch-Anarchistische Jugend Deutschlands (SAJD), an anarcho-syndicalist youth movement that promoted antimilitarism. In between the two World Wars, he was an antimilitarist activist. Among other activities, he was a speaker at an anti- war demonstration in front of Berlin Cathedral on 31 July 1921 that had over 100,000 participants.
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Although not themselves anarchists, Winitsky was one of five prominent members of the American Communist movement charged under the New York Criminal Anarchy Law of 1902, a piece of legislation hurriedly passed in the wake of the assassination of President William McKinley.Swinburne Hale, "Criminal Anarchy and Syndicalist Trials," in Alexander Trachtenberg and Benjamin Glassberg (eds.), American Labor Year Book 1921-22: Volume 4. New York: Rand School of Social Science, n.d. [1921]; pg. 18.
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In the early 1990s, anarchist groups less linked to the underground music scene began to appear. In Lima the anarcho-syndicalist groups "Proletarian Autonomy" and "Collectivization" emerged. In 2001, after many years, an anarchist newspaper "Disobedience" began to be printed in Lima, which continues to appear to this day, maintaining a perspective of critical anarchism. The Libertarian Workshop was formed, which brought together activists from different generations, including Víctor Gutiérrez, Ch. Zénder and L. Villavicencio.
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Rodríguez in 1936 Commemorative tilework in the house where Melchor Rodríguez García was born. Melchor Rodríguez García (also known as El Ángel Rojo - Red Angel; 1893, --February 14, 1972), was a Spanish politician, a notable anarcho-syndicalist, and the head of prison authorities in Madrid during the Spanish Civil War. Paul Preston in his book "The Spanish Holocaust" describes Melchor Rodríguez García as having been a bullfighter until he was gored. No details are given.
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However, the National Syndicalist movement effectively emerged as a separate political tendency. Later the same year, Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista was formed, and subsequently voluntarily fused with Falange Española. In 1936 Franco forced a further less voluntary merger with traditionalist Carlism, to create a single party on the Nationalist side of the Spanish Civil War. During the war, Falangists fought against the Second Spanish Republic, which had the armed support of CNT.
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Sailors of the Petropavlovsk in Helsinki, before the Finnish Civil War (Summer 1917); Flag calls for "death to the bourgeoisie". Stepan Maximovich Petrichenko (; 1892 – June 2, 1947) was a Russian revolutionary, an anarcho- syndicalist politician, the head of the Soviet Republic of Soldiers and Fortress-Builders of Nargen and in 1921, de facto leader of the Kronstadt Commune, and the leader of the revolutionary committee which led the Kronstadt rebellion of 1921.
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131 His confederation was broken up and reorganized into six smaller syndicates that were arranged by economic sectors.David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979, p. 290 Other historians have suggested that Fascist party leaders were attempting to clip Rossoni’s power base since his fascist syndicate sought “concrete provisions on labor contracts, minimum salaries, working hours and terms for employment,” positions that employers were usually unwilling to accept.
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Terrorism by extremists became less common around the start of the 20th century. Anarchists saw the obvious need for a form of direct action capable of overthrowing the State and capitalism. The idea of syndicalism became popular (or, after the early 1920s, anarcho-syndicalism to differentiate from the reformist syndicalism in other parts of Europe). Purist "Anarchist Communists" were unwilling to adopt syndicalist ideas and became marginalized, although the two groups soon became indistinguishable.
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The Industrial and Commercial Union (ICU) was a trade union and mass-based popular political movement in southern Africa. It was influenced by the syndicalist politics of the Industrial Workers of the World (adopting the IWW Preamble in 1925), as well as by Garveyism, Christianity, communism, and liberalism.Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (Counter-Power vol. 1), by Lucien van der Walt and Michael Schmidt, AK Press, 2009, p. 273.
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Italian Fascism presented the economic system of corporatism as the solution that would preserve private initiatives and property while allowing the state and the syndicalist movement to intervene in the economy in the matters where private initiative intervenes in public affairs.Salvemini. Pp. 134. This system would lead also to some nationalizations when necessary and the greatest participation of the employees in all the aspects of the company and in the utility given by the company.
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Hodges earned his Doctor of Philosophy from Columbia University in 1954. He was a professor at University of Missouri, University of South Florida, as well as at Florida State University (since 1964), and retiring after 39 years. Hodges spent a great deal of time in places like Uruguay where he met people like Abraham Guillen, an anarcho- syndicalist in the style of Bakunin. He lived more than 20 years in the Miccosukee Land Co-op.
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The Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (; CNT) is a Spanish confederation of anarcho-syndicalist labour unions, which was long affiliated with the International Workers' Association (AIT). When working with the latter group it was also known as CNT-AIT. Historically, the CNT has also been affiliated with the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (); thus, it has also been referred to as the CNT-FAI. Throughout its history, it has played a major role in the Spanish labor movement.
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After the congress, Alfred Rosmer, a French syndicalist who became a communist and a member of the Executive of the Comintern, stayed in Russia. Rosmer contacted Schapiro and met him at the Golos Truda printing house. The Russian syndicalists had written a letter of protest and hoped it would receive attention if Rosmer submitted it to the Comintern. Rosmer and Schapiro discussed the issue and Rosmer was optimistic it could be resolved.
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He viewed the IWMA as the continuation of the efforts to unite the international syndicalist movement that had begun before World War I and performed most of the secretariat's work during the organization's first year. He hoped discussions within the IWMA would lead to unity among syndicalists on questions concerning revolutionary tactics and strategy. He later found that the IWMA frequently had to mediate between contradictory understandings of anarcho-syndicalism.Dam'e 2006, pp.
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During this period, Rocker also first came into contact with the blending of anarchist and syndicalist ideas represented by the General Confederation of Labor (CGT), which would influence him in the long term. In 1895, as a result of the anti-anarchist sentiment in France, Rocker traveled to London to visit the German consulate and examine the possibility of his returning to Germany but was told he would be imprisoned upon return. and .
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However it obtained only a derisory number of votes and was denounced as semi-syndicalist by Vladimir Lenin. The Democratic Centralists continued to campaign against the bureaucratic methods of the party throughout the early twenties as part of the so-called 1923 opposition. Despite this Sapronov remained a leading party figure and chairman of the Public Works Committee, a member of the Central Executive Committee and was a pall-bearer at Lenin's funeral.
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Initially PBI was run by individuals who had worked at the Labour Department during the Japanese occupation. But in 1946 Setiadjit returned to Indonesia from exile in the Netherlands, and he assumed leadership of the party and became its chairman. Under Setiadjit, the collaborationist elements lost control over the party. Setiadjit's takeover in PBI was done with active support from the Indonesian government, as Sukarno had feared strong 'anarcho- syndicalist' tendencies of PBI.
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Syndicalist Group Movement (in Swedish: Syndikalistiska Grupprörelsen) functioned as the youth wing of the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden between 1958 and 1970. The movement was mainly, but not exclusively, academic and had local units in Gothenburg, Lund, Stockholm and Uppsala. The movement published the magazine Zenit. When Zenit evolved into an independent and more mainstream leftist publication that led to much dissent within the movement, one of the causes of its dissolution.
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The Casa del Obrero Mundial (English: House of the World Worker) or COM was a socialist and anarcho-syndicalist worker's organization located in the popular Tepito Barrio of Mexico City, founded on September 22, 1912. One of its founders was Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama, one of the founders of the Liberal Party of Mexico (PLM).Samuel Brunk, The Posthumous Career of Emiliano Zapata. Austin: University of Texas Press 2008, p. 65.
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Demonstration in Barcelona on 22 January 2011, against the raise in the retirement age For the rest of the year, the government proceeded with economic reforms. In January 2011, the government reached an agreement with the main trade unions to increase the retirement age from 65 to 67. Anarcho-syndicalist and other related unions rejected the plan and called for a strike on 27 January in Galicia, Catalonia and the Basque Country.
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After the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) Ruiz supported the formation of the PSUC in July 1936. In the government of the Generalitat de Catalunya named by President Lluís Companys on 31 July 1936 the PSUC was given three ministries. Joan Comorera was Minister of the Economy, Rafael Vidiella was Minister of Communications and Ruiz was Minister of Supplies. The new government was blocked by the anarcho-syndicalist CNT- FAI.
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The party approved the admission requirements, and changed its name to the Communist Party of Denmark and joined the Comintern the same year. This, however, led to a split within the party, with the syndicalist faction, led by FS, withdrawing the party. Following a rapprochement between the two groups, and with the approval of the USSR, the DKP and FS formed a joint federation in 1921, known as the Communist Federation (Danish: Kommunistisk Føderation).
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He no longer believed that radical views and tactics could be introduced to the labor movement. He started collaborating with the non-syndicalist anarchist movement, especially with the Anarchist Federation of Germany, which had been founded in 1903. He also came into contact with Swiss radicals, lecturing about the First Russian Revolution in Zurich in 1906. He started visiting Ascona frequently and also moved out of Berlin to the suburb of Friedrichshagen.
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Paivio was born in Töysä, and emigrated to the United States as an illegal immigrant at the age of 22. He sailed from Finland via Australia as a crew member of a Finnish merchant ship and boarded Seattle in the fall of 1915. December 1917 Paivio moved to New York City and joined the syndicalist trade union Industrial Workers of the World. He was a member of the Finnish IWW local in the Bronx.
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In its first few months, it quickly gained popularity, and soon spread to other Irish cities. The ITGWU was used as a vehicle for Larkin's syndicalist views. He believed in bringing about a socialist revolution by the establishment of trade unions and calling general strikes. It initially lost several strikes between 1908 and 1910, but, after 1911, the union won strikes involving carters and railway workers, for example, the 1913 Sligo dock strike.
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Neuves-Maisons is a commune in the Meurthe-et-Moselle department in north- eastern France. The city had a great steel industry during the 19th and 20th century. Neuves-Maisons erected a plaque in the memory of Émilie Busquant, a feminist, anarcho-syndicalist and anti-colonial activist born in the area, on the fiftieth anniversary of her death in 2003. A 2015 documentary by director Rabah Zanoun introduced a French audience to her forgotten story.
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In 1910 however, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour or CNT) was founded and gradually became entwined with anarchism. The CNT was affiliated with the International Workers Association, a federation of anarcho-syndicalist trade unions founded in 1922. The success of the CNT stimulated the spread of anarcho-syndicalism in Latin America. The Federación Obrera Regional Argentina (Argentine Regional Workers' Federation) reached a quarter of a million members, surpassing social democratic unions.
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The ideology of the party varies between the left and the extreme left. The programmatic elements found in the party are related to socialism, anti-capitalism, and anti-imperialism. There are Marxist, Trotskyist, eco-socialist, and syndicalist tendencies within the party. Among other things, the party program includes the reduction of working hours, agrarian and urban reform, increased spending on health, education and infrastructure, and a break with the International Monetary Fund.
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Aron Baron (; 1891–1937) was an anarcho-syndicalist revolutionary and theorist, brother of the Red Cossacks Army Ataman Mikhail Baron. Pseudonyms included Faktorovich, Kantorovich, Polevoy. Aron and Fanya Baron in Russia Aron Baron supported by foreign anarchists Aron Baron in exile with wife and daughter As a teenager, Baron participated in the 1905 Russian Revolution and was banished to Siberia as punishment. He fled to the United States, where he lived in Chicago.
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International Brigades At least 40,000 individual volunteers from 52 nations, usually socialists, communists or anarchists, fought for the Republican side. The vast majority of these, an estimated 32,000 men and women,Thomas (2001) p. 942 served in the International Brigades, organized in close conjunction with the Comintern. About another 3,000 foreign volunteers fought as members of militias belonging to the anarcho-syndicalist labor/trade union CNT and the anti-Stalinist Marxist POUM.
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In April 1937 Lazarévitch and Félix Guyard founded a fortnightly political magazine based along the lines of the former "Réveil syndicalist" that he had produced in Brussels till the previous year. The name that appeared most frequently on the foot of articles was that of L. Nuiteux, which was one of Lazarévitch's own most frequently employed pseudonyms. Meanwhile, Lazarévitch and Mett – who was Jewish – applied for citizenship. The application was turned down.
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At the time, Albert was a printworker—a copytaker with the conservative Daily Telegraph—and managed to get Garcia work in the trade. Meltzer also helped to found the Kate Sharpley Library. He was involved in producing the library's publications, and helped shape its philosophy. He joined the anarcho- syndicalist Direct Action Movement in the early 80s and was a member of it, and its successor organisation the Solidarity Federation until his death.
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Isaac Puente was an influential Spanish anarchist during the 1920s and 1930s and an important propagandist of anarcho-naturism,Isaac Puente. El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas. was a militant of both the CNT anarcho- syndicalist trade union and Iberian Anarchist Federation. He published the book El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas (en:Libertarian Communism and other insurrectionary and naturist proclamations) in 1933, which sold around 100,000 copies,Isaac Puente.
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Marot also was responsible for creating the Bookkeepers, Stenographers and Accountants Union of New York. She was the organizer and leader of the first great strike of shirtwaist makers and dressmakers (1909–10) under the banner of the new International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union. In 1913, Marot resigned from her work with the trade union league. In 1914, she published American Labor Unions (1914), a work on the syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World.
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After the war, he became increasingly involved in communist activities, joining the French Section of the Workers' International. In 1921, he went to Moscow to attend the third meeting of the Comintern, where he met Victor Serge. Nevertheless, he remained at odds with the Bolshevik dictatorship and was especially disturbed by the Kronstadt Rebellion and its aftermath. He eventually drifted away from Bolshevism and became associated with the syndicalist movement of Pierre Monatte.
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These actions by D'Annunzio in Fiume inspired the Italian Fascist movement As such, the next events that influenced the Fascists were the raid of Fiume by Italian nationalist Gabriele D'Annunzio and the founding of the Charter of Carnaro in 1920. D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist corporatist productionism alongside D'Annunzio's political views. Many Fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a Fascist Italy.
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Fernández y Krohn was born in Madrid, the son of a middle-class Andalusian family with distant Norwegian ancestors. He successfully studied at the Escuelas Pías in Madrid's Argüelles district. At age 17, he began studying economics at the Complutense University of Madrid. At the beginning of his studies he joined the syndicalist and Falangist fraternity Frente de Estudiantes Sindicalistas (FES) and acted as an activist on the progressive wing of the group.
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"The syndicalist or militant trade union movement, which burst into prominence in France around 1900, inspired Sorel to write his Reflections on Violence. The turmoil engendered by strikes was universally condemned even by parliamentary socialists, who favored negotiation and conciliation. To justify the militancy and to give syndicalism an ideology, Sorel published the series of articles that became, as one of his biographers calls it, 'a famous and infamous book.'"Meisel, James H. (1951).
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John R. Schindler, Isonzo: The Forgotten Sacrifice of the Great War, Connecticut and London, Praeger, 2001, p. 12 The widespread riots paralyzed almost every major city for two days.David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979, p. 74 The would-be revolutionaries briefly seized control of “entire towns in central Italy; railways were cut, bridges destroyed,” while the insurgents displayed red flags on public buildings.
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Francisco Ascaso Abadía (Almudévar April 1, 1901 – Barcelona July 20, 1936) was the cousin of Joaquín Ascaso, the President of the Regional Defence Council of Aragon,Jesús Mestre i Campi, Diccionari d'Història de Catalunya, Edicions 62. 1998, ; p. 68 a carpenter and a prominent Anarcho-syndicalist figure in Spain. Ascaso lived a life of crime and violence being involved in the deaths of multiple high-profile government officials and as a result frequently detained.
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On January 8, members of the anarcho-syndicalist movement in Madrid tried to take over the barracks of Carabanchel, causing an exchange of fire with the civil guard. Acts of violence took place in Barcelona around the Arco del Teatro, where the union's headquarters were located. There were also shootings outside the Atarazanas barracks, where an assault guard fell dead, and a corporal was wounded. Three bombs exploded at the Madrid police headquarters.
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During his youth, Plievier worked as a sailor and travelled extensively throughout Europe and overseas. Through his travels he was exposed to anarchist-syndicalist philosophies that would influence his later work. In 1914, after a fight in a quayside bar, he was forced to enlist in the Imperial Navy to escape imprisonment. During most of the war, he served on the SMS Wolf, an auxiliary cruiser which remained at sea for 451 days.
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"Die bayerische Revolution 1918/19. Die erste Räterepublik der Literaten". In Italy, the anarcho-syndicalist trade union Unione Sindacale Italiana grew to 800,000 members from 1918 to 1921 during the so-called Biennio Rosso."1918–1921: The Italian factory occupations – Biennio Rosso" . Libcom.org. With the rise of fascism in Europe between the 1920s and the 1930s, anarchists began to fight fascists in Italy,Holbrow, Marnie, "Daring but Divided" (Socialist Review, November 2002).
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Much of the infrastructure was destroyed during the 1930s Spanish Civil War against authoritarian and fascist forces.Murray Bookchin, To Remember Spain: The Anarchist and Syndicalist Revolution of 1936, AK Press, 1994, pp. 2–39, . The Iberian Federation of Libertarian Youth (FIJL, Spanish: Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Libertarias), sometimes abbreviated as Libertarian Youth (Juventudes Libertarias), was a libertarian socialistJosé Peirats & Chris Ealham, The CNT in the Spanish Revolution, Volume 2: 2001, p. 76.
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Bernard Dix and Stephen Williams, Serving the Public: Building the Union, pp.209-228 A supporter of workers' education, he was the first treasurer of the Central Labour College, and served on the executive of the National Council of Labour Colleges.Trades Union Congress, "Obituary: Mr J. V. Wills", Annual Report of the 1933 Trades Union Congress, p.223 During this period, Wills became interested in syndicalism, and joined the Industrial Syndicalist Education League.
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France was invaded by Germany during May/June 1940. Political and trades union activity was banned, with the result that various political organisations, including the Trades Union Confederation ("Confédération générale du travail" / CGT) itself, "went underground", becoming progressively incorporated into the wider French Resistance movement. Fontenis joined the "clandestine CGT", also participating actively in local syndicalist groups. By this time he was working as a primary school teacher in the north-eastern part of Paris.
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Yet he likewise notes key differences. For example, while European syndicalists operate within mainstream unions, the IWW has always displayed an antagonism toward, and disdain for existing craft based trade unions in the United States. This has led the IWW to embrace the concept of dual unionism. When William Z. Foster offered the IWW an opportunity to begin a European syndicalist style program of "boring from within" the AFL, the IWW rejected it.
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At first, he only planned a short book on nationalism, but over the years the material grew. At the time, Rocker was becoming more and more disillusioned as a wave of nationalism spread about Germany. This development culminated when the Nazi Party under Hitler came to power in 1933. Meanwhile, the German anarchist movement and the Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD), an anarcho-syndicalist trade union Rocker was active in, were waning.
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Soto traveled clandestinely to Buenos Aires to discuss the situation in the union congress. The Organización Obrera, the official newspaper of the syndicalist FORA, published news of his arrival. He participated in the national congress as a delegate of the Workers Society of Río Gallegos, where he sought support and solidarity for the conflict in Santa Cruz. The congress, with representatives from across the country, occurred in La Plata from 29 January until 5 February.
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Antònia Fontanillas Borràs in 1946 Antònia Fontanillas Borràs (29 May 1917 – 23 September 2014) was a Spanish Catalan seamstress, anarcho-syndicalist, trade unionist, and militant anarchist from Palafrugell. She was a leader within various organizations including Libertarian Youth of Palafrugell, Solidaritat Internacional Antifeixista (SIA), and Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). With her mother, she fled Catalonia in 1939, setting in Toulouse. She returned to Spain on several occasions, bringing propaganda, weapons, or money.
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Kevin Tucker grew up in suburban St. Louis, Missouri, surrounded by protests against local corporations such as Monsanto. He became involved in anarchism and hardcore punk around the same time and at age twelve started working on causes ranging from animal rights to Shell Oil's incursions upon Nigerian tribal lands. Simultaneously, he became an anarcho- syndicalist, straight edge and vegan. Between 1998 and 2000, he switched his approach from anarcho-syndicalism to anarcho-primitivism.
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The Industrial Workers of the World (South Africa) or IWW (SA) had a brief but notable history in the 1910s-20s, and is particularly noted for its influence on the syndicalist movement in southern Africa through its promotion of the IWW's principles of industrial unionism, solidarity, and direct action, as well as its role in the creation of organizations such as the Industrial Workers of Africa and the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union.
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187 Estévanez is only known to have contributed to general patriotic initiatives of the regime.e.g. in 1926 he contributed financially to monument of Cervantes in Madrid, an initiative of gobierno civil, Diario de Burgos 11.11.26, available here He kept advocating Christian syndicalist solidarity when publishing El Defensor de los LabradoresDiario de Burgos 10.09.25, available here and it is likely that at one point in the late 1920s he regained control over El Castellano.
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For a month, a Popular Front Committee exercised control in southern Asturias, while local workers committees sprang up elsewhere in the region. A war committee dominated by anarcho-syndicalist supporters took power in Oviedo . Troops under the command of a then unknown general named Francisco Franco Bahamonde were brought from Spanish Morocco to suppress the revolt. Franco applied tactics normally reserved for overseas colonies, using troops of the Spanish Legion and Moroccan troops: ferocious oppression followed.
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He drew from the American past a history of resistance to capitalist wage relations that was fundamentally liberal, and he reclaimed an idea that progressives had allowed to lapse—that working for wages was a lesser form of liberty. Increasingly skeptical of the capacity of social welfare legislation to remedy social ills, Croly argued that America's liberal promise could be redeemed only by syndicalist reforms involving workplace democracy. His liberal goals were part of his commitment to American republicanism.
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This group's successes were many, gaining power and control inside many workers' unions against Stalinism. Finally, the group of youth workers and the old veterans Trotskyists joined and created Συνδικαλιστικη Παραταξη – Εργατικη Πρωτοπορια (Syndicalist Union – Workers' Vanguard) in 1964. That was the legal title of the organization, due to the law 509 that prosecuted for high treason any organization that fought openly against the regime. The real, but illegal title, was ΕΔΕ – Επαναστατικη Διεθνιστικη Ενωση (Revolutionary Internationalist Union).
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None of the works which discuss internal strife within the movement mentions his name.see Fernández Escudero 2012 notes him only as elected to Junta Superior in 1912, Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, El cisma mellista: historia de una ambición política, Madrid 2000, does not mention him at all Instead he was noted as engaged in initiatives flavored with conservatism yet not clearly defined politically, e.g. in a 1916 Catholic syndicalist rally organized by El Debate.El Correo Español 03.12.
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While living in Los Angeles, Green regularly heard political speeches in Pershing Square. Describing himself as an "anarcho-syndicalist with strong libertarian leanings," or a "left- libertarian,"Robert Cantwell, "Introduction" to Green, Torching the Fink Books: xv. Green combined a sensitivity for working people, an abiding concern for democratic processes, and a pragmatic willingness to lobby for reforms. He spent his career not only collecting material from laborers, but encouraging workers themselves to document and preserve their own lore.
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After leaving prison, he moved to the Leonesa Region of Laciana, to return to work in the mines. Leaving behind its anarcho-syndicalist influences, the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) contacted him for the reorganization of its structure in the Spanish interior. Thus, he became the underground communist leader for León and Galicia. His participation in the Mining Strike of 1962 (called "The Huelgona"), sets an important historic precedent, to settle one of the first permanent Workers' Commissions.
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The masthead of the publication carried the final line of the poem, Let the tempest come strike harder! (Пусть сильнее грянет буря!). The publication included lengthy debates on the use of terrorism as well as information on the activities of the anarchist movement in Russia. Burevestnik generally adhered to the political line from the Kropotkinite Khleb i Volia group, although anti-syndicalist viewpoints were also expressed in some of its articles (through the participation of Abram Grossman).
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The defeat of the military coup in Barcelona was a great success for the Republic, although after the defeat of the Francoists it became clear that the workers' militias - in particular, the anarcho- syndicalist militias - were the ones that really controlled the city. The defeat of the rebels marked the beginning of the Spanish Revolution and also the beginning of a harsh repression in Catalonia against those elements of being "fascist" or opposed to the revolution.
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The ISL became defunct following its merge into the Communist Party of South Africa in 1921 but, provided many notable early figures to the Communist Party. The centrality of the ISL in the formation of the SACP left a political mark on the party for years to come, and was responsible for a strong syndicalist influence on the early politics of the SACP.Lerumo, A. Fifty Fighting Years: The Communist Party of South Africa, 1921-1971. London: Inkululeko, 1987.
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Attention is also paid to figures and movements partially influenced by anarchism, like Augusto César Sandino, and the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union, in southern Africa. Black Flame also examines anarchist and syndicalist ideas and debates globally: for example, the account of anarchist debates on whether the Soviet Union was "state capitalist" includes the views of Asian anarchists, while sections on anarchism, syndicalism and race include coverage of Chinese, Mexican, Peruvian, and South African materials and movements.
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After World War II and the proclamation of the Republic, former members of the union followed the guidelines of the Federazione Anarchica Italiana that called for the creation of a unitary movement, and joined the Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (CGIL). When CGIL split in 1950, several activists refounded USI-AIT - nonetheless, the group was marginal, and present only in some of Italy's regions until the 1960s. It is connected with Autonomism, and has kept its syndicalist message.
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Bidegain reciprocated by proclaiming amnesty for some incarcerated members of Tendencia Revolucionaria, a move his Peronist ally Héctor Cámpora also promised as part of his presidential campaign. However Bidegain's running mate and subsequent vicegovernor Victorio Calabró was disliked by Tendencia Revolucionaria. He was seen as a right-wing bureaucratic syndicalist. On January 20 1974 People's Revolutionary Army attacked the Azul garrison resulting in Perón criticizing Bidegain who resigned after being pressured by the Camber of Deputies.
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32 Not all Italian revolutionary syndicalists joined the Fascist cause, but most syndicalist leaders eventually embraced nationalism and "were among the founders of the Fascist movement," where "many even held key posts" in Mussolini's regime.Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton University Press, 1994, p. 33 Benito Mussolini declared in 1909 that he had converted over to revolutionary syndicalism by 1904 during a general strike.
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In addition to its cultural and social role, association started to play prominent role as an writers' syndicalist organization. It established two separate regional sections for the Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina and Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, second of which declared its intention to constitute itself as an independent organization in 1970. As a result of the Slovene Writers' Association's support of the 1989 Kosovo miners' strike, the UKS broke off its relations with the Slovene Writers' Association.
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The Charter, passed almost unanimously at the GCT congress in Amiens in October 1906, asserted a separation between unions and political parties. Members of unions could freely participate in the political parties as they chose, but the unions should unite in direct economic action against employees. As a revolutionary syndicalist, Merrheim said that the unions could break laws that stifled them. He was one of the first to foresee the coming of World War I (July 1914 – November 1918).
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A homage to Pestaña was made on 13 February 1938 at the Fuencarral Theater in Madrid, in commemoration of his birth. The tribute was attended by speakers of the Syndicalist Party, the Communist Party of Spain, the Popular Front, the Iberian Anarchist Federation, the Republican Left and the National Confederation of Labour.Homenatge a Ángel Pestaña (13 de febrer de 1938) Estelnegre.org A square in the Nou Barris district of Barcelona is named Ángel Pestaña in his honour.
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A socialist Italian language federation was formed as part of the SLP in 1902, but split from it the following year. The majority of the federation's members were syndicalist and remained unaligned with either party, while a minority affiliated with the SPA in 1910. Most of those members remained with the SPA in 1919, although the New York City branch joined the CPUSA. There were apparently never enough Italian-speaking members within the CPUSA to constitute a separate Federation.
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Christiaan Cornelissen Christiaan Gerardus Cornelissen (30 August 1864 - 21 January 1942) was a Dutch syndicalist writer, economist, and trade unionist. Cornelissen was the second of five children of Johannes Cornelissen, carpenter in Den Bosch, Noord Brabant, and Mechelina van Wijk. He became a primary school teacher in Middelburg, Zeeland. In the late 1880s he started working for Recht voor Allen ("Justice for All"), the organ of the Social Democratic League (in Dutch: Sociaal-Democratische Bond, SDB).
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The federalist organization exists in order to coordinate strikes, campaigns and actions and for communication purposes. There are 800-1000 members organized in the various local unions. The FAU publishes the bimonthly anarcho-syndicalist newspaper Direkte Aktion as well as pamphlets on current and historical topics. Because it supports the classical concept of the abolition of the wage system, the FAU was observed until 2011 by the Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution).
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In World War II, a left-wing syndicalist faction grew up in the underground labour movement that was opposed to close ties with any political parties.Walter Galenson, Trade Union Democracy in Western Europe, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961. Renard was the leader of that faction and gave his name to Renardism, the programme of the Walloon Movement in the general strike of 1960-1961 in Wallonia led by the General Federation of Belgian Labour.
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Mery Segunda Zamora García (born April 19, 1972) is an Ecuadorian syndicalist leader, teacher, and politician. She was president of the (UNE) from 2007 to 2010, a term which coincided with the beginning of the government of Rafael Correa. She became a prominent critic of this regime, and was a frequent target of verbal abuse on Correa's broadcasts, culminating with an accusation of terrorism and sabotage in 2010. Legal proceedings against her were eventually dropped after a successful appeal.
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Sequestered from their fellow prisoners, Fleshin and Steimer again declared a hunger strike. Protests to Leon Trotsky by foreign anarcho- syndicalist delegates, including Emma Goldman, who wrote a personal letter of protest to a congress of the Red International of Trade Unions (Profintern) eventually brought about their release. This time, however, they were notified of their impending expulsion from the country. On 27 September 1923, Fleshin and Steimer were officially deported, and placed aboard a ship bound for Germany.
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There were numerous disputes at the congress, but it ultimately passed a Declaration of Syndicalist Principles calling for the abolition of the state and capitalism.Thorpe 1989, pp. 72, 84. By the time World War I broke out, Schapiro was an important organizer in the international anarchist movement, although he was never as well-known an activist as the likes of Emma Goldman or Alexander Berkman as he was usually preoccupied with behind-the-scenes work for the movement.
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Pierre Frank (24 October 1905, Paris – 18 April 1984, Paris) was a French Trotskyist leader. He served on the secretariat of the Fourth International from 1948 to 1979. Educated as a chemical engineer, Frank was one of the first French Trotskyists, working with surrealist Pierre Naville and the syndicalist Alfred Rosmer. In 1930, he joined Trotsky on the island of Prinkipo to work as a member of the secretariat that prepared the first conference of the International Left Opposition.
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Read served on the executive committee of the CPI and advocated for Syndicalist positions to be adopted by the party. Read clashed with CPI party leader Roddy Connolly (son of James Connolly) who would later expel Read from the party. Read believed that Roddy Connolly allowed the far-left in Ireland play a subservient role to the Nationalist Movement. By 1924, at the age of 25, Read left Ireland for England where he remained until 1932.
