The press denounced him as an "boudoir Bolshevist," while the Harvard Board of Overseers opened an investigation to determine whether he was fit to teach.
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It became embroiled in political rows: conservatives on the right, including Nazis, considered it "degenerate", utopian and Bolshevist, while the left thought it lacked a clear ideology.
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His book, " The House of Government ," is a twelve-hundred-page epic that recounts the multigenerational story of the famed building and its inhabitants—and, at least as interesting, the rise and fall of Bolshevist faith.
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But in the end, the Dessau authorities used a new Nazi law to declare that "support for and action on behalf of the Bauhaus, which presented itself as a Bolshevist cell," amounted to a political crime.
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The first paper of that name was edited by Romanian revolutionaries in Bolshevist Russia, appearing throughout 1919 in the city of Odessa.
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Shepherd 2002, pp. 183–84 He published an account: What I Saw in Russia, but the impact of the visit was overshadowed by accusations that the Herald was being financed from Bolshevist sources, a charge vehemently denied by Lansbury: "We have received no Bolshevist money, no Bolshevist paper, no Bolshevist bonds". Unknown to Lansbury, the allegations had some truth which, when exposed, caused him and the paper considerable embarrassment.Shepherd 2002, pp. 187–88 By 1922 the Heralds financial problems had become such that it could no longer continue as a private venture financed by donations. Lansbury resigned the editorship and made the paper over to the Labour Party and the Trades Union Congress (TUC), although he continued to write for it and remained its titular general manager until 3 January 1925.Shepherd 2002, pp.
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In 1918 it was closed by the Bolshevist government. Pyotr Struve continued to edit Russkaya Mysl in emigration, as the Cadets united with the Russian Monarchists.
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"Comrade Lenin Cleanses the Earth of Filth." (Mikhail Cheremnykh and Viktor Deni, 1920) Who, whom? (, kto kogo?; ) is a Bolshevist principle or slogan which was formulated by Lenin in 1921.
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The organisation follows the neo-Eurasian ideology, which adopts an eclectical mixture of Russian nationalism, orthodox faith, anti-modernism and even some Bolshevist ideas. The organization opposes "American" values as liberalism, capitalism and modernism.
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During the Polish-Bolshevist War of 1920 he commanded with distinction the 8th Uhlans Regiment. Wounded on the field of battle, he received the Golden Cross of Merit and Virtuti Militari, the highest Polish military decoration.
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Socialist Standard (1919). Quoted in Mark Hayes's The British Communist Left: 1914–45. Their first reference to state capitalism was in fact a quote from Vladimir Lenin describing the state of affairs in Russia."A Socialist View of Bolshevist Policy".
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Furthermore, he was elected to the party's Executive Committee and designated, along with Flueraş, to serve on the party's delegation to Bolshevist Russia, in order to discuss the conditions of such affiliation.Arvatu; Dosarele Istoriei, p.26; Tismăneanu, p.45; Fuchs, p.
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Let the internationalist dream and the Bolshevist destroy. In this example, the critic would examine the cluster of words and phrases around the key term "Old world stabilization" in order to find certain patterns. Terms like idealize, miracle, dream, and attempt depict reconstruction through aid as an unproven strategy; internationalist and Bolshevist characterize supporters of aid as foreign and Communist; and the ending word 'destroy' implies a disastrous consequence for the proposal. In all, a critic can assume that these clusters work together to present aid for European reconstruction as an irresponsible and un-American plan.
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On August 23, 1918, there was established the State Land Bank. At the end of World War I, Ukraine became occupied by a new Russian regime – Bolsheviks. Bolshevist Russia adopted a law of War Communism which discontinued use of any financial institutions.
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Kuusinen continued his work as a prominent leader of the Comintern in Bolshevist Russia, that soon became the Soviet Union. Kuusinen also became a leader in Soviet military intelligence, establishing an intelligence network against the Scandinavian countries.Chapter 3. A History of Spetsnaz Spetsnaz.
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Shepherd, p. 184 Bondfield, who also met Lenin,Hamilton, p. 134 was more cautious. She told an NFWW conference on her return that if she were a Russian citizen she would support the Bolshevist government as currently "the only possible form of administration".
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His wavering position on formal secession from Bolshevist Russia ended in May 1918, when he headed a parliamentary session which declared the independent Democratic Republic of Georgia. On July 24, 1918, he became Head of the Government of Georgia. Second International Delegation.
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Eduard Stadtler (February 17, 1886 in Hagenau – October 5, 1945 in NKVD special camp Nr. 7) was a German journalist and politician who formed the Anti-Bolshevist League in 1918.Joachim C. Fest. Hitler. English Translation edition. Orlando, Florida, US: Harcourt, Inc. 1974.
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The term Tellurocracy itself was proposed by the Russian National Bolshevist and Eurasianist publicist Alexander Dugin, based on the works of the famous German lawyer and theorist of geopolitics Carl Schmitt. Dugin associates Tellurocracy with Eurasianism, in contrast a perceived association of thalassocracy with Atlanticism.
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Reviewed by Wilbur Cortez Abbott Harvard University that Sorokin has worked, so to speak, in a laboratory of revolution. Sorokin was, indeed, not able to set down his conclusions in Bolshevist Russia; Sorokin was banished from Russia in 1922, Sorokin wrote his book in the more hospitable atmosphere of Czecho-Slovakia". Sorokin was head of the department of sociology in the University of Petrograd, he was one of the leaders of the moderate revolutionary party, he was a member of the All-Russian Peasants' Soviet and of the Constituent assembly " in 1917-1918. Sorokin had been imprisoned three times, condemned to death and finally exiled by Bolshevist government for that.
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February 1917 - February 1918. // Бугаев А. Очерки истории гражданской войны на Дону (февраль 1917 г. — февраль 1918 г.), Ростов-на-Дону, 2010, стр. 106. He took an active part in financing and forming the regular White Army unitsKanishcheva, N.I. The Cadet Party After the Bolshevist Coup.
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Goebbels called for a total war to secure victory over the Allies, and exhorted the German people to continue the war even though it would be long and difficult because—as he asserted—both Germany's survival and the survival of a non-Bolshevist Europe were at stake.
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257 Hitler asserted that the "three vices" of "Jewish Marxism" were democracy, pacifism and internationalism,Kershaw, p.303 and that the Jews were behind Bolshevism, communism and Marxism.Kershaw, p.259 Joseph Goebbels in 1937 The Great Anti- Bolshevist Exhibition declared that Bolshevism and Jewry were one and the same.
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The state, anti-capitalist though it was, also posed a threat. "I could never in my life work within the confines of the State," she wrote to her niece, "Bolshevist or otherwise."Quoted in Wexler, Exile, p. 17. Soviet Russia led to her 1923 book, My Disillusionment in Russia.
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These orders stated: > The Bolshevist soldier has therefore lost all claim to treatment as an > honourable opponent, in accordance with the Geneva Convention (...) The > order for ruthless and energetic action must be given at the slightest > indication of insubordination, especially in the case of Bolshevist > fanatics. Insubordination, active or passive resistance, must be broken > immediately by force of arms (bayonets, butts and firearms) . . . Anyone > carrying out the order who does not use his weapons, or does so with > insufficient energy, is punishable (...) Prisoners of war attempting escape > are to be fired on without previous challenge. No warning shot must ever be > fired.... The use of arms against prisoners of war is as a rule > legal.
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Retrieved on 2008-09-30.Yosif Kremenetsky (1999), "Inzhenerno-tekhnicheskaya deyatel’nost’ yevreyev v SSSR (Engineering-technical activities of Jews in the USSR)", Yevrey pri bol’shevistskom stroye (Jews in the Bolshevist order), Minneapolis. Retrieved on 2008-09-30. Based on the M-13, the M-30 rocket was developed in 1942.
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Viktor Nikolaevich Denisov (Russian: Виктор Николаевич Денисов), best known by the shortened pseudonym Viktor Deni, (8 March 1893 – 3 August 1946)Биография Дени Виктора Николаевича Great Soviet Encyclopedia was a Russian satirist, cartoonist and poster artist. Deni was one of the major agitprop poster artists of the Bolshevist period (1917–1921).
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7.061 (CD-Rom). In 1934–1938 he worked for the Berliner Tageblatt, for which, under the pseudonym Karl Frahm, he also wrote cookery recipes and a Cookery Book. In 1935 he was denounced as a 'Music-Bolshevist' by the Militant League for German Culture.Ernst Klee, Das Kulturlexikon zum Dritten Reich.
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28 Eventually, the town's name shortened to Kuressaare and became official in 1918 after Estonia had declared its independence from Bolshevist Russia. Under the Soviet rule, the town was renamed Kingissepa in 1952; after the Bolshevik Kuressaare-native Viktor Kingissepp executed in 1922. The name Kuressaare was restored in 1990.
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In 1917, Kazan became one of the revolution centers. In 1918, Kazan was the capital of the Idel-Ural State, which was suppressed by the Bolshevist government. In the Kazan Operation of August 1918, it was briefly occupied by Czechoslovak Legions. In 1920, Kazan became the center of Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.
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Karol Rómmel (, ; 1888–1967) was a Polish and Russian military officer, sportsman and horse rider. He competed in the 1912 Summer Olympics (in the Russian team), the 1924 Summer Olympics, and in the 1928 Summer Olympics (for Poland). As a military officer he served with distinction in World War I and the Polish-Bolshevist War.
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Work, Darkest Before Dawn, pg. 220. Following a three-day trial, during which Dunne was blasted as a "Bolshevist and an agitator," Dunn was convicted and fined $5,000.Work, Darkest Before Dawn, pp. 221-222. This conviction was overturned by the Montana Supreme Court in May 1920, however, on the grounds of judicial error.
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The next year, November 1939 Culverwell drew further criticism when he called for "Peace by negotiation" with Nazi Germany, arguing that the continuation of the war would strengthen the Soviet Union. Culverwell added that "I can even visualise our troops fighting side by side with the Germans to defeat the Bolshevist menace."Hansard,DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS.
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The "ideological father" of the socialists, Karl Kautsky, disapproved of the Finnish Red Revolution. Kautsky, an opponent of Lenin, supported a reformist policy. , , , , , , In foreign policy, Red Finland leaned on Bolshevist Russia. A Red-initiated Finno–Russian treaty and peace agreement was signed on 1 March 1918, where Red Finland was called the Finnish Socialist Workers' Republic (; ).
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Upon the death of his father, Rabbi Sholom Dovber Schneersohn ("Rashab"), in 1920, Yosef Yitzchak became the sixth Rebbe of Chabad-Lubavitch. It was an age of great social and political upheaval following the Russian Revolution of 1917. The victorious anti- religious Bolsheviks were intent on uprooting and suppressing all religious life in the new Bolshevist Russia.
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165–166 In 1939, Agricola also published the book Der rote Marschall. Tuchatschewskis Aufstieg und Fall (The Red Marshal. Tukhachevsky's Rise and Fall), an account of the career of Marshal of the Soviet Union Mikhail Tukhachevsky, who was executed during Joseph Stalin's Great Purge in 1937. This publication revealed, among others, that Agricola was a convinced Anti-bolshevist.
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Kazan as it appeared before the turn of the 20th Century. In 1917, Kazan became one of the revolution centers, Gunpowder Plant fire occurred in the city. In 1918, Kazan was a capital of the Idel-Ural State, which was suppressed by the Bolshevist government. In the Kazan Operation of August 1918, it was briefly occupied by Czechoslovak Legions.
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The departure of German troops left a void and the Russian Bolshevik troops moved in. The Estonian War of Independence followed. On 2 February 1920, the Peace Treaty of Tartu was signed by the Republic of Estonia and Bolshevist Russia. The Republic of Estonia obtained international recognition and became a member of the League of Nations in 1921.
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After the Revolution 1917, a time of anarchy and demoralization overtook the former Russian Black Sea Fleet. The Fleet, stationed in Sevastopol, was commanded by a collective, "Tsentroflot". Different political influences clashed: Ukrainian, Bolshevik, Menshevik, Social Revolutionaries and Anarchist. Very different flags were hoisted over ships: Ukrainian bicolors, old Russian ensigns, Bolshevist red flags and Anarchist black flags.
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Stanisław Rothert (1900–1962) was a Polish journalist and athlete. Born in Warsaw on 22 September 1900, he joined the Polish Army and was wounded in the Polish-Bolshevist War. After the war he joined the Warsaw University of Technology, but did not graduate and left the school in 1926. Meanwhile, his sports career started in KS Polonia Warszawa.
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The Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Kars, which was a treaty between the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, which had declared Turkey a republic in 1923, and representatives of Bolshevist Russia, Soviet Armenia, Soviet Azerbaijan, and Soviet Georgia (all these states formed part of the Soviet Union after the December 1922 Union Treaty) in 1921.
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When the Finnish troops arrived in White Sea Karelia they noticed that the population was divided. A part of the population wanted to secede from Russia and form an independent Karelia separate from Finland. However, a larger part of the population just wanted some form of autonomy. Many thought they would get autonomy as part of Bolshevist Russia.
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It couldn't afford to let a left-wing Mexican-backed regime rise to power in the region. Díaz appealed to American fears of communism by saying the rebels were Bolshevist in nature. Marine reconnaissance aircraft flying for the Conservatives were already occasionally receiving fire from Liberal forces, although the more "[r]esponsible" rebel officers tried to prevent a clash with the Americans.
