56 Sentences With "communalist" | Random Sentence Generator

To win over communalist Malay voters, some people in the opposition want to woo Pas back.

Vaguer terms like "communalist" or "communitarian" might make the facts sound more palatable but cannot change them.

The most successful and enduring Christian communalist sects were led by individuals who claimed messianic stature and a God-given mission.

And yet, unlike many conservatives, he's not that much of an individualist because he's very much rooted in black communalist traditions.

In all three cases, a right-wing party driven primarily by communalist politics was pegged as a less corrupt, development-oriented, anti-establishment alternative.

She had plans to go to Black Mountain College in Asheville, N.C., a communalist school where, basically, everyone studied everything — science, literature, art — and pitched in on daily chores.

He also opposed the Muslim League and its members' communalist outlook, as represented by their two-nation theory.

As circumstances changed, workers moved between support for communist, nationalist and communalist organisations, between expressions of extensive activism and relative passivity.

He earned his living by writing and making public speeches. He acquired a great reputation as an orator. He was an advocate of Muslim interests, but was not a communalist. Hindu-Muslim amity based on equal sharing of resources was his belief.

In this sense, despite the turn away from communalist understandings of the political sphere, collective identities remain centrally important to Burnheim. The third component concerns the introduction of Burnheim's notion of demarchy, most notably his rejection of electoral democracy in favour of statistical representation.

Despite strong opposition from the British authorities, the legislation was passed by the British Indian Government which had a majority of Indians. However, it lacked implementation from the British Indian government, largely due to the fear of British authorities losing support from their loyal Hindu and Muslim communalist groups.

They argue that the folkloric and legendary passages include exact "cut and paste" passages that Nussimbaum had published multiple times in his earlier works. They also note that Nussimbaum left the Caucasus when he was only 14 years old and that he boasted that he was a Monarchist, although the novel expresses the views of someone who sought the independence of Azerbaijan. Reiss dismissed the claim that Chamanzaminli was the author behind the Said pseudonym, claiming that he looked at one of Chamanzaminli's novellas and found him to be a Muslim communalist nationalist. Blair argues, in contrast, that Ali and Nino is a "nationalist" book in a broader, non-communalist sense, since the novel is essentially about Azerbaijan's independence.

The Nine Schools of Thought which came to dominate the others were Confucianism (as interpreted by Mencius and others), Legalism, Taoism, Mohism, the utopian communalist Agriculturalism, two strains of Diplomatists, the sophistic Logicians, Sun-tzu's Militarists, and the Naturalists..Carr, Brian & al. Companion Encyclopaedia of Asian Philosophy, p. 466. Taylor & Francis, 2012. , 9780415035354.

It serves as a training ground for students who oppose the death penalty. The Death Row Inner-Communalist Vanguard Engagement (D.R.I.V.E.) consists of several male death row inmates from the Polunsky Unit. Through a variety of non-violent strategies, they have begun launching protests against the perceived bad conditions at Polunsky, in particular, and capital punishment, in general.

The Bombay riots can be considered a result of larger communal tensions throughout India. The British colonial policy of Divide and Rule allegedly included administrative and political activities such as communalized census taking, and the Morley Minto reforms, that relied on communal segregation, and in particular Hindu-Muslim divisions. Post-Independence, the after-effects of the Partition of India along communal lines, the resurgence of ‘Hindu Muslim Economic competition’, the growth of right-wing communalist movements such as the RSS, and political strategies of 'appeasement' towards communal political influences by secular political authorities (see Shah Bano case), reinforced communalist ideologies in the country. The Babri Mosque demolition on 6 December 1992, an act of communal violence by Hindu extremist, is considered to be the immediate cause of the riots.

In particular, earlier communities and movements advocating such practices were often described as "anarchist", "communist" or "socialist".See for example the following entries in the 1911 Catholic Encyclopedia: Ryan, J.A. (1908); "Communism" and Ryan, J.A. (1912). "Socialistic Communities" (Access date: 12 September 2014). Many historical communities practicing libertarian communism or utopian socialism did implement internal rules of communalist property ownership in the context of federated communalism.