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While some joined voluntarily, others, especially in the beginning of the revolution, were forced to join the collectives by anarchist militias. The anarcho-syndicalist periodical Solidaridad Obrera reported that: "Certain abuses have been committed that we consider counterproductive. We know that certain irresponsible elements have frightened the small peasants and that up to now a certain apathy has been noted in their daily labors." The voluntary nature of the rural collectivization varied from region to region.
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Guido Rossa was an Italian worker and syndicalist who was born in Venice and lived most of his adult life in Torino. His first job was as a parts mechanic for 14 years. He moved to Genova to work as a laborer as a worker with the labor union FIOM-CGIL. As a member of the Communist Party of Italy, he was a trade unionist for the labor union CGIL of the branch in Genova-Cornigliano.
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Picture of D'Annunzio D'Annunzio is often seen as a precursor of the ideals and techniques of Italian fascism. His political ideals emerged in Fiume when he coauthored a constitution with syndicalist Alceste de Ambris, the Charter of Carnaro. De Ambris provided the legal and political framework, to which D'Annunzio added his skills as a poet. De Ambris was the leader of a group of Italian seamen who had mutinied and then given their vessel to the service of D'Annunzio.
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The constant state repression sabotaged many of these experiences and many leading anarchists went on exile to the Galapagos Islands. The Chilean Néstor Donoso was deported to his country after he was imprisoned. The group Luz y Acción decided to establish the Bloque Obrero Estudiantil Revolucionario so it could act in the universities. In 1934, the anarchosyndicalists decide to reorganize the FTRE and after some failed attempts decide to create another syndicalist organization, the Unión Sindical de Trabajadores.
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He was more interested in syndicalism than anarchism, and generally supported moves to reduce the anarchist aspects of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) in favor of the syndicalist aspects. He was one of the signatories of the Manifiesto de los Treinta (Manifesto of the Thirty) in August 1931. This manifesto criticized the influence of the FAI in the CNT. After the departure of Pestaña from the CNT in 1932 López supported collaboration with the government.
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In her book Anarchism: Left, Right, and Green, political theorist and anarcho- syndicalist, Ulrike Heider accused Konkin of endorsing historical negationism in his dealing with the Institute for Historical Review, which included allotting advertisement space to the IHR in New Libertarian, and writing a positive review of James J. Martin's book on Raphael Lemkin, which was published by the IHR. Konkin personally rejected Holocaust denial, but defended the IHR because he believed its freedom of speech was being suppressed.
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Other notable members include Radomiro Tomic and Bernardo Leighton. A more avowedly Falangist group, Movimiento Revolucionario Nacional Sindicalista (Revolutionary National Syndicalist Movement), would appear in 1952, although it did not achieve the influence of the Falange Nacional.S. Cerqueira, 'Chile' in JP Bernard et al, Guide to the Political Parties of South America, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973, p. 245 The name has proven durable however as it still organised into the 21st century, albeit on a very minor level.
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Olagüe was born in San Sebastián and studied law at the Universities of Valladolid and Madrid. From 1924 to 1936, he worked in the paleontology laboratory of the National Museum of Natural Sciences in Madrid under the direction of José Royo. Olagüe was inspired by fascist theoretician Ramiro Ledesma Ramos and became a member of his group, the far-right syndicalist JONS movement. Together with Ernesto Giménez Caballero, he founded the first Spanish film society in Madrid in 1929.
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Having the support of socialists, communists, and syndicalists, the USA was more radical than the FORA IX and therefore joined neither the social democratic International Federation of Trade Unions nor the RILU. Meanwhile, the anarchist FORA V was in steady decline. It was dissolved shortly before the installation of José Félix Uriburu's military dictatorship. This FORA was subsequently formed again and exists to this day as a member of the International Workers Association (the anarcho-syndicalist international).
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The OSE was founded in 1940, established in a January 1940 Law of "Syndical Unity", while its structure was developed through a December 1940 law, in which the OSE was defined as subordinated to the (single) party. Its ideological fundamentals date back to the 1938 law. OSE held its first congress February 27, 1961 – March 4, 1961. The organisation itself claimed to have roots in the trade union activity of the National-Syndicalist Workers Central (CONS), founded in 1935.
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Pinglo's affinity for the poorer classes led to much speculation and innuendo throughout the various political eras of Peru. At certain times, such as during the dictatorship of Óscar R. Benavides, El Plebeyo and other songs written by Pinglo, were banned from radio airplay. It was widely circulated that Pinglo was an Aprista, or that he was politically allied with José Carlos Mariátegui. However, being a Bohemian, it is also likely that he was an Anarcho- syndicalist.
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The dockers and tramwaymen separated with the dockers and others heading along to Leith Links, where speeches were made. The French Anarcho-Syndicalist Madame Sorgue was one of the speakers. A later speaker suggested the solution lay in electoral politics, and advocated voting for the Labour party in upcoming elections. James Airlie from the Boilermakers union also spoke, pointing out the army had been used more times during the strike — 20 times, he claimed — than during the war.
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Reclus wrote syndicalist propaganda while an engineer at the Gare de Bessèges, from which he was fired in 1886. He formed an anarchist group and about 30 people in the Alès area (southern France) participated. Reclus attended the 1889 International Anarchist Congress in Paris, where advocated for individual reclamation as an expression of propaganda by deed. He later wrote that theft and work greatly overlapped, that presently, work was not honest and theft was not dishonest.
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Noah Ablett (4 October 1883 – 31 October 1935) was a trade unionist and political theorist who is most noted for contributing to 'The Miners' Next Step', a Syndicalist treatise which Ablett described as 'scientific trade unionism.The Welsh Academy Encyclopaedia of Wales. John Davies, Nigel Jenkins, Menna Baines and Peredur Lynch (2008) pg11 Ablett was born in 1883 in Porth, Rhondda to John and Jane Ablett;Lloyd (1958), pg 1113. he was the tenth child of eleven.
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Some claim that the FVdG influenced strikes in the arms industry as early as February or March 1918,Bock 1969, p. 85. but the organization was not re-established on a national level until December 1918. On December 14, Fritz Kater started publishing Der Syndikalist (The Syndicalist) in Berlin as a replacement for Die Einigkeit. On December 26 and 27, a conference organized by Kater and attended by 33 delegates from 43 local unions took place in Berlin.
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In 1908, she was sentenced to prison for publishing an article endorsing regicide in Rompete le file. In 1909, she began to support anarchism in Italy. She became active in contributing to La Demolizione of the syndicalist Ottavio Dinale from 1907 to 1911. She was sentenced to prison again in 1912 for writing an article in defense of an anarchist soldier, Auguste Masetti, who had shot an officer during the Italian invasion of Libya in 1911.
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At home, it helped to form the Industrial Common Ownership Movement (ICOM) and co-campaigned for small parties to be allowed to make party political broadcasts. Through the latter campaign it developed close links with Plaid Cymru (sharing a syndicalist tradition) and the Scottish National Party. The high point of active collaboration was the joint publication in 1956 of Our Three Nations. This advocated very great devolution in the United Kingdom: a 'confraternity' of self-governing states.
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Nelles, 2 Palmer called for every state to enact its own version of the Sedition Act. Six states had laws of this sort before 1919 usually aimed at sabotage, but another 20 added them in 1919 and 1920. Usually called "anti- syndicalist laws," they varied in their language, but generally made it a crime to "destroy organized government" by one method or another, including "by the general cessation of industry," that is, through a general strike.
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Just as in France, the spread of Esperanto and anationalism had importance just as naturism and free love currents. Later, Armand and Ryner themselves started writing in the Spanish individualist press. Armand's concept of amorous camaraderie had an important role in motivating polyamory as realization of the individual. Catalan historian Xavier Diez reports that the Spanish individualist anarchist press was widely read by members of anarcho-communist groups and by members of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT.
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Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1895. A modern review of the strike and its aftermath is Susan Eleanor Hirsch, After the Strike: A Century of Labor Struggle at Pullman. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2003. The syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World was subject to particularly intense legal pressure, framed at times as "free speech" actions, and in other situations less ambiguously as legal actions against union organizers and activists for their economic activities.
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After the war, the federation was reluctant to follow the more radical line of the Italian Socialist Party, and this led Rigola to resign in 1918. He was replaced by fellow reformist Ludovico D'Aragona. The unions undertook a major campaign for a maximum eight- hour working day, but this was soon overtaken by the rise of fascism. The CGdL formed an Alliance of Labour with the syndicalist USI and UIL, which called a general strike in 1922, but achieved little.
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Anarchismus und libertäre Presse in Ost- und Westdeutschland, doctoral thesis, Verlag Klemm & Oelschläger, Ulm 1998, p. 165 ff. FAU The Free Workers' Union (German: Freie Arbeiterinnen- und Arbeiter-UnionArbeiterinnen is the female version of the male Arbeiter, both mean workers in English or Freie ArbeiterInnen-Union; abbreviated FAU) is a small anarcho-syndicalist union in Germany. It is the German section of the International Workers Association (IWA), to which the larger and better known Confederación Nacional del Trabajo in Spain also belongs.
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The third anarcho-syndicalist column organized in Barcelona left for Aragon on July 25, with 2,000 militiamen. Somewhat better armed than the previous two, it had 4 or 6 machine guns and 3 or 4 armored trucks (Tiznaos) transformed by a Gavà metalworker. The Ascaso column included the Italian internationalist groups "Justice and Freedom" and the "Battalion of Death" ( Centuria Malatesta). It was based in the province of Huesca, and was run by Cristóbal Alvaldetrecu, Gregorio Jover and Domingo Ascaso.
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Benjamin Rubio was born in Bustarga, in Ancares (Leon) on October 12, 1925. During the Spanish Civil War he saw the repression of the Nationalists and it scarred his life forever. At the age of 16 he began working in the mining industry, with an anarcho- syndicalist influence, and served as liaison between the army of the "Maquis" and the Léon-Galicia Guerrilla Group, led by César Ríos, between 1942 and 1949. During these years, he suffered persecution and finally was imprisoned.
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Born in a working-class and peasant family, Georges Valois went to Singapore at the age of 17, returning to Paris in 1898.Biographical notice on the Sciences-Po website (Centre d'histoire de Sciences Po - Georges Valois (Alfred-Georges Gressent) In his early years, he was an anarcho- syndicalist. He found work as a secretary at L'Humanité Nouvelle where he met Georges Sorel. Later, after a stay in Imperial Russia (1903), Gressent worked as a secretary at Armand Colin publishing house.
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Anarchists during the Spanish Revolution of 1936 The most extensive application of anarcho-communist ideas (i.e. established around the ideas as they exist today and achieving worldwide attention and knowledge in the historical canon) happened in the anarchist territories during the Spanish Revolution. anarcho-syndicalist CNT–FAI confederation of labour unions during the Spanish Civil War representing the anarchist faction of the conflict. Today, the flag is commonly used by anarcho-communists, anarcho-syndicalists libertarian socialists and more generally social anarchists alike.
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The essay proposed that the community itself should administer wealth, and that Spain should be part of a United States of Europe. Galán was assigned to Jaca in June 1930, an isolated posting where the authorities hoped he would not cause problems. He still wanted to link a military uprising with the political movements opposed to the dictatorship. He established contacts with the CNT in Zaragoza and Huesca, and started a close friendship with the syndicalist leader Ramón Acín of Huesca.
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The economics of the Zapatista occupied Chiapas is based on collectivism using the cooperative model with syndicalist aspects. The means of production are cooperatively owned by the public and there are no supervisors or owners of the property. All economic activity is local and self-sufficient, but products may be sold to the international market for fundraising purposes. The most famous examples of this model are the Zapatista coffee cooperatives that bring in the most income for the Zapatista movement.
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A strike committee – chaired by syndicalist Tom Mann – was formed to represent all the workers in dispute. Many meetings were held on St. George's Plateau, next to St. George's Hall on Lime Street, including the rally on 13 August where police baton charged a crowd of 85,000 people, who had gathered to hear Tom Mann speak. This became known as "Bloody Sunday". In the police charges and subsequent unrest that carried on through the following night, over 350 people were injured.
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Isaac Puente, Spanish anarcho-naturist and anarcho- communist Isaac Puente, an influential Spanish anarchist during the 1920s and 1930s and an important propagandist of anarcho-naturism,Isaac Puente. El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas. was a militant of both the CNT anarcho-syndicalist trade union and Iberian Anarchist Federation. He published the book El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas (en:Libertarian Communism and other insurrectionary and naturist proclaims) in 1933, which sold around 100,000 copies,Isaac Puente.
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By 1899, he had become a political writer, creating articles for Pro Coatti, the union magazine L'Edilizia, and the anti-militarist La Pace. After emigrating to Argentina in 1905, Meschi mixed with anarcho-syndicalist militants and became involved in union organizing and writing. He returned to Italy in 1909 after being expelled from Argentina. He took up similar activities in Italy, writing for the anarchist newspaper Il Libertario and being heavily involved in the Camera del Lavoro from 1919 to 1922.
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Her husband Charlie worked as well in the textile industry. She was left a widow at the age of 40, after many years of living with her husband and their three children, the youngest of whom was crippled by polio. Though being a classic representative of the working class, Walsh didn't manage to connect herself with the syndicalist movevement of that time, which were very active especially near Lancashire textile areas. In 1953 her autobiography, Not Like This, was published.
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Hugo Kalmar is drunk and passed out for most of the play; when he is conscious, he pesters the other patrons to buy him a drink. Chuck Morello says that he will marry Cora tomorrow. Larry Slade is a former syndicalist-anarchist who looks pityingly on the rest. Don Parritt is a former anarchist who shows up later in the play to talk about his mother (Larry's ex- girlfriend) to Larry; specifically her arrest due to her involvement in the anarchist movement.
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This development was influenced by the competition with the NVV and by Christiaan Cornelissen. Cornelissen, who was influenced by the French syndicalism of the CGT developed a syndicalist theory adapted to the local orientation of the NAS. Nevertheless, the chaotic internal organization of the NAS weakened it until Harm Kolthek took over as national secretary in 1907. Under his leadership, the NAS was able to broaden its base by emphasizing its political and religious neutrality and its membership doubled to 7,200 by 1913.
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General Obregón. Once again, Obregón was able to recruit loyal troops by promising them land in return for military service. In this case, in February 1915, the Constitutionalist Army signed an agreement with the Casa del Obrero Mundial ("House of the World Worker"), the labor union with anarcho- syndicalist connections which had been established during Francisco I. Madero's presidency. As a result of this agreement, six "Red Battalions" of workers were formed to fight alongside the Constitutionalists against the Conventionists Villa and Zapata.
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The radicalism of the regime naturally drew opposition. Emídio Santana, founder of the Sindicato Nacional dos Metalúrgicos ("Metallurgists National Union") and an anarcho-syndicalist who was involved in clandestine activities against the dictatorship, attempted to assassinate Salazar on 4 July 1937. Salazar was on his way to Mass at a private chapel in a friend's house on Barbosa du Bocage Avenue in Lisbon. As he stepped out of his Buick limousine, a bomb hidden in an iron case exploded only away.
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In contrast to the Bolsheviks, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries abided by their own official ideology of Radical Populism, and the Anarchists, from the Federation of Anarchist Groups, had Anarcho-Syndicalist views. The Left Socialist- Revolutionaries broke off from the more moderate Socialist-Revolutionary Party in the fall of 1917 and allied with the Bolsheviks. They were considered to be the party of the peasantry and their main agenda was the redistribution of property from the landlords and their estates.Utechin, p.
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The Ukrainian anarcho-syndicalist Stepan Petrichenko was taken into the Russian navy in 1913 and assigned to the battleship Petropavlovsk. During the February Revolution the ship was based on Naissaar, which had been emptied of its inhabitants in 1914. The Russians built a new fort on the island during the First World War, stationing 80-90 sailors there. Estonia acquired some autonomy in April 1917 by a decree of the Russian provisional government, though Estonia remained under the suzerainty of the Russian Empire.
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Focused on social values, it was initially formatted as an offer to the Falangist syndicalist core, but later started to assume an increasingly Marxist tone. The Hugocarlistas were identified as subversive revolutionaries by the old-time requeté leader José Luis Zamanillo, and Sentís was caught in crossfire. Initially he seemed to side with the old guard; in 1962 he joined their new ex-combatant organisation, Hermandad de Antiguos Combatientes de Tercios de Requetés,ABC 06.05.62, available here and entered its Junta Nacional.
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After a hunger strike, on December 1921 he managed to attract the attention of workers visiting the Red Trade Union Congress. As a result of pressure from the international community, he and 10 other anarchists were released from prison and expelled from the country. As a refugee in Berlin, he founded the headquarters of the Anarcho-Syndicalist Confederation abroad, helping anarchists imprisoned in Russia. But he was expelled from Germany on 5 February 1922, for publishing a newspaper named Rabochi Put.
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It would later clash acrimoniously with Holland. The Marxian Association itself would fall prey to internal division in 1921. That year, a number of members who supported the Russian Revolution departed to form the Communist Party of New Zealand (CPNZ). They were joined by two other revolutionary strands within the New Zealand Socialist Party: the De Lonites who espoused revolutionary politics and industrial unionism; and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW)-syndicalist tradition who advocated direct action and spurned political activity.
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Subsequent to Salazar's retirement, the party faced formal competition in the 1969 legislative election. However, the conduct of this election was little different from past contests, with the ANP winning all constituencies in a landslide. The party had no real philosophy apart from support for the regime. The National Syndicalist leader, Francisco Rolão Preto criticized the National Union in 1945 as a “grouping of moderates of all parties, bourgeois without soul or faith in the national and revolutionary imperatives of our time”.
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Fidel Andrés Surco Cañasaca (born November 25, 1975) is a Bolivian politician from the Movement for Socialism – Political Instrument for the Sovereignty of the Peoples (MAS-IPSP) political party. Surco began his career as a union leader from Alto Beni, La Paz, and rose to leadership in the Federation of Colonizers of La Paz () and later the Syndicalist Confederation of Intercultural Communities of Bolivia. He also served as President of the National Coordination for Change from 2008 to 2010. He served .
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88 presents a slightly different view claiming that Bilbao was satisfied with the government changes, as they loosened the Falangist grip on power though the standoff eventually led to sidetracking of Serrano and de- emphasizing of Falangism.Preston 2011, pp. 469 and onwards The last major confrontation between syndicalist hardliners and monarchists took place in late 1956; Bilbao compared Arrese's draft of Leyes Fundamentales to "Soviet totalitarianism" and led the coalition of monarchists, Catholic hierarchy and the military against the project;Preston 2011, p.
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Some of the most prominent Chilean anarchists were: the poet Carlos Pezoa Véliz, the professor Dr Juan Gandulfo, the syndicalist workers Luis Olea, Magno Espinoza, Alejandro Escobar y Carballo, Ángela Muñoz Arancibia, Juan Chamorro, Armando Triviño and Ernesto Miranda, the teacher Flora Sanhueza, and the writers José Domingo Gómez Rojas, Fernando Santiván, José Santos González Vera and Manuel Rojas. At the moment, anarchist groups are experiencing a comeback in Chile through various student collectives, affinity groups, community and cultural centres, and squatting.
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Anthony James Gregor, Mussolini's Intellectuals, 2004, p. 58 Orano supported the First World War, ostensibly because he hoped that it would strengthen both the bourgeoisie and proletariat and thus hasten the process of class conflict and revolution. However his views caused considerable controversy within the syndicalist movement and helped to bring about its fragmentation as many of those associated with the movement, in particular Leone, were anti-war.Michael Miller Topp, Those Without a Country: The Political Culture of Italian American Syndicalists, 2001, p.
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In the twentieth century the TLC faced rivals on the left in the form of syndicalist or socialist movements such as the Industrial Workers of the World and the One Big Union. In failing to respond to the demands of the mostly western workers who wanted more radical actions in the years following World War I, the TLC lost their confidence. They broke away from their AFL/TLC unions and formed the One Big Union following the Winnipeg General Strike in 1919.
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Leaflet for a speech by Weisbord given in connection with the 10th Anniversary of the Russian Revolution. Weisbord was initially a member of the syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), but he soon moved to the ranks of the Socialist Party of America (SPA), an organization which believed in the efficacy of electoral politics to implement change.Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Volume 10: The TUEL, 1925-1929. New York: International Publishers, 1994; pg. 147.
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In 1931, Ledesma Ramos began publishing the periodical La Conquista del Estado, named in tribute to Curzio Malaparte's Italian Fascist magazine La Conquista dello Stato—one of the first publications of the Spanish National- Syndicalism. It attempted to bridge the gap between nationalism and the anarcho-syndicalist of the dominant trade union, the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), by revising Syndicalism altogether. His admiration for National Socialism brought him to imitate Adolf Hitler's hairstyle.Hugh Thomas (1976); Historia de la Guerra Civil Española.
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In 1913, he was a delegate at the First International Syndicalist Congress at Holborn Town Hall, London. Fritz Kater was instrumental in sustaining the FVdG's structures during World War I and was one of the founders of the Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD) after the war. He worked for the FAUD as a speaker and author, representing the trade union at various congresses of the International Workers Association. In 1930, he resigned as chairman of the FAUD because of his age.
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In 1880, Allemane became a typesetter at the radical newspaper L'Intransigeant, founded by the republican Henri Rochefort. That year, he became a founding member of the French Workers' Party (POF), founded by Jules Guesde and Paul Lafargue. Guesde and Lafargue were by then Marxists (and Lafargue was Marx' son-in-law), but the POF was not yet a homogeneous Marxist party, and Allemane sympathised with syndicalist and Proudhonist tendencies. In 1882, he supported the 'Possibilist' Paul Brousse in his conflict with Guesde.
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Jean Adelin De Boë ( March 20, 1889, in Anderlecht (Brussels) - January 2, 1974, in Watermael-Boitsfort (Brussels)) was a typographer, militant anarchist, and anarcho-syndicalist. He was founder of the "Syndicat unifié du livre et du papier de Bruxelles" and president of the Centrale nationale de l’industrie du livre (1945-1954) and secretary of the International Graphic Federation. He held many pseudonymes: Quercus, Georges démos et G-Dém1.Dictionnaire biographique du mouvement ouvrier français, « Le Maitron » : DE BOË Jean, Adelin.
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L'informatore di parte. 4. Murray Bookchin wrote that the Spanish libertarian movement of the mid-1930s was unique because its workers' control and collectives—which came out of a three-generation "massive libertarian movement"—divided the republican camp and challenged the Marxists. "Urban anarchists" created libertarian communist forms of organization which evolved into the CNT, a syndicalist union providing the infrastructure for a libertarian society. Also formed were local bodies to administer social and economic life on a decentralized libertarian basis.
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In 1919, a conflict between a BTLP subsidiary, Riegos y fuerzas del Ebro, and eight office workers escalated into a 44-days general strike called by the Anarcho-Syndicalist National Confederation of Labour halting Barcelona and 70% of the Catalan industry. A labour success, the strike ended with a law establishing an 8-hours workday for all Spain, the liberation of imprisoned workers without a pending process, wage rises for La Canadiense workers and half wage for the month spent striking.
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Sligo was a busy port at this time and the dockworkers and sailors were organised into the National Union of Sailors and Fireman and the ITGWU. The ITGWU was stronger in Sligo than anywhere else along the western seaboard. The ITGWU was a radical syndicalist inspired union influenced by the international revolutionary union movement such as the IWW. It aimed to bring about a socialist organisation of society and industry through the unionisation of labour and using the weapon of the general strike.
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Knowing the CGT as a whole would not change its position, the two attempted to draw the bourses du travail, the regional organizations of the CGT, to participate. Cornelissen, himself active in the French syndicalist movement, explicitly adopted this approach: "Is the French movement organized on the basis of the autonomy of local and regional unions or is it not?", he asked. These approaches were, however, largely unsuccessful, as the CGT leaders, even at a local level, were not impressed.
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In August, the debate with the CGT flared up again. Writing in La Bataille Syndicaliste, Léon Jouhaux declared the CGT militants' solidarity with the syndicalist congress, yet made it very clear that his organization would not participate. Cornilessen used these remarks to point out to local leaders that it was up to them whether they came to London or not. De Ambris's response was more aggressive; he accused the CGT of desertion and reiterated his rejection of international secretariats, particularly of ISNTUC.
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Its role would be to facilitate the exchange of information between the national groups, to cultivate syndicalist solidarity, and to organize future congresses. It would publish the Bulletin international du mouvement syndicaliste, thus far edited by Cornelissen, and draw its revenue from the subscriptions to this periodical. These decisions, except for the seat of the bureau, were made unanimously. Kater officially closed the congress calling for the remaining issues to be discussed at the next meeting to be held in Amsterdam.
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Monmousseau was secretary-general of the Association of Trade Unions of the Paris district from 1921 to 1922. In January 1922 he replaced Pierre Monatte in running La Vie Ouvrière. He would be director of this journal until 1960. As a member of the anarcho-syndicalist minority of the CGT, Gaston Monmousseau became General Secretary of the United General Confederation of Labor (CGTU: Confédération générale du travail unitaire) after the split between CGT reformists and revolutionaries, a position he held until 1933.
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Despite these challenges, the First International Syndicalist Congress took place at Holborn Town Hall in London from September 27 to October 2. British, Swedish, Danish, Dutch, Belgian, French, Spanish, Italian, Cuban, Brazilian, and Argentine organizations—both labor unions and political groups — had delegates in London in addition to the FVdG, which was represented by Karl Roche, Carl Windhoff, and Fritz Kater. There were also links with Norwegian, Polish, and American groups. Kater was elected co- president of the congress alongside Jack Wills.
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Without the left communists to oppose its adoption, Rocker's thoroughly anarchist "Prinzipienerklärung des Syndikalismus" ("Declaration of Syndicalist Principles"), which the Business Commission had charged him with drafting, became the FAUD's platform without much controversy. The FAUD also rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat and other Marxist terms and ideas. According to the Business Commission, the congress was attended by 109 delegates representing 111,675 workers, twice as many as were claimed just four and a half months earlier.Bock 1969, p. 105–107.
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284 The Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle (June 1919) of the PFR presented the politico-philosophic tenets of Fascism. The manifesto was authored by national syndicalist Alceste De Ambris and Futurist movement leader Filippo Tommaso Marinetti. The manifesto was divided into four sections, describing the movement's objectives in political, social, military and financial fields. Mussolini and the Fascist paramilitary Blackshirts' March on Rome in October 1922 By the early 1920s, popular support for the Fascist movement's fight against Bolshevism numbered some 250,000 people.
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Subsequently, Franco united all fighting groups into the Traditionalist Spanish Falange and the National Syndicalist Offensive Juntas (, FET y de las JONS). The 1930s also saw Spain become a focus for pacifist organisations, including the Fellowship of Reconciliation, the War Resisters League, and the War Resisters' International. Many people including, as they are now called, the insumisos ("defiant ones", conscientious objectors) argued and worked for non-violent strategies. Prominent Spanish pacifists, such as Amparo Poch y Gascón and José Brocca, supported the Republicans.
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The group combined with Black Flag, which itself consisted of members of the Anarcho-Syndicalist Committee active in the 1950s and 60s. The Anarchist Black Cross is associated with publications including Black Flag (which has been produced since around 1970), Bulletin of the Anarchist Black Cross, Mutual Aid, and Taking Liberties. Black Flag, in particular, is known for its advocacy for "class war anarchism". In conjunction, the Anarchist Black Cross considers itself less attached to liberalism than groups like the Freedom Press.
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The Awareness League (AL) was a Nigerian anarchist organisation active since 1991 to 1999. The Awareness League has gone through several periods of repression, making its own organizational efforts and continuity sporadic, as well as communications with the rest of the anarchist movement. AL was known to be anarcho-syndicalist in orientation, having joined the IWA-AIT at its Madrid congress in December, 1996. The membership of the AL was primarily students, professors, university teachers, journalists, and other activists on the Nigerian left.
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He joined the Confédération générale du travail unitaire (CGTU, United General Confederation of Labor) at the age of 16, then joined the Jeunesses communistes (Young Communists), where he was made responsible for young apprentices. Raymond Guyot invited Tollet to represent the Communist Youth in 1936 at the Red Syndicalist International in Moscow. After his return to Paris he participated in the May–June 1936 strikes. He became a full-time union worker in 1936, and was secretary of the Departmental Union of Parisian workers' unions.
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A founding convention was planned to be held in Moscow in July 1921 and an American delegation was gathered, including members of the American Communist Parties and the Industrial Workers of the World. Earl Browder was named to this delegation, ostensibly representing Kansas miners, with the non-party man Foster attending as a journalist representing the Federated Press.Theodore Draper, The Roots of American Communism, pg. 316 This trip to Soviet Russia incidentally proved decisive in bringing the syndicalist Foster over to the Communist movement.
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Leftist economic beliefs range from Keynesian economics and the welfare state through industrial democracy and the social market to the nationalization of the economy and central planning,Andrew Glyn, Social Democracy in Neoliberal Times: The Left and Economic Policy since 1980, Oxford University Press, 2001, . to the anarcho-syndicalist advocacy of a council- and assembly-based self- managed anarchist communism. During the Industrial Revolution, leftists supported trade unions. At the beginning of the 20th century, many leftists advocated strong government intervention in the economy.
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In 1932, they established the Syndicalist Party which participated in the 1936 Spanish general election and proceeded to be a part of the leftist coalition of parties known as the Popular Front, obtaining two congressmen (Pestaña and Benito Pabon). In 1938, Horacio Prieto, general secretary of the CNT, proposed that the Iberian Anarchist Federation transform itself into a libertarian socialist party and that it participate in national elections.Israël Renof, Possibilisme libertaire, Noir et Rouge, n°41, mai 1968, pp. 16–23, lire en ligne .
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National syndicalism in the Iberian Peninsula is a political theory very different from the fascist idea of corporatism, inspired by Integralism and the Action Française (for a French parallel, see Cercle Proudhon). It was formulated in Spain by Ramiro Ledesma Ramos in a manifesto published in his periodical La Conquista del Estado on 14 March 1931. National syndicalism was intended to win over the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) to a corporatist nationalism. Ledesma's manifesto was discussed in the CNT congress of 1931.
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The Paraguayan Regional Workers' Federation (, FORP) was the first union federation in Paraguay, founded in 1906. Though originally pluralist, from its first years it saw a strong anarcho-syndicalist presence. FORP was a sister organization of the Argentine Regional Workers' Federation (, FORA); in fact, its preamble is similar to that of the FORA's 4th Congress. The FORP supported most of the union and strike actions that took place in Asunción and in the interior of the country, until it was finally dissolved in 1915.