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Finnish White Guards had started their military campaign in March 1918. The goal was to annex White Karelia from Bolshevist Russia. British Royal Marines had invaded Murmansk at the same time to prevent the Germans and their Finnish White Guard allies from gaining the White Sea coast and the Murmansk Railroad. Murmansk Legion was armed with British equipment and wore British uniforms.
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From 1918 to 1919 the city was also consecutively home to a German and British military headquarters. Under the national government, Tbilisi turned into the first Caucasian University City after the Tbilisi State University was founded in 1918. On 25 February 1921, the Bolshevist Russian 11th Red Army invaded Tbilisi and after bitter fighting at the outskirts of the city, declared Soviet rule.
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On May 26, 1918 Ingorokva signed the "Act of Independence of Georgia". In 1921 he protested the occupation of Georgia by the Bolshevist Russia, in 1921-1923 Ingorokva was a member of the group "Shavchokhianebi" ("Blackchokhians"). In 1924-1925, he was the editor-in-chief of the Georgian scientific and literary Journal Kavkasioni ("The Caucasus"). The Journal was closed by the Bolshevik regime.
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After Tyndall and Webster were ousted and replaced by Brons and Anderson, a new faction took control of the party whose members regarded themselves as Strasserite, drawing inspiration from German Nazi Party members Otto Strasser and Gregor Strasser. This faction embraced the Third Position ideology and drew inspiration from Gaddafi's Third International Theory; their views have also been characterised as National Bolshevist.
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After Tyndall and Webster were ousted and replaced by Brons and Anderson, a new faction took control of the party whose members regarded themselves as Strasserite, drawing inspiration from German Nazi Party members Otto Strasser and Gregor Strasser. This faction embraced the Third Position ideology and drew inspiration from Gaddafi's Third International Theory; their views have also been characterised as National Bolshevist.
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He became one of the major agitprop poster artists of the Bolshevist period (1917–1921). Deni subsequently focused on producing newspaper cartoons that addressed foreign policy issues. During the German–Soviet War (World War II), he returned to the medium of the political poster together with several other prominent poster artists of the Civil War such as Mikhail Cheremnykh and Dmitry Moor.
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He moved to Kraków, where he immediately joined the Polish Military Organisation, the predecessor of Polish intelligence services. Mobilised into the Polish Army, in early 1919 he was attached to the Siedlce-based 22nd Infantry Regiment. He officially served as an officer in that regiment during the Polish-Bolshevist War of 1920, he did not take part in the fights however.
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In December 1919 it was modified to Russian gauge and took part in the Polish- Bolshevist War. During the Battle of Warsaw it supported the 1st Legions Infantry Division. It then proceeded to fight near Vilna as part of the 2nd Army. In 1921 it was again withdrawn to Cegielski Works, where it was modernised and equipped with better armament.
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Briedis was in hospital when the February Revolution broke out, triggering the collapse of the army. Many riflemen joined the Red Army, but Briedis was among those who refused to do so. In 1918 he joined an anti-bolshevist conspiracy in Moscow. On July 23, 1918, he was arrested by the Cheka, and on August 27, 1918, he was executed in Moscow by firing squad.
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British Prime Minister David Lloyd George praised Pankhurst and the Women's Party: "They have fought the Bolshevist and Pacifist element with great skill, tenacity, and courage."Quoted in Purvis 2002, p. 313. In the years after the 1918 Armistice, Pankhurst continued to promote her nationalist vision of British unity. She maintained a focus on women's empowerment, but her days of fighting with government officialdom were over.
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The Bolshevik Myth (Diary 1920–1922) is a book by Alexander Berkman describing his experiences in Bolshevist Russia from 1920 to 1922, where he saw the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1917. Written in the form of a diary, The Bolshevik Myth describes how Berkman's initial enthusiasm for the revolution faded as he became disillusioned with the Bolsheviks and their suppression of all political dissent.
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They had confused his politics with that of the Socialist-aligned Poalei Zion ('Zionist Workers') party, which it called 'a definite Bolshevist institution.' The report was critical of some of the actions of OETA military command, particularly the withdrawal of troops from inside Jerusalem early on the morning of Monday, 5 April and that, once martial law had been proclaimed, it was slow to regain control.
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Ninotchka is based on a three-sentence story idea by Melchior Lengyel that made its debut at a poolside conference in 1937, when a suitable comedy vehicle for Garbo was being sought by MGM: “Russian girl saturated with Bolshevist ideals goes to fearful, capitalistic, monopolistic Paris. She meets romance and has an uproarious good time. Capitalism not so bad, after all.”Shaw, Tony (2007).
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Wenberg was accepted into a leadership position in the party, alongside Molnar as chairman, Cawthron as director of publications, Les Ritchie, and John Stewart. Early in 1969, however, Cawthron and Molnar fell out, with Molnar accusing Cawthron of being a closet Bolshevist. Molnar was expelled from the party.Harcourt, pp. 31-32. In early 1970, the party's third congress in Canberra was attended by around 30 members.
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What is the result of his study of Russian revolution? Book of Sorokin is, briefly, the most damning indictment of Bolshevist regime. This book is a careful study of revolution in general. It is one of the best descriptions of revolution ever written—that of Thucydides on Corcyra—as it is with the events in France of the eighteenth century or Russia in the twentieth.
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During the Weimar Republic many films about Frederick II of Prussia had a conservative nationalistic agenda, as Siegfried Kracauer and other film critics noted. Communists like Willi Münzenberg saw the Russian cinema as a model of political cinema. Soviet films by Sergei Eisenstein, Dziga Vertov and others combined a partisan view of the bolshevist regime with artistic innovation which also appealed to western audiences.
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The main moving power of the Slutsk defence was the local peasantry fighting against the Bolshevist agrarian policy of War Communism and supporting the independence of Belarus declared on March 25, 1918. Leaders of the defence were local intellectuals and szlachta. Slutsk was an important centre of Belarusian national life. Local intellectuals kept tense contacts with groups supporting the Belarusian Democratic Republic in other regions.
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443-444 In the evening of 20 August 1917 some 200 Russian soldiers, with Bolshevist leaders, seized and murdered two of the most conspicuous Moldavian leaders, Andrei Hodorogea and Simeon G. Murafa, in Chişinău itself.Charles Upson Clark, 1927, BESSARABIA. Russia and Roumania on the Black SeaCharles Upson Clark, 1927, THE REVOLUTION COMES TO BESSARABIALiteratura şi Arta, În unire e tăria (II) Iurie Colesnic, Chișinău.
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This is a list of Ambassadors of the United States to Finland. Until 1917 Finland had been a subject of Russia as the Grand Duchy of Finland. As a result of the Bolshevist October Revolution in Russia, Finland declared its independence on December 6, 1917. On December 22 (January 4, 1918 N. S.), the highest Soviet executive body approved a decree recognizing Finland’s independence.
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Miechów, 1927 When Poland regained her independence in 1918 and survived the Polish-Bolshevist War of 1920, the Polish Army was one of the most heavily motorised armies of the epoch and had one of the largest tank forces in the world. However, the armoured cars reinforcing Polish cavalry units were mostly obsolete. Some were captured during the war against Bolshevist Russia (like ex-Russian Austin- Putilov or Garford-Putilov), Poland also bought some AC Peugeot 18CV armoured cars from France and built a partially armoured Ford FT-B car, based on the iconic Ford Model T. However, none of them were modern by post-World War I standards and in mid-1920s it was decided to start a new line of armoured cars. In 1924 Poland bought 135 chassis of a Citroën-Kegresse B2 10CV half- tack (essentially a Citroën Type B2 small car chassis with Kégresse track added).
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The objective of the exhibition was to demonstrate to the people the "poverty, misery, depravity and need" that were features of life in the "Jewish Bolshevist Soviet Union". The arson attack inflicted relatively little physical damage on the exhibition, which re-opened the next day, but news of it had a more lasting impact. Herbert Baum and Heinz Joachim were arrested at work on 22 May 1942. Further arrests followed.
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Tommy eavesdrops on a meeting of Bolshevist conspirators, where he is caught. He delays his execution by claiming knowledge of the missing treaty. Tuppence secures the co-operation of Albert, the lift boy at Mrs Vandemeyer's residence, to obtain a job as her maid and hears Rita mention Mr Brown. The next visitor is Sir James Peel Edgerton, K C. On her afternoon off, Tuppence meets Julius at the Ritz.
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The invitation was seen by the left as atonement for the expulsion of the Jews from Spain and as a challenge to the German persecution of the Jews. The right-wing press saw it as further evidence of a Jewish-bolshevist conspiracy. De los Ríos was Minister of State (Foreign Minister) from 12 June 1933 to 12 September 1933. He was reelected as Deputy for Granada on 19 November 1933.
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The monument was opened in 1933, in the park of the Nativity Cathedral in Central Chişinău. The monument was dedicated to Simeon G. Murafa, Alexei Mateevici, and Andrei Hodorogea. All of them died in August 1917. In the evening of August 20, 1917 some 200 Russian soldiers, with Bolshevist leaders, seized and murdered two of the most conspicuous Moldavian leaders, Andrei Hodorogea and Simeon G. Murafa, in Chişinău itself.
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496 On August 28, he wrote an anti-French letter addressed to the pacifist Romain Rolland, and also taken up in the Bolshevik press. The Swiss correspondent Robert Vaucher read it and concluded: "[Sadoul] is an irreducible Bolshevist in French uniform."Vaucher, p. 352 Nevertheless, a Swiss newspaper, La Feuille, reprinted it, and Jean Longuet read it out in front of the delegates to the SFIO Congress in October 1918.
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The Commissar Order (German: Kommissarbefehl) was a written order given by the German High Command (OKW) on 6 June 1941, prior to the beginning of Operation Barbarossa (German invasion of the Soviet Union). It demanded that any Soviet political commissar identified among captured troops be shot immediately. Those prisoners who could be identified as "thoroughly bolshevized or as active representatives of the Bolshevist ideology" were also to be executed.
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Members of the first expedition The Petsamo expeditions (, ) were two military expeditions in May 1918 and in April 1920 by Finnish civilian volunteers, to annex Petsamo () from Bolshevist Russia. It was one of the many "kinship wars" (Heimosodat) fought by the newly independent Finland during the Russian Civil War. Although both expeditions were unsuccessful, Petsamo was handed over by Russia to Finland in the 1920 Treaty of Tartu.
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A novel Staatliches Konzentrationslager VII, Eine "Erziehungsanstalt" im Dritten Reich was first published in London, 1936 under the pen name Klaus Hinrichs. German edition: Edition Temmen, Bremen, 1991. His second wife Olga Joffe Lang worked for his release and, with the help of national bolshevist revolutionary Friedrich Hielscher, the also radical right- wing geographer Karl Haushofer, and the LSE historian R. H. Tawney, managed to get Wittfogel free in 1934.(Mathias Greffrath, Martin Jay).
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Social liberals and reformist non-socialists opposed any restriction of parliamentarianism. They initially resisted German military help, but the prolonged warfare changed their stance., , , In foreign policy, the Vaasa Senate relied on the German Empire for military and political aid. Their objective was to defeat the Finnish Reds; end the influence of Bolshevist Russia in Finland and expand Finnish territory to East Karelia, a geopolitically significant home to people speaking Finno-Ugric languages.
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Her father, Aleksandr Yegorov, fought in the First World War as well as the Russian Civil War as a Bolshevist. Combat stress and other hardships deteriorated his health, and in 1925 he died at 49 years of age. After seven years of school, Yegorova joined Mosmetrostroy, where she worked as a steelman, and then as a tiler on the construction of Krasnye Vorota station. Her construction job allowed her to study at the Mosmetrostroy aeroclub.
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Stefan Pogonowski Stefan Pogonowski (1895–1920) was a Polish professional soldier and military officer. He served in the Imperial Russian Army during World War I and then the newly recreated Polish Army during the Polish- Bolshevist War of 1920. He was killed when leading a charge of a battalion he commanded during the battle of Radzymin. He was posthumously awarded the Silver Cross of Virtuti Militari and promoted to the rank of Captain.
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21-22 The establishment was linked with the socialist group's affiliation to the Comintern (just before the latter's Third Congress): after a delegation was sent to Bolshevist Russia, a group of moderates (including Ioan Flueraș, Iosif Jumanca, Leon Ghelerter, and Constantin Popovici) left at different intervals beginning in May 1921.Frunză, p.25-28 The party renamed itself the Socialist-Communist Party () and, soon after, the Communist Party of Romania ( or PCdR).
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Marks, The Illusion of Peace, pp 52–54. In 1921, Lloyd George successfully concluded the Anglo-Soviet Trade Agreement. Despite much effort he was unable to negotiate full diplomatic relations, as the Russians rejected all repayment of Tsarist era debts, and Conservatives in Britain grew exceedingly wary of the communist threat to European stability. Indeed, Henry Wilson, the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, believed Lloyd George had become "a traitor & a Bolshevist".
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Part of the Estonian delegation at the negotiations of the Treaty of Tartu (left to right): Jaan Poska, Jaan Soots and Victor Mutt. On 2 February 1920, the Peace Treaty of Tartu was signed by the Republic of Estonia and RSFSR. At this point, the Bolshevist regime had not been recognized by any Western power. The terms of the treaty stated that Russia renounced in perpetuity all rights to the territory of Estonia.