According to Nurul Kabir, its objectives were defending Islam from orientalist's criticisms and the vilification of the Muslims by the local communalist Hindu intellectuals, enlightening the Bengali Muslims with Islamic principles and prevent conversions to Christianity. When Mir Mosharraf Hossain supported the ban on cow-slaughtering, the Sudhakar endorsed Tangail's Maulvi Naimuddin protest of the ban. Regular contributors included Munshi Mohammad Meherullah and Sheikh Abdur Rahim.

The Kaliflower spirit was one of communalism and cooperation. Many members saw their commune as their family. In one issue of Kaliflower, commune members wrote, "Nuclear family members don't usually buy and sell to each other, are in fact communistic, and we wanted nuclear family intimacy among the communes". It was common for members of Kaliflower to limit ties to relationships with non-communalist friends.

Communalist experiments throughout history have often developed bitter animosities as the parties disputed about the exact issues underlying the confusion over definitions discussed above. The Paris Commune was one such case.Gonzalo J. Sánchez, Organizing independence: the artists federation of the Paris Commune and its ... "Libertarian communalism" is a severe and historically justified attempt to organize the political sphere fundamentally and democratically and to give it an ethical content. This is more than a political strategy.

The party also adopted resolutions against the hereditary transmission of wealth and against exclusive privileges and monopolies. Bankers were denounced as "the greatest knaves, impostors and paupers of the age." The program also called for a program of communal education of children, a plank favored by one of the secretaries of the Working Men's Party, Robert Dale Owen (1801-1877), son of the utopian communalist pioneer Robert Owen.Carlton, "The Workingmen's Party of New York City," pg. 403.

Moslim Democratische Partij logo The AEL strives to develop an Arab Muslim communalist movement in Europe. The group participated in the federal elections in Belgium in 2003 under the umbrella RESIST with the PVDA (Workers Party Belgium, a Maoist political party). The party gained 0.15% in the election of the Belgian Chamber of Representatives and 0.27% in the Dutch electoral college of the Belgian Senate. These electoral results were far too low to win a seat.

When Brigham Young set up United Order communities in 1874, Woodruff helped organize United Orders in Provo, Pleasant Grove, American Fork, and Lehi, but did not enroll in the communalist program himself. Most United Order programs stopped functioning after a few months. Woodruff started keeping bees in 1870, and founded a society for bee-keepers in Utah territory that year. He and Phebe moved to a smaller house in 1871, since their children were no longer living at home.

He suggests that a world intellectual project will have more positive impact to this end than will any political movement such as communism, fascism, imperialism, pacifism, etc. He was a communalist and contextualist and ended his lecture as follows: > [W]hat I am saying ... is this, that without a World Encyclopaedia to hold > men's minds together in something like a common interpretation of reality, > there is no hope whatever of anything but an accidental and transitory > alleviation of any of our world troubles.

Ahead of the election the party state unit published a 41-page manifesto, seeking to portray a pragmatic and populist approach of the party with a focus on socio- economic issues rather than communalist discourse. After the 1994 Karnataka Legislative Assembly election, BJP held the role as Leader of Opposition in the assembly for a brief period. The electoral result had an important symbolic meaning for the BJP, who had begun to see Karnataka as its 'gateway' into south India.

Andō Shōeki, an eighteenth-century Japanese doctor and philosopher, is sometimes considered to be proto-anarchist in thought. He advocated what was described by Bowen Raddeker as "what we might call mutual aid", and he challenged the hierarchical relationships in Japanese society, including the hierarchy between the sexes. In 1908, the early socialist and anarchist Japanese newspaper Nihon Heimin Shinbun described him as an anarchist. The communalist structure of some agricultural villages during the Tokugawa era is also seen as being proto-anarchist.

Under the 1975 accord, Sheikh Abdullah agreed to measures previously undertaken by the central government in Jammu and Kashmir to integrate the state into India. Sociologist Farrukh Faheem states that it was met with hostility among people of Kashmir and laid the groundwork for the future insurgency. Those opposed to it included Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir, People's League in Indian Jammu and Kashmir, and Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) based in Azad Kashmir. Since the mid-1970s, communalist rhetoric was being exploited in the state for votebank politics.

As Onn could not maintain two roles as Chief Minister of Johor and President of UMNO, he resigned as chief minister in May 1950. The following year, Onn felt disgusted with what he considered UMNO's race communalist policies, and called for the party to be opened to all Malayans and have UMNO change its name to United Malayans National Organisation. When his recommendations were met with hostility, he left the party on 26 August 1951 along with Anwar and formed the Independence of Malaya Party (IMP). The party failed to gain support.