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He joined the Union of Resistance of Painting Workers. He managed to buy a small piece of land on the outskirts of the capital, where he grew vegetables, which he sold in the Asunción market. He was sent several times to Gran Chaco due to his active anarcho-syndicalist militancy, however, he always managed to return to the cities, to continue with his activities as a worker and militant. He was highly respected, as he gave good speeches, both in Guaraní, and in Spanish.
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Bluestein and Cohen, a visual artist, were anarchist activists and together traveled to Spain during its Civil War to support the antifascist Republicans in 1937. Based in Barcelona and Catalonia, Bluestein reported for the Canadian Broadcasting Company and served as an information officer for the Republican-aligned, anarcho-syndicalist labor union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo. While in Spain, he met the anarchists Emma Goldman and Augustin Souchy. After the war, Bluestein and Cohen settled in Croton-on-Hudson, New York, where they raised four children.
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Utopia sexual a la prensa anarquista de Catalunya. La revista Ética-Iniciales (1927–1937) deals with free love thought in Iniciales. Diez reports that the Spanish individualist anarchist press was widely read by members of anarcho-communist groups and by members of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT. There were also the cases of prominent individualist anarchists such as Federico Urales and Miguel Gimenez Igualada who were members of the CNT and J. Elizalde who was a founding member and first secretary of the Iberian Anarchist Federation.
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Finally in 1832 the Biel Amtsbezirk was created and Biel became the district capital. The democratic reforms of the Regeneration era helped the citizens of Biel to identify with and feel a part of the Canton of Bern. town map from 1906 By the beginning of the 20th century anarcho-syndicalist groups, which saw strikes and sabotage as legitimate means to bring about reform, began to influence the labor movement in Biel/Bienne. The first large scale strike was the construction workers strike of 1902.
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Heron, 2012, p. 104 In 1971, the three leading Quebec unions, the CSN, the CEQ teacher's union, and the Québec Federation of Labour (FTQ) voted to form the Common Front, a syndicalist organization demanding a unified minimum wage for their 250,000 members. When negotiations failed between the Common Front and the Liberal government, the unions launched the largest general strike in Canadian history. When the strike's leaders were jailed for defying orders to return to work, the strike lost momentum and the Common Front broke apart.
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Fascists used militia squads, the Squadrismo, also known as the "Blackshirts" due to their uniform. In August 1920, the militia was used to break the general strike which had started at the Alfa Romeo factory in Milan. In November 1920, after the assassination of Giulio Giordani (a right-wing municipal councillor in Bologna), the Blackshirts were active in violent suppression of the socialist movement (which included a strong anarcho-syndicalist component), especially in the Po Valley. Trade unions were dissolved while left-wing mayors resigned.
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Those who worked on the docks were sympathetic to the cause as they approved of the militant organizing in PLM, and have consistently fought for control of the docks. According to John H. M. Laslett, they were "linked by a common interest in anarcho-syndicalist doctrine, grassroots militancy, and working-class internationalism." The IWW, as well as the Socialist Party, helped start the revolution by funding the PLM. California operated under the open shop policy, much to the dismay of workers and union groups.
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219 Together with many Catalan industry tycoons taking refuge in the Gipuzkoan capital, Bau engaged in plans to re-create regional economic institutions once Catalonia would be retaken by the Nationalist troops. He was offered presidency of l'Institut Catala de Sant Isidre, the regional agricultural organization, but declined quoting his hostile relations with Serrano.Vallverdú 2014, p. 68 Indeed, the internal Falangist document denounced him as one of the leaders of local "plutocratas y alta burguesia" who conspired against the national- syndicalist state.Vallverdu 2014, p.
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Bottai serving in the French Foreign Legion After 1921 election, Bottai was elected in the Chamber of Deputies for the National Blocs but was removed for his young age. He returned to the Chamber in 1924 and syayed until 1943. In 1923, he became leader of the intransigent national- syndicalist and revolutionary faction of fascism. To support his ideas, Bottai founded Critica fascista ("Fascist Critic"), a cultural periodical, co- operating with other left-leaning fascists like Filippo De Pisis, Renato Guttuso and Mario Mafai.
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In 1920, the FAUD hosted an international syndicalist conference, which ultimately led to the founding of the International Workers Association (IWA) in December 1922. Augustin Souchy, Alexander Schapiro, and Rocker became the organization's secretaries and Rocker wrote its platform. In 1921, he wrote the pamphlet Der Bankrott des russischen Staatskommunismus (The Bankruptcy of Russian State Communism) attacking the Soviet Union. He denounced what he considered a massive oppression of individual freedoms and the suppression of anarchists starting with the purge on April 12, 1918.
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The ZACF is the most recent in a rather short line of South African anarchist organisations stretching back to the early 1990s, from which it has inherited some members. Following the merger of the International Socialist League (ISL) and Industrial Socialist League into the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) in 1921, and the destruction of the semi-syndicalist Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union of Africa (ICU) in the 1930s,Giliomee, H. and Mbenga, B. (2007). New History of South Africa. Cape Town: Tafelberg. pp. 248–250.
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In 1931, Lucía Sánchez Saornil, who had been working as a telephone operator since 1916, participated in a strike by the anarcho-syndicalist labor union, Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), against Telefónica. The event was a turning point in her life, serving as an entry into political activism. From this point forward, Lucía dedicated herself to the struggle for anarchist social revolution. In 1933, Lucía was appointed Writing Secretary for the CNT of Madrid, producing their journal in the run up to the Spanish Civil War.
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In France, Proudhon's influence on French socialism, including the Paris Commune, was surpassed by Marxist socialism only at the beginning of the XX century. Proudhonists made up an important French faction in the First International and Proudhon's thought strongly influenced debate in French and Belgian socialist circles long before the Cercle Proudhon. George Woodcock stated that "Sorel, whose ideas were most fully developed in his Reflections on Violence, had no direct connection with the syndicalist movement, and he was repudiated."Woodcock, George (2004) [1962].
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In 1913, Fritz Kater, Karl Roche, and he were the FVdG's delegates at the First International Syndicalist Congress in London. After World War I, he was one of the leaders of the FVdG in the Ruhr region and helped re-build the organization. He became the head of the agitation committee of the Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD), the follow-up organization of the FVdG, in 1922. After the Nazi Machtergreifung in 1933, he was arrested in 1937 and convicted to three years in prison.
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Esperanza López Mateos (January 8, 1907 – September 19, 1951) was a Mexican translator, political activist, syndicalist, and mountaineer. She translated several of B. Traven's novels and was his literary agent in Latin America from 1941 to 1951. She was the sister of politician Adolfo López Mateos and sister- in-law of cinematographer Gabriel Figueroa. She participated in the strike by the miners of Nueva Rosita (1950–1951) and worked with Vicente Lombardo Toledano; together they supported many Jewish exiles fleeing European wars and seeking refuge in Mexico.
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1910 was the hundredth anniversary of the May Revolution of 1810, which led to Argentinian independence. Anarchist agitation was on the rise, a new anarchist daily newspaper, La Batalla, was founded in March,Colombo 1971, pg. 219. and the FORA planned protests against the Residence Law, but was somewhat hesitant as it scented a lack of militancy among workers. The moderate syndicalist Argentine Regional Workers' Confederation (CORA), the successor of the General Workers' Union, however, pushed for confrontation and the anarchists were forced to follow suit.
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After obtaining a degree in law Forges Davanzati, a member of the Italian Socialist Party, became a journalist with the party papers Avanti! and Avanguardia Socialista.Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, 1990, p. 131 Associated with the syndicalist tendency of the party his interest in nationalism grew and in 1906 he left the PSI to take up a position at the paper Pagine Libre, which had been founded by Angelo Oliviero Olivetti and which soon became associated with national syndicalism.
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Nonetheless, individualist anarchism did influence the bigger currentsCatalan historian Xavier Diez reports that the Spanish individualist anarchist press was widely read by members of anarcho- communist groups and by members of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT. There were also the cases of prominent individualist anarchists such as Federico Urales and Miguel Gimenez Igualada who were members of the CNT and J. Elizalde who was a founding member and first secretary of the Iberian Anarchist Federation. Xavier Diez. El anarquismo individualista en España: 1923–1938.
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Ferrer was released from prison in June 1907, backed by an international coalition of anarchist and rationalist organizations who presented Ferrer's case as another iniquitous Spanish inquisition. The next month, Ferrer toured the European capitals as an advocate of the Spanish revolutionary cause. When he returned to Barcelona in September, though Ferrer was prohibited from reopening his school, he reopened his press, where he published new textbooks and translations. He additionally helped the creation of the syndicalist labor federation Solidaridad Obrera and its journal.
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Kanson Arahata in 1954 a.k.a. was a 20th-century Japanese labor leader, politician and writer, participating in many of the left-wing movements of the era. He started as a socialist, then became an anarcho-syndicalist, and then a communist, eventually serving in the Diet as a representative of the postwar Japan Socialist Party. Born in Yokohama, he joined the socialist association Heiminsha (平民社) in 1904 and was among those arrested during the Red Flag Incident (赤旗事件 Akahata Jiken) of 1908.
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Alongside the savings banks, in 1890 and following German ideas to promote agriculture, co-operative banks ("caja rurales") emerged in rural areas. Most of these banks were established in the countryside under the auspices of the syndicalist, co-operativist movements and the Catholic church. However, these intermediaries grew in size until after 1920. Their impact, number, and asset size were always dwarfed when compared with the achievements of the savings banks and as a result, the cajas rurales were eventually absorbed by the savings banks.
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François Le Levé (1882-1945), was born in Locmiquélic, Morbihan. Militant anarcho-syndicalist. Le Levé was one of fifteen anarchists who signed The Manifesto of the Sixteen, along with Peter Kropotkin, Jean Grave and others, favoring the Allies during World War I. (Overwhelmingly, anarchists refused to take sides, opposing the killing in favor of class war; see, for example, Errico Malatesta.) A member of the French Resistance during World War II, Le Leve was captured and interned. He died while traveling home after being liberated.
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Kenji Miyamoto, held the party's leadership position from 1958 to 1982 The Japanese Communist Party was founded in Tokyo on 15 July 1922. Its early leadership was drawn from the anarcho-syndicalist and Christian socialist movements that developed around the turn of the century. From the former came Yamakawa Hitoshi, Sakai Toshihiko, and Arahata Kanson, who had all been supporters of Kōtoku Shūsui, an anarchist executed in 1911. Katayama Sen, another early leader, had been a Christian socialist for much of his political life.
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Between 1918 and 1921 he was imprisoned at least six times by the Bolsheviks. In 1919, he voluntarily enlisted in the Red Army to combat the counter-revolutionary white army, but he was imprisoned in Kharkiv for refusing to disarm workers and suppress protest. On 8 March 1921, during the Kronstadt uprising, he was arrested in Moscow by the Cheka, along with other members of the Nabat confederation. Maximoff was locked in Taganka prison, where he was sentenced to death for spreading anarcho- syndicalist propaganda.
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In April 1929, Tie Vapauteen was transferred to a third publishing entity, the Workers' Socialist Publishing Company (WSPC) of Duluth, Minnesota. This radical Finnish publishing group had emerged from the syndicalist left wing of the old Finnish Socialist Federation and had for more than a decade published the pro-IWW newspaper Industrialisti (The Industrialist). The WSPC also was closely connected with Work People's College, located in the Smithville suburb of Duluth. Tie Vapauteen was rebranded as an "industrialist scientific-literary monthly" under the WSPC's supervision.
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The Workers' Party (, PT) was a French socialist party. It was formed by the Trotskyist Internationalist Communist Party (PCI), led by Pierre Boussel, better known under his pseudonym Pierre Lambert, together with a number of other socialists with whom they worked in the Force Ouvrière union confederation. Within the PT the former PCI was known as the Internationalist Communist Organisation. In reality, despite including communist, socialist and anarcho-syndicalist tendencies the PT was generally regarded as little more than a front for the Trotskyist PCI.
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Falangism in Latin America has been a feature of political life since the 1930s as movements looked to the national syndicalist clerical fascism of the Spanish state and sought to apply it to other Spanish-speaking countries. From the mid 1930s, the Falange Exterior, effectively an overseas version of the Spanish Falange, was active throughout Latin America in order to drum up support among Hispanic communities.Stein Ugelvik Larsen, Fascism Outside Europe, Columbia University Press, 2001, p. 806 However, the ideas would soon permeate into indigenous political groups.
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The police squads formed by trade unions or political parties were replaced by full-time security forces that the communists dominated. Melchor transferred from the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (Partido Socialista Obrero Español, PSOE) to the PCE in November 1936. The PCE opposed socialization of industry, which the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) supported. If the workers assumed control of the factories, that would run against communist policy of state ownership and would also weaken middle class support for Soviet foreign policy.
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Harm Kolthek Jr. was a Dutch printer, journalist, trade unionist and libertarian socialist politician. Kolthek led the syndicalist federation of trade unions, the National Labor Secretariat (NAS), from 1907 to 1913. He later founded and led the Socialist Party, sometimes called the "Kolthek party" after its founder, and served in the Netherlands House of Representatives for this party from 1918 to 1922. Kolthek was born in 1872 in the village of Westerbroek, the son of Harm Kolthek Sr., factory worker, and Talligje van Eerden.
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He envisions an anarcho-syndicalist future with direct worker control of the means of production and government by workers' councils, who would select representatives to meet together at general assemblies. The point of this self-governance is to make each citizen, in Thomas Jefferson's words, "a direct participator in the government of affairs." He believes that there will be no need for political parties. By controlling their productive life, he believes that individuals can gain job satisfaction and a sense of fulfillment and purpose.
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Kōtoku also came into contact with the Industrial Workers of the World, an anarcho-syndicalist union, and became aware of Emma Goldman's anarchist newspaper Mother Earth. Before he left California, Kōtoku founded a Social Revolutionary Party (Shakai Kakumei Tō) amongst Japanese-American immigrants. More than 50 people joined the party, including Iwasa Sakutarō. The party was inspired by the Russian Socialist Revolutionaries who often utilised violent tactics, and the Japanese party quickly radicalised towards the use of these tactics to bring about the anarchist revolution.
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Early on in its existence, it openly supported the cause of these unions alongside the syndicalist idea of class struggle, although pure anarchists such as Hatta Shūzō were also a part of the organisation from the very start. Kokuren quickly expanded and regional federations appeared across Japan, even extending to Japanese-occupied Korea and Taiwan. Its media organ was the newspaper Kokushoku Seinen ('Black Youth'), which was published from April 1926. Zenkoku Jiren was a federation of labour unions that was formed in May 1926.
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130-131 Their own organization, Comunión Tradicionalista, was declared amalgamated into FET together with Falange Española and all other individuals willing to join. Program of the new party was modeled after original national-syndicalist principles of Falange, with little if any attention paid to traditional Carlist outlook. original text of the Unification Decree in BOE 182/1937, available online here The 10-member FET executive, nominated by Franco, included 5 Falangists, 4 Carlists and 1 Alfonsist. Maximiliano García Venero, Historia de la Unificacion, Madrid 1970, p.
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Georges Louis François Yvetot (20 July 1868 – 11 May 1942) was a French typographer, anarcho-syndicalist and anti-militarist. He was secretary general of the Fédération des Bourses de travail (Federation of Workers' Councils) and deputy secretary general of the Confédération générale du travail (CGT – General Confederation of Labour) in the period leading up to World War I (1914–18). He kept a low profile during the war, and in 1918 was dismissed from the CGT leadership. After the war he contributed to many anarchist journals.
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At first, the couple welcomed the February and October Revolutions in Russia, but after the Bolshevik coup they started criticizing the statism and totalitarianism of what would become the Soviet Union. In November 1918, they moved to Berlin; Rocker had been invited by Free Association of German Trade Unions (FVdG) chairman Fritz Kater to join him in building up what would become the Free Workers' Union of Germany (FAUD), an anarcho-syndicalist trade union.Vallance 1973, pg. 77–78. Both Rocker and Witkop became members of the FAUD.
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A new international socialist conference at Kienthal was arranged by the Swiss for the end of April 1916. Merrheim, Bourderon and Marie Mayoux of the teacher's federation were expected to represent France, but they were refused the passports they needed to travel. Marie and François Mayoux were listed on carnet B as activists.. On 25 May 1917 they published a pacifist brochure Les instituteurs syndicalistes et la guerre (Syndicalist Teachers and the War). For this they were fined heavily and sentenced to two years in prison.
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Other chapters sprang up in Kansas City, Omaha, Minneapolis, St. Louis, Denver, Seattle, Tacoma, Vancouver, San Francisco, Los Angeles and several other cities in the West and Mid-West. While most of these chapters were composed of ex-Wobblies, the SLNA also included a group of ex-Anarchists who had previously been residents of a Utopian commune called Home in Washington state. This group would include Jay Fox, editor of the communes newspaper, The Agitator, which he moved to Chicago in October 1912 and renamed The Syndicalist.
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With too few resources to hold a national convention, the Chicago group, with the consent of the other locals, acted as a national body, and in September 1912Foner, Philip Sheldon History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Vol. 9 The T. U. E. L. to the death of Gompers New York, International Publishers Co, 1991 p. 78 announced the formation of the Syndicalist League of North America, wrote a constitution and statement of principles, and elected an executive board with Foster as National Secretary.
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Reflections on Violence (), published in 1908, is a book by the French revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel on class struggle and revolution. Sorel is known for his theory that political revolution depends on the proletariat organizing violent uprisings and strikes to institute syndicalism, an economic system in which ' (self-organizing groups of only proletarians) truly represent the needs of the working class. One of Sorel's most controversial claims was that violence could save the world from "barbarism". He equated violence with life, creativity, and virtue.
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The last deportees returned to the Peninsula in September. With this mass deportation, the confrontations between the CNT and the republican-socialist government became even more intense. The uprising was also a trigger for a further split within the CNT between the libertarian possibilist tendency and the anarchist, as the strategic differences of each sector began to clash. After publishing a manifesto, Ángel Pestaña and other possibilists were expelled from the CNT and formed the Syndicalist Party, with the intention of participating in state politics.
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With the fall of the dictatorship and the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic, the CNT experienced a great expansion. The anarcho- syndicalist organization was experiencing a bitter debate at that time between the Trentistas and Faístas. Ortiz was akin to the Faist tendency, of which Buenaventura Durruti and Juan García Oliver were notable representatives. He published some articles in the CNT's newspaper, Solidaridad Obrera, joined the Poblenou defense committee and accepted responsibilities in the Wood Union, of which he was appointed president in 1932.
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Mackie was born in 1914 in New Zealand as Maurice Patrick Murphy, son of Matthew and Ellen Murphy. The birth was registered in Ohakune.Registrar-General online historic birth records He gained criminal records in a number of countries under various aliases. The article "1964 Mount Isa Mines strike" says Mackie was New Zealand-born but a "Canadian-trained activist" and a member of the Industrial Workers of the World (the "Wobblies", who were syndicalist rather than Marxist), but gives no source for these allegations.
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History of the German Resistance, 1933–1945, Peter Hoffman, p. 38 The independence of the army was eroded in 1938, when both the War Minister, General Werner von Blomberg, and the Army Chief, General Werner von Fritsch, were removed from office, but an informal network of officers critical of the Nazi regime remained. In 1936, thanks to an informer, the Gestapo raids devastated Anarcho-syndicalist groups all over Germany, resulting in the arrest of 89 people. Most ended up either imprisoned or murdered by the regime.
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There was no international syndicalist organization prior to World War I. Syndicalists saw themselves as the heirs of the First International, the international socialist organization formed in 1864. The First International had two wings: one federalist and represented by the followers of Pierre- Joseph Proudhon and later by the anarchist Mikhail Bakunin and a centralist wing represented above all by Karl Marx. Syndicalists identified with the former. In 1889, the Second International was formed as an association of socialist parties and anarchists were expelled in 1893.
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They ended up being arrested but shortly put in practice a spectacular jailbreak. Di Giovanni started publishing a magazine called Culmine and anarchist propaganda, all of which was financed partly by robberies.Anarquismo en la Argentina Di Giovanni, el expropiador by Federico Millenaar The anarcho- syndicalist publication La Protesta started criticizing Di Giovanni and his group in strong terms, even going so far as accusing him of being a spy and a police agent. Rosigna continued the expropriations but with the purpose of aiding anarchist prisoners.
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In the development of the fascist model of government, D'Annunzio was a nationalist and not a fascist, whose legacy of political–praxis ("Politics as Theatre") was stylistic (ceremony, uniform, harangue and chanting) and not substantive, which Italian Fascism artfully developed as a government model.Roger Eatwell, Fascism: A History (1995)p. 49 At the same time, Mussolini and many of his revolutionary syndicalist adherents gravitated towards a form of revolutionary nationalism in an effort to "identify the 'communality' of man not with class, but with the nation".
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Abel Paz was born Diego Camacho Escámez on August 12, 1921, in Almería, southeastern Andalusia, Spain. When he was six years old, he moved in with his Barcelonan uncle, who was a member of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), a Spanish anarcho-syndicalist labor union. Before his teens, Paz had joined the libertarian Ferrerist school Escuela Natura in Barcelona's El Clot working class district. He moved back briefly to Almería, where his mother was, too, a CNT member and subscribed to the Libertarian Youth in 1935.
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Various themes were treated during the Congress, in particular concerning the organisation of the anarchist movement, popular education issues, the general strike or antimilitarism. A central debate concerned the relation between anarchism and syndicalism (or trade unionism). The Federación Obrera Regional Española (Workers' Federation of the Spanish Region) in 1881 was the first major anarcho-syndicalist movement; anarchist trade union federations were of special importance in Spain. The most successful was the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour: CNT), founded in 1910. Before the 1940s, the CNT was the major force in Spanish working class politics, attracting 1.58 million members at one point and playing a major role in the Spanish Civil War. The CNT was affiliated with the International Workers Association, a federation of anarcho-syndicalist trade unions founded in 1922, with delegates representing two million workers from 15 countries in Europe and Latin America. Federación Anarquista Ibérica Some anarchists, such as Johann Most, advocated publicising violent acts of retaliation against counter-revolutionaries because "we preach not only action in and for itself, but also action as propaganda." Numerous heads of state were assassinated between 1881 and 1914 by members of the anarchist movement.
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At the beginning of September, the small Carod-Ferrer column was added to the South Ebro unit. It was commanded by Saturnino Carod Lerín, a prominent Aragonese anarcho-syndicalist leader, who during the military uprising in Zaragoza had been tasked with organizing anarchist resistance in the region of Matarraña. For a few days they remained in the neighboring towns of Tarragona. When they took Valderrobres and the rest of the region, they went on to Fuendetodos. Some 140 militiamen took the town by surprise, where they faced a group of Falangists and civil guards.
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Fianarantsoa has been known for its political activism and was one of the "hot spots" during the political crisis in 2002. Students of the University of Fianarantsoa have a reputation for sympathizing with radical leftist groups. The mayor of Fianarantsoa comes from the MFM political party whose colors are based on the anarcho-syndicalist flag. Fianarantsoa was placed by the World Monuments Fund on its 2008 Watch List of the 100 Most Endangered Sites because many of the buildings in the old town are in dire need of repair.
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In December 1939 the first armed units (called Polish Syndicalist Units Freedom and People) were created. They consisted of small 3-5-persons groups, which cooperated with the Związek Walki Zbrojnej (Association of Armed Struggle, ZWZ). In April 1941 Freedom and People was renamed to The Union of Polish Syndicalists, and in the summer of next year a group of officers decided to leave the Union and enter the general anti-Nazi organization, the Home Army (Armia Krajowa, AK). As a result, the military wing of WiL had to be re- created almost from scratch.
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In 1918, Linn A(ble) E(aton) Gale (1892–1940) and his wife Magdalena E. Gale fled from New York to Mexico City. Gale soon was a founding member of one of the early Communist Parties of Mexico (PCM). The Gales published the first Mexican issue of their periodical Gale's Journal (August 1917 – March 1921), sometimes subtitled The Journal of Revolutionary Communism in October 1918. In 1918, the Mexican section of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) was also established; members of the IWW were known as "Wobblies".
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Berlinale The Babylon has served as venue for the Berlin International Film Festival (Berlinale). Thanks to the restored cinema organ the series "StummfilmKonzerte" ("silent film concerts") with the accompanist and pianist Stephan von Bothmer,StummfilmKonzerte Berlin. who inaugurated the organ on 26 May 2001 for the opening of the film The Golem: How He Came into the World, became possible. The sets of this film were designed by Poelzig. In the year 2009 some employees, who were partly organized in the anarcho-syndicalist FAU, tried to put through higher wages and better working conditions.
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He believed strongly in support of the affiliated unions of the AF of L and opposed to the more radical approach of the Industrial Workers of the World. His anti-syndicalist perspective became more pronounced over time, with Untermann declaring in a polemic 1913 article that a crisis approached during which "it will be impossible to avoid the expulsion of individuals who through word and deed confess that they are not in harmony with the fundamental principles of the [socialist] organization."Ernest Untermann, "No Compromise with the IWW," St. Louis Labor, whole no.
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Björn Söderberg (April 1, 1958 – October 12, 1999) was a Swedish union active syndicalist who was murdered in Sätra, Stockholm on October 12, 1999. Björn Söderberg had made a tip to the newspaper Arbetaren owned by Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation (SAC) about his colleague Robert Vesterlund. This tip led to an article in Arbetaren on September 16, 1999 revealing Vesterlund, member of the board of the local union, as a member of the fascist organisation Nationell Ungdom. As a result of this Robert Vesterlund resigned his job and was forced out of the union.
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The International Workers' Association (IWA; , ) is an international federation of anarcho-syndicalist labor unions and initiatives. Based on the principles of revolutionary unionism, the international aims to create unions capable of fighting for the economic and political interests of the working class and eventually, to directly abolish capitalism and the state through "the establishment of economic communities and administrative organs run by the workers." At its peak the International represented millions of people worldwide. Its member unions played a central role in the social conflicts of the 1920s and 1930s.
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However, anarcho-syndicalists differ from anarcho- communists on wanting federations of (trade-based) workers' syndicates as the locus of organising the economy, rather than confederations of (territory- based) free communes. Its advocates propose labour organization as a means to create the foundations of a trade union centered anarchist society within the current system and bring about social revolution. An early leading anarcho- syndicalist thinker was Rudolf Rocker, whose 1938 pamphlet Anarcho-Syndicalism outlined a view of the movement's origin, aims and importance to the future of labour.Anarchosyndicalism by Rudolf Rocker.
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After the war, Maitron supported laïcism against clericalism, and was head of the Apremont school in the Vendée from 1950 to 1955. He joined the Union de la gauche socialiste (UGS) in 1959, which participated to the Parti Socialiste Unifié (PSU)'s foundation in 1960. Maitron left the PSU in January 1968, when it considered merging with the Fédération de la gauche démocrate et socialiste (FGDS). Maitron wrote in 1950 a study on the anarchism movement in France and wrote a complementary study of Paul Delessale, an anarcho-syndicalist.
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Two congresses were held in Paris, beginning on July 14, 1889. They had been called for by the London International Trades Union Congress, meeting in London in November 1888, and the French Syndicalist Congress, meeting at the same time. Internecine conflicts within the French socialist movement, however, prompted the "possibilist" faction to hold its own congress at the same time. The larger assembly, the International Socialist Workers Congress of Paris, dubbed the "Marxist" congress resolved to arrange a second meeting at Zurich, and the Possibility one at Brussels.
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Over time, Mainwaring's views gradually evolved from revolutionary socialism to those of anarcho-communism. In 1891, Mainwaring moved to Swansea and there started the Swansea Socialist Society. He became associated with the fledgling anarchist newspaper Liberty, edited by J. Tochatti, formerly of the Hammersmith branch of the Socialist League. In September 1903 and March 1904, Mainwaring published two issues of a short-lived newspaper called The General Strike, a publication which made detailed criticisms of the "officialism" of union bureaucracy and which publicised strikes in Europe making use of syndicalist tactics.
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358–408 at 366 He has lived in San Francisco, Los Angeles, London, Paris, and New York City. He married fellow novelist N. Lee Wood in 1990; they divorced in 2005. Spinrad served as President of the Science Fiction and Fantasy Writers of America (SFWA) from 1980 to 1982 and again from 2001 to 2002. He has also worked as a phone-in radio show host, a vocal artist, a literary agent, and President of World SF. In an interview with Locus magazine in 1999, Spinrad described himself as an "anarchist" and a "syndicalist".
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Hain, Peter "Rediscovering our Libertarian Roots" Chartist (August 2000) Libertarian socialist Noam Chomsky supports dismantling all forms of unjustified social or economic power while also emphasizing that state intervention should be supported as a temporary protection while oppressive structures remain in existence. Similarly, Peter Marshall includes "the decentralist who wishes to limit and devolve State power, to the syndicalist who wants to abolish it altogether. It can even encompass the Fabians and the social democrats who wish to socialize the economy but who still see a limited role for the State".Marshall, Peter (2009) [1991].
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The group also included former supporters of defunct President Carlos Ibáñez del Campo (Ibañistas) and former members of the National Syndicalist Revolutionary Movement (Movimiento Revolucionario Nacional Sindicalista, MRNS), that doesn't had legal existence, and therefore had difficulties to compete in elections. The party presented a list in parliamentary elections in 1965. The list of senators in Santiago got 54,536 votes, which were not enough to choose any senator. Lists of deputies, however, gained only 15,173 votes distributed in the provinces of Tarapacá, Valparaiso, Santiago and Talca, not choosing any parliamentarian.
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It was one of the ideological bases of Francoist Spain, especially in the early years. The ideology was present in Portugal with the Movimento Nacional- Sindicalista (active in the early 1930s), its leader Francisco Rolão Preto being a collaborator of Falange ideologue José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The Spanish version theory has influenced the Kataeb Party in Lebanon, the National Radical Camp Falanga in Poland and various Falangist groups in Latin America. The Unidad Falangista Montañesa maintained a trade union wing, called the Association of National-Syndicalist Workers.
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Marie Guillot (9 September 1880 – 5 March 1934) was a teacher in Saône-et- Loire and a pioneer of trade unionism in primary education. She associated the social emancipation that syndicalism would bring with the empowerment of women. An anarcho-syndicalist, she was a member of the national leadership of the Confédération générale du travail unitaire (CGTU – General Confederation of Trade Unions) in 1922–1923. She was active in the struggle of the anarchists, who believed in a decentralized or federal organization of workers' syndicates, against the communists who believed in a central organization.
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One of the roots of popular education was the Condorcet report during the 1789 French Revolution. These ideas became an important component of the Republican and Socialist movement. Following the split of the First International at the 1872 Hague Congress between the "anti-authoritarian socialists" (anarchists) and the Marxists, popular education remained an important part of the workers' movement, in particular in the anarcho-syndicalist movement, strong in France, Spain and Italy. It was one of the important theme treated during the 1907 International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam.