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In January 1918 Maclean was elected to the chair of the Third All-Russian Congress of Soviets and a month later appointed Bolshevik consul in Scotland.Thatcher, Ian D., (1992) "John Maclean: Soviet Versions", in History Vol. 77, Issue 251, p.424The Times, Thursday, 28 November 1918, "Bolshevist Candidate: Mr. Barnes's Fight at Glasgow" He established a Consulate at 12 South Portland Street in Glasgow but was refused recognition by the British Government.
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He became politically active during the 1920s, becoming known as a gifted orator and contributor to leftist publications. When he graduated from law school, he worked in his uncle's law firm. In 1933 occupying US Marines sought to rid Haiti of Marxist influence, launching a campaign for "The Suppression of Bolshevist Activities". Hudicourt was arrested, tried, and sentenced to three months in prison for purportedly being a communist along with Jacques Roumain.
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3, 2013 The looted, mostly Modernist art was banned by the Nazis when they came to power, on the grounds that it was "un-German" or Jewish Bolshevist in nature."Nazi art: does Germany have a problem returning art stolen by the Nazis?" , The Telegraph, U.K., Nov. 4, 2013 Descendants of Jewish collectors who were robbed of their works by the Nazis may be able to claim ownership of many of the works.
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402n and p. 463. After the Bolshevist revolution in Hungary, "Rado had some influence with the new masters, and it was he who manoeuvred [...] Ferenczi as the first University Professor of Psycho-analysis."Ernest Jones, The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud (London 1964) p. 488. Regime change then led to his move to Berlin, where, after Abraham's death, Ernest Jones suggested Radó (among others) for "replacing him on the [Secret] Committee"Jones, p. 570.
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In exile in Prague since 1919, he organized active information campaigns for Western governments about the current states of Belarusian SSR and West Belarus. He organized a conference of Belarusian emigrant organizations in September 1921 that criticized the Polish-Bolshevist Peace of Riga that divided Belarus in two parts. Krecheuski convinced the Czechoslovak government to give grants for Belarusian students. He created the Belarusian archive in Prague and published the politological almanac Zamiežnaja Biełaruś.
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By the early 19th century, the notion of progress was being taken up by Russian intellectuals and was no longer accepted as legitimate by the tsars. Four schools of thought on progress emerged in 19th-century Russia: conservative (reactionary), religious, liberal, and socialist—the latter winning out in the form of Bolshevist materialism.Ellison, Herbert J. (1965). "Economic Modernization in Imperial Russia: Purposes and Achievements," Journal of Economic History 25 (4): 523–40.
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Despite these sentiments, neither Calles nor Amaro hesitated in taking action against the extreme left-wing. When José Guadalupe Rodríguez tried to organise "soldier soviets" on the Bolshevist pattern, he was promptly arrested and shot along with some of his soldiers.Fehrenbach, T.R., Fire and Blood: A History of Mexico, Da Capo Press (1995), pp. 572-572 Moreover, when a peasant and labor bloc of the Communist International was formed under the artist Diego Rivera, it was forcibly disbanded.
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The wz. 33 grenade was basically a development of earlier Polish grenades. The earliest of them, the Granat obronny wz. 23, was loosely based on the Mills bomb, the iconic fragmentation grenade of World War I that influenced a number of designs used by both the Central Powers and the Entente, notably the French F1 grenade. After 1918 Poland inherited over 3,380,000 grenades of various types and during the Polish-Bolshevist War of 1920 bought several million more.
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Prior to the German attack on the Soviet Union, the USSR was treated with hostility, such as when a paper explained that Tchaikovsky was a product of Tsarist, not Bolshevist, Russia. This treatment became more favourable after Germany's attack. The Battle of Stalingrad received particular attention as a great victory. The British Ministry of Information put out a booklet on countering ideological fears of Bolshevism, including claims that the Red Terror was a figment of Nazi imagination.
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Born in Bonansa, Huesca (Aragon), Maurín engaged in socialist politics from early youth, standing trial on several occasions. After law studies, he practiced in Lleida (Catalonia), where he became affiliated with the Anarchist trade union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). In 1920, Joaquín Maurín was elected local secretary for the CNT, as well as the editor of its weekly Lucha Social. In 1921, he represented the movement at the Profintern Congress in Moscow, the capital of Bolshevist Russia.
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Ransome's supposed Bolshevist sympathies bring him under suspicion when the Red Terror begins, but he redeems himself by helping to free Lockhart from the Kremlin. Ransome is happy with Evgenia in Stockholm and when she has to return to Russia, he chooses to go with her. To ease his return, he reconsiders the offer from the SIS and becomes agent S76. Lenin welcomes him back to Russia, dismissing Trotsky's fears that he might be a spy.
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The decision to make Nakhchivan a part of modern-day Azerbaijan was cemented 16 March 1921 in the Treaty of Moscow between Bolshevist Russia and Turkey.Ian Bremmer and Ray Taras. New States, New Politics: Building Post-Soviet Nations, p. 444. The agreement between the Soviet Russia and Turkey also called for attachment of the former Sharur-Daralagez uyezd (which had a solid Azeri majority) to Nakhchivan, thus allowing Turkey to share a border with the Azerbaijan SSR.
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The German delegation became the object of unwelcome attention when it concluded a political and economic agreement with the Russian foreign minister Georgi Chicherin in Rapallo on Easter Sunday (April 16). The agreement had been drawn up in Berlin, but laid aside before being finally adopted. This agreement finally established peace between the two countries, waived all claims arising from the war on both sides and restored diplomatic relations. Thus, the Bolshevist government was accorded open recognition.
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The exhibit was designed to promote the idea that modernism was a conspiracy by people who hated German decency, frequently identified as Jewish-Bolshevist, although only six of the 112 artists included in the exhibition were Jewish.Barron 1991, p.9. The concurrent Große Deutsche Kunstausstellung ("Great German Art Exhibition") was intended to show the more classical and "racially pure" type of art advocated by the Nazi regime. That exhibition was hosted near Hofgarten, in the Haus der Deutschen Kunst.
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The clergy were at times relied upon to spread messages to the masses, since this was an effective way of spreading a message to people who speak a different language. A young officer- administrator named related that he listened (through a translator) to a sermon by a priest who tells his congregation to stay off highways after nightfall, hand in firearms and not to have anything to do with Bolshevist agents, exactly as had told him to do earlier.
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At home, some supporters of Greater Romania were in the process of reconsidering Cătărău's activity, glorifying his early attack on Hungarian nationalism. Writing in April 1920, the Romanian physician and nationalist militant Vasile Bianu placed Cătărău in "the vanguard of the holy war to reunite the [Romanian] nation", calling him "a guiding light" of patriotic feeling.Bianu, p.381 Contrarily, Rosetti called Cătărău a "Bolshevist adventurer" and a by-product "of the awful slaughter" that was World War I.Rosetti, p.
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The front line in August, 1918. During the chaos of the Russian Revolutions of 1917, Tatarstan became functionally independent with a national parliament (Millät Mäclese), national government (Milli İdarä), national council (Milli Şura), and a national military council (Xärbi Şura). Some Tatar military units took part in the Russian Civil War against the communists. Anti-communist Tatar revolutionaries declared the Idel-Ural State, but the Moscow Bolshevist government moved to prevent an independent Tatarstan on its flank.
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Soviet Jews were accused of espionage and the intent to disseminate radical Bolshevist propaganda. However, by 1933, non-refugee Afghani Jews, those who had lived there for decades if not centuries, were also targeted. All Jews who were citizens of Afghanistan were ordered to relocate to their birthplace, which was most often Herat or Kabul. This was an attempt by the government to further enforce the policy that Jews were not natives of the Northern provinces of Afghanistan.
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He thought that Hitler was exploiting fears of a "Bolshevist menace" as a cover for "expansion in Central and South-Eastern Europe".Cowling, p. 158. Like Sir Maurice Hankey, Vansittart thought in power politics terms. He thought Hitler could not decide whether to follow Joseph Goebbels and Alfred von Tirpitz in viewing Britain as "the ultimate enemy" or on the other hand adopting the Joachim von Ribbentrop policy of appeasing Britain in order to engage in military expansion in the East.
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The Soviet Union annexed Estonia on August 6 and renamed the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic.Magnus Ilmjärv Hääletu alistumine, (Silent Submission), Tallinn, Argo, 2004, The 1940 occupation and annexation of Estonia into the Soviet Union was considered illegal and never officially recognized by Great Britain, the United States and other Western democracies.U.S.-Baltic Relations: Celebrating 85 Years of Friendship at U.S Department of State The annexation abrogated numerous prior treaties entered into by the Soviet Union and its predecessor, Bolshevist Russia.
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In the early 20th century the Transcaucasian Armenians began to equate the Azerbaijani people with the perpetrators of anti-Armenian policies such as the Armenian Genocide in the Ottoman Empire. Soon afterward a wave of anti- Azerbaijani massacres in both Azerbaijan and Armenia started in 1918 and continued until 1920. First, in March 1918, a massacre of the Azerbaijanis in Baku took place. An estimate of 3,000 to 10,000 Azerbaijanis were killed by nationalist Dashnak Armenians, orchestrated by the Bolshevist Stepan Shahumyan.
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However, when forming the second Ukrainian division, he received an order from Admiral Alexander Kolchak in September 1918 — to send Ukrainian units to an anti- bolshevist front. From November 1918 until August 1919 Khreschatytsky served Kolchak's army, participating in fighting against Soviet Russia and rising to the rank of lieutenant-general. By autumn 1919 he had become inspector of the Far-Eastern formations of strategic reserve and general on the special commissions at commander by the troops of the Priamur's territorial department.
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Under his direction, the paper mounted a violent campaign against the local police force, accusing its leader of being a hireling of Imperial Germany. In April 1919, after Catalonia was shaken by the Canadenca protests, Pestaña was arrested and detained, and the paper banned. He left for Bolshevist Russia in 1920, in order to be present at the 2nd Comintern Congress and the preliminary sessions of the Profintern. There he met Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev, and other Bolshevik leaders.
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He stated that the only way to save the country was to re- establish strict discipline and restore capital punishment in the army and navy. During this time many organisations and newspapers of a conservative inclination spoke of him as a future dictator. A number of new and secret organisations had sprung up in Petrograd with the goal of suppressing the Bolshevist movement and the removal of the extremist members of the government. Some of these organisations asked Kolchak to accept the leadership.
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Quoting Hitler: The Führer emphasized that we had to understand that the Europe of today was nothing but a geographical term; in reality Asia extended up to our frontiers. Nazi racial views regarded the "Judeo-Bolshevist" Soviet state both as a criminal institution which needed to be destroyed as well as a barbarian place as yet lacking any actual culture that would give it a "European" character.Rich, Norman (1972). Hitler's War Aims: Ideology, the Nazi State and the Course of Expansion, p. 212.
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In exchange for military cooperation after Lithuanian–Soviet War, the Bolshevist authorities signed a peace treaty with Lithuania on July 12, 1920. According to the Soviet–Lithuanian Peace Treaty, all area disputed between Poland and Lithuania, at the time controlled by the Bolsheviks, was to be transferred to Lithuania. However, the actual control over the area remained in Bolsheviks hands. After the Battle of Warsaw of 1920 it became clear that the advancing Polish Army would soon recapture the area.
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148 Punch cartoon of 22 September 1920, mocking Lansbury's denials of Bolshevist funding for the Daily Herald Before the outbreak of the First World War in August 1914, the Herald took a strong anti- war line.Shepherd 2002, p. 158 Addressing a large demonstration in Trafalgar Square on 2 August 1914, Lansbury blamed the coming conflict on capitalism: "The workers of all countries have no quarrel. They are ... exploited in times of peace and sent out to be massacred in times of war".
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From 1918 to 1919 the city was also a home to the German and British military headquarters consecutively. Under the national government, Tbilisi turned into the first Caucasian University City after the Tbilisi State University was founded in 1918, a long-time dream of the Georgians banned by the Imperial Russian authorities for several decades. On 25 February 1921, the Bolshevist Russian 11th Red Army entered Tbilisi after bitter fighting at the outskirts of the city and declared Soviet rule.
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Austria-Hungary agreed to unify by 31 July 1918 in one crownland those areas of eastern Halychyna and Bukovyna where the Ukrainian population predominated. But on July 4, Austria-Hungary annulled this secret agreement under the pretext that Ukraine had not delivered to it the amount of grain promised under the treaty. It is believed that this action was the result of Polish pressure. The Central Powers signed a separate Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Bolshevist Russia on 3 March 1918.
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According to all later investigations, the perpetrator of the murder was a socialist gunman, Luis Cuenca, who was known as the bodyguard of PSOE leader Indalecio Prieto. Calvo Sotelo was one of the most prominent Spanish monarchists who, describing the government's actions as Bolshevist and anarchist, had been exhorting the army to intervene, declaring that Spanish soldiers would save the country from communism if "there are no politicians capable of doing so"."Uneasy path". Evening Post, Volume CXXI, Issue 85, 9 April 1936.
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Szczypiorno is a municipal neighbourhood of the city of Kalisz, Poland. Formerly until 1976 a separate village at the outskirts of the city, it is best known as a seat of a World War I and Polish-Bolshevist War prisoner of war camp and the name-sake for szczypiorniak, the Polish language name for the game of handball. The borough is located along the National Road 25 linking Kalisz with Ostrów Wielkopolski. There is a Kalisz Szczypiorno railway station located in the neighbourhood.