During a meeting, according to the then civil servant MKK Nair in his book With No Ill Feeling to Anybody, Nehru shouted and accused Patel of being a communalist. Patel also one on occasion called Nehru, a Maulana, for appeasing Muslims. When Nehru pressured Rajendra Prasad to decline a nomination to become the first President of India in 1950 in favour of Rajagopalachari, he angered the party, which felt Nehru was attempting to impose his will. Nehru sought Patel's help in winning the party over, but Patel declined, and Prasad was duly elected.

This did not, however, negate his disapproval of many aspects of their (and technically his) culture, including their language (which he used to speak), their religion, and their communalist practices. Through his letters, particularly the one dated 1767, we get a thorough sense of the difficulty of Quaque's job as a missionary and how it conflicted with the traditionally polytheistic society he was living in. Also very telling through his letters is the influence of the endeavors of European nations to gain control, or at least an advantage, along the coast.

Chelčický was a communalist in the original Christian sense, and thought that there must be complete equality in the Christian community. He said there should be no rich or poor since the Christian relinquished all property and status. He maintained that Christians could expel evil persons from their community but could not compel them to be good. He believed in equality but that the state should not force it upon society and went so far as to proffer that social inequality is a creature of the state and rises and falls with it.

The GSG's scenario analysis resulted in a series of reports. Eco-communalism took shape in 2002 as one of six possible future scenarios put forth in the GSG's 99-page essay entitled "Great Transition: The Promise and Lure of the Times Ahead." This founding document describes eco-communalism as a "vision of a better life" which turns to "non-material dimensions of fulfillment – the quality of life, the quality of human solidarity and the quality of the earth." The eco-communalist vision is only part of GSG's scenario analysis, which is organized into three categories.

The cooperative initially planned on building in Cumminsville but for unknown reasons, the young co-op changed the site of their development to the area they renamed Bond Hill. The change was likely stimulated by a founding member of the cooperative, Henry Watkin. Watkin had been living in the area with his wife, Laura Ann Fry Watkin and their child, Effie Maud, since 1860. A utopian communalist and expatriat English printer, Watkin attained some renown as the adopted father and mentor of the once famous writer, Lafcadio Hearn.

Skaneateles Falls also developed into quite a busy center and finally obtained a post- office. Other hamlets which sprung up were Kellogg's Mills, Willow Glen, and Glenside. ... :... Another paper, unique and short-lived, was the Communitist [sic], which was issued fortnightly by the Skaneateles Community, at Community Place, near Mottville, Onondaga County, N.Y., and which bore the motto: "Free inquiry—general progression—common possessions—oneness of interest—universal brotherhood." Its chief promoter was the Vermont born abolitionist and communalist John A. Collins; it was devoid of advertisements, and was started early in 1844.

The Am Olam movement was a movement among Russian Jews to establish agricultural colonies in America. The name literally meaning "Eternal People" is taken from the title of an essay of Peretz Smolenskin.Am Olam: the History of the Eternal Nation (FROM THE HASKAMOS, VOLUME I; ) Hardcover – 1989 It was as founded in Odessa in 1881 by Mania Bakl (Maria Bahal) and Moses Herder, who called for the creation of Socialist agricultural communities in the United States. Eventually the majority of Am Olam colonies were set up upon a "commercial" rather than communalist basis.

Writing for the magazine Jump Cut, Kumudan Maderya noted that Roja celebrates "the middle-class yuppie hero’s nationalistic fervor" and positions the "anti-national communalist terrorists in Kashmir" as key threats to India as a whole. Vairamuthu, who was signed as the lyricist, felt the film's "tense and action-packed" content was in sharp contrast to the "poetic" title. Journalist Malini Mannath and a writer for Bangalore Mirror compared Roja to Held Hostage (1991), a television film about the kidnapping of journalist Jerry Levin whose rescue was organised by his wife.

The Oneida Community, founded in the 19th century by John Humphrey Noyes, experimented with coitus reservatus which was then called male continence in a religiously Christian communalist environment. The experiment lasted for about a quarter of a century and then Noyes went on to create Oneida silverware and establish the Oneida Silver Co. that grew into Oneida Limited. Noyes identified three functions of the sexual organs: the urinary, the propagative, and the amative. Noyes believed in the separation of the amative from the propagative, and he put amative sexual intercourse on the same footing with other ordinary forms of social interchange.