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At the start of autumn they created the Comité Revolucionario Nacional (CRN) and the provisional government of the future republic. The socialists were included in both the CRN and the provisional government after short negotiations, and agreed that workers organized by the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT: General Union of Workers) would go on strike to support the military wherever they rebelled. Similar arrangements were made with the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT: National Confederation of Labour). Fermín Galán led the revolt and was executed after a hasty court-martial.
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Hodges was also shaped by the views of the Welsh syndicalist Noah Ablett,Morgan, Kenneth O. Rebirth of a Nation, Oxford University Press (1982) page 151. whose Plebs' League he later joined. Through his trade union links, Hodges secured a scholarship to Ruskin College, Oxford, and spent two years there from 1909. Although many of the students from Ruskin were not treated with the same equality as those at other Oxford colleges, Hodges found the life away from the coal mines to be to his liking, describing it as the great time of his life.
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The national syndicalists, also called the "Blue Shirts" (camisas azuis), following the tradition of uniformed right-wing paramilitary groups, was an organisation advocating syndicalism and unionism, inspired by Benito Mussolini's brand of Italian fascism. As Rolão Preto wrote in July 1922, "our organic syndicalism is essentially the basis of current syndicalist thought among Mussolini’s friends".Preto, R., ‘Crónica social’, Nação Portuguesa, 2ª série, Nº 1, July 1922, p. 34. MNS was also built on previous allegiances to Integralismo Lusitano, but it was not inspired by the Action Française as alleged by their adversaries.
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Preto became a regular presence at Italian Embassy receptions. The movement’s newspapers began to call Preto the Chief (Chefe), and internal party correspondence reveals that he was revered by his followers. Delegation from the Italian National Fascist Party and German Nazi Party became regularly attended at the rallies of Preto´s movement. In the summer of 1933, the Civil Governors were instructed to prohibit public National Syndicalist demonstrations but Preto's followers managed to organize demonstrations, hiring a tugboat to greet the Italian Fascist leader Italo Balbo when he visited Lisbon.
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Founders of the party were expelled, such as Boris Souvarine, the revolutionary syndicalist Pierre Monatte, or Trotskyist intellectuals such as Alfred Rosmer or Pierre Naville. The SFIC thus lost members, decreasing from 110,000 in 1920 to 30,000 in 1933. In the same time, the SFIC organized the anti-colonialist struggle, encouraging Abd el-Krim's insurgents during the Rif War or organizing an alternative exhibition during the 1931 Paris Colonial Exposition. The Communist Party was then admired by intellectuals such as the surrealists (André Breton, Louis Aragon, Paul Éluard...).
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The other characters who come to the attention of the reader later in the evening have stories as well, especially Paco, the waiter apprentice. The three waiters, all with different thoughts on their mind, prepare to serve dinner in the dining room. The first waiter finds himself anxious to leave early for the anarcho-syndicalist political meeting later that night, so Paco agrees to cover for him so that he may leave early. The second waiter, a middle aged man, has no real plans for the evening other than to serve tables.
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It was only in the spring of 1945 that the British and the Americans adopted a clear stand. Any straightforward attempt (by military means or otherwise) at toppling Franco was rejected, as there was no clear alternative and a risk of triggering another civil war loomed. London and Washington agreed to diplomatic measures of enforcing de-fascization and democratization of the regime, hoping that a regime “based on democratic principles” would eventually come, Preston 2011, pp. 525–526 convinced Franco that a national-syndicalist regime built so far needed major re-dressing.
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In 1893, he was one of the founders of the National Labor Secretariat (in Dutch: Nationaal Arbeids-Secretariaat; NAS). In the following year, he got to know the French anarchist and trade-unionist Fernand Pelloutier and he supported the anarchists expelled from the 1893 Zurich congress of the Second International. The increasing influence of social democrats within the Socialist League led Cornelissen to move to Paris in 1898. However, he remained in contact with the syndicalist movement in the Netherlands and continued writing for the Volksblad and several anarchist periodicals.
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He wrote several anti- German brochures in support of the war, and was a signatory of the Manifesto of the Sixteen. His support for the war estranged Cornelissen from many of his syndicalist and anarchist comrades. After the war, he primarily dedicated himself to his economic studies. In 1944, his Traité général de science économique (General Treatise on the economic science), an elaboration on Théorie de la valeur (Theory of value), which he had published in 1903, to refute the labor theory of value, which both the classic economists and Marx adhered to, was published.
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A key structure which emerged from the popular struggle of the 1970s was the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU). The "workerist" tendency which developed in FOSATU, was indirectly influenced by anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism, among other currents. The "people's power" tendency in the United Democratic Front (UDF) paralleled anarchist ideas with its call for replacing state structures with grassroots "people's power." There is no evidence that this strategy arose from anarchist or syndicalist ideas, although the UDF was influenced by FOSATU's stress on "workers control" and prefiguration.
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Alexander "Sanya" Moiseyevich Schapiro or Shapiro (in Russian: Александр "Саня" Моисеевич Шапиро; 1882 or 1883 - December 5, 1946) was a Russian anarcho-syndicalist activist. Born in southern Russia, Schapiro left Russia at an early age and spent most of his early activist years in London. During the Russian Revolution, Schapiro returned to Russia and aided the Bolsheviks in their seizure of power during the October Revolution. Following the Russian Civil War and the Kronstandt Uprising, anarchists were suppressed in the Soviet Union, and Schapiro escaped to Western Europe, eventually settling in New York City.
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Pons Prades was born in the Raval neighborhood of Barcelona. His father, a cabinetmaker, was a Valencian immigrant and a member of the Federal Party of Spain, and founder of a woodworkers' union. His mother, Glòria Prades Núñez, also an immigrant from València, was a member of the Syndicalist Party, and became a member of the Generalitat de Catalunya through the friendship of Martí Barrera, a member of the government. As a young child, Pons enrolled in the Rationalist School, based on the philosophy of Francesc Ferrer i Guàrdia.
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Schmidt, M. and van der Walt, L. (2009). Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism (Counter-Power vol. 1). Oakland and Edinburgh: AK Press. pp.164–170. anarchism (including its syndicalist variant) only began to re- emerge as a movement in South Africa with small anarchist collectives, established primarily in Durban and Johannesburg, in the 1990s. In 1993, the Anarchist Revolutionary Movement (ARM) was established in Johannesburg; its student section included militants from the anti-apartheid movement. In 1995, a larger movement, the Workers' Solidarity Federation (WSF), replaced the ARM.
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The most moderate trade-unionists, under Ángel Pestaña, were ultimately expelled, forming the Syndicalist Party in April 1934, and leaving the CNT leadership under firm FAI control by the time of the Spanish Civil War. Members of the FAI were at the forefront of the fight against Francisco Franco's forces during the Civil War, mainly in the Eastern Army (Ejército del Este). Since Franco's death, and Spain's transition to representative democracy, the FAI has continued to function. Though the organization shares members with the CNT, the FAI's membership is secret.
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Anarchism dates back to the 1880s in South Africa, when the English anarchist immigrant Henry Glasse settled in Port Elizabeth in the then Cape Colony. Anarchists played a role in the Social Democratic Federation (SDF), established in Cape Town in 1904 and open to socialists of all persuasions. The first specifically anarchist organisations was the revolutionary syndicalist International Socialist League (ISL), founded in Johannesburg in 1915. It went on to establish branches across much of South Africa, excluding the western Cape where the anarchists split from the SDF to form the Industrial Socialist League (IndSL).
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Likewise, the eleventh communist division attacked various committees of the Aragonese people and dissolved collective agricultural production, which soon after was reorganized. On September 7, the government reauthorized religious worship in private, one of its many measures trying to reestablish the power of the Government in the republican zone, while in Barcelona there were demonstrations against the dissolution of the anarcho-syndicalist publication "Solidaridad Obrera". On September 16, political rallies were prohibited in Barcelona. On the September 26, the Asturian Council proclaimed itself the Sovereign Council of Asturias and León, independent from the Spanish Republic.
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Although long considered a founding father of anarchism, some have tried to link him to the extreme right. He was first used as a reference in the Cercle Proudhon, a right-wing association formed in 1911 by Georges Valois and Edouard Berth. Both had been brought together by the syndicalist Georges Sorel, but they would tend toward a synthesis of socialism and nationalism, mixing Proudhon's mutualism with Charles Maurras' integralist nationalism. In 1925, Georges Valois founded the Faisceau, the first fascist league, which took its name from Benito Mussolini's fasci.
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Salazar not only forbade Marxist parties, but also revolutionary fascist-syndicalist parties. One overriding criticism of his regime is that stability was bought and maintained at the expense of suppression of human rights and liberties. The corporatist state had some similarities to Benito Mussolini's Italian fascism, but considerable differences in its moral approach to governing. Although Salazar admired Mussolini and was influenced by his Labour Charter of 1927, he distanced himself from fascist dictatorship, which he considered a pagan Caesarist political system that recognised neither legal nor moral limits.
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Mujeres Libres () was an anarchist women's organisation that existed in Spain from 1936 to 1939. Founded by Lucía Sánchez Saornil, Mercedes Comaposada, and Amparo Poch y Gascón as a small women's group in Madrid, it rapidly grew to a national federation of 30,000 members at its height in the summer of 1938. It emerged from the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist movement, composed of three main organisations: the CNT union; the FAI federation; and the FIJL youth wing. Many women who participated in these groups felt that their issues were being ignored by the predominantly male anarchists.
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Soon, he led a farm workers' strike. In June 1910, he was going to be expelled from the SPD along with several other anarchists, but he left the party first. In 1911, he moved to Berlin, where he started working for the weekly newspaper Die Tribüne. In the same year he became the chief editor of Der Pionier, the theoretical organ of the syndicalist Free Association of German Trade Unions (FVdG), but in 1912, after having spent three months in various prisons, he quit this role and moved to Dresden.
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In response to this, socialist activists such as James Larkin and James Connolly began to organize Trade Unions on syndicalist principles. Belfast saw a bitter strike (by dockers organized by Larkin) in 1907 in which 10,000 workers went on strike and the police mutinied – a rare instance of non-sectarian mobilization in Ulster. In Dublin, there was an even more vicious dispute – the Dublin Lockout of 1913 – in which over 20,000 workers were fired for belonging to Larkin's Union. Three people died in the rioting that accompanied the lock-out and many more were injured.
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In Turin and Milan, workers councils were formed and many factory occupations took place under the leadership of anarcho- syndicalists. The agitations also extended to the agricultural areas of the Padan plain and were accompanied by peasant strikes, rural unrests and guerilla conflicts between left-wing and right-wing militias. According to libcom.org, the anarcho-syndicalist trade union Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI) "grew to 800,000 members and the influence of the Italian Anarchist Union (20,000 members plus Umanita Nova, its daily paper) grew accordingly [...] Anarchists were the first to suggest occupying workplaces".
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Anarcho- syndicalism has been criticised as anachronistic by some contemporary anarchists.Heider, Ulrike and Bode, Ulrike, Anarchism: Left, Right and Green (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 1994), p. 4. In 1992, Murray Bookchin spoke against its reliance on an outdated view of work: Bookchin has said that it prioritizes the interests of the working class, instead of communal freedom for society as a whole; and that this view ultimately prevents a true revolution. He argues that in instances like the Spanish Revolution, it was in spite of the syndicalist-minded CNT leadership that the revolution occurred.
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He ran successfully in the 1922 municipal elections and became deputy mayor of Chambon, but did not find municipal politics interesting and resigned from this office on 25 August 1922. In March–April 1924 he was among the CGTU Communist activists who led a major strike of 20,000 metalworkers in the Foréz region. He was arrested for undermining the freedom of labor, sentenced to four months in prison and fined 200 francs. The strike did much to advance the position of the Communists in the CGTU against the anarcho-syndicalist leadership.
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There, he returned to anarchist agitation, attending meetings, writing and distributing journals and organising the movement. One of the first groups he involved himself in was the 'Labour Movement' (Rōdō Undō), which involved other notable individuals such as Ōsugi Sakae and Itō Noe. He was imprisoned for six months due to his involvement in a later short-lived socialist league in the early 1920s. Compared to the more anarcho-syndicalist views of activists such as Ōsugi, Sakutarō Iwasa was an advocate of anarcho-communism due to his skepticism of labour unions.
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Planka.nu is a network of organizations in Sweden promoting tax-financed zero- fare public transport with chapters in Stockholm, Gothenburg, Skåne and Östergötland. Planka.nu was founded in 2001 by the Swedish Anarcho-syndicalist Youth Federation in response to the increasingly expensive ticket prices in the public transport system in Stockholm. The campaign has received much attention because of the controversial methods used to promote free public transport: Planka.nu encourage people to fare-dodge in the public transport, aiding its members in paying penalty fares through the insurance fund p-kassan.
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Design of Brasilia – based upon the principles of the Ville radieuse Ville radieuse (, Radiant City) was an unrealised project designed by the French- Swiss architect Le Corbusier in 1930. It constitutes one of the most influential and controversial urban doctrines of European modernism. Although Le Corbusier had exhibited his ideas for the ideal city, the Ville contemporaine in the 1920s, during contact with international planners he began work on the Ville Radieuse. In 1930 he had become an active member of the syndicalist movement and proposed the Ville radieuse as a blueprint of social reform.
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Economically, the government still managed nearly 80% of the country's economy, which involved it in almost all social conflicts. Indeed, businesses were the place of permanent conflict between the syndicalist cells of the TGLU and the professional cell of SPD. In 1978, Bourguiba was obliged to denounce the Camp David Accords under the pressure of his partners, which had a part in Tunisia welcoming the headquarters of the Arab League then those of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Despite its crisis, the 1970s was a period of economic revival, after the failure of socialism.
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Bérmunkás (The Wage Worker) was a Hungarian language newspaper published in the United States by the radical syndicalist trade union Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). The paper was launched as a bi-weekly in November 1912. During the years of World War I American government repression of the IWW and its press forced the publication to make a series of name changes in an attempt to keep ahead of postal authorities. The original name was restored in 1923 and Bérmunkás continued until its eventual termination in 1953.
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In November 1909 the revolutionary syndicalist Marius Riquier helped Janvion and the writer Georges Darien to found the anti- republican journal Terre Libre (Free Land). Janvion decided to cooperate with royalists, and in return received support for the Terre Libre. He worked with Léon Daudet and Mahon, leader of the Amicale royaliste, to arrange workers' meetings. As part of the drive to gain support for royalism among syndicalists, Janvier and three other syndicalists hung a bust of Marianne (symbol of the republic) from the front of the Bourse de Travail in Paris.
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Sá Carneiro started his political life in the youth of the Acção Católica (the Portuguese Catholic Action), being his first activity in civic life to write a letter to Marcelo Caetano requesting the return of the António VIII Ferreira Gomes, the exiled pro-democracy bishop of Oporto., 1:44 – 1:58 He probably had links with the Catholic syndicalist organizations and Christian socialism in general. He was very influenced by Catholic personalism (Portuguese), p. 7: «O sindicalismo que defendemos e procuramos praticar tem esta matriz social democrata e personalista.
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He took a degree in law and began a military career as an artillery commander. He became an activist for the Liberal-Conservative Party in the municipal elections of 1931. After the establishment of the Second Republic his opinions became radicalized and he became a supporter of the Spanish Falange, a party that was soon incorporated into the larger national syndicalist movement.Foro por la Memoria He participated in the elections of 1933 and 1936, running under the banner of the Popular Action Party and the Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-wing Groups (CEDA).
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He then signed various protest letters directed to Franco, was detained, sentenced and exiled. In the mid-1950s he started to advocate co-operation with syndicalist Falangists and over time got jeered by the Javierista youth as a collaborationist. Once ousted from the Hugocarlista-dominated Carlist organization he joined Francoist structures are was considered a ministerial candidate in the late 1960s. In the early 1970s he was already firmly set within the so-called bunker, the hardline Francoist core Last but not least, a large fraction of carlo-francoists maintained a fairly constant stand.
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Daines was a witness in a 1948 libel action brought by Bessie Braddock over a story in the Bolton Evening News claiming she had "danced a jig on the floor of the House" in "a sorry degradation of democratic government"; he said that Braddock appeared to cross the floor of the House reluctantly (Braddock lost the case). He asserted that he was speaking for the Co-operative movement in April 1949 when he opposed the Agricultural Marketing Bill, which he described as 'capitalist-syndicalist'."Parliament", The Times, 5 April 1949, p. 2.
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Not only was the colony fracturing from within but public opinion outside of Home was less than favorable. Many people saw the disagreement totally arbitrary seeing as it was discussing people being nude in public and that was socially unacceptable outside of the community. The Agitator ran stories that dealt with things like the Hay Market riot in Chicago and other instances of injustice against the anarchist movement. When Jay Fox moved from Home, WA to Chicago he took his paper with him and renamed it The Syndicalist.
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After its founding in early 1919, a discussion about the role of girls and women in the union started. The male-dominated organization had at first ignored gender issues, but soon women started founding their own unions, which were organized parallel to the regular unions, but still formed part of the FAUD. Witkop was one of the leading founders of the Women's Union in Berlin in 1920. On October 15, 1921, the women's unions held a national congress in Düsseldorf and the Syndicalist Women's Union (SFB) was founded on a national level.
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She was not only active in the syndicalist and feminist movement, but also worked to fight racism and anti-Semitism. She was often frustrated by what she considered an unwillingness to fight anti-Semitism in the labor movement. The rise of the Nazi Party in Germany in the late 1920s greatly troubled Witkop. After the Reichstag fire in February 1933, Witkop and Rocker fled Germany for the United States via Switzerland, France, and the UK. In the US, the couple continued to give lectures and write about anarchist topics.
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CONS had been, as a result of the Unification Decree between the Falangists and the Carlists in 1937, fused with the National-Syndicalist Employers Central (CENS) into the National-Syndical Centrals (Centrales Nacional-Sindicalistas). The idea of organising workers, technicians and employers within one "vertical" structure was also integrated in OSE, and the CNS were incorporated into OSE.Organización Sindical Española, Escuela Sindical 1961. Madrid: 1961 At the very beginning of the Francoist State, wages were directly fixed by the state and only later could workers and employers agree upon their wages through this vertical union.
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Congress 1922 The Free Workers' Union of Germany (; FAUD) was an anarcho- syndicalist trade union in Germany. It stemmed from the Free Association of German Trade Unions (FDVG) which combined with the Ruhr region's Freie Arbeiter Union on September 15, 1919. The FAUD was involved in the revolution in Germany from 1918–1923, and continued to be involved in the German labor movement after the FAUD began to decline in 1923. After 1921, the FAUD added an "AS" to their name, signifying a full transition from simple syndicalism to anarcho-syndicalism.
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The period leading up to the First World War saw a renewal of industrial militancy outside of the mainstream Labour Movement's traditional commitment to parliamentary politics. The Industrialist League and Industrial Workers of Great Britain emerged in 1908-9 from the British Advocates of Industrial Unionism initially founded by the SLP. The Industrial Syndicalist Education League was formed the following year by dissident members of the SDF. The SDF eventually morphed into a new Marxist party, the British Socialist Party, along with some members on the left of the ILP, with Hyndman leading.
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René de Marmande also attended the congress of the AIA while in Amsterdam. Marmande met Emma Goldman at the anarchist congress. In her notes she recorded: In October 1907 Marmande co-founded an anarchist group that met in the office of the Temps Nouveaux, along with Jean Grave, Marc Pierrot, Charles Benoît and the Dutch Christiaan Cornelissen. In May 1908 he participated in the creation of the Fédération anarchiste, which represented the pro-syndicalist trend in opposition to that of Marceau Rimbault, but this group did not stay together.
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The LO lost almost half of its members, some to the newly formed anarcho-syndicalist Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden. The anarcho-syndicalists argued that the management of the LO had handled the strike half-heartedly and only started it to curb its members' more radical stance. Employers also took the opportunity to lay off approximately 20,000 workers, which also contributed to mass defections from LO when workers were forced to leave the union to keep their jobs. Emigration also rose as a consequence of the strike.
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Strike action began on 14 June when the National Sailors' and Firemen's Union announced a nationwide merchant seamen's strike. Solidarity action in support of the seamen led to other sections of workers coming out on strike. A strike committee – chaired by syndicalist Tom Mann – was formed to represent all the workers in dispute. Many meetings were held on St. George's Plateau, next to St. George’s Hall on Lime Street, including the rally on 13 August where police baton charged a crowd of 85,000 people, who had gathered to hear Tom Mann speak.
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The origins of the group go back to Foster's observations of European syndicalism in 1910-1911. Intrigued initially by the French CGT, he arrived in Paris in 1910. He spent the next year and a half studying the French syndicalist union, attending its 1910 Toulouse congress and actively participating in a CGT railroad strike. He also studied the labor and socialist movements in Germany and tried (without success) to represent the Industrial Workers of the World at the August 1911 Budapest congress of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres.
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The movement, which emerged in early 1933, was founded primarily by José Antonio Primo de Rivera, writer Rafael Sánchez Mazas, and aviator Julio Ruiz de Alda. Other notable members of the MES were Dionisio Ridruejo, Alfonso García Valdecasas, Manuel Sarrión, and Andrés de la Cuerda. Members of the MES openly embraced fascism and for a time the movement was known as the Movimiento Español Sindicalista-Fascismo Español (MES-FE, or Spanish Syndicalist-Fascist Movement). It soon became apparent that the MES was to have little political success on its own.
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The 1910 congress. Solidaridad Obrera (Spanish, meaning "Workers' Solidarity"; originally, in Catalan, Solidaritat Obrera) was a labor federation in Catalonia, Spain. It was initially formed on August 3, 1907, as a "pure syndicalist" federation, incorporating the structures of the Unió Local de Societats Obreres de Barcelona ("Local Union of Workers' Societies of Barcelona") with the purpose of reorganizing the Catalan trade unions. These unions were quite weak at the time, due to the failure of a 1902 general strike which had sought the eight-hour day and the recognition of the right to strike.
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Sorel advocated the separation of groups in society, including support of the syndicalist model of a society where the proletarian workers would be autonomous and separate from bourgeois industrialists. Sorel refused the idea of negotiation between the classes during the period of struggle between the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. However, Sorel believed that it was the proletariat's task to awaken the bourgeoisie from intellectual stupor to recover its morality, "productive energy", and "feeling of its own dignity" that Sorel claimed had been lost because of democratic ideals.Christensen et al.
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Robinson, Hoffman, and Bukowski would go on to leave the group one by one, leaving Croasdale, Wheeler, Gervasi, and drummer Dave Rosenstrauss (along with Mick Brochu, a part-time live guitarist) as the group's final lineup before disbanding in 2007. R.A.M.B.O. produced two full-lengths; Wall of Death the System, on the 625 Thrashcore label, and Bring It!, on Havoc Records. The band was also known for its unrelenting and widespread touring, as well as its theatrical live shows featuring many cardboard props depicting humorous-yet- political scenarios based around their anarcho-syndicalist convictions.
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But in 1917 he abandoned his work in America to return to Petrograd, in the midst of the Russian Revolution. Back in Russia, he verified the weakness of the anarchist movement, due to the little consideration that anarchists in Russia paid to the organization in North America. He tried to solve the disunity of anarchists living in Russia and anarchists who went into exile in the times of the Tsar, but forming the Petrograd Union of Anarcho-Syndicalist Propaganda. This decided to continue the publication of the Golos Truda, of which Volin continued as editor.
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It soon built up contacts abroad, notably with Action Française, the Integralismo Lusitano and National Syndicalist movements in Portugal, and individual members of the National Fascist Party of Italy. The group's close links with Portuguese groups were driven by a strong belief in Hispanidad and a desire to see a return to the values of La Raza, which they felt had been abandoned in Spain.Sandie Eleanor Holguín, Creating Spaniards: Culture and National Identity in Republican Spain, 2002, p. 44 They also established a front political party, Renovación Española, in March 1933.
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The unit was created on April 28, 1937, on the Huesca front, from the old Red and Black Column. Command of the brigade fell to Máximo Franco Cavero, with Ramón de la Torre Martín as Chief of Staff and the anarcho-syndicalist Manuel Lozano Guillén as political commissioner. It was integrated into the 28th Division, which was the former Ascaso Column. In June it took part in the Huesca Offensive and a few months later it also participated in the Zaragoza Offensive, attacking the town of Zuera —without success—.
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The One Big Union organizations adopted some principles of One Big Union as initially promoted by the IWW. The OBU idea became popular in Australia at a time when some syndicalist-leaning labour leaders had started moving toward communism. Although the One Big Union organizations frequently formed with the help of IWW members or members of IWW offshoot-organizations such as the WIIU, the OBU organizations frequently incurred criticism from the original industrial union organizations. The IWW advocated organizing bottom- up, the OBU in Australia operated increasingly top-down.
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The anarcho-syndicalist FOL, later associated with the international Asociación Continental Americana de Trabajadores confederation, published the weekly newspaper La Humanidad. Numerous anarchist movements were active in La Paz, such as the Centro Cultural Obrero, the Centro Obrero Libertario, the Grupo Libertario "Rendición", Sembrando Ideas, Brazo y Cerebro, and the group La Antorcha (founded in 1923) led by Luis Cusicanqui, Jacinto Centellas and Domitila Pareja. Other groups elsewhere in the country were the Centro Obrero Internacional in Oruro, the Escuela Ferrer i Guardia in Sucre, and the newspaper Tierra y Libertad.
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The French responded by pointing to the fact that the British ISEL's domestic policy was similar to its international aims. The ISEL did not constitute a union in its own right, but rather tried to infiltrate and radicalize existing unions, particularly the General Federation of Trade Unions. Pierre Monatte, a CGT leader, declared that if it were to change course, it would harm unionism in all of Europe. He also insisted that it would be impossible for the CGT to both participate in ISNTUC and the syndicalist congress.
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Discussion turned to the question of what the exact goal of the meeting should be. The Dutch NAS, the British ISEL, and the German FVdG felt that "the creation of an autonomous Syndicalist International is a necessity for the self-preservation and onward development of syndicalism", as Die Einigkeit, the organ of the Germans, put it. Opposition to this view came from two different directions. Cornelissen felt it would easier to attract French unions to a congress meant to establish international relations rather than the foundation of an international organization.
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Argentina was represented by two syndicalist confederations. The Argentine Regional Workers' Confederation (CORA) gave its mandate to the Italian Alceste De Ambris, while the more radical Argentine Regional Workers' Federation (FORA) sent a delegate of its own. The Brazilian Regional Workers' Federation, unable to send a delegate for financial reasons, opted to be represented by Guy Bowman. The Spanish National Confederation of Labour (CNT), banned at the time, was unable to have a representative travel to London, but the Catalan regional confederation was represented by a member exiled to France.
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As expected, De Ambris argued vehemently against a formal international organization, but many of his arguments were new. He estimated that such an organization would include no more than half a million workers, an insignificant figure compared to the membership of ISNTUC. However, an Argentine delegate claimed De Ambris's numbers were wrong, stating that from South American alone 600,000 would join a Syndicalist International. Much like the CGT in the run-up to the congress, De Ambris was now worried about deepening the schism within Europe's labor movement and thereby weakening it.
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The Socialist Party was founded in 1918 as the political arm of the syndicalist trade union National Workers' Secretariat (Nationaal Arbeiders' Secretariaat). All its founders had their personal background in the free socialist movement of Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis. The secretary of the NAS, Harm Kolthek, became the top candidate of the SP. In the 1918 election the threshold for admission to the House of Representatives was relatively low, at just over half of 1% of the vote. Consequently the SP was elected with only 9000 votes (that is .
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He became involved in Guatemala's first communist party and quickly became a syndicalist. In 1945 he married hotelier and socialite Maria Dolores Vega Correu (1924-2007), with whom he had three children, Maria Teresa, Francisco and Domingo Rafael. He served as diputado during the presidency of Guatemala's freely-elected, socialist-leaning president Jacobo Árbenz, who was overthrown by a small group of Guatemalans backed by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).The CIA codename for the coup was Operation PBSuccess, its second successful overthrow of a foreign government.
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According to Angela Vogel and Hartmut Rübner, Carl Hillmann, a typesetter and prominent trade unionist in the 1870s, was the "intellectual father" of the localist and anarcho- syndicalist movement. Vogel's and Rübner's claim is based on the fact that Hillmann was the first in Germany to consider unions' primary role to be the creation of the conditions for a socialist revolution, not simply to improve workers' living conditions. He also advocated a de-centralized trade union federation structure. Many of the later anarcho-syndicalists including Rudolf Rocker agree with this notion.
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It also rejected the concepts of the "nation" and national identity invoked in support of the war, claiming that common language, origin and culture (the foundations of a nation) did not exist in Germany. The FVdG's newspapers also declared that the war refuted historical materialism, since the masses had gone to war against their own material interests.Thorpe 2000, p. 199–200, 205–206. The last issue of Der Pionier After Fritz Kater and Max Winkler reaffirmed syndicalist antimilitarism in the August 5, 1914 Der Pionier edition, the newspaper was banned.
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The article appeared in the anarchist journal she co-edited in Bologna, L'Agitatore. As fervent of an anti-militarist she had been even in 1912, two years later she was just as fervent of a World War I interventionist in 1914, she became an editor at the newspaper founded by Benito Mussolini, Il Popolo d'Italia. The fascist daily founded by Mussolini was devoted to supporting the campaign for intervention by Italy in the War. As a syndicalist and union supporter, she was jailed for a period in 1914.
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In the summer of 1912, syndicalist leader William Z. Foster returned to Chicago to take a job as a railway car inspector after having spent the better part of a decade in Seattle, Washington and Portland, Oregon in the Pacific Northwest.Edward P Johannningsmeier, Forging American Communism: The Life of William Z. Foster. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994; pg. 69. He was joined there by Jay Fox, a friend who had edited an anarchist newspaper produced at the utopian Home Colony in the Puget Sound area of Western Washington.
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For example, in January, Primary education schools (that had been organized by anarcho- syndicalist commissions) returned to government control.Republican Gazette, issue 27 (27th January 1937) Ascaso received the official appointment of a government delegate on January 19, 1937. In mid-February 1937 a congress, attended by 500 delegates representing 80,000 collectivists from Libertarian Aragon, was held in Caspe with the purpose of creating a regional Federation of Collectives. It is complicated to estimate figures on the economic management of anarchist communities, since most of the reports are biased according to ideological interests and sympathies.