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Archeio-Marxism () was a radical left political movement that was active in interwar Greece. The main motto of its supporters was "first education and then action" and they were against mass demonstrations and unionism. They were named after the Archive of Marxism () magazine, that was published in 1921. From 1930 to 1934, the organization was a member of Trotsky's International Left Opposition, renaming itself officially as the Bolshevist–Leninist Organization of Greece – Archeio-Marxists (Κομμουνιστική Οργάνωση Μπολσεβίκων Λενινιστών Ελλάδας - Αρχειομαρξιστών).
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It was also uncertain whether common troops drafted from the small-sized and poor farms of central and northern Finland had strong enough motivation to fight the Finnish Reds. The Whites' propaganda promoted the idea that they were fighting a defensive war against Bolshevist Russians, and belittled the role of the Red Finns among their enemies., , , , , , Social divisions appeared both between southern and northern Finland and within rural Finland. The economy and society of the north had modernised more slowly than that of the south.
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Zobnin, p.266 For Merezhkovsky the October Socialist revolution was a catastrophe. He saw it as the Coming of Ham he wrote about a decade later, the tragic victory for, as he choose to put it, Narod-Zver (The Beast-nation), the political and social incarnation of the universal Evil, putting the whole human civilization to danger. Merezhkovsky and Gippius tried to use whatever influence they retained upon the Bolshevist cultural leaders to ensure the release of their friends, the arrested Provisional government ministers.
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In Slovakia, the Judeo-Bolshevist canard was not prominent; instead Jews were accused of supporting Hungarian irredentism. According to Cichopek, these factors partially explain why the postwar anti- Jewish violence in Slovakia was less than that in Poland. Milan Stanislav Ďurica, a nationalist and Catholic theologian, blamed the victims in his analysis of the events. According to Büchler, the pogrom illuminates the "miserable situation" for Jews in Slovakia after liberation, as well as the indifference of the authorities to "the existential problems of the Jewish survivors".
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When Fleshin wrote an article criticizing Bolshevist government policies, he was arrested and imprisoned. Soon after being released he met Molly Steimer, an anarchist who had been deported from the United States. Angered by the communists' suppression of the Russian anarchist movement,Woodcock, George, Anarchism: A History Of Libertarian Ideas And Movements, Broadview Press (2004), , , p. 350: By late 1922, there were few anarchists left, especially in the major cities; most had been arrested and either jailed or shot in the cellars of the Cheka.
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Mazniashvili was soon ordered to take control of the Tuapse-Maykop railway line and coordinate his actions with the White Russian Kuban government and Denikin's Volunteer Army waging an all-out war against the Red armies in South Russia. People of Sochi greets Georgian army, July 1918. Initially, Georgia regarded the White forces as allies against the common threats from the Bolshevist Moscow. This cooperation was, however, soon clouded by Denikin's calls for the reunited "Great Russia" with the Caucasus as its integral part.
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An essay by Lev Kolodny in Moskovsky Komsomolets. 19 02 2013 On 10 March 1919, outraged by the atrocities committed by the Bolshevist regime and suffering from severe depression,Biography of Stakhovich at the Moscow Art Theatre site Stakhovich committed suicide by hanging. Marina Tsvetayeva described the effect this had upon the artistic circles of Moscow (and left an expressive portrait of the man) in her essay "The Death of Stakhovich".Смерть Стаховича by Marina Tsvetayeva He is interred in Novodevichye Cemetery in Moscow.
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The Bolshevist government of Russia led by Lenin approve Finland's independence The Finnish Declaration of Independence (; ; ) was adopted by the Parliament of Finland on 6 December 1917. It declared Finland an independent nation, ending its autonomy within Russia as the Grand Principality of Finland, with reference to a bill simultaneously delivered to the Parliament to make Finland an independent republic instead. Declaring the independence was only part of the long process leading to the independence of Finland. The declaration is celebrated as Independence Day in Finland.
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"Les événements de Hongrie: Les relations magyaro–roumaines", in Le Temps, August 31, 1919, p. 1 Hungarian diplomatic records of the time also suggest that Isopescu-Grecul vetoed Romania's alliance with Czechoslovakia and Austria against a restored Hungarian Kingdom, because "Rumania prefers a conservative rather than a socialist government in her rear."Deák & de Ujváry, p. 122 He also agreed to allow Hungary to rearm herself and join the Allied cause against Bolshevist Russia, and promised to help restore communications between Hungary and Transylvania.
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After the Russian Revolution of 1917, Bolshevist Russia ended its fight against the Central Powers, including Germany, in World War I by signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.George F. Kennan Soviet Foreign Policy 1917-1941, Kreiger Publishing Company, 1960. Therein, Russia agreed to cede sovereignty and influence over parts of several eastern European countries.Text of the 3 March, 1918 Peace Treaty of Brest-Litovsk Most of those countries became ostensible democratic republics following Germany's defeat and signing of an armistice in the autumn of 1918.
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The Russian Consulate in Khüree played a central role in Choibalsan's early development. Sükhbaatar (left) with Choibalsan in the early 1920s Choibalsan and fellow Mongolian students in Russia were called back to Khüree by the Bogd Khaan government following the 1917 October Revolution. Exposed to Bolshevism while living among Irkutsk's radicalized student population, Choibalsan joined the revolutionary Consular Hill or Konsulyn Denj (Консулын дэнж) group, heavily influenced by Bolshevist philosophy and established to resist the Chinese occupation of Outer Mongolia after 1919. Original members of the group also included Dambyn Chagdarjav and Darizavyn Losol.
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Such art was banned on the grounds that it was un-German or Jewish Bolshevist in nature, and those identified as degenerate artists were subjected to sanctions. These included being dismissed from teaching positions, being forbidden to exhibit or to sell their art, and in some cases being forbidden to produce art entirely. Degenerate Art was also the title of an exhibition, mounted by the Nazis in Munich in 1937. The climate became so hostile for artists and art associated with modernism and abstraction that many left for the Americas.
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Forest Guerrillas () was a Finnic resistance movement formed by some of the inhabitants of the parishes of Repola and Porajärvi in addition to several White Guard volunteers after their territory was ceded to Bolshevist Russia in the Treaty of Tartu of 1920. The conflict is known as the East Karelian Uprising. The 2,000 metsäsissi forces managed to capture large parts of East Karelia during their rebellion against their Russian rulers in 1921, aiming to unite these areas with the newly formed Republic of Finland. Ultimately, however, in 1922 the rebel forces withdrew into Finland.
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In particular, the appearance of the Arnulfstraße in Munich owns much to the numerous Vorhoelzer buildings. In 1930, Robert Vorhoelzer has been appointed professor at the Technical University of Munich. With the beginning of the Third Reich he lost his chair accused of being an "architectural bolshevist", although he resumed working as an architect and, for example, built the church "Mary Queen of Peace" in Obergiesing (1936–37). On the eve of World War II, Vorhoelzer emigrated to Turkey, from where he has been expelled in 1941 due to an allegation of espionage for Germany.
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Gippius, Filosofov and Merezhkovsky. Warsaw, 1920 In Warsaw Merezhkovsky did practical work for some Russian immigrant organizations, Gippius edited the literary section in Svoboda newspaper. Both were regarding Poland as a "messianic", potentially unifying place and a crucial barrier in the face of the spreading Bolshevist plague. In the summer of 1920 Boris Savinkov arrived into the country to have talks with Józef Piłsudski: he engaged Merezhkovsky and Filosofov in the activities of the so-called Russian Evacuation committee (more of a White Army mobilization center) and introduced the writer to Piłsudski.
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Tanno continued attending Gyōminkai and Sekirankai meetings upon her return to Tokyo in 1922. She also joined the Nankatsu Labor Union, founded by Masanosuke Watanabe in 1922, along with Kawai, Kitajima, and Sōma. Believing that intellectual groups would not help change conditions for workers, Tanno quit her job in nursing and began working in Kameido district as a Seikosha watch factory worker under the name Sakanoue Kiyo. At this time, the Japanese communist part was dividing into anarchist and Bolshevist wings, in which Tanno remained in allegiance with the latter.
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In the aftermath of World War I (1914-1918) and the Russian revolutions of 1917, Estonians declared their independence in February 1918. The Estonian War of Independence (1918-1920) ensued on two fronts: the newly proclaimed state fought against Bolshevist Russia to the east and against the Baltic German forces (the Baltische Landeswehr) to the south. The Tartu Peace Treaty (February 1920) marked the end of fighting and recognised Estonian independence in perpetuity. In 1940, in the wake of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact of 1939, the Soviet Union occupied Estonia and (according to e.g.
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In 1919 Massalitinov, as part of the Kachalov Troupe, found himself abroad, cut off from home. Unlike the majority of the actors, he decided against returning to the Bolshevist Russia and first joined the Prague-based, Maria Germanova-led troupe, then in 1925 settled in Bulgaria to become there a respected director and pedagogue, proponent of the Stanislavski method. In 1948 he was designated as a Meritorious Artist of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, and in 1950 won the Dimitrov Prize.Nikolai Massalitinov at the Кругосвет (Around the World) On-line Encyclopedia.
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Immediately before the battle, the two regiments were reinforced with the newly created 221st and 236th Infantry Regiments of the Volunteer Army: both understrength and under-equipped, the latter unit was composed in large part from volunteers of Warsaw's gymnasiums. On the Russian side of the front, there were elements of the 79th Rifle Brigade and 2nd Rifle Division, commanded by Grigory Khakhanyan. In total, the Bolshevist commander had three regiments at his disposal, (the 235th, 366th and the 16th Infantry Regiments), with a cavalry corps of Gayk Bzhishkyan in reserve.
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At the height of the Bolshevist Russian offensive in the Polish-Soviet War, on July 22, 1920, he returned to Poland and assumed the post of the Chief of General Staff and a member of the State Defence Council. Opinions among historians vary as to the extent he was responsible for developing the extremely successful plan for the battle of Warsaw that turned the tide of that war, also known as "Miracle at Vistula".Janusz Szczepański, KONTROWERSJE WOKÓŁ BITWY WARSZAWSKIEJ 1920 ROKU (Controversies surrounding the Battle of Warsaw in 1920). Mówią Wieki, online version.
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On October 27 and October 28, 1919, the Public Ledger published excerpts from the first English-language translation of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. The article was headlined "Red Bible". The paper published the excerpts from The Protocols, a text proposing the existence of a Jewish plot to take over the world, after removing all references to the purported Jewish authorship; it recast The Protocols as a Bolshevist manifesto. Carl W. Ackerman, who wrote the articles, was later appointed head of the journalism department at Columbia University.
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Educated at Fielding School and Wellington College, New Zealand, Carr was commissioned as a temporary flight sub-lieutenant in the Royal Naval Air Service in July 1915. He saw action as a spotter at the Battle of Loos in October 1915 during the First World War. In 1919 Carr went to Russia to fight on the anti-Bolshevist side in the civil war, where he won his Distinguished Flying Cross for action against the enemy. The citation was as follows: In 1921 Carr was a part of Ernest Shackleton's final Antarctic expedition.
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Nikolay Chkheidze, president of the Georgian Provisional Assembly, later the Constituent Assembly After the February Revolution of 1917 and collapse of the tsarist administration in the Caucasus, most powers was held by the Special Transcaucasian Committee (Ozakom, short for Osobyi Zakavkazskii Komitet) of the Russian Provisional Government. All of the soviets in Georgia were firmly controlled by the Georgian Social Democratic Party, who followed the lead of the Petrograd Soviet and supported the Provisional Government. The Bolshevist October Revolution changed the situation drastically. The Caucasian Soviets refused to recognize Vladimir Lenin's regime.
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Wounded in the Russo-Japanese war (1904–1905), he was visited at a hospital by the Tsar Nicholas II, who awarded him St George’s Cross and invited the general to the palace. He fought also on the battlefields of World War I, but returned to Georgia after the February Revolution in 1917. He formed two national divisions and secured the capital Tbilisi from the chaotically retreating and increasingly Bolshevist Russian soldiers. In April 1918, he successfully defended the southwestern province Guria from the Ottoman offensive winning a victory on the Choloki River.
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7th Esperanto congress, Antwerp, August 1911 Esperanto attracted the suspicion of many states. The situation was especially pronounced in Nazi Germany, Francoist Spain up until the 1950s, and in the Soviet Union under Stalin, from 1937 to 1956. In Nazi Germany, there was a motivation to forbid Esperanto because Zamenhof was Jewish, and due to the internationalist nature of Esperanto, which was perceived as "Bolshevist". In his work, Mein Kampf, Adolf Hitler specifically mentioned Esperanto as an example of a language that could be used by an international Jewish conspiracy once they achieved world domination.
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Putin himself said that her death caused the government more problems than her writings. In 2007, "Dissenters' Marches" were organized by the opposition group The Other Russia, led by former chess champion Garry Kasparov and national-Bolshevist leader Eduard Limonov. Following prior warnings, demonstrations in several Russian cities were met by police action, which included interfering with the travel of the protesters and the arrests of as many as 150 people who attempted to break through police lines. On 12 September 2007, Putin dissolved the government upon the request of Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov.
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The Viena expedition (, ) was a military expedition in March 1918 by Finnish volunteer forces to annex White Karelia (Vienan Karjala) from Bolshevist Russia. It was one of the many "kinship wars" (Heimosodat) fought near the newly independent Finland during the Russian Civil War. The Russian East Karelia was never a part of the Swedish Empire or the Grand Duchy of Finland and it was at the time mostly inhabited by Karelians. However, many advocates of a Greater Finland considered these Karelians a "kindred" Finnish nation and supported the annexation of Russian East Karelia to Finland.