There are three central components to the position elaborated in the book, each of which marks a radical departure from traditional and contemporary analyses of the problems that confront us. Introduction The first two components comprise the anti-state and the anti- communalist nature of the position to be developed. Burnheim is against giving sovereignty to any geographically or ethnically circumscribed group, a position which runs against the major tradition of political philosophy and the course of political history. Individuals in Burnheim's polity would see themselves as part of many diverse social activities and functional communities rather than any simple inclusive community.

A paper-back edition was brought out in 1970 and a second, revised, edition in 1997. Originally his doctoral thesis, it was soon acknowledged as the definitive study of India's late medieval ruling class. The book led to a reconsideration of many standard views of the ethnic composition of the Mughal ruling class and was widely regarded as a strong critique of communalist historiography in India and Pakistan. It also offered, for the first time, a more scientific and rational analysis of Aurangazeb the person, and the historical role of Aurangazeb, the last of the great Mughal emperors, whose reign between 1658 and 1707 hastened the disintegration of the empire.

The Order's full name invoked the city of Enoch, described in Latter Day Saint scripture as having such a virtuous and pure-hearted people that God had taken it to heaven. The United Order established egalitarian communities designed to achieve income equality, eliminate poverty, and increase group self-sufficiency. The movement had much in common with other communalist utopian societies formed in the United States and Europe during the Second Great Awakening which sought to govern aspects of people's lives through precepts of faith and community organization. However, the Latter Day Saint United Order was more family- and property-oriented than the utopian experiments at Brook Farm and the Oneida Community.

Finally, this part concludes with a commentary on Indian nationalism, the tradition of Hindu tolerance, and western secularism. In Part 3 of the book, titled Religious Liberty and State Regulation, Smith comments on the issue of religious propagation giving different views on this issue: the general Hindu attitude, the Hindu universalist view, the Hindu communalist view, the Indian Christian view, and the humanist liberal view. He comments on the laws related to State regulation of religious propagation prior to 1950, and the provisions for the same in the Indian constitution. He also writes about legislation related to religious propagation, and the related problems of public order with respect to this issue.

The Sinhalese leader Don Stephen Senanayake left the CNC on the issue of independence, disagreeing with the revised aim of 'the achieving of freedom', although his real reasons were more subtle. He subsequently formed the United National Party (UNP) in 1946, when a new constitution was agreed on, based on the behind-the-curtain lobbying of the Soulbury Commission. At the elections of 1947, the UNP won a minority of the seats in Parliament, but cobbled together a coalition with the Sinhala Maha Sabha of Solomon Bandaranaike and the Tamil Congress of G.G. Ponnambalam. The successful inclusions of the Tamil-communalist leader Ponnambalam, and his Sinhala counterpart Bandaranaike were a remarkable political balancing act by Senanayake.

According to his autobiography, Charles W. Kingston became disenchanted with The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) in 1926 because of its abandonment of plural marriage. Kingston began preaching polygamy amongst fellow members of the LDS Church as well as distributing pamphlets and the book, Laman Manasseh Victorious: A Message of Salvation and Redemption to His People Israel, First to Ephraim and Manasseh, which he had co-written. This eventually resulted in his excommunication from the LDS Church in 1929. By 1935, his followers began moving to Bountiful, Utah, with the intention to live under a United Order communalist program as defined by Joseph Smith in the Doctrine and Covenants.

Communalists make a clear distinction between the concepts of policy and administration. This distinction is seen as fundamental to Communalist principles. Policy is defined by being made by a community or neighborhood assembly of free citizens; administration on the other hand, is performed by confederal councils a level up from the local assemblies which are composed of mandated, recallable delegates of wards, towns, and villages. If particular communities or neighborhoods –or a minority grouping of them– choose to go their own way to a point where human rights are violated or where ecological destruction is permitted, the majority in a local or regional confederation would have the right to prevent such practices through its confederal council.