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He worked with mainstream Sunni Muslims—members of his local Naqshbandi tariqah attended his janazah – and was a lifelong student of Sufism, spending time as a member of the Chisti and Nimatullahi Sufi orders as well. In the last few years before his death, he was investigating the historical links that he believed to exist between the Lithuanian Karaite Jews from which he was descended and Islamic culture. Sharif political views were Anarcho-Syndicalist, and he held long time membership with the Industrial Workers of the World and the Workers Solidarity Alliance.
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Christine Francine Wilhelmina "Tine" Van Rompuy (born 28 August 1955, in Leuven) is a Belgian nurse, politician and syndicalist, member of the Workers Party of Belgium, a leftist party in Belgium. Van Rompuy is the sister of Herman Van Rompuy, EU's first full-time president of the European Council, and the Flemish politician Eric Van Rompuy. She earned her diploma as a psychiatric nurse in 1977. From 1977 to 1995 she worked as a psychiatric nurse in the head Psycho-Social Center of the Brothers of Charity in Leuven.
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Francisco Estévanez Rodríguez (1880 -1953) was a Spanish politician, publisher, philanthropist, agrarian syndicalist and religious activist. He is best known as deputy to the Cortes during two terms between 1931 and 1936. Politically he was a Traditionalist, first member of the Integrist branch and then active within Carlism. He also published 2 small Burgos periodicals, continuously donated money and supported various charity schemes, strove to build rural trade unions which unite landholders and farmers, and was involved in numerous Catholic initiatives usually related to the Burgos archbishopric office.
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" Italian anarchist Luigi Bertoni (who Szittya also believed to be gay) said that "Anarchists demand freedom in everything, thus also in sexuality. Homosexuality leads to a healthy sense of egoism, for which every anarchist should strive."Hirschfeld, Magnus, 1914. Die Homosexualität des Mannes und des Weibes (Berlin: Louis Marcus) Anarcho-syndicalist writer Ulrich Linse wrote about "a sharply outlined figure of the Berlin individualist anarchist cultural scene around 1900", the "precocious Johannes Holzmann" (known as Senna Hoy): "an adherent of free love, [Hoy] celebrated homosexuality as a 'champion of culture' and engaged in the struggle against Paragraph 175.
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Bank note from the Generalitat de Catalunya, 1936 When the Spanish Civil War began shortly after, in July 1936, Companys sided with the Spanish Republic against the Nacionales rebels and was instrumental in organising a collaboration between the Central Committee of Anti-Fascist Militias, which was sponsored by his Catalan government as a step to recover the control of the situation and organise the war effort, and the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM), a revolutionary anti-Stalinist communist party, and Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), an anarchist syndicalist trade union.Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War. Reaction, revolution & revenge.
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The Confederazione dei Comitati di Base (Cobas) is a rank and file trade union center in Italy. It was formed in the late 1980s by members who were dissatisfied with the leadership of the three main Italian confederations (CGIL, CISL and UIL). Many of its members see it as syndicalist, but it has also courted the Trotskyist group, the League for the Fifth International with whom it shared a platform at the anti-G8 protests in Rostock in 2007. Cobas regard themselves as rank and file unions in contrast to the traditional, hierarchical unions that impose compromises on their members.
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Earl Browder was born on May 20, 1891 in Wichita, Kansas, the eighth child of Martha Jane (Hankins) and William Browder, a teacher and farmer. His father was sympathetic to populism.Theodore Draper, The Roots of American Communism, pg. 308 He joined the Socialist Party of America in Wichita in 1907 at the age of 16 and remained in that organization until the party split of 1912, when many of the group's members who supported the syndicalist ideal exited the party after it added an anti-sabotage clause to the party constitution and the recall of National Executive Committeeman William "Big Bill" Haywood.
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The Harriers Column was the last of the great Catalan anarcho-syndicalist columns. Later more militias would come out of Catalonia, but they would no longer do so in the form of a column but rather as reinforcement units of the existing columns. In reality, this column had been foreseen to be a large unit - of around 10,000 combatants - but it ended up being a reinforcement of the Ascaso Column - as an autonomous column of about 1,700 militiamen. Organized in the Bakunin barracks in Barcelona, on August 28 it was sent to Grañén, on the Huesca front.
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In fact, these critics used the term 'Economism' rather loosely and also applied it to revolutionary syndicalist currents within the Social-Democratic party. Peshekhonov's thesis was basically that, since the coming revolution would (according to 'orthodox' Marxism) be 'bourgeois-democratic, the struggle for political emancipation should be led by, and largely left to, the bourgeoisie, while the Russian working class should concentrate on organising itself economically and winning social and economic improvements. The 'Economist' controversy in Russian Social-Democracy was quite vehement and in some ways foreshadowed the later split between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks (not all Mensheviks were former 'Economists', but many were).
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Outside of party politics once more, Kōtoku worked with others to translate and publish Kropotkin's anarcho-communist book The Conquest of Bread, alongside an American anarcho-syndicalist pamphlet The Social General Strike. Unions were banned due to a 1900 law, however, and much anarchist discussion was highly theoretical rather than practical. Nevertheless, Kōtoku was strongly critical of Keir Hardie when he visited Japan, decrying "Hardie's State Socialism". Despite being ideologically opposed to hierarchy, Kōtoku was seen as an 'authority' by many younger anarchists due to Japanese cultural norms, and he himself referred to Kropotkin as sensei (teacher).
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Jean-Baptiste Lebas is the son of Félicité Delattre and Jean-Hippolyte Lebas. He was born at home in a humble house in Roubaix, an industrial city where his mother was a housekeeper and his father a textile worker. A Republican under the Second Empire and a syndicalist, Jean-Hippolyte Lebas was a socialist who had become member of the Parti Ouvrier Français (POF) at its foundation in 1880. Altogether, it was observable that Jean- Baptiste Lebas had been brought up in a working class family and steeped in a left-wing milieu in his birth town.
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Short history of the IAF-IFA A-infos news project, Accessed 19 January 2010 The IAF has since aimed to build and improve strong and active international anarchist structures. The federations associated with IAF believe that such an organisation is necessary to co-ordinate their international work and efficiently co-operate towards their mutual aims. In order to further improve the quality of exchange and co-operation, IAF also keeps close contact with other anarchist organisations, such as the International Workers Association (IWA), an international association of anarcho-syndicalist organisations and unions. The IAF contains many anarchist- communist federations and individuals.
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Following the First World War and the Russian Revolution, anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists once again sought to rebuild the IWA. Initially intending to join with other revolutionary syndicalist organizations in the Bolshevik-led Profintern, libertarian unions became increasingly worried about the authoritarianism of the Bolsheviks and the subordination of Profintern to the Comintern. So, after two conferences in Berlin, the first from 16–21 December 1920 and the second from 16–18 June 1922, the new International Workingmen's Association (later to be known as the International Workers' Association) was born at its first congress in December 1922. The IWA still exists today.
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The syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World found itself isolated and submerged by the massive new de facto company union, with repression of some of its leading activists adding to the IWW's difficult organizational situation. The rival American Federation of Labor — a lesser force in this industry at this time — found its position no better despite union head Samuel Gompers's initial endorsement of the Loyal Legion.Tyler, Rebels of the Woods, pg. 109. Organizers for the AF of L complained that the officer-organizers of the LLLL banned them from speaking, broke up union organizing meetings, and ejected them from the camps.
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The plan of the channel was worked out by Emperor Peter I himself. In 1826 the channel became too shallow, so numerous locks, including those in the town, were built to maintain the depth of the channel. In 1861 construction of the new channel was begun, which runs between the old one and the lake. The old channel was finally abandoned in 1940, and what remains of it may still be seen in Shlisselburg. One of the most notorious political prisoners of Shlisselburg fortress was Iustin Zhuk (1887—1919), anarcho-syndicalist rebel from the Kiev Governorate.
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When the Industrial Workers of Africa merged into the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union, or ICU, in 1920, it too spread the ISL's syndicalist ideas within that union. The ICU would go on to play a major role in rural South Africa,Bradford, Helen, A Taste of Freedom: the ICU in rural South Africa, 1924-1930. Raven Press, Johannesburg, 1987 as well as spread into several neighbouring countries.van der Walt, Lucien, The First Globalisation and Transnational Labour Activism in Southern Africa : white labourism, the IWW and the ICU, 1904-1934, African Studies journal, 2007, Vol 66, Issues 2/3, pp. 223-251.
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At the 14th Guldbagge Awards his film The Adventures of Picasso won the award for Best Film. Svenska Ord in general, and Danielsson in particular, excelled in making scorching comments on current events in an illusorily naive and outward-lookingly friendly way that often succeeded to endear even political opponents to his particular brand of humorist humanism. He was also a constant campaigner behind the scene for causes ranging from Anti-Apartheid to Anti- Nuclear to social solidarity, he was also a regular contributor to the anarcho-syndicalist newspaper Arbetaren. In 1980 he received an honorary doctorate at Linköping University.
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It is not, Black Flame stresses, self-identity (such as calling oneself an 'anarchist') that makes one an "anarchist": the term "anarchist," after all, has been used by the radical right, by free market neo-liberals, and by rock stars. It is the ideological content that matters, and this content goes back to the Bakuninist wing of the "First International." Thus, figures like the syndicalist Bill Haywood, who often used the term "anarchism" in a negative way, form part of the larger anarchist tradition - while figures with no real connection to that tradition, like Stirner, do not.
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In La Vie américaine Paul de Rousiers distinguished the west, with its ranches, farms and towns that were no more than farm markets, from the east with its manufactures, commerce and city life. He saw them as two successive states of the same society, with the west helping to explain the east. De Rousiers, who inspired the revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel with this work, wrote that the American aristocracy stressed ability and discouraged mediocrity, even among their own children. They were much more concerned with helping those with ability than with preventing the incompetent from dying of hunger.
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Plan of proposed interventions in Havana Vieja, Sert Master Plan. Although Le Corbusier had exhibited his ideas for the ideal city, the Ville Contemporaine in the 1920s, during the early 1930s, after contact with international planners he began work on the Ville Radieuse (Radiant City). In 1930 he had become an active member of the syndicalist movement and proposed the Ville Radieuse as a blueprint of social reform. Unlike the radial design of the Ville Contemporaine, the Ville Radieuse was a linear city based upon the abstract shape of the human body with the head, spine, arms, and legs.
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The FORP was born in 1906 when three general unions met: the Society of Graphic Workers, the Resistance Union of Carpenters and the Union of Coachmen, later joined by several other unions. José Serrano was elected the federation's first General Secretary, The statutes that were drafted in the founding Congress of FORP are very similar to those of FORA, that is, with a clear anarcho-syndicalist tendency. In 1913, after the persecutions of the Albino Jara government, FORP decided to reorganize itself. In a new congress, they adopted the same solidarity pact of 1906 and elected José Cazzulo as General Secretary.
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Expelled from France on his release in 1917, he moved to Spain, which was neutral in World War I but was the scene of an attempted syndicalist revolution. Around this time, he first used the name Victor Serge, as a pen name for an article in the newspaper Tierra y Libertad. Nicholas II was overthrown in February, 1917, and in July Serge decided to travel to Russia for the first time in his life, to participate in the revolutionary activities there. In order to get there, he returned to France and tried to join the Russian troops fighting there.
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Philadelphia-born radical labor activist William Z. Foster left home as a youth to make his own way as an itinerant worker, employed as a deckhand aboard merchant ships and traveling around the United States in pursuit of employment.Dubofsky, "The Agitator," pg. 113. By 1909 he had made his was to the Pacific Northwest, coming into contact with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), a radical syndicalist trade union. Foster became a member of the IWW upon his arrival but soon became disaffected with the organization's dual union strategy, organizing workers in opposition to other unions already in the field.
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Kurt Gustav Wilckens News of the mass execution soon reached Buenos Aires but the government made no call into an official investigation for fear of political repercussions. Argentine socialists and anarchists however promised vengeance. Kurt Gustav Wilckens, a 35-year-old German immigrant from Silesia, had been deported from the United States for his radical political views. In Argentina, he worked as a stevedore at Ingeniero White and Bahía Blanca, as a farm worker in Alto Valle del Río Negro and as a correspondent for the anarchist newspapers Alarm of Hamburg and The Syndicalist of Berlin.
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In the summer of 1914 would come an issue which would sweep the syndicalist controversy aside and fundamentally alter political discourse within the international socialist movement and the Socialist Party of America — the crisis of international war in Europe. The year 1912 also marked Spargo's only foray into American electoral politics, when he ran for the United States Congress in the 1st Congressional District of Vermont as the nominee of the Socialist Party. Spargo received 456 votes, as opposed to the more than 3,000 that the victorious candidate received.Ruotsila, John Spargo and American Socialism, pg. 69.
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On 9 May 1928 the Republican Syndicalist Party (Parti républicain syndicaliste, PRS) was founded, led by Valois, Arthuys, Hubert Bourgin and Charles Albert. The first issue of the party's journal, Cahiers bleus, appeared on 15 August 1928 with contributors such as Pierre Mendès France, Pietro Nenni, Emmanuel Berl, Édouard Berth and future Fascist sympathisers such as Bertrand de Jouvenel, Marcel Déat and Paul Marion. In the 1930s Arthuys was a member of the right-wing nationalist Croix-de-Feu league created by François de La Rocque. When Adolf Hitler came to power in 1933 Arthuys strongly opposed Nazism.
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The new phase of the Greek anarchist movement started during the Greek military junta of 1967–1974. In this period, Greek anarchism broke away from its anarcho-syndicalist origins, and it was organized around small direct action groups. Students played a significant role in this new phase. Students returning from Paris, where they had taken part in the events of May 1968 and got in touch with leftist and anarchist ideas, started spreading these ideas among the radical youth. In 1972, Guy Debord's The Society of the Spectacle was published in Athens, along with other Situationist texts.
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Orce Nikolov Jordan Nikolov (7 January 1916 in Skopje - 4 January 1942) was an ethnic Macedonian communist and partisan from Macedonia. His life and work are connected with the organizing and firming of the syndicalist movement in Macedonia. Under his leadership in Macedonia, the first protests were undertaken, and the workers succeed for the first time to conclude collective contracts with the employers. In August 1940 Orce Nikolov was arrested on account of the break-up of the 1st of May proclamation of Central Committee of CPY, and the organizing of the Ilinden celebration in Macedonia.
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The steel companies took eager advantage of the change in the political climate. As the strike began, they published information exposing National Committee co-chairman William Z. Foster's past as a Wobbly and syndicalist, and claimed this was evidence that the steelworker strike was being masterminded by communists and revolutionaries. The steel companies played on nativist fears by noting that a large number of steelworkers were immigrants. Public opinion quickly turned against the striking workers. Only Wilson's stroke on September 26, 1919, prevented government intervention, since Wilson's advisers were loath to take action with the president incapacitated.
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When the Free Union was founded, it initially presented itself as "the base organization for self-management and syndicalism", but has recently become less syndicalist and now presents itself as an anarchist organization. In its own words, the Vrije Bond strives for "an anarchist society in which a person can determine how to organize life." Principles, Free Union The Free Union aims at the abolition of social classes, borders, the state, and other social relations they deem oppressive. The Free Union advocates equality between people, the autonomy of the individual, and self-management and self- governance.
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The affair ended Colette's marriage and caused a scandal. It lasted until 1924. Some believe Bertrand to be the role model for the title character in Colette's novel Chéri, but in fact she had published about half the book, in serial form, before she and her stepson met for the first time, in the spring of 1920. Their affair actually inspired Colette's novel Le Blé en herbe. In the 1930s, he participated in the Cahiers Bleus, the review of Georges Valois' Republican Syndicalist Party. From 1930 to 1934, Jouvenel had an affair with the American war correspondent Martha Gellhorn.
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Their leader was Constantinos Speras, a Serifos native educated in Egypt, who was an anarcho-syndicalist with long experience of labour struggles on the Greek mainland. In response to the strike, Grohman asked for the help of Greek authorities, who sent a 30-man gendarmerie (Χωροφυλακή) detachment from nearby Kea. After detaining Speras and the strike committee, the gendarmerie lieutenant ordered his men to fire on the workers, who had gathered at the ore loading dock at Megalo Livadi and refused to permit a cargo ship to be loaded. Four workers were killed and a dozen wounded.
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Franco speaking, late 1940s; note Falangist and Carlist symbolsthe graphical symbol in the middle has not been identified The key outcome of unification was ensuring political unity within the Nationalist camp. The most dynamic political groupings in the rebel zone, so far fully loyal but autonomous and demonstrating own ambitions, were marginalized. Falange was domesticated and though the independent national-syndicalist current within FET remained strong, the party was now firmly controlled by caudillo and his men. Carlism retained its independent political identity beyond FET yet it suffered from fragmentation bordering breakup and Comunión Tradicionalista started to languish in semi-clandestine life.
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In Spain, the national anarcho-syndicalist trade union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo initially refused to join a popular front electoral alliance and abstention by CNT supporters led to a right wing election victory. In 1936, the CNT changed its policy and anarchist votes helped bring the popular front back to power. Months later, the former ruling class responded with an attempted coup causing the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). In response to the army rebellion, an anarchist-inspired movement of peasants and workers, supported by armed militias, took control of Barcelona and of large areas of rural Spain where they collectivised the land.
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Whilst at university in Budapest, Lukács was part of socialist intellectual circles through which he met Ervin Szabó, an anarcho- syndicalist who introduced him to the works of Georges Sorel (1847–1922), the French proponent of revolutionary syndicalism. In that period, Lukács's intellectual perspectives were modernist and anti-positivist. From 1904 to 1908, he was part of a theatre troupe that produced modernist, psychologically realistic plays by Henrik Ibsen, August Strindberg, and Gerhart Hauptmann. Lukács spent much time in Germany, and studied at the University of Berlin from 1906 to 1907, during which time he made the acquaintance of the philosopher Georg Simmel.
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The syndicalist oriented Finns remained affiliated with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and the auxiliary organization, Canadan Teollisuusunionistinen Kannatusliitto (Canadian Industrial Worker Support Circle or CTKL). This was the group responsible for establishing and operating the Hoito Restaurant as well as establishing a chain of People's Co- operative stores in the region. The Finnish Labour Temple acted as the Canadian IWW administrative offices for several years and housed the Canadian news service headquarters for the Industrialisti, the Finnish-language daily newspaper of the IWW. The Finnish Wobblies were also able to pay off the mortgage on the building.
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Despite the fact that its members referred to themselves as "fascists", the ideology was based around national syndicalism. The ideology of fascism would not fully develop until 1921, when Mussolini transformed his movement into the National Fascist Party, which then in 1923 incorporated the Italian Nationalist Association. The INA established fascist tropes such as colored shirt uniforms and also received the support of important proto-fascists like D'Annunzio and nationalist intellectual Enrico Corradini. The first declaration of the political stance of fascism was the Fascist Manifesto, written by national syndicalist Alceste De Ambris and futurist poet Filippo Tommaso Marinetti and published in 1919.
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By 1916, Perolz was a committed revolutionary, having joined Cumann na mBan and the syndicalist Irish Citizen Army, of which her friend Constance Markievicz was a leading officer.Bureau of Military History (BMH), Witness Statements (WS) (Margaret Keogh). She was a friend of James Connolly and in contact with Jim Larkin, the leaders of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union. She worked for the Irish Women Workers' Union (IWWU), and attended Trade Union Congress meetings at Sligo on its behalf. Perolz was registered at the official owner of Spark, a weekly socialist newspaper published between February 1915 and April 1916, edited by Markievicz.
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During the mid-1920s, the decline of Germany's syndicalist movement started. The FAUD had reached its peak of around 150,000 members in 1921, but then started losing members to both the Communist and the Social Democratic Party. Rocker attributed this loss of membership to the mentality of German workers accustomed to military discipline, accusing the communists of using similar tactics to the Nazis and thus attracting such workers. At first only planning a short book on nationalism, he started work on Nationalism and Culture, which would be published in 1937 and become one of Rocker's best-known works, around 1925.
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Whitney was charged with five counts of having violated the state's Criminal Syndicalism law by her membership in the Communist Labor Party. Since Whitney freely admitted her status as a charter member of the CLP, the burden of the prosecution was in attempting to demonstrate the association of the organization with the syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World and the Communist International, based in Moscow, organizations held to be illegal under California law. Once having established the criminal nature of the CLP, prosecutors argued that they would then establish the guilt of the defendant.Whitten, Criminal Syndicalism and the Law in California, pg. 44.
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As a platformist-especifista organisation, the ZACF subscribes to the idea of an "active minority". This means that the ZACF, unlike certain anarcho-syndicalist organisations, does not seek to build purely anarchist mass movements or unions; nor does it seek to turn existing social movements into anarchist-only movements. Rather, in the tradition of social insertion championed by the Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro (FARJ, or Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro), the ZACF works within existing movements to fight for the "leadership of anarchist ideas". This entails the implementation of anarchist principles within such movements, along with a revolutionary anarchist programme.
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He is best known for his book Political Parties, published in 1911, which contains a description of the "iron law of oligarchy." He was a friend and disciple of Max Weber, Werner Sombart and Achille Loria. Politically, he moved from the Social Democratic Party of Germany to the Italian Socialist Party, adhering to the Italian revolutionary syndicalist wing and later to Italian Fascism, which he saw as a more democratic form of socialism. His ideas provided the basis of moderation theory which delineates the processes through which radical political groups are incorporated into the existing political system.
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Although in its initial phase the organization promoted the philosophy of communist anarchism, over time the ideology of the group evolved until in 1912 it declared itself for anarcho-syndicalism. In large measure through the efforts of Bill Shatoff, a Russian-born anarcho-syndicalist who worked for a time on the staff of the URW's newspaper, Golos Truda (The Voice of Labor), the URW developed close ties with the Industrial Workers of the World.Salvatore Salerno, Red November Black November: Culture and Community in the Industrial Workers of the World. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1989; pg. 89.
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Deux cartes postales détaillées signées " Ashavérus [Didier Dubucq] ", in Cartoliste, online. In September 1906, La Calotte, a new anti-clerical newspaper, came out of the press. The establishment reacted harshly to this militancy that soon aggravated the workers' rumblings and the increasingly menacing trade union movements: cartoonists like Jules Grandjouan or Aristide Delannoy were imprisoned, Georges Clemenceau became the "first cop of France" against the militant press with an anarcho-syndicalist tendency.Citations extraites de " L'image le rire et la libre pensée militante, exemple de la revue franco-belge Les Corbeaux (1905–1909) " par Guillaume Doizy, in Caricatures et caricature, 10 janvier 2007, online.
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The end goal of syndicalism is to abolish the wage system, regarding it as wage slavery. Anarcho-syndicalist theory therefore generally focuses on the labour movement.Jeremy Jennings, Syndicalism in France (St Martin's Press, 1990) The basic principles of anarcho-syndicalism are solidarity, direct action (action undertaken without the intervention of third parties such as politicians, bureaucrats and arbitrators) and direct democracy, or workers' self- management. Anarcho-syndicalists believe their economic theories constitute a strategy for facilitating proletarian self-activity and creating an alternative co-operative economic system with democratic values and production that is centered on meeting human needs.
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In 1888, Labadie organized the Michigan Federation of Labor, became its first president and forged an alliance with Samuel Gompers. Dyer Lum was a 19th-century American individualist anarchist labor activist and poet. A leading anarcho-syndicalist and a prominent left-wing intellectual of the 1880s, he is remembered as the lover and mentor of early anarcha-feminist Voltairine de Cleyre. Lum wrote prolifically, producing a number of key anarchist texts and contributed to publications including Mother Earth, Twentieth Century, Liberty (Tucker's individualist anarchist journal), The Alarm (the journal of the International Working People's Association) and The Open Court among others.
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Frachon returned to Chambon-Feugerolles on 8 September 1919, where he joined the socialist Section Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière (SFIO). He could not find work in the region, so moved to Marseille where he found a job as a metallurgist at the Giraud-Soulay company. He was soon elected a shop steward, and negotiated with the management in two disputes. During this period he abandoned his anarcho-syndicalist views. After the split of the SFIO at the Tours Congress of 25–30 December 1920 he became a member of the local branch of the French Communist Party.
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He often wrote for L'Humanité, Les Cahiers du bolchevisme and La Vie ouvrière, advancing the need for a united front of exploited workers, and for workers to understand the broader issues when often they were focused on immediate goals such as better wages and improved working conditions. In the early 1930s the PCF was in disarray. Eugen Fried was assigned by Comintern to eliminate the social-democratic and anarcho-syndicalist elements, and prevent the Trotskyists from gaining influence. He was to resolve rivalry, eliminate unsound elements and install men loyal to Moscow at the head of the party.
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Catherine Epstein (2003), p. 34 Retrieved December 1, 2011 and joined the Anarcho- Syndicalist Youth of Germany, a political party that was in existence from 1920 to 1933. In 1923, Damerius joined the Communist Party (German: Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands, or KPD) and he and his wife had a baby, who died when a small child. They were divorced in 1927.Catherine Epstein (2003), p. 57 Retrieved December 1, 2011 In 1928, he was a member of the agitprop theater group Rote Blusen, led by Arthur Pieck. In 1929, he was a founding member of the Left Column and became its leader.
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The Argentine Regional Workers' Federation (FORA) was created in 1901. It split in 1915 between the FORA IX (of the Ninth Congress) and the FORA V (of the 5th Congress), the latter supporting an anarcho-syndicalist stance. In January 1919, the FORA notably called for demonstrations after police repression, during the Tragic Week, while it latter organized protests in Patagonia, which led to harsh repression by Hipólito Yrigoyen's administration (the disturbances were known as Patagonia rebelde). Following the 1917 October Revolution in Russia and the founding of the Profintern, the Argentine Syndicates' Union (USA) was created in March 1922.
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These were followed by a protracted depression in the 1930s, which resulted in mass unemployment across all sectors of the coal, steel, textile and shipbuilding industries. A mixture of unemployment, the rise of trade unionism and the dissatisfaction brought about by World War I led to an increasing level of industrial unrest. Many of the areas that would later be dubbed 'Little Moscows' had earlier in the century attempted to find another system other than the capitalist system favoured by the state. In 1912 the Rhondda saw the publication of The Miners' Next Step, a Syndicalist manifesto published by Noah Ablett.
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Libertarian Municipal People () was originally a slate to contest municipal elections in Sweden, first proposed and manned by libertarian socialists and syndicalists. In late February 1950, representatives from syndicalist organizations from Gästrikland, northern Uppland, Älvdalen, as well as individuals from Stockholm, Västmanland and Härjedalen gathered to form a platform to contest municipal elections. Thus FKF emerged, formed outside of the SAC proper. The 'National Organization of Libertarian Municipal People' (Frihetliga Kommunalfolkets Riksorganisation) was founded on June 28, 1950. FKF won 51 seats in 16 municipalities in the 1950 municipal elections, becoming the largest party in Älvdalen with 10 seats.
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Building of Trade Unions in Prague-Žižkov ROH was founded in the Czech Lands in 1945, emerging out of the factory councils and workers militias that evolve out of the wake of the Second World War. Since the communists had played the leading role in anti-fascist resistance during the war, they became dominant in the trade union movement once the war ended. The communists were however not the sole political force in the initial phase of ROH, the Trade Union Department of the Communist Party was wary of 'syndicalist' tendencies in the factory councils.Campbell, Joan.
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Subsequently, anarcho-syndicalism's main tenet that economic struggles come before political ones can be traced back to Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, and was the same issue that led to the schism of the First International. Anarcho-syndicalists advocated that labour syndicates should focus not only on the conditions and wages of workers but also on revolutionary objectives. The French Confédération Générale du Travail (General Confederation of Labour) was one of Europe's most prominent syndicalist organisations and, while rejecting illegalism, was heavily influenced by anarchism. As a grassroots organisation and lab for revolutionary ideas, its structure was exported to other like-minded European organisations.
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Monatte thought that syndicalism was revolutionary and would create the conditions for a social revolution, while Malatesta did not consider syndicalism by itself sufficient. He thought the trade-union movement was reformist and even conservative, citing the phenomenon of professional union officials as essentially bourgeois and anti-worker. Malatesta warned that the syndicalist aims were of perpetuating syndicalism itself, whereas anarchists must always have anarchy as their end goal and consequently must refrain from committing to any particular method of achieving it. In Spain, syndicalism had grown significantly during the 1880s but the first anarchist related organisations didn't flourish.
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The victory of the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution and the resulting Russian Civil War did serious damage to anarchist movements internationally. Many workers and activists saw the Bolsheviks' success as setting an example, and communist parties grew at the expense of anarchism and other socialist movements. In France and the United States, for example, members of the major syndicalist movements of the Confédération Générale du Travail (General Confederation of Labour) and Industrial Workers of the World left these organisations to join the Communist International. From the collapse of anarchism in the newly formed Soviet Union, two anarchist trends arose.
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I even believe in helping an employer function more productively. For then, we will have a claim to higher wages, shorter hours, and greater participation in the benefits of running a smooth industrial machine.... Hillman's belief in stability as the basis for progress was coupled with a willingness to embrace industrial engineering approaches, such as Taylorism, that sought to rationalize the work processes as well. This put Hillman and the ACW leadership at odds with the strong anarcho-syndicalist tendencies within the union's membership, many of whom believed in direct action as a principle as well as tactic.
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Steinberg's political views were essentially anarchist, although he defined himself as a Left Eser or Left Narodnik. Russian Left Esers proposed a radically decentralized federation of worker syndicates, councils and cooperatives whose delegates are chosen by direct democracy and could be revoked at any moment. Unlike many anarchists, Steinberg believed that it is possible and necessary to form a political party whose task would be the destruction of the state from within. He also noted, like some contemporary anarchists, that even an established syndicalist federation would not be completely free of elements or "crystals" of organized power.
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Although an official publication of the Industrial Workers of the World only from February 1921 through March 1929, Tie Vapauteen was an enthusiastic supporter of the IWW for its entire 19-year existence. Tie Vapauteen, (Finnish for "Road to Freedom"), was a Finnish language monthly magazine published by Finnish members of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in the United States from 1919 to 1937. The magazine advanced an explicitly syndicalist position marked by Marxian class analysis. The magazine featured regular analysis of American industry, working life, and political commentary alongside poetry, fiction, and humor.
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Anarchism was an influential contributor to the social politics of Brazil's Old Republic. During the epoch of mass migrations of European labourers at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, anarchist ideas started to spread, particularly amongst the country’s labour movement. Along with the labour migrants, many Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and German political exiles arrived, many holding anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist ideas. Some did not come as exiles but rather as a type of political entrepreneur, including Giovanni Rossi, who founded an anarchist commune in 1889, named the colony of Cecília, in the interior of Paraná state.