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Pejani came back to Albania where he was arrested for anti-fascist and bolshevist activity and imprisoned in Porto-Romano near Durrës. He was released after Italy's capitulation. During the Nazi Occupation, Mustafa Kruja and Shefqet Vërlaci would encourage him of taking a more active role. Assisted by the German emissary of Nazi Germany, Franz von Schweiger, and along with Xhafer Deva, Pejani created in 1943 the Second League of Prizren in order to protect Greater Albania, which, created in May 1941, was now in danger, because of political vacuum.
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He was denied membership of the new Nazi-controlled national writers' guild, Reichsverband deutscher Schriftsteller (RDS), because of what its officials called the "culturally Bolshevist attitude in his writings prior to 1933." During the Third Reich, Kästner published apolitical novels such as Drei Männer im Schnee (Three Men in the Snow) (1934) in Switzerland. In 1942, he received a special exemption to write the screenplay for Münchhausen, using the pseudonym Berthold Bürger. The film was a prestige project by Ufa Studios to celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of its establishment, an enterprise backed by Goebbels.
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Instead Pedro, who was already 50 years old, joined his friends Crisanto Evangelista, Antonio de Ora and Cirilo Bognot to study at the Lenin Institute in Moscow, Russia. Pedro's protégé, Luis Taruc, described Pedro as a Marxist but not a Bolshevist. Marxist principles found fertile ground in Pampanga and the other provinces of the Central Luzon region because of the poverty which farmers blamed on the land tenancy system prevalent at that time. Although the government repeatedly promised relief, land reform in the Philippines would not take off until the 1960s.
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The Baum group's best known "political action" was an arson attack carried out on 18 May 1942 against the "Soviet Paradise" exhibition in Berlin's "Lustgarten" pleasure park. The objective of the exhibition was to demonstrate to the people the "poverty, misery, depravity and need" that were features of life in the "Jewish Bolshevist Soviet Union". The arson attack inflicted relatively little physical damage on the exhibition, which re-opened the next day, but news of it had a more lasting impact. Herbert Baum and Heinz Joachim were arrested at work on 22 May 1942.
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After the German Revolution, between 11 and 14 November 1918, ending the German occupation in Estonia, the representatives of Germany formally handed over political power to the Government of Estonia. A few days later Estonia was invaded by the military forces of Bolshevist Russia, marking the beginning of the Estonian War of Independence. The small, poorly armed Estonian military, also known as the Peoples Force (in ), was initially pushed back by the Red Army into the vicinity of the capital city of Estonia - Tallinn. A mere 34 kilometers separated Tallinn and the front line.
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In reality, the connection between the modernism and Bolshevism was extremely tenuous, and primarily a matter of both existing at the same unsettled time in European history. Still, some artists in Western Europe drew inspiration from revolutionary ideals, to the extent that Dadaist Richard Huelsenbeck confidently declared in 1920 that Dada was a "German Bolshevist affair". One of the first writers outside of Germany to associate Bolshevism as an art movement, a link to what would become Cultural Marxism in the late 1990s, was Julius Evola. Evola was a dadaist painter after the first World War, something which was considered decadent and subversive.
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Uniform of the Polish Volunteer Army Monument to the fallen soldiers at the local cemetery in Ossów The Battle of Ossów took place in the fields near Wołomin on 14 August 1920. It was a part of a much larger battle on the outskirts of Warsaw during the Polish-Bolshevist War (February 1919 - March 1921). During the day Soviet units managed to capture the strategically important village of Ossów, but were repelled in the evening by a Polish counter-attack. The battle was one of the first skirmishes won by the Poles since the beginning of the Soviet offensive in late spring.
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After completing his studies with a doctorate, Gerlich became an archivist. He also began to contribute political articles that were anti-socialist and national-conservative in the publications Süddeutsche Monatshefte, which was edited by Paul Nikolaus Cossmann, and Die Wirklichkeit (in 1917). In 1917, he also became active in the German Fatherland Party (Deutsche Vaterlandspartei) and after it was dissolved in the Anti-Bolshevist League (Antibolschewistische Liga) (1918/19). In 1919, he published the book Communism as the Theory of the Thousand Year Reich (Der Kommunismus als Lehre vom Tausendjährigen Reich), where Gerlich compared communism with the phenomenon of redemption religion.
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Sorokin became the editor of the newspaper of Socialist Revolutionary Party and the personal secretary of the prime minister Alexander Kerensky after February Revolution. Sorokin was arrested by Bolsheviks as the deputy of the Russian Constituent Assembly on January 2, 1918, Sorokin was compelled to disappear from the authorities after release from bolshevist prison. Then Sorokin had published the open letter in newspaper in which Sorokin states a failure of tactics of Socialist Revolutionary Party and Sorokin declares a gap with this party. Vladimir Lenin focused the attention on this letter in the Lenin's known article "Valuable Recognitions of Pitirim Sorokin".
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The IV Cavalry Brigade (Polish IV Brygada Kawalerii) was a unit of the Polish Army during the Polish-Bolshevik War and later in the inter-war period. It was commanded by major Feliks Jaworski and then by colonel Adam Nieniewski. During the Battle of Warsaw it fought in the ranks of the 4th Polish Army of Józef Piłsudski and largely contributed to the success of Piłsudski's manoeuvre that outflanked the Bolshevik forces near Warsaw. During the initial phase of the battle, the brigade fought the Battle of Cyców against the forces of Bolshevist 172nd Rifle Brigade.
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For example, considerable embarrassment resulted when the Ark Royal proved to have survived an attack that German propaganda had hyped. Goebbels instructed Nazi propagandists to describe the invasion of the Soviet Union (Operation Barbarossa) as the “European crusade against Bolshevism” and the Nazis then formed different units of the Waffen-SS consisting of mainly volunteers and conscripts. After Stalingrad, the main theme changed to Germany as the sole defender of what they called "Western European culture" against the "Bolshevist hordes". The introduction of the V-1 and V-2 "vengeance weapons" was emphasized to convince Britons of the hopelessness of defeating Germany.
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He sent out a circular to the generals under his command urging them to release their own versions and to impress upon their troops the need to exterminate the Jews. General Erich von Manstein, in an order to his troops on 20 November, stated that "the Jewish- Bolshevist system must be exterminated once and for all." Manstein sent a letter to Einsatzgruppe D commanding officer Ohlendorf complaining that it was unfair that the SS was keeping all of the murdered Jews' wristwatches for themselves instead of sharing with the Army. Beyond this trivial complaint, the Army and the Einsatzgruppen worked closely and effectively.
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In 1996, a short-lived controversy arose when author Konstantin Polivanov, Jewish studies historian Leonid Katsis, and journalist Dmitrii Shusharin published three articles that described Losev as an antisemite who bargained with Joseph Stalin for his release from exile. According to translator Vladimir Leonidovich Marchenkov these three articles appearing in Russian newspaper Segodnya were a coordinated series of accusations. Katsis compared Losev's supposed relationship with Stalin to the relationship between Alfred Rosenberg and Adolf Hitler, with Rosenberg helping to shape Hitler's ideology. Olesya Nikolaeva responded to deny this assertion in the Russian Orthodox newspaper Radonezh: "The logic of the Bolshevist secret police" (1996).
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After the October Revolution, she became an enthusiastic supporter of the Bolshevik cause, opting to leave Romania for Bolshevist Russia in 1918. Once there, after being received in the ranks of the CPSU, Ecaterina Arbore was integrated in the administrative structure of the Ukrainian SSR, as Commissar for Health. She returned to Romania briefly, in 1924, being swiftly expelled by the authorities. Back in the Soviet state, Arbore was a delegate of the Romanian Socialist-Communist Party (Romanian Communist Party) to the 5th Congress of the Comintern, and took part in the Party's 5th Congress in Moscow and Kharkiv (1931).
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Slonim spent the years 1919–1922 in Tuscany, becoming a regular contributor to the leftist daily Il Secolo. In an article of August 1920, he opined that only "peace with Russia" and "the complete renunciation of all intervention into [her] internal affairs" could ensure the demise of "Bolshevist imperialism".Bulletin Quotidien de Presse Étrangère, No. 1530, August 21, 1920, p. 2 That year, he published at H. Bemporad & figlio an Italian-language work on the revolutionary ideologies of Béla Kun and the Spartacus League, eponymously titled Spartaco e Bela Kun,Maffio Maffii, "Notizie bibliografiche: Politica e problemi sociali", in L'Italia che Scrive, Vol.
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Born in Ostrów Mazowiecka to a Polish doctor serving in the Russian Imperial Army, he spent his childhood in Kherson. In 1919 he joined the Red Army and fought against Poland during the Polish-Bolshevist War and in the Russian Civil War. After the outbreak of Nazi-Soviet War he was promoted to the rank of Colonel and became the chief inspector of engineers and sappers of the 21st Army. He took part in the Battle of Stalingrad and in September 1942 was promoted to the rank of General and became the deputy commanding officer of the Voronezh Front.
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After the outbreak of World War I, Grodno was occupied by Germany (Sept 3 1915) and ceded by Bolshevist Russia under the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in 1918. After the war the German government permitted a short- lived state to be set up there, the first one with a Belarusian name—the Belarusian People's Republic. This declared its independence from Russia in March 1918 in Minsk (known at that time as Mensk), but then the BNR's Rada (Council) had to leave Minsk and fled to Grodno. All this time the military authority in the city remained in German hands.
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The founding of the Bolshevist Red International of Labor Unions (RILU) in 1920 caused serious discussions within both FORA organizations. Five out of fifteen committee members quit their positions after the FORA IX refused to join the RILU at its January 1921 conference, and the FORA V was split between a pro and an anti-Bolshevik wing before the latter faction was expelled from the union in 1921. Following lengthy negotiations between the FORA IX and a number of hitherto independent trade unions, the Argentine Syndicates' Union (USA) was founded in March 1922. The pro-Bolshevists from the FORA V also joined.
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Yamburg Bridge, destroyed by the White Army, 1919 Vladimir Lenin reportedly stayed in Yamburg in January 1919, when he ordered the Bolshevik troops to retake the town of Narva from Estonian forces. In October 1919, the anti-Bolshevist commander, General Nikolai Yudenich captured Yamburg, which marked the beginning of the push by the Northwestern White Army towards Petrograd. However, the Bolsheviks subsequently re-captured Yamburg on November 14, 1919. On November 16, 1919, the forces of General Yudenich were "crowded together in a small space near Yamburg" "in a serious state of disorganization", reported The New York Times.
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During the war, many shipyards began publishing their own in- house newsletters which were distributed to their employees as a means of boosting workforce morale and productivity and increasing loyalty. After the war, the number of these house organs grew dramatically, as they were also considered an important means of countering postwar, radical labor propaganda disseminated by the Industrial Workers of the World."Against Bolshevist Propaganda Among Workmen", The New York Times, 1919-10-26. The Morse company's own contribution to this field was The Dry Dock Dial, a 16-page periodical that was mailed out to employees' homes once a month.
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Upon reclaiming its former territories and seeing a much greater threat from a Communist Russia, Poland made common cause with Ukrainian administration in Kiev, the Ukrainian People's Republic against Bolshevist Russia. During the Polish-Soviet War a short-lived Galician SSR in Ternopil was established. Eventually, the whole of the province was recaptured by Poles and divided into four voivodeships, with capitals in Kraków, Lviv (Lwów), Ternopil (Tarnopol) and Stanyslaviv (Stanisławów). The Ukrainians of the former eastern Galicia and the neighbouring province of Volhynia, made up about 15% of the Second Polish Republic's population, and were its numerically largest minority.
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Bolshevist Russia lost its Ukrainian, Polish, Baltic, and Finnish territories by signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk that concluded hostilities with the Central Powers of World War I. The Allied powers launched an unsuccessful military intervention in support of anti-Communist forces. In the meantime both the Bolsheviks and White movement carried out campaigns of deportations and executions against each other, known respectively as the Red Terror and White Terror. By the end of the civil war, Russia's economy and infrastructure were heavily damaged. There were an estimated 7–12 million casualties during the war, mostly civilians.
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In 1914, Charles Alfred Bell, a British civil servant who was posted to Tibet, recommended the militarisation of Tibet and the recruitment of 15,000 soldiers to guard against "foreign foes and internal disturbances". The Tibetans eventually resolved to build a 20,000 man army, at a rate of 500 new recruits per year. Bell told the Tibetan government that when China governed Tibet, it did so on terms not favourable to Tibet, and had tried to extend its influence over the Himalayan states (Sikkim, Bhutan, Ladakh), threatening British India. Also, Britain wanted a "barrier against Bolshevist influence".
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Total sale value for 1914 amounted to 11.6 million rubles. Maurzyce Bridge, built in 1929 Ralf-Stetysz car The growth of the company stopped due to the outbreak of World War I. After the war, the Russian Revolution and the Polish-Bolshevist War, the company was permanently cut off from its eastern markets and production branches of the firm never recovered. It continued as a construction and engineering company. Despite attempts at entering the automobile production market through Ralf-Stetysz cars, in 1933 the Warsaw factory was closed down completely and only the Mińsk Mazowiecki plant remained operational.