Onn became increasingly disgusted with what he considered to be UMNO's race based communalist policies, and called for party membership to be opened to all Malayans, and for UMNO to be renamed as the United Malayans National Organisation. When his recommendations went unheeded, he left the party on 26 August 1951, to form the Independence of Malaya Party (IMP). However, the IMP failed to receive sufficient backing from Malayans, and eventually Onn left it to form the Parti Negara, which placed membership restrictions on non-Malays in an attempt to woo the Malays. He finally won the Kuala Terengganu Selatan seat in the Malayan parliament in the 1959 elections under his new party.

In contrast to the latter day culture where institutions built by public funds, foreign gifts or collected through charities are named after individuals, particularly politicians, most institutions pioneered by De Soysa's personal wealth and foresight were in fact not named after himself. He was a public man of the first degree. The first steps towards a formation of a political process which later opened up the possibility of negotiating legislative reforms, self governance and independence were initiated with the stand taken by Mr. De Soysa and others. All the major political parties in Sri Lanka, with the exception of the Marxist and communalist parties can trace their origins even partly to the Ceylon Agricultural Association.

Henry Watkin (1824-1910) cooperative socialist, English printer in Cincinnati Henry Watkin (March 6, 1824 – November 21, 1910), was an expatriate English printer and cooperative socialist in Cincinnati, Ohio during the mid-to-late 19th century. While a young printer in London, Watkin became interested in the utopian socialist writings of Robert Owen, Charles Fourier, and Comte de Saint-Simon. Although it is still unknown to what degree Watkin participated in any cooperative or communalist movements in England or America before the Civil War, evidence suggests that Watkin was an active member of a community of progressive and radical Cincinnatians during his professional life. In 1870, he helped to found the "Cooperative Land and Building Association No.1 of Hamilton County, Ohio".

The Coming Nation, a socialist communalist paper established by Julius Augustus Wayland in Greensburg, Indiana, was relocated to the Ruskin Colony. It was the forerunner of the Appeal to Reason, which later became a weekly political newspaper published in the American Midwest from 1895 until 1922. The Appeal to Reason was known for its politics, giving support to the Farmers' Alliance and People's Party, before becoming a mainstay of the Socialist Party of America following its establishment in 1901. Using a network of highly motivated volunteers known as the "Appeal Army" to increase its subscription sales, the Appeal paid circulation climbed to over a quarter million by 1906, and half a million by 1910, making it the largest-circulation socialist newspaper in American history.

The most direct ancestor of the Appeal was The Coming Nation, a socialist communalist paper established by Julius Augustus Wayland in Greensburg, Indiana. It was moved to the utopian socialist Ruskin Colony in Tennessee as part of an effort to form a socialist colony there. When Wayland tired of the colony, he left his newspaper behind with the colonists, moving to Kansas City, Kansas, to publish his own independently weekly, Appeal to Reason, established on August 31, 1895. In 1912 The Coming Nation listed Girard, Kansas, on its masthead as its place of publication. Publication of the newspaper was briefly suspended in October 1896 when Wayland left Kansas City for the small town of Girard, Kansas, located in the southeastern corner of the state.

The term utopian socialism was introduced by Karl Marx in "For a Ruthless Criticism of Everything" in 1843 and then developed in The Communist Manifesto in 1848, although shortly before its publication Marx had already attacked the ideas of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in The Poverty of Philosophy (originally written in French, 1847). The term was used by later socialist thinkers to describe early socialist or quasi-socialist intellectuals who created hypothetical visions of egalitarian, communalist, meritocratic, or other notions of perfect societies without considering how these societies could be created or sustained. In The Poverty of Philosophy, Marx criticized the economic and philosophical arguments of Proudhon set forth in The System of Economic Contradictions, or The Philosophy of Poverty. Marx accused Proudhon of wanting to rise above the bourgeoisie.

Many Romantic authors, most notably William Godwin and Percy Bysshe Shelley wrote anti- capitalist works and supported peasant revolutions across early 19th century Europe. Étienne Cabet (1788–1856), influenced by Robert Owen, published a book in 1840 entitled Travel and adventures of Lord William Carisdall in Icaria in which he described an ideal communalist society. His attempts to form real socialist communities based on his ideas through the Icarian movement did not survive, but one such community was the precursor of Corning, Iowa. Possibly inspired by Christianity, he coined the word communism and influenced other thinkers, including Marx and Engels. Utopian socialist pamphlet of Swiss social medical doctor Rudolf Sutermeister (1802–1868) Edward Bellamy (1850–1898) published Looking Backward in 1888, a utopian romance novel about a future socialist society.