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The SWP used the term squadism to dismiss these militant anti-fascists as thugs. In 1985, some members of Red Action and the anarcho-syndicalist Direct Action Movement launched Anti-Fascist Action (AFA). Their founding document said "we are not fighting Fascism to maintain the status quo but to defend the interests of the working class".AFA (London) Constitution Part 1.4 Thousands of people took part in AFA mobilizations, such as Remembrance Day demonstrations in 1986 and 1987, the Unity Carnival, the Battle of Cable Street's 55th anniversary march in 1991, and the Battle of Waterloo against Blood and Honour in 1992.
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During the National Coal Strike of 1912 there are references to Hartshorn in the press as a militant, an extremist, a socialist, as pugnacious, uncompromising and out for trouble . That said, he was not one of the group of young socialists from the Rhondda who published the Syndicalist manifesto, 'The Miners Next Step', with its sustained critique of the style of union leadership shown by the likes of William Abraham. Nor was he an advocate of conciliation and compromise, of co-operation with the coal-owners at any cost. He believed that the 'strike weapon' could and should be used.
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He began his political activities during his university studies in Valladolid. In 1931 he joined Juventudes Castellanas de Acción Hispánica (Castilian Youth for Spanish Action), a small political group founded in Valladolid by Onésimo Redondo, that would merge with Ramiro Ledesma's Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (Unions of the National- Syndicalist Offensive) and José Antonio Primo de Rivera's Falange Española de las JONS. He fought in the Civil War on the Nationalist side and commanded units of Falangist militias. After the war, he was appointed national delegate of Veterans and in 1941 minister of Labor, when he was only 30.
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At the Dynamo factory in Moscow he had published several political tracts for fellow workers and had them placed at the work stations overnight. He had also been involved in "improving" official notices on the factory notice boards, with messages opposing wage cuts and taylorism, and condemning a trade agreement between the Soviet Union and England. He recalled his imprisonment: even when deprived of his liberty the dedicated trades unionist/syndicalist had celebrated the May Day workers' holiday in his cell. During his time in the Russian prison Lazarévitch had plenty of time to read and study.
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They remained in Belgium till 1936, a period during which Lazarévitch moved in libertarian circles and was involved with pacifist groups in the country. In 1932 he joined with Jean De Boë to found the syndicalist action groups which produced the fortnightly "Le Réveil syndicaliste" at Jupille, of which thirty editions were published between November 1932 and April 1934. In 1933 he was arrested and sentenced to four months imprisonment by a court at Verviers, for having harangued striking textile workers at a banned rally. He was arrested again, together with Ida, in 1934, and sentenced to a further fifteen days in prison.
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For Gramsci, these councils were the proper means of enabling workers to take control of the task of organising production. Although he believed his position at this time to be in keeping with Lenin's policy of "All power to the Soviets", his stance that these Italian councils were communist, rather than just one organ of political struggle against the bourgeoisie, was attacked by Bordiga for betraying a syndicalist tendency influenced by the thought of Georges Sorel and Daniel DeLeon. By the time of the defeat of the Turin workers in spring 1920, Gramsci was almost alone in his defence of the councils.
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A leading anarcho-syndicalist and a prominent left-wing intellectual of the 1880s, he is remembered as the lover and mentor of early anarcha-feminist Voltairine de Cleyre. Lum was a prolific writer who wrote a number of key anarchist texts, and contributed to publications including Mother Earth, Twentieth Century, Liberty (Benjamin Tucker's individualist anarchist journal), The Alarm (the journal of the IWPA) and The Open Court among others. He developed a "mutualist" theory of unions and as such was active within the Knights of Labor and later promoted anti-political strategies in the American Federation of Labor (AFL).Carson, Kevin.
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Other tendencies were also present within American anarchist circles. As such American anarcho-syndicalist Sam Dolgoff shows some of the criticism that some people on other anarchist currents at the time had. "Speaking of life at the Stelton Colony of New York in the 1930s, noted with disdain that it, "like other colonies, was infested by vegetarians, naturists, nudists, and other cultists, who sidetracked true anarchist goals." One resident "always went barefoot, ate raw food, mostly nuts and raisins, and refused to use a tractor, being opposed to machinery, and he didn't want to abuse horses, so he dug the earth himself.
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Its central principle, stated in its journal Views and Comments, was "equal freedom for all in a free socialist society". Branches of the League opened in a number of other American cities, including Detroit and San Francisco. It was dissolved at the end of the 1960s. Sam Dolgoff (1902–1990) was a Russian American anarchist and anarcho- syndicalist. After being expelled from the Young People's Socialist League, Dolgoff joined the Industrial Workers of the World in the 1922 and remained an active member his entire life, playing an active role in the anarchist movement for much of the century.
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Dyer Daniel Lum (February 15, 1839 – April 6, 1893) was an American anarchist, labor activist and poet. A leading syndicalist and a prominent left-wing intellectual of the 1880s, Lum is best remembered as the lover and mentor of early anarcha-feminist Voltairine de Cleyre. Lum was a prolific writer who wrote a number of key anarchist texts and contributed to publications including Mother Earth, Twentieth Century, Liberty (Benjamin Tucker's individualist anarchist journal), The Alarm (the journal of the International Working People's Association) and The Open Court, among others. Following the arrest of Albert Parsons, Lum edited The Alarm from 1892 to 1893.
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He learned his fourth language, English, and became an active member of the Jewish community center, where he proved adept at political discussions. Like his father, Rothko was passionate about issues such as workers' rights and contraception. At the time, Portland was a center of revolutionary activity in the U.S. and the region where the revolutionary syndicalist union Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) was strongest. Having grown up around radical workers' meetings, Rothko attended meetings of the IWW, including anarchists such as Bill Haywood and Emma Goldman, where he developed strong oratorical skills he later used in defense of Surrealism.
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Zenkoku Jiren, now dominated by pure anarchists who rejected syndicalist tactics, believed that unions were not inherently revolutionary. As a result, when they were involved in labour disputes, the organisation directed attention away from the immediate circumstances and towards their long-term goal of an anarchist revolution. Kokuren, on the other hand, engaged in reckless and violent activities to bring this revolution about, leading to a collapse in membership. Every issue of Kokushoku Seinen had been prohibited from sale, and this radicalisation only contributed to its reduction from a nationwide federation to a small group of radicals.
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Pioneers of American Freedom: Origin of Liberal and Radical Thought in America is a book by the German anarcho-syndicalist Rudolf Rocker about the history of liberal, libertarian, and anarchist thought in the United States. Rudolf Rocker, who had been strongly influenced by Benjamin Tucker, started work on Pioneers of American Freedom during World War II. Professor Arthur E. Briggs started translating the book into English from Rocker's native German in 1941. He took over for Rocker's previous English translator Ray E. Chase as he had died. The book was published with the help of the Rocker Publishing Committee in 1949.
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Anarchists occupying a building in Sweden Anarchism was reported to have been extant in Sweden by Mikhail Bakunin as early as 1866. As with the movements in Germany and the Netherlands, Swedish anarchism had a strong syndicalist tendency. One of the earliest Swedish anarchists of note was the artist Ivan Aguéli who in 1884 was arrested and sentenced in the "Trial of the thirty" in Paris. Also prominent were Anton Nilson, Leon Larsson, Axel Holmström, Albert Jensen, and Hinke Bergegren. Bergegren edited and published nine issues of the weekly periodical Under röd flagg, from March to June 1891.
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The Italian Socialist Party purged itself of pro-war nationalist members, including Mussolini. Mussolini, a syndicalist who supported the war on grounds of irredentist claims on Italian-populated regions of Austria- Hungary, formed the pro-interventionist Il Popolo d'Italia and the Fasci Rivoluzionario d'Azione Internazionalista ("Revolutionary Fasci for International Action") in October 1914 that later developed into the Fasci di Combattimento in 1919, the origin of fascism. Mussolini's nationalism enabled him to raise funds from Ansaldo (an armaments firm) and other companies to create Il Popolo d'Italia to convince socialists and revolutionaries to support the war.Dennis Mack Smith. 1997.
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Foster, From Bryan to Stalin, p. 64. One of the most important strikes that the Chicago syndicalists would become involved in was the strike on the Illinois Central Railroad and Harriman, which had already begun in September 1911 and ended in June 1915, after the SLNA broke up. The Syndicalist league took an active part in this strike while it existed and in its leaders, Carl E. Person, defense after he shot a company agent in self-defense. The rank-and-file led strike demanded the federation of unions working on the same line and joint contracts.
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It would be morally impermissible for persons to maintain the monopoly in the ultraminimal state without providing protective services for all, even if this requires specific 'redistribution.' The operators of the ultraminimal state are morally obligated to produce the minimal state". In the early 1970s, Rothbard wrote: "One gratifying aspect of our rise to some prominence is that, for the first time in my memory, we, 'our side,' had captured a crucial word from the enemy. 'Libertarians' had long been simply a polite word for left- wing anarchists, that is for anti-private property anarchists, either of the communist or syndicalist variety.
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Rothbard described this modern use of the words overtly as a "capture" from his enemies, writing that "for the first time in my memory, we, 'our side,' had captured a crucial word from the enemy. 'Libertarians' had long been simply a polite word for left-wing anarchists, that is for anti-private property anarchists, either of the communist or syndicalist variety. But now we had taken it over". In the 1970s, Robert Nozick was responsible for popularizing this usage of the term in academic and philosophical circles outside the United States,Teles, Steven; Kenney, Daniel A. (2008).
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This accounts for the fact > that European Syndicalism, unlike the I.W.W., is not organized into One Big > Union on the basis of perfectly co-ordinated, centralized industrial > departments. It also accounts for the fact that the form of the I.W.W. is > designed to serve not only as a powerful combative force in the everyday > class struggle, but also as the structure of the new society both as regards > production and administration. In 1981 Conlin gave up the "non-syndicalist" cause as a semantic exercise, while simultaneously complimenting Dubofsky for his superior treatment of the IWW's American roots.
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Wobblies have been called socialist, anarchist, and syndicalist. Some would argue that none of these fit well. Writing of French syndicalism in The revolutionary internationals, 1864-1943, Milorad M. Drachkovitch offered the perception that, > It did not occur to the syndicalists that the capitalist state, "eliminated" > by the "expropriatory general strike", would be replaced by a new state with > a new ruling class—the self-taught officials of the labor unions. It was > only after the Bolshevik Revolution that most French syndicalists, dropping > the last vestiges of anarchist anti-statism, adopted the slogan au syndicat > le pouvoir, i.e.
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Ouédraogo was a leader of the syndicalist general strike and 1966 military coup against Yaméogo. In 1970 Ouédraogo became Secretary-General of the Union démocratique voltaïque (UDV), and he was elected to the new National Assembly in the December 1970 elections. In the early 1970s Ouédraogo and Gérard Ouédraogo (unrelated) were rival leaders of the Union démocratique voltaïque (UDV): an agreement that Gérard would serve as prime minister and Joseph as president of the National Assembly broke down in 1974, and in February 1974 the army stepped in to suspend the 1970 constitution and restore military rule.
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Herbert Wehner was born in Dresden, the son of a shoemaker. His father was active in his trade union and a member of the Social Democratic Party. More radical than his father, Wehner engaged in anarcho-syndicalist circles around Erich Mühsam, driven by the 1923 invasion of Reichswehr troops into the Free State of Saxony at the behest of the DVP-SPD Reich government of Chancellor Gustav Stresemann. He also fell out with Mühsam, whose pacifist manners he rejected, and finally joined the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) in 1927, becoming an official of the party's Rote Hilfe organisation the same year.
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Between 1936 and 1945, anti-anarchist repression had a constitutional footing, in the form of the Ley Lara (Lara Law). After the Spanish Civil War, many exiled anarchists arrived in Venezuela, finding a political climate far different from that of interwar Spain. This second wave of anarchist European immigrants caused the regrowth of the small libertarian scene, primarily through the foundation of the Federación Obrera Regional Venezolana (FORVE, Venezuelan Regional Workers Federation) in 1958, after ten years of harsh military dictatorship. FORVE was affiliated with the International Workers' Association, a global anarcho- syndicalist movement founded in 1922.
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The divisions with communism saw Acharya move away to later identify himself as an anarcho-syndicalist. He is known to have been in touch with French anarchists, along with Chatto, in the early 1920s, and insisted including anarcho-syndicalists at the Congresses of the Communist International. In 1923, he began including Anarchist works in the mails sent to those in India who were in the cominterns mailing list. He was contributing at this time to the Russian Anarchist publication Rabochii Put, and the Indian activist Indulal Yagnik notes having met Acharya in Amsterdam in 1931 working with the school of Anarchist-Syndicalism.
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During the German socialist movement's debate over the use of mass strikes, the FVdG advanced the view that the general strike must be a weapon in the hands of the working class. The federation believed the mass strike was the last step before a socialist revolution and became increasingly critical of parliamentary action. Disputes with the mainstream labor movement finally led to the expulsion of FVdG members from the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in 1908 and the complete severing of relations between the two organizations. Anarchist and especially syndicalist positions became increasingly popular within the FVdG.
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Emblem of the National Fascist Party According to historian Zeev Sternhell, "most syndicalist leaders were among the founders of the Fascist movement", who in later years gained key posts in Mussolini's regime.Zeev Sternhell, with Mario Sznajder, Maia Asheri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1994, p. 33 Mussolini expressed great admiration for the ideas of Georges Sorel,Jacob Leib Talmon, The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of Revolution, University of California Press, 1981, p. 451 who he claimed was instrumental in birthing the core principles of Italian fascism.
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The following morning, two firecrackers were fired, the attacks were perpetrated by FLAMA, the first aimed at a car, the second bomb aimed at the house of a known syndicalist on the island. Several attacks took place in the following days, and after an occupation of another news broadcaster by a group of expatriates who had returned to Portugal following the war for independence of Angola and Mozambique and who demanded higher standards of living, three more attacks took place on the 10th, 12th, 15th and 21 October. After establishing contact with FLA, FLAMA's boldest attack took place on November 13.
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The Confederation of Independent Trade Unions of Bulgaria (KNSB/CITUB) is a trade union confederation in Bulgaria. The CITUB is Bulgaria's largest, most influential and well-established trade union, having several times more members than its largest rival - KT Podkrepa. CITUB's headquarters, the former socialist-era Trade Unions Building The KNSB is affiliated with the International Trade Union Confederation and the European Trade Union Confederation. In addition to its unionist activities, the CITUB also has a research department dubbed the Institute for Social and Syndicalist Studies, which analyzes social and economic issues, conducts polls and publishes informational bulletins.
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The group included some of the most technologically advanced companies in Japan at the time. In 1937, at the invitation of his relative Nobusuke Kishi, he moved to Manchukuo and agreed with the Japanese Kwantung Army's vision of a syndicalist economy and centralized industrial development plan for Manchukuo. He also moved the headquarters of Nissan to Manchukuo, where it became the core of the Manchurian Industrial Development Company, a new Manchukuo zaibatsu. In his position as president and chairman, Aikawa guided all industrial efforts in Manchukuo, implementing two five-year plans during the 1930s that followed the economic and industrial vision of army ideologist, Naoki Hoshino.
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Lead singer and guitarist Steve Drewett took openly socialist stances in his lyrics throughout the course of the band's career and currently displays an anarcho- syndicalist sticker on his guitar. From 1986 the Neurotics became one of the first Western bands to play behind the Iron Curtain, with successive tours of East Germany alongside artists like Billy Bragg and Attila the Stockbroker. When bassist Colin Dredd contracted pleurisy, he left the band; Mac (Travis Cut /The Pharaohs /The Skabilly Rebels) was brought in to play bass for some farewell shows (at which the band's entire catalogue was played), and the band called it quits in October 1988.
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The Industrial Workers of the World advance an industrial unionism which would organize all the workers, regardless of skill, gender or race, into one big union divided into a series of departments corresponding to different industries. The industrial unions would be the embryonic form of future post-capitalist production. Once sufficiently organized, the industrial unions would overthrow capitalism by means of a general strike, and carry on production through worker run enterprises without bosses or the wage system. Anarcho-syndicalist unions, like the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, are similar in their means and ends but organize workers into geographically based and federated syndicates rather than industrial unions.
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Foster took his own advice and became a union business agent for a local of the Brotherhood of Railway Carmen of America in Chicago. He continued his syndicalist campaign, this time through the International Trade Union Educational League, while obtaining a position as a general organizer for the AFL in 1915. His syndicalism led him to drop any criticism of the more conservative union leaders; in his eyes, organizing workers was a step toward dismantling capitalism. The ITUEL did not so much seek to take power in those organizations in which its members were active, as to steer them in a more progressive direction.
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Statue of James Larkin on O'Connell Street (Oisín Kelly 1977) In 1913, Dublin experienced one of the largest and most bitter labour disputes ever seen in Britain or Ireland – known as the Lockout. James Larkin, a militant syndicalist trade unionist, founded the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU) and tried to win improvements in wages and conditions for unskilled and semi-skilled workers. His means were negotiation and if necessary sympathetic strikes. In response, William Martin Murphy, who owned the Dublin Tram Company, organised a cartel of employers who agreed to sack any ITGWU members and to make other employees agree not to join it.
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The Harriers Column of the FAI, or Los Aguiluchos, was the last of the great Catalan anarcho-syndicalist columns. Later, more militias left Catalonia for the front, but they would no longer do so in the form of a column but rather as reinforcement units of the existing columns. This column was supposed to form a large unit - of around 10,000 combatants - but it ended up reinforcing the Ascaso Column as an autonomous column - with about 1,500 militiamen with 200 militiawomen. Organized in the Bakunin barracks in Barcelona, it was sent to the Huesca front on August 28, with Juan García Oliver and Miguel García Vivancos leading the column.
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El Pensamiento Navarro (issue from the post- Pascual period) Apart from mobilizing support for the Borbón-Parmasbacking the Borbón-Parmas resulted in constand clashes with ABC, the pro-Juanist Madrid daily, which systematically downplayed all information related to Carlism, Don Javier or Don Carlos Hugo, Errea Iribas 2007, pp. 164-8, 201, 211, 233-237, 347-391 and for labor-related changes embraced by the Church,at one point El Pensamiento Navarro has even declared itself a "syndicalist newspaper", El Pensamiento Navarro 21.01.67, referred after Errea Iribas 2007, p. 103; the daily voiced in favor of a new Ley Sindical which would empower Catholic trade unions, Errea Iribas 2007, pp.
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Isaac Puente. El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas. was a militant of both the CNT anarcho- syndicalist trade union and Iberian Anarchist Federation. He published the book El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas (en:Libertarian Communism and other insurrectionary and naturist proclaims) in 1933, which sold around 100,000 copies.Isaac Puente. El Comunismo Libertario y otras proclamas insurreccionales y naturistas. pg. 4 Puente was a doctor who approached his medical practice from a naturist point of view. He saw naturism as an integral solution for the working classes, alongside Neo-Malthusianism, and believed it concerned the living being while anarchism addressed the social being.
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Despite the measured and cautious support he gave to the Proudhon Circle, a circle of intellectuals launched by young monarchists hostile to liberal capitalism and calling for union with the revolutionary syndicalist movement inspired by Georges Sorel,Géraud Poumarède, « Le Cercle Proudhon ou l'impossible synthèse », Mil neuf cent : Revue d'histoire intellectuelle, no 12, 1994, p. 78. Charles Maurras defended a social policy closer to that of René de La Tour du Pin; Maurras does not like Georges Sorel and Édouard Berth the systematic process of the bourgeoisie where he sees a possible support.Stéphane Giocanti, Maurras – Le chaos et l'ordre, éd. Flammarion, 2006, p. 237.
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A few weeks before the attempted coup, on July 11, a group of Falangists stormed the station of Unión Radio Valencia, announcing through their microphones an imminent "national syndicalist revolution". The person designated by Emilio Mola to lead the uprising in Valencia was Manuel González Carrasco, who arrived there from Madrid a day before the date indicated for the uprising. But when the moment came, González Carrasco, who had to change his address to avoid being detained by the police, had doubts and backed down. He proclaimed his loyalty to the government and pledged not to form the contingent of fighters he had promised to the military.
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Cover of the newspaper La Correspondencia de Valencia, August 1936. The CEP was initially chaired by Ernesto Arín, who until then had been head of Recruitment and Mobilization.Historia general de España y América, Aviva Aviv, 1990 After its recognition by the republican government on August 5, the Committee presidency was installed in the Palace of the Generalitat Valenciana. The CEP was made up of twelve delegates: two from the CNT, two from the UGT, one from PSOE, one from the PCE, one from the POUM, one from the Syndicalist Party, one from the Republican Left, one from the Republican Union, one from Valencian Left and one from the Partit Valencianista d'Esquerra.
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The column was created in Valencia shortly after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. It was made up of soldiers from the former regiments of the region, as well as volunteers from the CNT, UGT, POUM, Syndicalist Party and Valencian Left. In total, it grouped 3,180 troops, of whom 842 were military and 2335 were militiamen. The leadership of these forces was in the hands of the anarchist Domingo Torres and the artillery lieutenant José Benedito Lleó, a member of the Valencian Left and a war delegate in the Popular Executive Committee of Valencia; while Torres acted as a kind of "political" delegate, Benedito performed the functions of military adviser.
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He wrote several articles that favored the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), at that time pro-Marxist but later anarcho- syndicalist. He was seriously injured on 23 August 1923 when assault guards entered the Bilbao Peoples House during a general strike called by the local communists. He was arrested on charges of being involved in violent protests against the shipment of troops to Morocco, and for an attempt to bomb the socialist newspaper El Liberal and its ideologue Indalecio Prieto. At that time his sister arranged for him to meet the Jesuit priest Luis Chalbaud, a first step in a major change to his religious and political beliefs.
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Work People's College as it appeared in 1913. Note the parallel American and red flags flying over the building. Work People's College (Finnish: Työväen Opisto) was a radical labor college (a type of a folk high school governed by the worker's movement) established in Smithville (Duluth), then a suburb of Duluth, Minnesota, in 1907 by the Finnish Socialist Federation of the Socialist Party of America. School administrators and faculty were sympathetic to the syndicalist left wing of the Finnish labor movement and the institution came into the orbit of the Industrial Workers of the World during the 1914-1915 factional battle that split the Finnish Federation.
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Work People's College taught its students a mandatory preparatory program including economics, politics, history, and "socialist program and tactics." Students could then continue with more specialized coursework, including courses in bookkeeping, basic mathematics, and the Finnish and English languages. Others continued on the academic path to become socialist orators and party functionaries, studying Marxist theoretical works in English and Finnish. A severe ideological split divided the Finnish Socialist movement during the middle years of the 1910s, with one part of the FSF staying with the Socialist Party of America and another more radical offshoot casting its lot with the syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World.
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James Gregor, The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, Yale University Press, 1999, p. 135 Mussolini, along with Italian syndicalists, Nationalists and Futurists, contended that those revolutionaries would be Fascists, not Marxists or some other ideology.James Gregor, The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, Yale University Press, 1999, p. 135 According to Mussolini and other syndicalist theoreticians, Fascism would be “the socialism of ‘proletarian nations.’”James Gregor, The Faces of Janus: Marxism and Fascism in the Twentieth Century, Yale University Press, 1999, p. 135 Fascist syndicalists also became preoccupied with the idea of increasing production instead of simply establishing a redistributive economic structure.
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After having written his first book, L'Homme Qui Vient (The Coming Man), he met the nationalist and monarchist writer Charles Maurras and became a member of his Action Française, where he continued to follow the workers' movement. As his employment would have been compromised by an involvement in the far-right monarchist league, he took the pseudonym of Georges Valois. In 1911, he created the Cercle Proudhon, a syndicalist group, and took direction of the publishing house of the Action française, the Nouvelle librairie nationale, in 1912. The Cercle mixed Sorel's influence with the integralism favoured by Charles Maurras and was overtly anti-Semitic.
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Anarcha-feminist militia of Mujeres Libres during the libertarian socialist Spanish Revolution of 1936 Libertarian possibilism was a political current within the early 20th- century Spanish anarchist movement which advocated achieving the anarchist ends of ending the state and capitalism with participation inside structures of contemporary parliamentary democracy.Jesus Ruiz. Posibilismo libertario. Felix Morga, Alcalde de Najera (1891–1936). El Najerilla-Najera. 2003. The name of this political position appeared for the first time between 1922–1923 within the discourse of catalan anarcho-syndicalist Salvador Segui when he said: "We have to intervene in politics in order to take over the positions of the bourgoise".
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Hummasti, Finnish Radicals in Astoria, Oregon, 1904–1940, pg. 36. Thereafter the organization grew rapidly, hitting a membership of 250 in 1911, nearly 18% of the members of the Socialist Party of Oregon. Thereafter a split of the pro-syndicalist left wing of the Finnish Socialist Federation dampened the membership level slightly, with 210 members remaining in the club in 1916. Contrary to national trends within the national Socialist Party, the Astoria Finnish Socialist Club then went on another membership surge, probably driven by enthusiasm for revolutionary events in Russia and Finland, with its ranks peaking in excess of 400 members in the summer of 1918.
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He joined the May 1904 general strike during which five workers were killed by troops in Cerignola. Di Vittorio was strongly influenced by the growth of peasants' organizations and the spread of socialist ideas, giving rise to his participation in the local young socialist organization in Cerignola. He was radicalised by affiliating with the national Federazione Giovanile Socialista (Federation of Young Socialists), led by syndicalists in opposition to the official Socialist Party Youth Federation. As a native of the Mezzogiorno, Di Vittorio became involved in the syndicalist plans for solving the region's acute problems in the manner illustrated by the Fasci Siciliani in final decade of the 19th century.
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In the early 20th century, nationalists and syndicalists were increasingly influencing each other in Italy.Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri, The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton University Press, 1994, p. 161 From 1902 to 1910, a number of Italian revolutionary syndicalists including Arturo Labriola, Agostino Lanzillo, Angelo Oliviero Olivetti, Alceste De Ambris, Filippo Corridoni and Sergio Panunzio sought to unify the Italian nationalist cause with the syndicalist cause and had entered into contact with Italian nationalist figures such as Enrico Corradini.Zeev Sternhell, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri. The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Princeton University Press, 1994. pp.
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He was one of the founders of the pacifist Committee for the Resumption of international relations, and he and Bourderon were the spokesmen for the committee. In all trade union and socialist congresses, he supported the position of the Zimmerwald Conference. Loriot leaned towards the socialist rather than the syndicalist, side in the committee, but towards the end of his life, he moved towards syndicalism. In February 1917, the Committee for the Resumption of International Relations split, with Jean Raffin-Dugens, Bourderon and Pierre Brizon joining the SFIO minority, led by Jean Longuet, and Loriot and fellow socialists Charles Rappoport, Louise Saumoneau and François Mayoux took control of the committee.
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Karl Helge Hampus Hellekant, later Karl Svensson (born 30 January 1976 in Danderyd, Stockholm County), is a Swedish neo-Nazi who was sentenced to 11 years in prison for the murder of syndicalist union member Björn Söderberg on 12 October 1999. Shortly before the murder, Hellekant and some of his friends created "death lists" of more than 1200 Swedish individuals they wanted dead. Because of the content of the lists, his friends were also sentenced and the murder was declared a hate crime. Hellekant's efforts to become a physician, and his eventual dismissal from medical school at Karolinska Institute, became a controversial case in medical ethics.
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Although Le Corbusier had exhibited his ideas for the ideal city, the Ville Contemporaine in the 1920s, during the early 1930s, after contact with international planners he began work on the Ville Radieuse (Radiant City). In 1930 he had become an active member of the syndicalist movement and proposed the Ville Radieuse as a blueprint of social reform. Unlike the radial design of the Ville Contemporaine, the Ville Radieuse was a linear city based upon the abstract shape of the human body with head, spine, arms and legs. The design maintained the idea of high-rise housing blocks, free circulation and abundant green spaces proposed in his earlier work.
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In his youth, Igualada engaged in illegalist activities."Selon l’historien Vladimir Muñoz, son véritable nom aurait été Miguel Ramos Giménez et il aurait participé au début du 20è siècle aux groupes illégalistes.""GIMÉNEZ IGUALADA, Miguel" at Diccionaire International des Militants Anarchistes He unsuccessfully proposed the creation of a Spanish Union of Egoists, and from the 1920s was a member of the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo."GIMÉNEZ IGUALADA, Miguel" at Diccionaire International des Militants Anarchistes Among the many means of earning a living he was a street vendor, taxi driver, gardener, manager of a sugar plantation and rationalist teacher at the Libertarian Atheneum at Las Ventas, Madrid.
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The Continental American Workers Association (, ACAT) was an anarcho- syndicalist trade union confederation that functioned as the Latin American branch of the International Workers Association (, IWA-AIT). In May 1929 the Argentine Regional Workers' Federation (, FORA) convened a congress of all South American countries, which met in Buenos Aires. In this congress, apart from the Argentina section, the following were represented: Paraguay, by the Centro Obrero del Paraguay; Bolivia, by the Local Federation of la Paz, Antorcha y la Luz y la Libertad; Mexico, by the General Confederation of Workers; Guatemala, by the Committee for Trade Union Action; Uruguay, by the Uruguayan Regional Federation. Delegates from seven Brazilian States were present.
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The FAU sees itself in the tradition of the Free Workers' Union of Germany (German: Freie Arbeiter Union Deutschlands; FAUD), the largest anarcho-syndicalist union in Germany until it disbanded in 1933 in order to avoid repression by the nascent National Socialist regime, and to illegally organize resistance against it. The FAU was then founded in 1977 and has grown consistently all through the 1990s. Now, the FAU consists of just under 40 groups, organized locally and by branch of trade. Because it rejects hierarchical organizations and political representation and believes in the concept of federalism, most of the decisions are made by the local unions.
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As the economic crisis of 1917 expanded and the country became more radical, Vikzhel likewise shifted to the left, with Left SR A.L. Malitskii assuming the chairmanship of the organization on September 15 (O.S.). Vikzhel remained far from lockstep with the waxing Bolshevik forces, however, with the union remaining committed to the essentially syndicalist principles of decentralization and workers' control in contrast to the hard centralism touted by the Bolsheviks. Vikzhel rapidly developed amidst the chaos into which the country had descended, establishing itself as the largest and best organized union in Russia by the fall of 1917.E.H. Carr, History of Soviet Russia: The Bolshevik Revolution, 1917-23: Volume 2.
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FORA demonstration around 1915 Meanwhile, the moderate syndicalist CORA grew in size as a result of its pragmatic approach, which included participating in negotiations with employers in place of direct action as advocated by the anarchists. Striving for labor unity, the CORA set up a fusion committee with some non-affiliated unions to push for a merger with the FORA. The majority of the FORA agreed, calling for the CORA to abolish itself and enter the FORA. At the April 1915 FORA congress, its ninth, a resolution which reversed its commitment to anarchist communism was passed, paving the way for the CORA unions to join.