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Meanwhile, in Essen the press was stirring up hatred against the "Bolshevist artist with his close Jewish relations" and his "degenerate art". In the years which followed, almost all his works in Germany were destroyed by the Nazis. Memorial Tragende, 1959 Despite Lammert's greatest endeavours to find work as a sculptor, efforts which led him all the way to Siberia, there were few opportunities in the Soviet Union for him to practise his art. In 1938 he moved out of Moscow and into the suburb of Peredelkino, where was able to stay in Friedrich Wolf's dacha.
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Withdrawn from the front for training he returned to front-line service with the rank of podporucznik, in time to take part in the Polish-Bolshevist War of 1920. After the armistice and the Peace of Riga he remained in the army and in 1926 he volunteered for the Polish Air Force. He trained as a fighter pilot in various escadrilles and eventually joined the 121 Fighter Escadrille (later renamed the 111th) flying Spad 61 fighters. An excellent and decorated pilot, in 1932 he became the commanding officer of his escadrille and the following year was promoted to the rank of captain.
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The Germans re- militarised the construction and used its barracks as a military prison housing, among others, the soldiers of the Polish Legions following the Oath Crisis. During the Polish-Bolshevist War of 1920 the Polish Army used the fort in the Battle of Radzymin (part of the Battle of Warsaw), but the construction was not involved in direct combat as the Russian forces never reached it. Between the World Wars the barracks of the fort, located some away in Białobrzegi, were used by the 2nd Radio-telegraphic Battalion. Following the German and Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 the fort was taken over by the Wehrmacht and slightly modernised.
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The journey began the next day, January 18, but the exiles were sidetracked at Viborg, Finland, remaining confined in their cars, while awaiting the British Prisoners' Relief Mission, which was to cross the Russian frontier at the same time. Delayed by storms, the Buford began her return voyage that same day. On January 19, the trek continued to Terijoki. Once the deportees had arrived, and after trudging through a heavy snowstorm, a parlay was conducted under white flags of truce between Berkman, guarded by the Finns, and the Russians, out on the ice of the frozen Systerbak River, which separated the Finnish and Bolshevist lines.
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The conflict has its roots in Soviet-Turkish relations, both just prior to and during the Second World War. Until the second half of the 1930s, Soviet-Turkish relations were warm and somewhat fraternal. The previous incarnations of the two states, the Turkish Government of the Grand National Assembly and Bolshevist Russia, had promised to cooperate with each other in the Treaty of Moscow. The Montreux Convention Regarding the Regime of the Straits was convened in 1936, with the governments of Australia, Bulgaria, France, Germany, Greece, Japan, the Soviet Union, Turkey, the United Kingdom and Yugoslavia represented, to determine both military and regulatory policy for the Turkish straits.
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In February 1920 Stanisław Bułak-Bałachowicz contacted Józef Piłsudski through the Polish envoy to Riga and proposed to ally his unit with the Polish Army against the Bolshevist Russia. As the fame of the general preceded him, Piłsudski agreed and soon afterwards Bułak- Bałachowicz with some 800 cavalrymen set off for yet another of his great odysseys. After leaving Estonia, they outflanked the Red Russian lines and rode several hundred kilometres behind the enemy lines to Latvia, where they were allowed to pass through Latvian territory. Finally by mid-March they reached Dyneburg (now Daugavpils, then under Polish military administration), where they were greeted as heroes by Józef Piłsudski himself.
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The parishes of Repola, Rebola from 31 August 1918 and Porajärvi, Porosozero from 1919 of the Olonets Governorate Karelian: Aunuksen Kuvernmentti had voted in favor of secession from Bolshevist Russia and had been occupied by Finland later that year. In late 1919 the Russian White Army retreated towards the Finnish border to the Repola-Porajärvi area. The Finnish government led by Juho Vennola decided in February 1920 that Finland should intervene to help the dissidents by diplomatic means. Foreign minister Rudolf Holsti sent a message to his counterpart Georgy Chicherin stating that Finland would disarm the retreating Russian White troops if the Red Army does not occupy the parishes.
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Eleven of his works were confiscated by the Nazis. His crucifix in Lübeck Cathedral, originally commissioned by Carl Georg Heise in 1921, the director of St. Anne's Museum, for St. Mary's Church, Lübeck, was already condemned at the time of its creation as "over-Expressionistic" ("überexpressionistisch") and as "culturally Bolshevist" ("kultur-bolschewistisch"), and was later one of the objects of hatred of the Entartete Kunst ("Degenerate Art") exhibition of 1937 in Munich, where it was ostentatiously displayed in the stairwell. It was probably subsequently destroyed.Stephanie Barron (ed.): Entartete Kunst – Das Schicksal der Avantgarde im Nazi–Deutschland, Los Angeles County Museum, Hirmer, München, 1992, p.
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The U.S. and France refused to deal with the now successful Communist regime because of its promise to support revolutions to overthrow governments everywhere. U.S. Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby stated:David W. McFadden, "After the Colby Note: The Wilson Administration and the Bolsheviks, 1920-21." Presidential Studies Quarterly 25.4 (1995): 741-750. online :It is their [Bolshevik] understanding that the very existence of Bolshevism in Russia, the maintenance of their own rule, depends, and must continue to depend, upon the occurrence of revolutions in all other great civilized nations, including the United States, which will overthrow and destroy their governments and set up Bolshevist rule in their stead.
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On the eve of World War I, Naumann proved to be a monarchist and adherent of the German emperor Wilhelm II. He espoused a kind of liberal imperialism, signing the 1914 Manifesto of the Ninety-Three, and still in 1918 backed the "Anti-Bolshevist League" of Eduard Stadtler. In 1919, Friedrich Naumann was among the founders of the social liberal German Democratic Party (Deutsche Demokratische Partei, DDP) with Theodor Wolff and Hugo Preuss. As a member of the Weimar National Assembly, he became one of the "Fathers of the Constitution" of the Weimar Republic, and, shortly before his death, was elected as the first president of the Democratic Party.
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A considerable part of the remaining area populated by Ingrian Finns seceded from Bolshevist Russia as the Finland-backed Republic of North Ingria, but was reintegrated with Russia in the end of 1920 according to the conditions of the Treaty of Tartu. In 1928–1939 parts of the isthmus which belonged to Russia constituted the Kuivaisi National District with its center in Toksova, with Finnish as the official language, according to the policy of national delimitation in the Soviet Union. However, in 1936 the entire Finnish population of the parishes of Valkeasaari, Lempaala, Vuole and Miikkulainen along the Finnish border was deported by the Soviet government.Kurs, Ott (1994).
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Typical content included patriotic stories, educational pieces, reports on company or industry-related events, features on leading company employees/employee teams and their workplace achievements, reports on the performances of the company's sporting teams, letters and other contributions from the employees themselves, and so on. The magazine also catered to employees' spouses, with a women's page featuring baby pictures, recipes and other items deemed of interest to females. Anti-Bolshevist propaganda was for the most part not overt, but subtly woven in with the other content."Welfare System at the Morse Co.'s Plant" by C. Stewart Wark, The Rudder, February 1919, pp. 64-65.
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Immediately after World War I, the peace treaties recognized the reestablishment of a Polish state for the first time in over 100 years. Romania emerged from the war as a victorious nation, enlarging its territory (as Greater Romania). Both states had serious reasons to stand by these treaties. Having established contacts with Poland in January–February 1919 (after Stanisław Głąbiński's visit to Bucharest),Mareş Romania oriented itself towards a cordon sanitaire alliance aimed at Bolshevist Russia and the newly created Comintern; the proclamation of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, the German insurrection, and the Red Army's capture of OdessaAnghel, "1918-1920..."; Mareş alarmed politicians in both countries.
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Suli had close relations with Fan Noli, both being between Orthodox clerics and activists of Vatra, the Pan-Albanian Federation of America. Suli returned to Albania in 1934, where he started working as a priest in his native village, after that in other villages as Labovë, Tërbuq, Hundkuq etc. He was an opponent of the Italian regime established in Albania after the invasion of 1939. He was also skeptical about the bolshevist ideas which spread during World War II. As a person with a broad culture and knowledge of several foreign languages, Suli kept correspondence with many people outside Albania, many of them being Vatra activists.
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On 7 October 2006, Anna Politkovskaya, a journalist who exposed corruption in the Russian army and its conduct in Chechnya, was shot in the lobby of her apartment building, on Putin's birthday. The death of Politkovskaya triggered international criticism, with accusations that Putin had failed to protect the country's new independent media. Putin himself said that her death caused the government more problems than her writings. Putin, Bill Clinton and George H. W. Bush at the funeral of Boris Yeltsin in Moscow, April 2007 In 2007, "Dissenters' Marches" were organized by the opposition group The Other Russia, led by former chess champion Garry Kasparov and national-Bolshevist leader Eduard Limonov.
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But that time is past. National Socialism neither opposes the Church nor is it anti-religious, but on the contrary, it stands on the ground of a real Christianity. The Church's interests cannot fail to coincide with ours alike in our fight against the symptoms of degeneracy in the world of today, in our fight against the Bolshevist culture, against an atheistic movement, against criminality, and in our struggle for the consciousness of a community in our national life, for the conquest of hatred and disunion between the classes, for the conquest of civil war and unrest, of strife and discord. These are not anti-Christian, these are Christian principles.
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Although after World War I and the Polish-Bolshevist War Poland inherited a sizeable arms industry, the Polish Army also had large stocks of military equipment. As domestic orders for new weaponry dwindled, Polish arms industry tried to find new clients abroad, mostly in Romania, Yugoslavia and Turkey. Simultaneously, the Polish Army also tried to sell surplus war materiel to those states, both as a means of obtaining funds for further modernisation of the armed forces, and as a means of strengthening Poland's political influence in Central Europe. Initially the private companies tried to compete on their own while the government's efforts were directed by head of Army Administration Office, Gen.
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A coroner's inquest into his death was inconclusive, and a trial held on his death resulted in a jury unable to agree on a verdict. The British authorities failed to produce either the sentry or his superiors for cross-examination. A secret report on Barry's death, created by the army's 6th Division for the inquest, recalled him memorably as ‘a mischievous socialist, Bolshevist, or Sinn Féiner, as the occasion demanded’, and as an ‘utter disloyalist’. Barry's subsequent funeral drew an enormous 30,000 in attendance, chief amongst them Cork's own Michael Collins, who had left the on-going Anglo-Irish Treaty negotiations in order to attend.
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He wrote that the inhabitants were fashionably dressed and that their health was "carefully looked after"; life in the "town" was "almost normal". It has been noted that he described the inhabitants of the ghetto as "Israelites" () instead of "Jews" (). Echoing Nazi propaganda which depicted a Judeo-Bolshevist conspiracy, Rossel described the ghetto as a "communist society" and Eppstein as a "Little Stalin". At the end of his report, Rossel casts doubt on the Final Solution: It is unclear what Rossel's true impressions of Theresienstadt were; he said that he was expected to file a factual report, not speculate about what the Nazis might be hiding from him.
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The Government had despatched the Royal Marine Brigade to Antwerp, arriving there on 4 October. Churchill had the 1st and 2nd Naval Brigades of the Royal Naval Division, which he had established, also sent there. They were mainly untrained naval recruits, and he was criticised when over 2,500 were interned or became casualties, but they had prolonged the defence of Antwerp for several days, perhaps a week, and they almost certainly enabled Dunkirk and Calais to be secured. The Dardanelles campaign, which was originally to be a naval assault, and Intervention against the Bolshevist forces in Russia were both supported halfheartedly by Cabinet and the often-absent Prime Minister (Lloyd George in the latter case).
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The Italian government, which had still viewed Germany as a potential rival well into the year 1935, had initially abstained from the negotiations of the Anti-Comintern Pact. But starting with the 1936 October Protocols, Germany and Italy had begun a diplomatic rapprochement on the backdrop of the Italian war in Ethiopia and the resulting failure of the Italian Stresa Front with the UK and France. Still, Italy was keen to, at least initially, avoid the implication that it would soon adhere to the Anti-Comintern Pact itself, even though Ribbentrop heavily implied that "Italy will hoist the anti-Bolshevist banner in the south" soon after the pact's creation. Hitler shared that same impression.
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With France eliminated and the Battle of Britain going in British favor, it became more and more clear that the United Kingdom, although on the backfoot, would neither seek a truce nor be knocked out by German invasion. As a result, the role of the still neutral United States and the American support for the UK became more and more important for the conduct of Germany's war effort. Ribbentrop still deluded himself that cooperation with the Soviet Union could be permanent or at least last until the war with the United Kingdom had concluded. This opinion was not shared by Adolf Hitler, who still viewed the 'Jewish-Bolshevist' Soviet Union as Germany's inevitable final enemy.
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Territorial changes of the Baltic states refers to the redrawing of borders of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia after 1940. The three republics, formerly autonomous regions within the former Russian Empire and before that of former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, gained independence in the aftermath of World War I and the Russian Revolution of 1917. After a two-front independence war fought against both Bolshevist Russian and Baltic German nationalist forces, the countries concluded peace and border treaties with Soviet Russia in 1920. However, with World War II and the occupation and annexation of these republics into the Soviet Union twenty years after their independence, certain territorial changes were made in favour of the Russian SFSR.
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A commemorative plaque marks where Kautsky lived at Saarstraße 14. Vladimir Lenin described Kautsky as a "renegade" in his pamphlet "The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky"; Kautsky in turn castigated Lenin in his 1934 work Marxism and Bolshevism: Democracy and Dictatorship: Both Lenin and Trotsky, however, defended the Bolshevik Revolution as a legitimate and historic social upheaval akin to the French Revolution, casting themselves and the Bolsheviks in the role of the Jacobins, and viewing the "opportunism" of Kautsky and similar figures as a function of "social bribery" rooted in their increasing intimacy with the privileged classes. A collection of excerpts of Kautsky's writings, Social Democracy vs. Communism, discussed Bolshevist rule in Russia.