Dismissing, on the basis of an examination of the written and archaeological evidence, the claim that the Babri Masjid occupied the site of Rama's birth or that a temple occupied the site and it was pulled down to construct the masjid, the Report ended with the impassioned appeal: "If, then, we have a care for historical facts, if we want to uphold the law, if we have love for our own cultural heritage, we must protect the Babri Masjid. A country is surely judged by how it treats its past." To oppose what he thought was the source of a dangerous communalist subversion of the nation, Athar Ali did not disdain activist positions. His support for the well-known anti- communal organisation Sahmat (Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust) was firm and unqualified.

India's first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru had been vigilant towards RSS since he had taken charge. When Golwalkar wrote to Nehru asking for the lifting of the ban on RSS after Gandhi's assassination, Nehru replied that the government had proof that RSS activities were 'anti-national' by virtue of being 'communalist'. In his letter to the heads of provincial governments in December 1947, Nehru wrote that "we have a great deal of evidence to show that RSS is an organisation which is in the nature of a private army and which is definitely proceeding on the strictest Nazi lines, even following the techniques of the organisation". Sardar Vallabhai Patel, the first Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister of India, said in early January 1948 that the RSS activists were "patriots who love their country".

However, critics argue that the homogenous nature of New Villages -- with the few multiracial ones eventually failing or turning into ghettoes -- worked against this goal, instead accentuating communalist fervour and causing racial polarisation, especially in politics, as electoral constituencies would now be delineated more along racial lines. Previously, the Chinese rural workers and peasants had been spread out geographically, but the Briggs' Plan would now bring together rural Chinese from all over the country and concentrate them in the New Villages. There was significant resentment towards the programme both among the Chinese and Malays. The Chinese frequently suffered from collective punishment, preventive detention and summary deportation aimed at weeding out communist supporters, while the Malays were incensed at the infrastructure provided for the New Villages as their own settlements remained undeveloped.

Taking inspiration from the back-to-the-land and communalist movements of the decade, Turner and his family left the "urban social and economic system"—which Jost felt was characterized by the growing power of non-whites and "indifference and growing materialism of whites -- and began homesteading in the isolated mountains of Northern California. There were a number of other communalists in the area whose ideology Jost describes as a mix of "left-wing politics, oriental religion, Robin Hood and brotherhood" that was "permeated with anti-establishment idealism". Turner appreciated the amount of research and effort that the communalists had put into their projects of simple living and self-sufficiency, and praised their development of organic farming, animal husbandry, herbal medicine weaving, spinning, leather craft and success in living outside the mainstream economy. He and his family spent several years learning these skills from their neighbors and living in "crude octagon cabins, barns and even tepees.

At the heart of the plan for Georgia was a concept of "agrarian equality" in which land was allocated equally and additional land acquisition through purchase or inheritance was prohibited; the plan was an early step toward the yeoman republic later envisioned by Thomas Jefferson.Fries, Sylvia, The Urban Idea in Colonial America, Chapters 3 and 5Home, Robert, Of Planting and Planning: The Making of British Colonial Cities, 9Wilson, Thomas, The Oglethorpe Plan, Chapters 1 and 2 The communes of the 1960s in the United States often represented an attempt to greatly improve the way humans live together in communities. The back-to-the-land movements and hippies inspired many to try to live in peace and harmony on farms or in remote areas and to set up new types of governance. Communes like Kaliflower, which existed between 1967 and 1973, attempted to live outside of society's norms and to create their own ideal communalist society.

The development of the department of History, Delhi University, owes a great deal to the efforts of Professor Sharma who radicalised it by converting it into a citadel of secular and scientific History and waged an all out war against communalist historiography. It is largely because of his efforts that the largest body of professional Indian historians, the Indian History Congress, of which he was the general president in 1975 and which honoured him with H.K. Barpujari Award in 1989, has now become the symbol of secular and scientific approach to History. Sharma combined lifelong commitment to high-quality historical research on ancient India with equal commitment to high-quality teaching and imparting historical knowledge to several generations of students, a large number of whom grew under his care and guidance into serious scholars and researchers in their own right and enriched the profession. Further, he was also engaged for a large part of his life in nurturing and building institutions engaged in the teaching of history and historical research.