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CNT was established Hubert Lagardelle wrote that Pierre-Joseph Proudhon laid out fundamental ideas of anarcho-syndicalism and repudiated both capitalism and the state in the process since he viewed free economic groups and struggle, not pacifism, as dominant in humans.Jameson, J. F., The American Historical Review (American Historical Association, 1895), p. 731. In September 1903 and March 1904, Sam Mainwaring published in Britain two issues of a short-lived newspaper called The General Strike, a publication that made detailed criticisms of the "officialism" of union bureaucracy and publicized strikes in Europe making use of syndicalist tactics."The Great Dock Strike of 1889," Direct Action #47, 11 August 2009.
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In the late 1920s Le Corbusier lost confidence in big business to realise his dreams of utopia represented in the Ville Contemporaine and Plan Voisin (1925). Influenced by the linear city ideas of Arturo Soria y Mata (which Milyutin also employed) and the theories of the syndicalist movement (that he had recently joined) he formulated a new vision of the ideal city, the Ville Radieuse. It represented a utopian dream to reunite man within a well-ordered environment. Unlike the radial design of the Ville Contemporaine, the Ville Radieuse was a linear city based upon the abstract shape of the human body with head, spine, arms and legs.
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The Anarcho- Syndicalism Initiative (ASI) is currently one of the more active anarchist groups operating in Serbia. They are known as the Union Confederation Anarcho- Syndicalist Initiative section that forms part of the International Workers Association and they have committees in many Serbian towns and cities, including Kragujevac, Kula, Cervenka, and Vrsac. They spread their ideology through the magazine Direct Action (Direktna Akcija), which is distributed through various channels to workers instead of being sold on newsstands, and in which they publish pieces against the state, authoritarian control, and capitalism. The group is believed to consist of approximately 1,000 anarchists, many of whom are students and workers.
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A body of 200 police officers, commanded by the Minister of Public Order of the Government of Catalonia, Eusebio Rodríguez Salas, went to the Telefónica central exchange and presented itself at the censorship department located on the second floor, with the intention of taking control of the building. The anarchists saw this as a provocation, since Telefónica was legally occupied by an anarcho-syndicalist committee, according to a decree about collectivization from the Generalitat itself. Rodríguez Salas, on his part, had authorization from the head of internal affairs of the regional government, Artemi Aiguader i Miró. The anarchist workers opened fire from the second floor landing of the censorship department.
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The two men resembled each other and built a lasting friendship. After the international support effort for anarchist prisoners Sacco and Vanzetti, they gave their support to prevent the extradition of Durruti, who had been promised the death penalty in Spain. In 1936, Jacob went to Barcelona in the hopes of aiding the syndicalist CNT, but convinced that there was no hope for the struggle in Spain, he returned to the market-life of France. While he did not engage directly in the French resistance (there were few anarchist networks, even though some libertarians, primarily Spanish, participated in the movement), partisans were able to find refuge in his home.
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Pelz, Against Capitalism, pp. 126-28 The population was confronted with rising inflation and a significant increase in the price of basic goods, in a period that extensive unemployment was aggravated by mass demobilization of the Royal Italian Army at the end of the war. Association to the trade unions, the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), and the anarchist movement increased substantially. The PSI increased its membership to 250,000, and the major Socialist trade union, the General Confederation of Labour (Confederazione Generale del Lavoro, CGL), reached two million members, while the anarchist Italian Syndicalist Union (Unione Sindacale Italiana, USI) reached between 300,000 and 500,000 affiliates.
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In October 1970, Michel Debré, the French Minister of Defense, decided for strategic purposes to expand a military camp outside the village of La Cavalerie in the French département of Aveyron, from 30 km² to 170 km², without consulting the local population. Local farmers objected and decided to fight against the project, through actions such as occupation of empty farms purchased by the Army in anticipation of this expansion. French syndicalist and peasant activist José Bové moved there during this period in support of the protests. Communards from the nearby Community of the Ark, led by the pacifist Lanza del Vasto, were also very active in opposition to the camp.
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In 1923, two years after leaving the Valencia prison, Biófilo was selected as delegate of the Mexican Anarchist Association to a congress in Barcelona. There he proposed a project named Operation Europe, which had as its goal: The following year he traveled to São Paulo to help organize a coffee-growers' strike, but was once more jailed and transferred to the city of Cayena, from which he escaped. The League of the Rights of Man sent him to Martinique; having secretly visited fifty-two countries, he returned to Colombia. There he was imprisoned together with the syndicalist Raúl Mahecha, in the city of San Gil.
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Anarchists participated enthusiastically in the Russian Revolution, but as soon as the Bolsheviks established their authority, anarchists were harshly suppressed, most notably in Kronstadt and in Ukraine. Anarchism played a historically prominent role during the Spanish Civil War, when anarchists established an anarchist territory in Catalonia. Revolutionary Catalonia was organised along anarcho- syndicalist lines, with powerful labor unions in the cities and collectivised agriculture in the country, but the war ended in the defeat of the anarchists and their allies and the solidification of fascism in Spain. In the 1960s, anarchism re-emerged as a global political and cultural force, particularly in association with the New Left.
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Seeing the victories of the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution and the resulting Russian Civil War, many workers and activists turned to communist parties which grew at the expense of anarchism and other socialist movements. In France and the United States, members of major syndicalist movements such as the General Confederation of Labour and the Industrial Workers of the World left their organisations and joined the Communist International. In the Spanish Civil War of 1936, anarchists and syndicalists (CNT and FAI) once again allied themselves with various currents of leftists. A long tradition of Spanish anarchism led to anarchists playing a pivotal role in the war.
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The Sindicatos Libres (Spanish for "Free Trade Unions"; ) was a Spanish company union born in Barcelona, Catalonia. It was established by Carlist workers, and remained active during the early interwar period (the late stages of Restoration Spain) as a counterweight to the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo. The group aided employers take action against striking unionists, and was thus criticized as a "yellow union" with proto-fascist leanings; however, its regular members were in practice freely moving between right- and left-wing unionism. The Sindicatos lost momentum during the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera, and eventually dissolved when the Second Spanish Republic was proclaimed.
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According to Steinberg, even a relatively free and stateless social system has to acknowledge the existence of some reminiscent government-like structures within itself, in order to decentralize or dismantle them and further "anarchize" the society. Steinberg viewed anarchism as an underlying principle, spirit, and drive of revolutionary socialism, rather than as a concrete political program with an ultimate goal. Therefore, he refrained from equating his syndicalist ideas with "anarchism", because such an equation, in his view, would have compromised the very subtle and perpetual nature of anarchist principles.אין קאַמף פֿאַר מענטש און ייִד, Buenos Aires, 1952 Steinberg was a leader of the Jewish Territorialist movement.
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She had been sentenced by Tsarism to 8 years of forced labor for spreading subversive literature, but her sentence was later commuted to exile in Kansk province (Siberia) due to her young age. During the October Revolution Maximoff participated in the strike movement and in the fighting in Petrograd and was subsequently elected as provincial deputy of the Petrograd factory soviets. In 1918, along with five other colleagues, he was elected as delegate to the First All Russian Congress of Trade Unions. As a member of an anarcho- syndicalist body of the Nabat Confederation, Maximoff collaborated in the drafting of the newspaper Golos Truda.
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Although Rucci was depicted by the Peronist Left as part of the Syndical Bureaucracy, according to the author Berzaba, he received no support, from either López Rega, UOM leader Lorenzo Miguel (a top Syndical Bureaucracy figure), or even Gelbard, once the latter had obtained his signature on the Social Pact. Perón himself returned to Argentina on June 20, three weeks after Cámpora's inaugural. Rucci, Miguel and other syndicalist figures organized the tribune from which Perón was to address the hundreds of thousands of supporters gathered near Ezeiza Airport. Hours before the scheduled landing, snipers following orders from López Rega shot at leftists in the crowd from the tribune.
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Monatte often referred himself to Fernand Pelloutier and did not disguise his anarchist sympathies although he drifted away from that current of socialism after the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam in 1907. There, Monatte argued in particular with Errico Malatesta concerning the methods of organisation. Invoking the 1906 Charter of Amiens, which established the principle of "political neutrality" of trade unions, Monatte considered syndicalism itself to be revolutionary, but Malatesta advocated the creation of some sort of anarchist organisation to superate internal conflicts among the workers' movement itself.Monatte and Malatesta's speech during the 1907 Congress Monatte was the first secretary general of the Comités syndicalistes révolutionnaires (Revolutionary Syndicalist Committees).
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239-272, and The FET during the Civil War, pp. 273-39 Moreover, the Carlists were enraged to find that what they supposed to be an organization they could control or at least influence was increasingly turning into a new version of Falange, with syndicalist blue-shirts systematically gaining the upper hand. Following unification Carlist rank-and-file started to bombard their leaders in Junta and in Consejo with complaints about getting sidetracked, asking for support. As recipient of these notes and phone calls Florida is recorded as pledging support; it is not clear whether he indeed intervened, though it is clear that nothing changed.
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Launched in 1986, Kara magazine, was taken as a turning point in terms of the anarchist movement in Turkey. The magazine, which was published at a time when the mainstream Turkish left could not overcome the shock of the military coup, defined itself as "libertarian" instead of "anarchist", due to the general perception of anarchy as chaos. In addition to broader social movements, anarchist groups and publications formed in the early 1990s, including ones following platformist, anarcho-syndicalist and synthesist traditions. In 1998, the Anarchist Youth Federation (AGF) was established, followed by the Anarchist- Communist Initiative (AKI) and Revolutionary Anarchist Activity (DAF) in the early 2000s.
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Kanson Arahata, who was one of those in prison at the time of the Incident, retreated to the countryside during the winter period, not returning to Tokyo until 1916. Ōsugi and Arahata were both anarcho- syndicalists, and helped to push the anarchist movement in that direction. Ōsugi understood French, and his translations of French media became the principal source of information in Japan on the French CGT union, a pioneer of syndicalist tactics. Together, the two began to publish a journal in October 1912 called Modern Thought (Kindai Shisō), which explored anarchist syndicalism through a literary and philosophical lens, so as to avoid government persecution.
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164 In the book Orano expressed affection for some individual Jews, notably Ettore Ovazza, but nonetheless the book helped to legitimise anti-Semitism as a part of Italian fascism and laid the groundwork for later persecutions. Despite this the non-biological nature of his anti-semitism meant that he did not go far enough for Giovanni Preziosi, who attacked Orano's work in his journal La Vita Italiana.David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, 1979, pp. 323-4 Captured in 1944 he was held along with many fellow fascist officials at a prison camp at Padula where he died the following year following complications with a peptic ulcer haemorrhage.
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The earliest version of a fascist movement, the small groups led by Benito Mussolini in Italy from 1915 to 1920, were a radical pro-war movement that focused on Italian territorial expansion and aimed to unite people from across the political spectrum in service to this goal. As such, this movement did not take a clear stance either for or against capitalism, as that would have divided its supporters. Many of its leaders, including Mussolini himself, had come from the anti-capitalist revolutionary syndicalist tradition and were known for their anti-capitalist rhetoric. However, a significant part of the movement's funding came from pro-war business interests and major landowners.
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During the autumn of 1931, the "Manifesto of the 30" was published by militants of the anarchist trade union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). Among those who signed it there was the CNT General Secretary (1922–1923) Joan Peiro, Angel Pestaña (CNT General Secretary in 1929) and Juan Lopez Sanchez. They were called treintismo and they were calling for a more moderate political line within the Spanish anarchist movement. In 1932, they established the Syndicalist Party which participated in the 1936 Spanish general election and proceed to be a part of the leftist coalition of parties known as the Popular Front by obtaining two congressmen (Pestaña and Benito Pabon).
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Fermin Rocker (22 December 1907 – 18 October 2004) was a British painter and book illustrator. He was the son of the anarcho-syndicalist theorist and activist Rudolf Rocker, a German, who had moved to London 1895, and Milly Witkop, a Ukrainian Jew and anarchist and feminist activist, who had fled to London in 1894. Rocker was born in Stepney, East London in 1907 and named after the Spanish anarchist and mayor of Cádiz Fermín Salvochea. During his youth, he got to know many prominent anarchists such as Errico Malatesta and Peter Kropotkin and often attended anarchist meetings with his father, a prominent activist, whom he fondly recalls in his 1998 memoir.
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Quickly rising as one of the most powerful members of the National Fascist Party, gathering around him a large number of supporters, Farinacci came to represent the most radical syndicalist faction of the party, one that thought Mussolini to be a too liberal leader (likewise, Mussolini believed Farinacci was too violent and irresponsible). Among Fascists, Farinacci was known to be particularly anti- clerical, xenophobic and antisemitic. Nevertheless, Farinacci's career continued to rise and played a considerable role in establishing Fascist dominance over Italy during and after the 1922 March on Rome. In 1925, Farinacci became the second most powerful man in the country when Mussolini appointed him secretary of the party.
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Cambridge: Polity. pp. 201–202. . Anarcho-syndicalist Gaston Leval explained: "We therefore foresee a Society in which all activities will be coordinated, a structure that has, at the same time, sufficient flexibility to permit the greatest possible autonomy for social life, or for the life of each enterprise, and enough cohesiveness to prevent all disorder. [...] In a well-organised society, all of these things must be systematically accomplished by means of parallel federations, vertically united at the highest levels, constituting one vast organism in which all economic functions will be performed in solidarity with all others and that will permanently preserve the necessary cohesion".Leval, Gaston (1959).
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Having been radicalized while studying in Japan (much as did Wang Jingwei), Liu, a Tongmenghui member, was involved in several assassinations before a 1907 attempt on the life of a Guangdong military commander, Li Chun, cost him one of his hands and two years in prison after his explosive device detonated by accident. He joined the Chinese Assassination Corps right after his release in 1910. He would later go on to reject the tactic of revolutionary terror, favoring instead grassroots organizing among the peasants and workers. Associated with Liu was another Corps member, Xie Yingbo, who would later become a labor union leader and anarcho-syndicalist.
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Members of the Spanish anarcho-syndicalist trade union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo marching in Madrid in 2010 A surge of popular interest in libertarian socialism occurred in Western nations during the 1960s and 1970s. Anarchism was influential in the counterculture of the 1960s"Farrell provides a detailed history of the Catholic Workers and their founders Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin. He explains that their pacifism, anarchism, and commitment to the downtrodden were one of the important models and inspirations for the 60s. As Farrell puts it, "Catholic Workers identified the issues of the sixties before the Sixties began, and they offered models of protest long before the protest decade.
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Under the leadership of Léon Jouhaux, the Confederation joined the "sacred union" during World War I, which provoked the CGT's first internal division. While Jouhaux tried to associate the CGT with the authorities, his opponents criticized the pervasive air of nationalism and the preference for struggle with the German proletarians rather than the French employers. They welcomed news of the 1917 October Revolution with hope. In 1919, Pierre Monatte created the Revolutionary Syndicalist Committees (Comités syndicalistes révolutionnaires) current inside the CGT, which opposed the trade-union's collaboration with the government during the war; carried out in the name of the Union sacrée national bloc.
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When Italian dictator Benito Mussolini consolidated power under his National Fascist Party in the mid-1920s, an oppositional anti- fascist movement surfaced both in Italy and countries such as the United States. Many anti-fascist leaders in the United States were anarchist, socialist and syndicalist émigrés from Italy with experience in labor organizing and militancy. Ideologically, antifa in the United States sees itself as the successor to anti-Nazi activists of the 1930s. European activist groups that originally organized to oppose World War II-era fascist dictatorships re-emerged in the 1970s and 1980s to oppose white supremacy and skinheads, eventually spreading to the United States.
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"A las Barricadas" ("To the Barricades") was one of the most popular songs of the Spanish anarchists during the Spanish Civil War. "A las Barricadas" is sung to the tune of "Whirlwinds of Danger" ("Warszawianka"), composed by Józef Pławiński. The lyrics were written by Valeriano Orobón Fernández in 1936, partly based on the original Polish lyrics by Wacław Święcicki. "The Confederation" referred to in the final stanza is the anarcho-syndicalist CNT ( — "National Confederation of Labor"), which at the time was the largest labour union and main anarchist organisation in Spain, and a major force opposing Francisco Franco's military coup against the Spanish Republic from 1936–1939.
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Vujić graduated from the University of Zagreb's Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences with major in philosophy and sociology. In 1985 he earned a Ph.D. degree. In 1967 he founded Omladinski tjednik, first Croatian underground magazine. In the post-Croatian Spring purges in 1972 Vujić was branded a "nationalist, liberal and anarcho- syndicalist" and lost his employment, but was recruited by Miroslav Krleža two years later to work in the Yugoslav Lexicographical Institute. In 1989 he was one of the founding members of the centre-left political party Social Democrats of Croatia (SDH), and ran at the 1992 presidential elections, coming in 8th with 0.70 percent of the votes.
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In 1909 and 1910 the Marxist wing struggled against the anarcho-syndicalist wing. The SSDP participated in the First Balkan Socialist Conference held on 7-9 January 1910 in Belgrade. At the outbreak of World War I the Social Democratic deputies to the National Assembly refused to vote for war credits. The mobilization and the Austro- Hungarian occupation of the Kingdom of Serbia from October 1915 weakened the SSDP. During the revolutionary upswing that occurred in Serbia under the influence of the October Revolution, the SSDP merged with the Socialist Workers’ Party of Yugoslavia (of Communists) at the latter’s first (Unification) Congress, held in April 1919.
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Historians argue that the case radicalized a significant portion of the American labor movement. Moyer himself concluded that the state's use of military power to crush unions could be countered only by a syndicalist union linked to a potent political party. Subsequently, Moyer and the WFM helped found the radical Industrial Workers of the World in 1905. While Samuel Gompers and the American Federation of Labor sought an accommodation with capitalism and the status quo, a large minority of American workers did not, and another three decades of labor unrest was caused, in part, by desperate workers who felt that the courts were closed to them.
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Wills, himself, claimed that he was not a politician, since a borough councilor's duties were strictly administrative, while insisting that he was a fervent opponent of parliamentary politics. The dispute unveiled two different interpretations of syndicalist rejection of politics: the one advanced by the French and Spanish held that participation in the parliamentary process is in itself a hindrance to class struggle; the Dutch on the other hand sought to unify all workers, no matter their political or religious beliefs. Finally, Wills agreed to resign in order to end the dispute and was replaced by Jack Tanner of the Hammersmith Engineers.Thorpe 1989, pg. 73-75.
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59-65 and ensuring compliance.while the war was ongoing Oriol kept supervising recruitment to Carlist tercios and Falangist banderas; afterwards he triggered setup of Brigada de Investigación y Vigilancia de FET, a feared party version of secret police, Cantabrana Morras 2005, p. 152, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 192 Increasingly perplexed by syndicalist preponderance over Carlism in the new party, he demonstrated unease;"no seria leal a mi conciencia si al hacer saber mi disconformidad con las orientaciones que sigue la actual politica del Movimiento, no presentase al mismo tiempo la renuncia al cargo de Vocal de la Junta Política", a letter from Oriol to FET jefe Muñoz Grandez of 20.11.
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Following the split from the SPD, the FVdG was increasingly influenced by French syndicalism and anarchism. In 1908, Kater called the Charter of Amiens, the platform of the French General Confederation of Labor (CGT), the earliest and largest syndicalist union worldwide, "a new revelation".Bock 1969, p. 31–32. Although there was no contact between German "intellectual anarchists" (like Gustav Landauer and Erich Mühsam) and the FVdG, it did have influential anarchist members, most notably Andreas Kleinlein and Fritz Köster. Kleinlein and Köster increasingly influenced the federation from 1908 on,Bock 1989, p. 306. and this led to the founding of Der Pionier in 1911.
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The British Advocates of Industrial Unionism, founded in 1906, supported the IWW. This group split in 1908, with the majority supporting Daniel De Leon and a minority supporting E. J. B. Allen founding the Industrialist Union and developing links with the Chicago- based IWW. Allen's group soon disappeared, but the first IWW group in Britain was founded by members of the Industrial Syndicalist Education League led by Guy Bowman in 1913. The IWW was present, to varying extents, in many of the struggles of the early decades of the 20th century, including the UK General Strike of 1926 and the dockers' strike of 1947.
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Another Finnish-language Wobbly publication was the monthly Tie Vapauteen ("Road to Freedom"). Also of note was the Finnish IWW educational institute, the Work People's College in Duluth, and the Finnish Labour Temple in Port Arthur, Ontario, Canada, which served as the IWW Canadian administration for several years. Further, many Swedish immigrants, particularly those blacklisted after the 1909 Swedish General Strike, joined the IWW and set up similar cultural institutions around the Scandinavian Socialist Clubs. This in turn exerted a political influence on the Swedish labour movement's left, that in 1910 formed the Syndicalist union SAC which soon contained a minority seeking to mimick the tactics and strategies of the IWW.
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May Day 2010 demonstration of the anarcho-syndicalist trade union CNT in Bilbao, Basque Country In the early 20th century, anarcho-syndicalism arose as a distinct school of thought within anarchism. More heavily focused on the labour movement than previous forms of anarchism, syndicalism posits radical trade unions as a potential force for revolutionary social change, replacing capitalism and the state with a new society, democratically self-managed by the workers. Anarcho-syndicalists seek to abolish the wage system and private ownership of the means of production, which they believe lead to class divisions. Important principles of syndicalism include workers' solidarity, direct action (such as general strikes and workplace recuperations) and workers' self-management.
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As he initiated a campaign in New York city to advance the rights of the most exploited migrant workers, his scholarly output also centered on the immigrant workers. He is completing the co-authored work: Migration in a World of Inequality (Monthly Review Press 2014). Ness is also writing on working class self-activity, labour migration, anarcho-syndicalism, workers' councils and cooperatives and new forms of worker organization in the United States, Caribbean, Africa, South Asia, Latin America, and Europe. He is researching independent workers organisations and documenting mobilizations outside of traditional labour models—including efforts to organise autonomous and syndicalist unions outside traditional labour jurisdictions, anti-capitalism, and opposition to global neoliberal governance.
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The Anarchists did nothing to support their cause; instead, their labored to introduce own anarcho-syndicalist communes. The ERC- controlled autonomous government of the Generalitat cracked down on anarchist structures;some scholars believe that in October 1934 the Generalitat president, representative of mainstream ERC Lluis Companys was manipulated by radical nationalists of Estat Català, chiefly by Josep Dencàs and Miquel Badia, see Abel Paz, Durruti in the Spanish Revolution, Edinburgh 2007, , p. 339 following outbursts of violence mutual aversion between the two was already bordering hostility. During the general elections of February 1936 the Anarchists hesitantly decided to support the Popular Front alliance, which included ERC, but soon truce gave way to tension.
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In the article he protested and ridiculed patronising Falangist treatment of the Carlists as merely "unos buenos chicos", CNT 19.01.58, available here Carlist standard In the late 1950s and early 1960s Pascual kept contributing to a number of regional and national titles, including 24, a periodical issued by the Francoist student organization SEU,e.g. in 1961 he focused on poverty and underemployment among the Andalusian peasants, quoting statistical information gathered by unofficial research of parochial networks; the piece was even re-printed in Republican papers issued in Cuba, España Republicana 16.04.61, available here Imperio, a syndicalist daily,e.g. in 1959 he praised a young priest who formatted his life as service to the country and the people, Imperio 14.03.
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Because of their membership in the IWA the name is also often abbreviated as FAU-IAA or FAU/IAA.The International Workers Association is called Internationale Arbeiter-Assoziation in German, hence the abbreviation IAA he FAU sees itself in the tradition of the Free Workers' Union of Germany (German: Freie Arbeiter Union Deutschlands; FAUD), the largest anarcho-syndicalist union in Germany until it disbanded in 1933 in order to avoid repression by the nascent National Socialist regime, and to illegally organize resistance against it. The FAU was then founded in 1977 and has grown consistently all through the 1990s. Now, the FAU consists of just under 40 groups, organized locally and by branch of trade.
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""Anarchism" at the Encyclopædia Britannica online. Pi considered federalism to be a "unity in variety, the law of nature, the law of the world", an organization based on the bottom-up contract by "natural and spontaneous collective beings" (La reacción y la revolución, 1854). Pi i Margall was a dedicated theorist in his own right, especially through book- length works such as La reacción y la revolución (English: "Reaction and revolution" from 1855), Las nacionalidades (English: "Nationalities" from 1877), and La Federación from 1880. For prominent anarcho-syndicalist Rudolf Rocker "The first movement of the Spanish workers was strongly influenced by the ideas of Pi i Margall, leader of the Spanish Federalists and disciple of Proudhon.
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CC.OO. sticker The Workers' Commissions () since the 1970s has become the largest trade union in Spain. It has more than one million members, and is the most successful union in labor elections, competing with the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) (historically affiliated with the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party [PSOE]), and with the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT), which is usually a distant third. The CCOO were organized in the 1960s by the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and workers' Roman Catholic groups to fight against Francoist Spain, and for labor rights (in opposition to the non-representative "vertical unions" in the Spanish Labour Organization). The various organizations formed a single entity after a 1976 Congress in Barcelona.
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When a series of strikes began in the spring of 1918 in the Loire Basin, centered on Saint-Étienne, Pericat and Andrée Andrieux tried to convert the strikes into a general strike against the war along the same lines as the Bolshevik actions in Russia. The strikes were suppressed and the leaders of the Committee of Syndicalist Defense were arrested. Merrheim had disagreed with the strikes, but defended Péricat and told the premier Georges Clemenceau and the Left deputies that they must listen to the proletariat and understand their grievances if France was to avoid the fate of Russia in being forced into peace on disadvantageous terms. Péricat was released in November 1918.
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In 1598, Chinese writer Zhao Shizhen described Turkish muskets as being superior to European muskets. The Chinese military book Wu Pei Chih (1621) later described Turkish muskets that used a rack-and-pinion mechanism, which was not known to have been used in European or Chinese firearms at the time. The state-controlled manufacture of gunpowder by the Ottoman Empire through early supply chains to obtain nitre, sulfur and high-quality charcoal from oaks in Anatolia contributed significantly to its expansion between the 15th and 18th century. It was not until later in the 19th century when the syndicalist production of Turkish gunpowder was greatly reduced, which coincided with the decline of its military might.
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However, for decades Galicia was largely confined to the role of a supplier of raw materials and energy to the rest of Spain, causing environmental havoc and leading to a wave of migration to Venezuela and to various parts of Europe. Fenosa, the monopolistic supplier of electricity, built hydroelectric dams, flooding many Galician river valleys. Memorial to the mayor and other republicans, including a syndicalist and a journal director, executed in Verín, 17 June 1937. The Galician economy finally began to modernize with a French Citroën factory in Vigo, the modernization of the canning industry and the fishing fleet, and eventually a modernization of small peasant farming practices, especially in the production of cows' milk.
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Their ideology, steeped in Catholicism, predated similar reforms in the Church implemented as a result of the Second Vatican Council. Women needed to complete Sección Feminina's Servicio Social program in order to get a passport, drivers license, join an association or obtain educational titles. It could be completed by engaging in service activities at children's canteens, workshops, hospitals, and by engaging in physical activity like gymnastics or approved women's sports. Working-class women were supported by being invited to participate in syndicalist committees, and by the Women's Section constantly highlighting that for many poor women, it was a necessary evil that women should leave their homes to work and that such work was still secondary to marriage and motherhood.
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Despite Ferrer's acquittal, the police continued to believe he was guilty. Ferrer continued his advocacy for rational education and syndicalist causes following his release in June 1907, but was arrested and charged in August 1909 with leading the week of protest and insurrection known as Tragic Week. Though he likely participated in its events, he was not its mastermind. The ensuing trial, which would culminate in his death by firing squad, is remembered as a show trial by a kangaroo court, or as the historian Paul Avrich later summarized the case, "judicial murder": a successful attempt to quell an agitator whose ideas were dangerous to the status quo, as retribution for not convicting him in the Morral affair.
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With the success of Dead Cells into 2019, Motion Twin wanted to move onto their next game while still supporting Dead Cells. However, they still wanted to remain a small cooperative of eight to ten persons, so internally, they created a new development team called Evil Empire around January 2019 to take over the development and support of Dead Cells while the other Motion Twin developers started on their next project. Motion Twin is run as an anarcho-syndicalist workers cooperative with equal salary and decision-making power between its members. As part of the legal model, Motion Twin is required to pass a set percentage of its profits to its workers.
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He would later transfer La Plebe to Pittsburgh and, with it, revolutionary ideas to Italian miners and mill workers in Western Pennsylvania. In 1909, Tresca became editor of L'Avvenire, (The Future) remaining in that capacity until the coming of World War I, when the publication was suppressed under the Espionage Act. Paterson silk strike leaders Patrick Quinlan, Tresca, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Adolph Lessig, and Bill Haywood Tresca joined the revolutionary syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in 1912, when he was invited by the union to Lawrence, Massachusetts to help mobilize the Italian workers during a campaign to free strike leaders Joseph Ettor and Arturo Giovannitti, jailed on false murder charges.
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Born Balda Di Vittorio in Cerignola, Province of Foggia, the daughter of the syndicalist trade unionist Giuseppe, Di Vittorio was registered in the Communist Party since 1938. At the outbreak of the Second World War she was interned in the Rieucros camp in the Lozère department, and after the collapse of France she took refuge in the United States with her husband. In New York Di Vittorio enrolled the courses of Jefferson School of Social Science and joined several anti-fascist groups. Returned to Italy after the war, she became a member of the national presidency of the feminist association Unione Donne in Italia (Union Women in Italy, also known as Udi).
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He was also made President of the Académie des Sciences morales et politiques, and in addition, he became Officier de la Légion d'honneur, and Officier de l'Instruction publique. Bergson found disciples of many types. In France movements such as neo-Catholicism and Modernism on the one hand and syndicalism on the other endeavoured to absorb and appropriate for their own ends some central ideas of his teaching. The continental organ of socialist and syndicalist theory, Le Mouvement socialiste, portrayed the realism of Karl Marx and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon as hostile to all forms of intellectualism, and argued, therefore, that supporters of Marxist socialism should welcome a philosophy such as that of Bergson.
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However, numerous researchers place the founding of the party with the activities of the 1911 elections. In contrast, numerous texts describe pre-1911 propaganda expeditions by party members to different regions of the K.u.K-Monarchy. The journeys were described by the party leader as figurative "apostolic missions" through Moravia, Lower Austria, Hungary, Croatia, the Carniola, Styria, Upper Austria, Bohemia and Vienna. Since these trips have a strong resemblance to the "Vagabond Wanderinsg" () Hašek regularly undertook starting in 1900, perhaps the party history is a case of an after-the-fact blurring and mystification on the part of the author, as evidence shows Hašek active as a journalist for an anarchist newspaper and an anarcho-syndicalist organizer during this time.