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"The Reich School for Brides" Poetry describing children as a form of immortality. "My Boy" During wartime it urged women to have children,"Ready to Die Ready to Live""Life Must Win" to join in the war effort either in employment or in Frauenschaft from the very beginning,Leila J. Rupp, Mobilizing Women for War, p 106, and to greater efforts in total war."Strength from Love and Faith" Its April 1940 cover showed a peasant woman plowing before a factory, with a soldier's face looming overhead.Leila J. Rupp, Mobilizing Women for War, p 129, It depicted accounts of women as nurses during the war, although chiefly as a vehicle for anti- Bolshevist propaganda.
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Immediately after World War I, the area became disputed by the re-established Polish state, Bolshevist Russia and the Ukrainian People's Republic, with the Polish 17th Infantry Regiment capturing it overnight on January 23, 1919. In the interbellum the city was a seat of a powiat within the Volhynian Voivodeship of Poland and an important garrison was located there. In 1926, the Volyn Artillery Reserve Cadet School (Wołyńska Szkoła Podchorążych Rezerwy Artylerii) was established in Włodzimierz. Before the outbreak of World War II the city's population was predominantly Polish and Jewish, with a Ukrainian minority.Władysław Siemaszko, Ewa Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo dokonane przez nacjonalistów ukraińskich na ludności polskiej Wołynia 1939-1945, Warszawa, „von borowiecky”, 2000, s.
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Immediately after the revolution, books were treated with less severity than newspapers, but the nationalizing of printing presses and publishing houses brought them under control.Richard Pipes, Russia Under the Bolshevik Regime, p294-5, In the Stalinist era, libraries were purged, sometimes so extremely that works by Lenin were removed.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p84 In 1922, the deportation of writers and scholars warned that no deviation was permitted, and pre- publication censorship was reinstated.Robert Service, A History of Modern Russia, from Nicholas II to Putin p 137 Due to a lack of Bolshevist authors, many "fellow travelers" were tolerated, but money only came as long as they toed the party line.
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On 24 October 1940, Adolf Hitler installed Philippe Pétain as the head of state of Vichy France in the Montoire Agreement, abandoning the idea of an independent Breton state to ensure French cooperation. Lu Brezon was partially disarmed, while the separatist leaders of the Breton National Party were replaced with autonomists. The German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941 prompted many French communists to join the French Resistance, augmenting its presence in Brittany significantly. The majority of Breton nationalists adopted a neutral stance, refusing to join French collaborationist units such as the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism, while sharing their hatred of what they perceived as a worldwide Judeo-Bolshevist conspiracy.
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In this book Urch told the story of a rather ordinary English family not connected with any official missions, consulates, or services, in the years before, during and after the Russian revolution. The family, a husband, a wife, a son born in 1911, and a daughter born in 1914, fled Latvia before the arrival of the advancing German troops and eventually made it to Moscow, with little besides their hand-luggage and a trusty maid to help with the tiny children. There they made living by teaching English. While living in Moscow they witnessed the changes from Tsarist-autocratic to Bolshevist-autocratic rule. In 1918 Urch was arrested by the Cheka, the Soviet state security organisation.
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There was a new truce between Makhnovist forces and the Red Army in October 1920 in the face of a new advance by Wrangel's White army. While Makhno and the anarchists were willing to assist in ejecting Wrangel and White Army troops from southern Ukraine and Crimea, they distrusted the Bolshevist government in Moscow and its motives. However, after the Bolshevik government agreed to a pardon of all anarchist prisoners throughout Russia, a formal treaty of alliance was signed. By late 1920, Makhno had halted General Wrangel's White Army advance into Ukraine from the southwest, capturing 4,000 prisoners and stores of munitions, and preventing the White Army from gaining control of the all-important Ukrainian grain harvest.
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Eugen Hönig Eugen Hönig (9 March 1873, Kaiserslautern, Kingdom of Bavaria – 24 June 1945) was one of Adolf Hitler's architects. In 1931 Hönig, along with other German architects such as Alexander von Senger, Konrad Nonn, German Bestelmeyer and especially Paul Schultze-Naumburg were deputized in the Nazi campaign against modern architecture, in a para-governmental propaganda unit called the Kampfbund deutscher Architekten und Ingenieure (KDAI). Through the pages of Völkischer Beobachter these architects actively attacked the modern style in openly racist and political tones, placing much of the blame on members of the architectural group The Ring, calling Walter Gropius an "elegant salon-bolshevist", and calling the Bauhaus "the cathedral of Marxism".
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After the 1917 February Revolution in Russia, Paasikivi was appointed to the committee that began formulating new legislation for a modernized Grand Duchy. Initially he supported increased autonomy within the Russian Empire, in opposition to the Social Democrats in the coalition-Senate, who in vain strove for more far- reaching autonomy; but after the Bolshevik October Revolution, Paasikivi championed full independence—albeit in the form of constitutional monarchy. During the Civil War in Finland Paasikivi stood firmly on the side of the White government. As prime minister from May until November 1918, he strove for a continued constitutional monarchy with Frederick Charles of Hesse, a German Prince, as king, intending to ensure German support for Finland against Bolshevist Russia.
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Born and raised in Estonia, which was then part of the Russian Empire, Andresson served in the Czar's Cavalry during World War I. During the Estonian Liberation War against Bolshevist Russia from 1918 until 1920 Andresson served in the 1st Cavalry Regiment of the Estonian Army and from 1920 to 1940 in the Cavalry Regiment and the Ministry of War's Horse Breeding Station as a non- commissioned officer and a veterinarian.Mart Orav and Enn Nõu.Tõotan ustavaks jääda...Eesti Vabariigi valitsus, 1940-1992. Väljaandja Tartu, Eesti Kirjanduse Selts, 2004 During the Soviet invasion and occupation of Estonia in 1940, during World War II, Andresson served in Wehrmacht Cavalry division from 1940 until 1945.
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The battle raged throughout the first week of August. The Soviet forces took heavy casualties and retreated. On 8 August 1919, the Polish troops took over Minsk. Perhaps as retribution against the Jewish regiments, they killed 31 Jews suspected of supporting the Bolshevist movement, beat and attacked many more, looted 377 Jewish-owned shops (aided by the local civilians) and ransacked many private homes.. Polish soldiers in Minsk in August 1919 The success of the Polish offensive allowed the Poles to move forward again, and by the end of August Józef Piłsudski ordered his armies to stop, as he considered all territories important to Poland - and feasible to take before winter - secured.
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There was a new truce between Makhnovist forces and the Red Army in October 1920 in the face of a new advance by Wrangel's White army. While Makhno and the anarchists were willing to assist in ejecting Wrangel and White Army troops from southern Ukraine and Crimea, they distrusted the Bolshevist government in Moscow and its motives. However, after the Bolshevik government agreed to a pardon of all anarchist prisoners throughout Russia, a formal treaty of alliance was signed. By late 1920, Makhno had halted General Wrangel's White Army advance into Ukraine from the southwest, capturing 4,000 prisoners and stores of munitions, and preventing the White Army from gaining control of the all-important Ukrainian grain harvest.
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The ministry presided over by the socialist Hoffmann had succeeded in quelling Bolshevism with the aid of Republican troops from Prussia and Württemberg, but the great majority of the BVP, as well as liberals of various shades, not to speak of the monarchists and reactionaries, wanted further guarantees against a recurrence of the Bolshevist terror. The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch in Berlin gave the signal for political action in Munich, and at a midnight sitting the Bavarian socialist ministry was somewhat unceremoniously hustled out of office — it is alleged under military pressure — and a coalition cabinet under Kahr installed. The coalition included reactionaries whose influence became more and more predominant. They were backed up by formerly liberal Bavarian journals which had been bought up by Prussian industrialists.
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It was during one of the long textile mill strikes that Dange got himself acquainted with the conditions of laborers. The period also coincided with influence of Bolshevist ideas, following the Russian Revolution of 1917, manifesting in political events in countries outside Russia. This process was quickened by the establishment of the Third International or the Communist International, or in popular parlance—its abbreviated form -- Comintern, an international communist organisation founded in Moscow in March 1919. As a resolution adopted in the Founding Congress of the Comintern its stated objective was to fight 'by all available means, including armed force, for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie and for the creation of an international Soviet republic as a transition stage to the complete abolition of the State'.
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In other areas the invasion was so successful that the Einsatzgruppen had insufficient forces to immediately kill all the Jews in the conquered territories. A situation report from Einsatzgruppe C in September 1941 noted that not all Jews were members of the Bolshevist apparatus, and suggested that the total elimination of Jewry would have a negative impact on the economy and the food supply. The Nazis began to round their victims up into concentration camps and ghettos and rural districts were for the most part rendered Judenfrei (free of Jews). Jewish councils were set up in major cities and forced labour gangs were established to make use of the Jews as slave labour until they were totally eliminated, a goal that was postponed until 1942.
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On the morning of June 23, the Germans began a general retreat toward Riga. The Allies again insisted that the Germans withdraw their remaining troops from Latvia and intervened to impose a ceasefire between the Estonians and the Freikorps when the Latvians were about to march into Riga. The British insisted that General von der Goltz leave Latvia, and he turned his troops over to the West Russian Volunteer Army. Count von der Goltz later claimed in his memoirs that his major strategic goal in 1919 had been to launch a campaign in cooperation with the White Russian forces to overturn the Bolshevik regime by marching on St. Petersburg and to install a pro-German anti-Bolshevist government in Russia.
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Kellogg p236 Nevertheless, his apocalyptic language was so extreme that Laqueur concluded, "Vinberg is quite emphatic about this, the only solution is total physical extermination."Laqueur p129 Richard Pipes writes that "it was Vinberg and his friends who first called publicly for the physical extermination of the Jews",Pipes p258 giving Laqueur as a reference. Notwithstanding Laqueur's conviction that his upper class ideas would have been of little interest or value to Hitler,"he was a madman but not a dangerous one" Laqueur p117 Vinberg appears to have been responsible for Hitler's conversion to the idea of worldwide Jewish-Bolshevist conspiracy.Kellogg p230 Also many of Alfred Rosenberg's own ideas were said to have been lifted straight from the writings of his friend Vinberg.
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Medium Mark C tanks and soldiers at the Glasgow Cattle Market in the Gallowgate The events of the day prompted the request for military assistance by the Sheriff of Lanarkshire (Alastair Oswald Morison Mackenzie, 1917-1933) the most senior locally based judge, also known as the Sheriff Principal. The deployment had already begun before the day's meeting of the War Cabinet, which convened at 3pm.CAB 23/9/9, 'War Cabinet, Minutes of Meeting 523, 31 January 1919' During that meeting Munro, Secretary for Scotland, described the demonstration as "a Bolshevist uprising". It was decided to deploy troops from Scotland and Northern England: troops from the local Maryhill barracks were not deployed because it was feared that men there might have sided with their neighbours.
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After the October Revolution, he maintained close contacts with the Bolsheviks, pledging them his support against the Central Powers during the crisis of 1917–1918. He was unable to prevent Bolshevist Russia from signing the Treaty of Brest- Litovsk, which took her out of the war, but, having established close contacts with Leon Trotsky and other communist leaders, became a communist himself. Opting not to return to France during the Russian Civil War, Sadoul co-founded the French Communist Group in Russia, fighting for control of it against Pierre Pascal and Henri Guilbeaux. Helping to set up the Red Army, he was sent to the Ukraine, where he instigated mutinies among the French intervention troops, and then to Germany, where he set up communist cells.
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Thompson voted against a Labor no-confidence motion in the new Liberal Federation government over the dismissal of 2,000 public employees, and told striking timber workers they should return to work after a disagreeable award outcome. He strongly opposed any "dole" scheme for unemployed workers, suggesting potential public works projects to create jobs instead and advocating the "one man one job" principle to free up positions. Thompson called for an overhaul of Labor Bureau policies, especially with regard to Depression ration relief, and was successful in decentralising the system and allowing local businesses to meet demand through a coupon system. He attacked perceived Communist influence on the Port Adelaide docks, claiming that "money supplied from Russian Bolshevist sources" was being used for propaganda.
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A short time later, both of her children are drowned when their chauffeur-driven car plunges off a bridge into the Seine. Broken by the tragedy, Isadora leaves Singer and wanders about Europe until in 1921 she receives an offer to open a dancing school in the Soviet Union. Unaffected by the country's poverty, she develops a strong rapport with the peasantry and has a passionate affair with Sergei Essenin, a volatile poet whom she marries so that he can obtain a visa to accompany her to the United States. Essenin's outrageous behaviour turns a press conference into a shambles, however, and US anti-Bolshevist sentiment turns to open hostility when Isadora bares her breasts during a dance recital in Boston.
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After the 1917 February Revolution, he chaired the Tbilisi soviet and on March 6, 1917 he was elected as a commissioner of the executive committee of the Tbilisi Soviet. In August 1917, he was elected to the Central Committee of the RSDLP(u[nited]). On the September 3, 1917, he made a speech calling on the workers not to succumb to Bolshevist sentiments, but rather to fight for the establishment of a parliamentary republic. In October 1917, he joined the Russian Pre-Parliament, but soon became disillusioned with it and returned to Georgia. On November 26, 1917, he obtained a chair of the Presidium of the National Council of Georgia and played a leading role in the consolidation of Menshevik power in Georgia.