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Anselmo Lorenzo (21 April 1841, in Toledo, Spain - 30 November 1914) was a defining figure in the early Spanish Anarchist movement, earning the often quoted sobriquet "the grandfather of Spanish anarchism," in the words of Murray Bookchin: "his contribution to the spread of Anarchist ideas in Barcelona and Andalusia over the decades was enormous". His activity in the movement and adherence to Anarchist ideals can be rooted to his meeting and befriending of Giuseppe Fanelli in 1868, a disciple of Mikhail Bakunin recruiting for the International Workingmen's Association. Lorenzo edited the anarchist syndicalist newspaper La Huelga General from 1901–1902 with Francisco Ferrer. He died in 1914 and was laid to rest on the Cemetery of Montjuïc.
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In 1921 he founded, along with Xavier Guerrero, José Clemente Orozco, and Vicente Lombardo Toledano, the syndicalist Grupo Solidario del Movimiento Obrero. He taught literature for nearly half a century at several institutions, including the National Preparatory School, the UNAM, and for various summers at the University of Texas, holding from 1953 onward the title of UNAM Emeritus Professor. He undertook poetic and pedagogical ambassadorships to countries like Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, while a trip to Europe in 1952 inspired some of his writing. In 2001 CONACULTA and the Coahuilan Institute of Culture (Icocult) established the Premio Nacional de Cuento Joven Julio Torri, a prize for young writers that honors Julio Torri.
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The Spanish section of the International was here renamed the "Spanish Regional Federation" (also known as simply the Spanish Federation), and outlines for future organization were discussed. The Congress had a clear anarchist flavor despite the presence of non-anarchist members of the International from other European nations. It was looked upon with disdain by the mainstream press and the existing political parties, for the Congress openly attacked the political process as an illegitimate means of change and foreshadowed the future power of syndicalist trade unions such as the CNT. Socialists and liberals within the Spanish Federation sought to reorganize Spain in 1871 into five trade sections with various committees and councils.
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Rosmer was a syndicalist leader before World War I, active in the Confédération générale du travail (CGT), the French general federation of unions. Together with Pierre Monatte, he issued a journal called La Vie ouvrière (Worker's Life), which was terminated as a result of French entry into World War I.Tosstorff, The Red International of Labour Unions, pg. 94. The antiwar French syndicalists had been represented at the Zimmerwald Conference in 1915 and then organised as the Committee for the Resumption of International Relations in which Rosmer participated. After the end of the war, a strike wave swept France in which the syndicalists played an active role. La Vie ouvrière was resurrected by Rosmer and Monatte in March 1919.
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Indeed, the General Confederation of Labour, created in 1895 from the fusion of the various Bourse du Travail (Fernand Pelloutier), the unions and the industries' federations, claimed its independence and the non-distinction between political and workplace activism. This was formalized by the Charter of Amiens in 1906, a year after the unification of the other socialist tendencies in the SFIO party. The Charte d'Amiens, a cornerstone of the history of the French labor movement, asserted the autonomy of the workers' movement from the political sphere, preventing any direct link between a trade-union and a political party. It also proclaimed a revolutionary syndicalist perspective of transformation of society, through the means of the general strike.
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The youngest of four siblings, he was born to a Valencian father and a Basque mother. He spent his first years in Barcelona, only returning there in 1994 after a long exile; his family had had to flee to France after the Spanish civil war due to his father's membership of the anarcho-syndicalist CNT union. They lived in Paris until the beginning of the German occupation of France, when his father was arrested and deported to an internment camp for Spanish Republican prisoners. His mother took their four children back to San Sebastián to find work, and they lived together in her family's ancestral home in Aduna, Guipuzkoa, until he was 14 .
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The German unions oriented themselves based on the policies of political parties and occupation or occupation groups, and not based on the principle of one company equals one union. These occupational unions are going back to the traditional guild constitution and the stipulations of the Halberstadter Congress. The ADGB and Afa-Coalition were close to the SPD, the Christian Unions were close to the Center Party, the RGO was close to the KPD, the DHV was close to the right-conservative DNVP, and in the final phase of the Weimar Republic, it was even close to the NSDAP. The syndicalist Free Workers-Union Germany ("Freie Arbeiter-Union Deutschlands (FAUD)") completely opposed party politics.
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Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis In March 1918, Rocker was taken to the Netherlands under an agreement to exchange prisoners through the Red Cross. He stayed at the house of the socialist leader Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis and he recovered from the health problems from which he suffered as a result of his internment in the UK and met up with his wife Milly Witkop and his son Fermin. He returned to Germany in November 1918 upon an invitation from Fritz Kater to join him in Berlin to re-build the Free Association of German Trade Unions (FVdG). The FVdG was a radical labor federation that quit the SPD in 1908 and became increasingly syndicalist and anarchist.
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American anarchist Emma Goldman (middle) As participants in the anarcho- syndicalist movement, Mujeres Libres believed in the abolition of the state and of capitalism. Many anarchists at the time presumed that gender inequality was a product of these economic hierarchies, and that it would disappear once the social revolution had been achieved. However, following their negative experiences within male-dominated anarchist groups, the anarchist women who founded Mujeres Libres began to reject the idea that the struggle for gender equality was subordinate to the wider class struggle for economic equality. This was reflected in their statement of purpose, which argued that women should be emancipated from their "triple enslavement" - to their own ignorance, to gender inequality, and to capitalism.
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Although Després remained a member of the party for the rest of his life, he also remained a convinced revolutionary syndicalist, a position that began to seem old fashioned. He was not always willing to follow the party line, which caused some difficulties when he was working for party's official organ, although he was highly respected and his position was reasonably secure. Després was a delegate to the 11th Congress of the Communist Party in October 1922. In 1926 he was a member of the party's Colonial Commission. Després ran unsuccessfully as Communist candidate for election to the legislature in 1932 for Fontenay-le- Comte, Vendée He later worked as a proofreader while continuing to contribute to l’Humanité.
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These assemblies strive to reach a consensus, but are willing to fall back to a majority vote. The communities form a federation with other communities to create an autonomous municipalities, which form further federations with other municipalities to create a region. The Zapatistas are composed of five regions, in total having a population of around 360,000 people as of 2018.Andrew Flood, "The Zapatistas, anarchism and 'Direct democracy'", Anarcho-Syndicalist Review 27 (Winter 1999) Each community has 3 main administrative structures: (1) the commissariat, in charge of day-to day administration; (2) the council for land control, which deals with forestry and disputes with neighboring communities; and (3) the agencia, a community police agency.
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A law of 16 October 1941 gave a new administrative organization to the City of Paris and the Department of the Seine under the traditional name of the Municipal Council, but with appointed rather than elected members. The PUP members remained in office, but new councilors were selected from the syndicalist workers' movement to replace the communists, an illegal party since 1940, and socialists who had been excluded because they were Jews or Freemasons. On 3 October 1941 Trochu was named president of the new assembly, before the law officially came into effect. In 1942 Trochu and Le Corbusier published a special issue of Architecture et urbanisme devoted to Le Corbusier's work.
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In this theory, he argued that the relationship between labour unions and their capitalist employers was essentially similar to the relationship between the members of a gang of bandits and its leader. Anarchists believe that capitalism is essentially exploitative, just as bandits exploit their victims. Iwasa's analogy therefore argued that, regardless of whether the members of the gang were in charge of its operations, the gang would still pillage those around it; and in much the same way, even if labour unions take charge of a company, the nature of capitalism would remain exploitative. This harsh criticism of labour unions was significant in influencing the Japanese anarchist movement away from syndicalist methods.
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One of the main problems which would be discussed in the congress was the regeneration of the CEC. The young generation of the political party argued that the process of regeneration has to be held with the basis that the maximum age for the chairman position is 55 years old. The young generation also argued that there should be a classification for the CEC in three groups based on age: 30–45 years old, 45–50 years old, 50–55 years old. This argument was opposed by Mohammad Isnaeni, the first chairman of PDI, stating such grouping can cause syndicalist anarchy inside the party, and may ruin PDI's plan for the 1987 elections.
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Historians have traditionally accepted that the key event that sparked the conflict in Barcelona was the taking of the telephone exchange by the Assault Guard. The reason behind taking the building was the CNT's desire to take control over government communications. From the beginning of the war, the exchange was controlled by the CNT-FAI, the labor union that had collectivized the telephone companies in the geographical areas it controlled, and had crucially come to control Catalonian telephone communications. On May 2nd, the Minister of Marine and Air, Indalecio Prieto, telephoned the Generalitat from Valencia; an anarcho-syndicalist telephonist on the other side replied that in Barcelona there was no government, only a Defense Committee.
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American anarcho-syndicalist Sam Dolgoff shows some of the criticism that some people on the other anarchist currents at the time had for anarcho-naturist tendencies. "Speaking of life at the Stelton Colony of New York in the 1930s, noted with disdain that it, "like other colonies, was infested by vegetarians, naturists, nudists, and other cultists, who sidetracked true anarchist goals." One resident "always went barefoot, ate raw food, mostly nuts and raisins, and refused to use a tractor, being opposed to machinery, and he didn't want to abuse horses, so he dug the earth himself." Such self-proclaimed anarchists were in reality "ox-cart anarchists," Dolgoff said, "who opposed organization and wanted to return to a simpler life.
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Privately, however, he came to doubt that the aging Perón would return in time to run again for office, and began exploring a "syndicalist-military option," by which Lanusse would call elections, and the CGT would back an amenable candidate from within the armed forcesmost likely Lanusse's labor liaison, General Tomás Sánchez de Bustamante. Ultimately, Lanusse agreed to elections, and allow Perón to visit Argentina in preparations. He arrived on November 17, 1972, and secured a number of alliances for the upcoming March 1973 elections. Rucci provided a lasting anecdote on the occasion when, during a strong rain, he greeted Perón as the latter deplaned, and spontaneously opened his umbrella to shield the aging leader.
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In 1931 they crossed back (illegally and briefly) into France where they made the acquaintance of Simone Weil, with whom Lazarévitch would remain in contact for the rest of his life. In June 1931 Lazarévitch set off for Spain where he was to attend an International Workers' Association conference in Madrid. It appears that, traveling separately, Ida Mett had already arrived in Spain where, with the help of Francisco Ascaso and Buenaventura Durruti, the two of them succeeded in organising a number of public meetings. He also contributed reports from Spain that appeared in "La Révolution prolétarienne", a Paris-based syndicalist magazine, and another publication using the (frequently revived) title, "Le Cri du Peuple".
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In 1908 Georges Valois started an "inquiry into the monarchy and the working class" in the first issue of the Revue critique des idées et des livres. He invited various syndicalists and intellectuals interested in syndicalism to comment on whether the monarchy would be preferable to the republic in advancing working class interests and the progress of syndicalism. Janvion was among the thirteen whose replies were published, of whom only the royalist syndicalist Darguenat was in favor of the monarchy. Valois gave Janvion's response a flattering introduction, but although Janvion was glad to criticize the republic he would not support the idea of a monarchy, which he thought would not be viable without politicians.
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Troops belonging to the 1st, 2nd and 4th military zones totaling 1,700 men, united under the name of the Constitutional Army, declaring its loyalty to Schaerer. Opposing them, loyalist elements of the Paraguayan Navy and the wider Asunción area garrisons pledged allegiance to Gondra. On 27 May 1922, following the failure of two weeks of negotiations between the two sides, Adolfo Chirife ordered his military and civilian supporters in Paraguarí to launch an offensive on the capital, thus beginning a civil war. Passing through Luque, the constitutionalists reached Asunción on June 9. By this time the Gondrists had mustered 600 regular soldiers as well as 1,000 members of the anarcho syndicalist Marine Workers Union.
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From 1931 onwards, the anarchist movement was suppressed more harshly due to the wartime policies of the Empire of Japan. After the war, an anarchist movement once again appeared (the Japanese Anarchist Federation) and was led by important pre-war anarchists such as Iwasa Sakutarō and Ishikawa Sanshirō, but it was once again weakened by splits between the two factions. From very early on in the history of Japanese anarchism, the movement was in close contact with anarchists from Europe, America, and elsewhere in Asia. Japanese anarcho- syndicalist ideas were often inspired by French syndicalists, and works by writers such as Peter Kropotkin and Emma Goldman had a great influence on the Japanese anarchist movement.
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Isabelo de los Reyes, ilustrado, and considered to be father of Filipino Socialism Communist documents, such as the official history of the PKP as written by Jose Lava, make references to Andres Bonifacio as a direct inspiration to the communist revolution, thus painting the communist movement as a continuation of the "unfinished revolution" started by the Katipunan. Sources claim that Isabelo de los Reyes, an ilustrado, can be considered to be one of the first Filipino labor leaders. de los Reyes founded the Unión Obrera Democrática (UOD), considered the first modern trade federation in the country. He was influenced by Francisco Ferrer, an anarcho-syndicalist he met during a stay in Montjuïc prison in Barcelona, Spain.
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As cabinet head of the Italian Regency of Carnaro, he coauthored along with Comandante Gabriele d'Annunzio the Charter of Carnaro, a constitution for Fiume. De Ambris provided the legal and political framework for the document while d'Annunzio used his skills as a poet to make the document more impressive. He would also coauthor with poet Filippo Tommaso Marinetti the Fascist Manifesto of 1919, and was since that same year the leader of nationalist syndicalist union Unione Italiana del Lavoro. Although linked to the beginnings of Fascism through his attitude in 1914 and the support he gave to d'Annunzio, De Ambris became a vocal opponent of Partito Nazionale Fascista and later Mussolini's dictatorship.
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As a result, at the age of 18 Cook moved to Porth in South Wales, and later to Merthyr Tydfil, to find work in the coal mines; he was also a lay preacher in the local Baptist chapel. In this mining town Cook first became involved in politics, committing active service to the Independent Labour Party (ILP). He came to prominence in the Cambrian Coal Dispute in 1910 and went on to active involvement in the Miners' Unofficial Reform Committee which published the famous syndicalist pamphlet 'The Miners' Next Step' in 1912. The pamphlet argued that the left needed to organise from below to gain control of the leadership of the union.
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The unit was created on November 26, 1936, at the Madrid front, from the "Ferrer", "Toledo", "Sigüenza", "7th Confederate Militias", "Orobón Fernández" and "Juvenil Libertario" battalions of the Palacios Column. Miguel Palacios Martínez was appointed as commander of the 39th Mixed Brigade, with the anarcho-syndicalist Julián Adrados Almazán as political commissar. On December 31, the brigade was assigned to the 5th Division. At that time the unit covered the northwestern sector of the Casa de Campo, on the right wing of the Madrid front — following the Madrid railway line - to the road from Húmera to Aravaca. The 39th MB received reinforcements from the Durruti Column, the brigade being yielded by the "Juvenil Libertario" and "Orobón Femández" battalions.
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He became one of its most prominent speakers, travelling the country to address meetings, in particular during the London building workers' strike of 1914. Later that year, he was a founder of the Building Workers' Industrial Union (BWIU), and was elected as its first general secretary. He was also elected as co-president of the First International Syndicalist Congress, held in London in 1913, but his position as a councillor proved controversial, and he agreed to resign in order that the congress could move to discuss other matters. Wills remained on the local council, where he became a leader of the left-wing of the Labour group, often coming into conflict with Alfred Salter, the Labour group's overall leader.
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Martin Tranmæl grew up on a middle-sized farm in Melhus, in Sør-Trøndelag county, Norway. He started working as a painter and construction worker. In the early 20th century, Tranmæl lived for a while in the United States where he came into contact with the American workers movement, and even though he joined the AFL, he was also present at the founding congress of the Industrial Workers of the World, whose revolutionary syndicalist ideology he continued to be influenced by after returning to Norway. Upon his return, he eventually joined Norwegian Labour Party where he soon became one of the main leaders of the Party's left wing and worked for many different socialist papers.
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After the dissolution of the Workers Solidarity Federation (WSF) in 1999, anarchist and syndicalist currents reformed into a number of different projects, such as Zabalaza Books (which published and printed pro-IWW literature), the Bikisha Media Collective, and the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (ZACF). Among these was a Durban-based South African Regional Organising Committee of the IWW, which was the first time in almost a hundred years that a South African organization had been directly linked to the General Administration of the IWW. This would prove to be short-lived, however, as the committee soon dissolved. Another attempt at a South African IWW, this time based in Cape Town in the early 2010s, had similar results.
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Others died long after, due to the rough conditions and torture, among them Mamaire and Anthelme Girier. Other anarchist prisoners in French Guiana included Marius Jacob, an illegalist burglar who spent fourteen years in Cayenne and was one of the inspirations for the author Maurice Leblanc's character Arsène Lupin, the Bonnot Gang members Jean De Boe (who after his escape in 1922 fled to Brussels, becoming a noted anarcho- syndicalist) and Eugène Dieudonné (who was pardoned, after escaping prison in December 1926), and Paul Roussenq, who spent a whole twenty years in Guiana on charges of military insubordination, later visiting the Soviet Union (becoming a firm critic of it) and being interned by Vichy France.
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Bey also wrote: "The Mackay Society, of which Mark & I are active members, is devoted to the anarchism of Max Stirner, Benj. Tucker & John Henry Mackay...The Mackay Society, incidentally, represents a little-known current of individualist thought which never cut its ties with revolutionary labor. Dyer Lum, Ezra & Angela Haywood represent this school of thought; Jo Labadie, who wrote for Tucker's Liberty, made himself a link between the american “plumb-line” anarchists, the "philosophical" individualists, & the syndicalist or communist branch of the movement; his influence reached the Mackay Society through his son, Laurance. Like the Italian Stirnerites (who influenced us through our late friend Enrico Arrigoni) we support all anti-authoritarian currents, despite their apparent contradictions".
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In 1866, during the Second Empire, Jean Macé founded the Ligue de l'enseignement ("Teaching League"), which was devoted to popular instruction. Following the split between the Anarchists and the Marxists at the 1872 Hague Congress, popular education remained an important part of the workers' movement, especially in the anarcho-syndicalist movement which set up, with Fernand Pelloutier, various Bourses du travail centres, where workers gathered and discussed politics and sciences. The Jules Ferry laws that were passed in the 1880s established free, secular, mandatory public education as one of the founding principles of the Third Republic. In addition, many teachers were strong supporters of Alfred Dreyfus during the Dreyfus Affair of the 1890s.
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In 1892, another labor congress was held in which it reconfirmed its revolutionary syndicalist principles and expressing solidarity with the women in the working class (a new idea for a predominantly male working class that felt competed against by women in the workplace), declaring, "It is an urgent necessity not to forget women, who are beginning to fill the workshops of several industries. They are driven by necessity and by bourgeois greed to compete with us. We cannot oppose it; let us help them." However, the outcome of this was government suppression of the movement by means of deportation, imprisonment, the suspension of the right to free assembly, and closing of organizations' headquarters to quell organizing efforts.
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Despite this competition, the IWW and WUL cooperated during strikes, such as at the Abitibi Pulp & Paper Company near Sault Ste. Marie in 1933, where the Finnish workers in the IWW and WUL faced discrimination and violence from the Anglo citizens of the town. The IWW also successfully unionized Ritchie's Dairy in Toronto and formed a fishery workers' branch in MacDiarmid (now Greenstone, Ontario). In 1936, the IWW in Canada supported the Spanish Revolution and began to recruit for the militia of the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), in direct conflict with Communist Party recruiters for the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion, a conflict which resulted in a number of violent clashes at recruitment rallies in Northern Ontario.
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Cazorla won 15,388 votes and was elected First Member. On 15 January 1936 Cazorla signed a pact on behalf of the FJSE for cooperation with other left of center parties in the elections of 16 February 1936. The pact was also signed by representatives of the Unión Republicana (Republican Union), Izquierda Republicana (Republican Left), Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE, Spanish Socialist Workers' Party), Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT, General Union of Workers), Partido Comunista de España (PCE, Communist Party of Spain), Partido Sindicalista (Syndicalist Party) and Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxista (POUM, Workers' Party of Marxist Unification). The pact rejected nationalization of the land and the bank, and rejected workers' control, so was a victory for the moderate left.
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A leading anarcho-syndicalist and a prominent left-wing intellectual of the 1880s, he is remembered as the lover and mentor of early anarcha-feminist Voltairine de Cleyre. Lum was a prolific writer who wrote a number of key anarchist texts and contributed to publications including Mother Earth, Twentieth Century, The Alarm (the journal of the International Working People's Association) and The Open Court among others. Lum's political philosophy was a fusion of individualist anarchist economics—"a radicalized form of laissez-faire economics" inspired by the Boston anarchists—with radical labor organization similar to that of the Chicago anarchists of the time. Herbert Spencer and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon influenced Lum strongly in his individualist tendency.
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She also campaigned to protect single mothers and their children from economic and moral persecution.Researching the "Father of the Homosexual Movement" and the "Godmother of the Homo-Sexual Reform Movement" - The Magnus Hirschfeld society of Berlin. Anarcho-syndicalist writer Ulrich Linse wrote about "a sharply outlined figure of the Berlin individualist anarchist cultural scene around 1900", the "precocious Johannes Holzmann" (known as Senna Hoy): "an adherent of free love, [Hoy] celebrated homosexuality as a 'champion of culture' and engaged in the struggle against Paragraph 175."Linse, Ulrich, Individualanarchisten, Syndikalisten, Bohémiens, in "Berlin um 1900", ed. Gelsine Asmus (Berlin: Berlinische Galerie, 1984) The young Hoy (born 1882) published these views in his weekly magazine, ("", in English "Struggle") from 1904 which reached a circulation of 10,000 the following year.
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His declarations of the time contained a hardly veiled criticism of Falangist syndicalism, compare La Espiga 06.05.39, available here During 1939 and 1940 CNCA claimed it could operate “sin rozar la función de los Sindicatos verticales”El Dia de Palencia 30.04.39, available here and fought marginalization.e.g. a CNCA document of October 1939 referred to earlier Francoist legislation on cooperatives, adopted on November 29, 1938, and in line with the January 28, 1906 legislation attempted to carve out a space within the rural regime where Catholic syndicated might operate, La Espiga 28.10.39, available here working the fields, early Francoism In the early 1940s militant syndicalist Falangism enjoyed its climax in the Francoist Spain; it translated also into outcome of power struggle within the rural agricultural ambience.
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Some argue that the state's conception of food sovereignty serves the purpose of maintaining profit stability as an independent nation and does not possess the same concern for the effects of resource extraction as indigenous groups. The indigenous and peasant advocacy organization Vía Campesina is active in Bolivia's food sovereignty movement. Four Bolivian organizations are affiliated with Vía Campesina, the Unified Syndical Confederation of Rural Workers of Bolivia (CSUTCB), the National Confederation of Indigenous Campesino and Native Women of Bolivia–Bartolina Sisa, the Syndicalist Confederation of Intercultural Communities of Bolivia, and the Landless Workers' Movement of Bolivia (MST-B). They advance the idea that food is primarily a people's resource and source of nutrition and should only secondarily be an item of trade.
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He became a close friend and associate of leading Proudhonists, such as Henri Tolain and Benoît Malon. Varlin believed that the nascent trade unions should overcome their professional, local and national particularism and form a united international labour movement, dedicated, as the statutes of his bookbinders' union put it, "to the constant improvement of the conditions of existence of ... the workers of all professions and all countries, and to [bringing] workers into possession of the instruments of their labour."Statuts de la Société de solidarité des ouvriers relieurs de Paris. On November 14, 1869, Varlin helped found the Parisian Federation of Workers' Associations, a confederation of trade unions that became the nucleus of the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), the main organisation of the syndicalist movement. Vallotton.
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Francoist demonstration in Salamanca (1937) with the paraders carrying the portrait of Franco in banners and the populace pulling the Roman salute. From 1937 to 1948 the Franco regime was a hybrid as Franco fused the ideologically incompatible national-syndicalist Falange ("Phalanx", a fascist Spanish political party founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera) and the Carlist monarchist parties into one party under his rule, dubbed Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (FET y de las JONS), which became the only legal party in 1939. Unlike some other fascist movements, the Falangists had developed an official program in 1934, the "Twenty-Seven Points". In 1937, Franco assumed as the tentative doctrine of his regime 26 out of the original 27 points.
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The POB (Parti ouvrier belge), as it was known, was designed as an alliance of radical groups promoting a consensus socialist political vision. The syndicalist César De Paepe inspired the party vision, but Demblon became its principal spokesman. During World War I, Demblon distanced himself from the nationalist wing of the Belgian left. Declaring his solidarity with international socialist values, he wrote, "Whoever is hungry has no country anywhere; the poor have no homeland, they have nothing to lose in this war because they have nothing."French: «Celui qui a faim, n'a nulle part une patrie, les pauvres n'ont pas de patrie, ils n'ont rien à perdre dans cette guerre parce qu'ils n'ont rien.», "Le dernier appel de Célestin Demblon", La Vague de Jupille.
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Black Flame's "core theses" include the propositions "that the global anarchist movement emerged in the First International, that syndicalism is an integral part of the broad anarchist tradition, that this tradition centres on rationalism, socialism and anti- authoritarianism, that the writings of Mikhail Bakunin and Pyotr Kropotkin are representative of its core ideas, and that this 'narrow' definition is both empirically defensible and analytically useful." According to the book, the core ideas of anarchism (including its syndicalist variant) include revolutionary class struggle by the working class and peasantry, internationalism, opposition to all forms of social and economic inequality, anti-imperialism, and a commitment to creating a self-managed global system of libertarian socialism, based on participatory planning and the abolition of markets and states.
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The "Building Workers' Union" (SUB) was part of the National Labour Confederation ("Confédération nationale du travail" / CNT), a left-wing organisation which at the time would have seen itself as part of the Anarcho-syndicalist movement. Membership of the SUB evidently meant that Morain was also a member of the CNT in or before 1953, which was the year in which he became Paris Region Secretary of the SUB. He contributed to the journal "Combat Syndicaliste" and at the CNT's second Paris regional congress, held on 29 November 1953, he was elected to membership of the CNT's administrative commission. According to some sources it was also at around this time that he became a member of the Anarchist Federation, but this is strenuously disputed.
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Thanks to his own experience of GPU interrogation, Serge was able to analyse and unmask the 'mystery' of the false confessions, but the big newspapers rejected his truthful testimony for fear of offending the Communists, who were part of the anti-fascist Popular Front alliance. Moreover, until mid-1937, Serge was stuck in Brussels, deprived of his Soviet passport and still banned in France. Serge's testimony about USSR appeared in the Belgian union paper La Wallonie, in the small syndicalist journal La Révolution prolétarienne, and in two books about Soviet Communism, From Lenin to Stalin (1937) and Destiny of a Revolution (1937) which have remained classics. During this time, coinciding with the Spanish Civil War, Serge was the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) correspondent in Paris.
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The "Burcht van Berlage", home of the Diamond Worker's Union The General Diamond Workers' Union of the Netherlands (Dutch: Algemene Nederlandse Diamantbewerkers Bond; abbreviated ANDB) was a trade union for diamond workers in the Netherlands from 1894 to the 1920s. In 1893, the National Labor Secretariat (NAS) was founded as a national trade union center based on syndicalist principles with a weak and unpaid central board. The General Diamond Workers' Union of the Netherlands, on the other hand, followed the German model, meaning that it had a centralized structure, loyalty and strong discipline among the rank and file, paid union leaders, and high membership dues allowing for a large strike fund. The ANDB did not join the NAS because of these differences.van Voorden 1972, pg. 307-308.
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After the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic in 1931, the conflict between Pestaña's group and FAI deepened: Pestaña initiated the issue of Manifiesto de los Treinta/Manifest dels Trenta ("Manifesto of the Thirty"), a clear condemnation of the Federación's tactics, one which got him expelled from the CNT in August. He went on to found his own Syndicalist Party in the closing months of 1932. The Party adhered to the Popular Front, and Pestaña was elected to the Cortes on a Front platform in 1936, as one of the two Party representatives (he had won a seat in Cádiz). In October, with the start of the Spanish Civil War, he was appointed general subcommisioner for War, but had to resign due to bad health in December.
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The 1999 Democracy Teach-Ins, in particular, played a role in mobilizing students for the 1999 Seattle WTO protests; the 2002 teach-ins played a similar role in preparing for the 2003 national Books Not Bombs student strike. After 1998, the DTIs became a project of the campus syndicalist movement 180/Movement for Democracy and Education. Teach-ins have more recently been used by environmental educators. The ‘2010 Imperative: A Global Emergency Teach-in’ was held on February 20, 2007 at the New York Academy of Science and organized by Architecture 2030, led by architect Edward Mazria and viewable online through a webcast. The teach-in model was also used by a ‘Focus the Nation’ event January 31, 2008, to raise awareness about climate change.
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However, while the new Carlist leader José María Valiente sincerely hoped for some sort of prudent partnership between Francoism and Carlism, Massó aimed at dismantling the regime from within. Moreover, while Valiente oriented himself towards the army and bureaucracy, the hugocarlistas approached the hardcore syndicalist Falange sector, likewise promoting new social order and disdainful towards greedy capitalism. The collaborative approach appeared to work: in the early 1960s the Carlists were granted a few media and organizational concessions. The hugocarlistas benefited the most, opening a number of new periodicals turned into their ideological tribunes (mostly Azada y asta and Montejurra), galvanizing the chain of Círculos Culturales Vázquez de Mella and launching their own workers' organization, MOT, all of them becoming later dissemination channels of their political vision.
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It worked hard to recruit people from the left, with some success: notably, Marcel Delagrange, former French Communist Party (PCF) mayor of Périgueux, and the anarcho-syndicalist (and future Vichy Régime minister) Hubert Lagardelle. One notable member was Marcel Bucard, who would later found the Mouvement Franciste and collaborate extensively with the Nazi authorities during the German occupation of France. These minor victories were never proportionate to the effort invested by the Faisceau, and the group failed to expand at the left's expense, while becoming the enemy of the right - unlike in Italy, the latter was strong and confident enough not to rely on Fascists against the left. The Faisceau's aims were indeed radical, but its actions did not live up to them.
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Tensions between the radical faístas, or FAI members, and the moderate non-faístas were constant and difficult to analyze because of the decentralized and sectorial nature of the organization. Finally, in 1931 a group of moderates published the Manifesto of the Thirty, which would give rise to treintism (from treinta, thirty in Spanish), and in 1932 Ángel Pestaña split from the CNT to create the Syndicalist Party. The two years governed by the coalition of the center-left Partido Republicano Radical and the center- right CEDA were marked by mostly clandestine CNT activity, in the face of severe government repression. During the socialist October Revolution of 1934 (at which point membership in the CNT reached 1.58 million) the CNT participated only from the background.
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