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There were further transfers on October 20 and November 1, 1941, and a final transfer on September 1, 1942, which brought the boundaries of the province to beyond the Dnieper river. In the mind of Adolf Hitler and other German expansionists, the destruction of the USSR, dubbed a "Judeo- Bolshevist" state, would remove a threat from Germany's eastern borders and allow for the colonization of the vast territories of Eastern Europe under the banner of "Lebensraum" (living space) for the fulfilment of the material needs of the Germanic people. Ideological declarations about the German Herrenvolk (master race) having a right to expand their territory especially in the East were widely spread among the German public and Nazi officials of various ranks.
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A better description would be that national sentiments, long dammed up and visible only in marginal literature, are coming together in an unholy alliance and seeking new shores".Mommsen in Piper (1993) p. 116 Mommsen wrote the question of the "singularity" of the Holocaust was legitimate, but the motives of Hildebrand and Stürmer were political rather than scholarly, to end the "German obsession with guilt".Mommsen in Piper (1993) p. 117 Mommsen wrote" "To accept with resignation the acts of screaming injustice and to psychologically repress their social prerequisites by calling attention to similar events elsewhere and putting the blame on the Bolshevist world threat recalls the thought patterns that made it possible to implement genocide".Mommsen in Piper (1993) p.
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A Provisional Workers' & Peasants' Government of Bessarabia was founded on May 5, 1919, in exile at Odessa, by the Bolsheviks. On May 11, 1919, the Bessarabian Soviet Socialist Republic was proclaimed as an autonomous part of Russian SFSR, but was abolished by the military forces of Poland and France in September 1919 (see Polish–Soviet War). After the victory of Bolshevist Russia in the Russian Civil War, the Ukrainian SSR was created in 1922, and in 1924 the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was established on a strip of Ukrainian land on the west bank of Dniester where Moldovans and Romanians accounted for less than a third and the relative majority of population was Ukrainian. (See Demographics of the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic).
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In 1931, Senger, along with other Nazi architects such as Eugen Honig, Konrad Nonn, German Bestelmeyer, and especially Paul Schultze-Naumburg were deputized in the Nazi campaign against modern architecture, in a para-governmental propaganda unit called the Kampfbund deutscher Architekten und Ingenieure (KDAI). Through the pages of the official Nazi newspaper, the People's Observer (Völkischer Beobachter), these architects actively attacked the modern style in openly racist and political tones. They placed much of the blame on members of the architectural group "The Ring," calling Walter Gropius an "elegant salon-bolshevist", and calling the Bauhaus "the cathedral of Marxism". These political connections helped Senger into a professorship at the Technical Hochschule in Munich when increasing political pressure forced out architect Robert Vorhoelzer, who had made the cultural error of modernism in several Bavarian post offices.
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Defenders such as Joseph Pearce have pointed to comments such as "[t]he Bolshevist Movement was a Jewish movement, but not a movement of the Jewish race" and "the imputation of its evils to the Jews as a whole is a grave injustice" as evidence that Belloc held nuanced opinions alien to the discriminatory anti-Semites of the time. As well, rabbi David Dalin has commented positively on Belloc's study of how antisemitism comes in cycles, viewing Belloc's ideas as being perceptive. Critics taking a more negative view of Belloc's attitudes about Jews and Judaism have cited incidents such as when Belloc made the following controversial statements in a conversation with Hugh Kingsmill and Hesketh Pearson: :Belloc: It was the Dreyfus case that opened my eyes to the Jew question. I'm not an anti-Semite.
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Aside from Spengler, he was heavily influenced by the ideas of German legal scholar Carl Schmitt. Like Spengler, he rejected the strict biological view of race, instead preferring a spiritual conception of race married with Karl Haushofer's idea of geopolitics; but unlike Spengler, who disregarded the Nazis for being too bourgeois and anti-Semitic, Yockey believed in German National Socialism, and supported various Fascist and neo-Fascist causes for the remainder of his life, including anti-Semitism. As a university student in the late 1930s, Yockey had his first political essay published in Social Justice, a periodical distributed by Fr. Charles Coughlin, known as the "radio priest," At the time Coughlin was widely known for his sympathetic view of the anti-Bolshevist policies associated with Adolf Hitler's Germany, Benito Mussolini's Italy, and Gen. Franco's Spain.
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In October of the same year he became the Commander in Chief of all the Polish units fighting in Russia. After the outbreak of the Polish-Bolshevik War and the defeat of Denikin, Żeligowski's unit was ordered to retreat to Romanian Bessarabia, where it took part in defence of the border against Bolshevik raids. Finally, in April 1919, the division was withdrawn to the newly established Second Polish Republic, where it was incorporated into the Polish Army and renamed to the Polish 10th Infantry Division. During the war against the Bolshevist Russia, Żeligowski, a personal friend of Polish Marshal Józef Piłsudski, was quickly promoted to general and given the command over an operational group of his name, composed of his 10th division and additional units, mostly of partisan origin.
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Konrad Nonn (November 26, 1877?) was a German engineer and editor, member of the Nazi Party, and a prominent critic of modernist architecture in Germany between World War I and World War II. In 1931 Konrad Nonn, along with German architects such as Alexander von Senger, Eugen Hönig, German Bestelmeyer and especially Paul Schultze-Naumburg, were deputized in the National Socialist fight against modern architecture, in a para-governmental propaganda unit called the Kampfbund deutscher Architekten und Ingenieure (KDAI). Through the pages of Völkischer Beobachter and other journals, these architects actively attacked the modern style in openly racist and political tones, placing much of the blame on members of the architectural group The Ring, calling Walter Gropius an "elegant salon-bolshevist", and calling the Bauhaus "the cathedral of Marxism".
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This led to his being arrested and incarcerated. He was extricated, although not by Maria Andreyeva (to whom his relatives rushed for help and who, remembering his feuds with Maxim Gorky, maintained that never in her live had she 'ever heard of such a person, Kugel'), but by the Bolshevik minister of culture Anatoly Lunacharsky, who personally arrived to fetch him out of jail, and later told the Cheka leaders to 'leave that man alone'. In 1926, commemorating the centenary of the Decembrist revolt, the Moscow Art Theatre staged Kugel's play Nicholas the First and the Decembrists, the dramatised take on Dmitry Merezhkovsky's novels, Alexander the First and December 14. The production (a risky adventure, bearing in mind Merezhkovsky's strong anti-Bolshevist stance in France) marked a kind of 'peace treaty'.
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These unsavoury > samples show that Nolte puts someone like Fassbinder in the shade by a wide > margin. If the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung was justifiably drawn to > oppose the planned performance of Fassbinder’s play, then why did it choose > to publish Nolte’s letter [A reference to the play The Garbage, the City, > and Death by Rainer Werner Fassbinder about an unscrupulous Jewish > businessman who exploits German guilt over the Holocaust that many see as > anti-Semitic]...The Nazi crimes lose their singularity in that they are at > least made comprehensible as an answer to the (still extant) Bolshevist > threats of annihilation. The magnitude of Auschwitz shrinks to the format of > technical innovation and is explained on the basis of the “Asiatic” threat > from an enemy that still stands at our door”.
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Much of Karla's history is unconfirmed rumour, passed by Smiley to his protégé Peter Guillam. Among the rumours are: that his father was a professional intelligence officer, first for the Czarist Okhrana and later for the Bolshevist Cheka; that as a boy Karla worked as a kitchen boy on a train in occupied Siberia during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 (putting his birth somewhere in the late 19th century); and that he was trained in espionage by "Berg" (a possible reference to an alias used by Alexander Mikhailovich Orlov), which Smiley compares to "being taught music by a great composer." The first recorded Karla activities came during the Spanish Civil War, when he entered Nationalist territory in Spain posing as a White Russian journalist (i.e., an anti-Communist Russian), and recruited a large number of German agents.
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S. Devdariani, Noe Ramishvili, Noe Zhordania, Kautsky and his wife Luise, Silibistro Jibladze, Razhden Arsenidze; in the second row: Kautsky's secretary Olberg, Victor Tevzaia, K. Gvarjaladze, Konstantine Sabakhtarashvili, S. Tevzadze, Avtandil Urushadze, R. Tsintsabadze Kautsky's opening broadside against the revolutionary violence of the Russian Revolution, Die Diktatur des Proletariats (The Dictatorship of the Proletariat), first published in Vienna in 1918. In 1920, when the USPD split, he went with a minority of that party back into the SPD. He visited Georgia in 1920 and wrote a book on the Democratic Republic of Georgia that at that moment was still independent of Bolshevist Russia. By the time it was published in 1921, Georgia had been thoroughly influenced by the Russian Civil War, the Red Army had invaded Georgia, and the Bolsheviks had imposed the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic.
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The Latvian Red Riflemen were instrumental in the attempt to establish Soviet rule in Latvia in 1919. They suffered great losses of personnel due to the decreasing popularity of Bolshevik ideas among the Latvian Riflemen and Latvians generally, and the majority were re-deployed to other fronts of the Russian Civil War. The remaining forces of the Red Army in Latvia were defeated by Baltic German volunteers under General von der Goltz and newly formed Latvian units initially under Colonel Kalpaks and later under Colonel Jānis Balodis, who were loyal to the Latvian Republic in western Latvia; by the Estonian Army including the North Latvian Brigade, and finally by a joint campaign of the Polish and new Latvian army in Latgale, south- eastern Latvia. Following the 1920 peace treaty between Latvia and Bolshevist Russia, 11,395 former Red Riflemen returned to Latvia.
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In the 1980s, the National Front, a British fascist party that had experienced the height of its success in the 1970s, was taken over by a Strasserist faction that referred to themselves as Third Positionist. The Strasserist-led National Front was also characterised by Baker as National Bolshevist in ideology. Reflecting the Nouvelle Droite's influence, the Strasserist Official NF promoted support for "a broad front of racialists of all colours" who were seeking an end to multi-racial society and capitalism, praising black nationalists like Louis Farrakhan and Marcus Garvey. Their publication, Nationalism Today, featured positive articles on the governments of Libya and Iran, presenting them as part of a global anti-capitalist and anti-Marxist third force in international politics; its members openly acknowledged the influence of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi and his Third International Theory.
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He helped found both the European Movement and the Council of Europe, somewhat to the dismay of the philosopher Count Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, the post-World War I anti-bolshevist founder of the Paneuropean Union movement. Retinger, with his connections in Holland, Belgium, and Switzerland (he was a friend of Denis de Rougemont), took his cue from Winston Churchill's 1947 Zurich speech and found fertile ground with thirteen British Conservative members of Parliament who backed the idea of a loose European association of states. Working in particular with Britain's Duncan Sandys, incidentally Churchill's son-in-law, he took on the lion's share of the work and became Honorary Secretary General of the European Movement. He organised the 1948 Hague Congress which brought together the two camps of those for a unified Europe and those in favour of a federal Europe.
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77 His French citizenship application was postponed because of his frequent travels abroad to play chess and because he was reported once in April 1922, shortly after his arrival in France, as a "bolshevist charged by the Soviets of a special mission in France". Later in 1927, the French Chess Federation asked the Ministry of Justice to intervene in Alekhine's favor to have him lead the French team in the first Nation tournament to be held in London in July 1927. Nevertheless, Alekhine had to wait for a new law on naturalization which was published on 10 August 1927. The decree granting him French citizenship (among hundreds of other citizens) was signed on 5 November 1927 and published in the Official Gazette of the French Republic on 14–15 November 1927, while Alekhine was playing Capablanca for the World title in Buenos Aires.
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He was a son of José Maria de Almeida Alves Caetano and his first wife Josefa Maria das Neves. Graduated as a Licentiate and later a Doctorate in Law, Caetano was a Cathedratic Professor at the Faculty of Law of the University of Lisbon, where he graduated and of which he would also become the 9th Dean or Rector. A conservative politician and a self-proclaimed reactionary in his youth,At 20, Caetano directed the review Ordem Nova (1926–1927), which declared itself on the cover as "Catholic", "monarchist", "anti-democratic", "anti-liberal", "counter-revolutionary", "anti-bourgeois", "anti-bolshevist" and "intolerant", among other epithets. Caetano started his political career in the 1930s under the authoritarian regime of António de Oliveira Salazar. He soon became an important figure in the "Estado Novo" government, and in 1940 was appointed chief of the Portuguese Youth organisation.
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189/August 19, 1997 Rakovsky -- who had since affiliated with Leninism and had taken refuge in Bolshevist Russia -- was himself distressed by the news; in spring 1919, his wife Ileana Pralea wrote to Rozalia Frimu a letter of condolence, in which she said "I am in a position to add that one of my companion's greatest hopes has extinguished with Frimu."Pralea, in Stan et al., p. 6. As the Socialist Party was split into the moderate groups and the newly formed Romanian Communist Party, Frimu's legacy became the topic of dispute -- Moscovici, who sided with the former, claimed that Frimu disapproved of the October Revolution ("[...] Frimu, who had seen the Russian Revolution [for] a year and a half of its activity, never did completely agree with its methods"), and, making reference to the communist activist Alecu Constantinescu, argued that Frimu "could not stand" the latter's "demagogy".
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As diplomatic historian Jonathan Haslam has observed, Litvinov was precisely the reverse: less erudite and more coarse, but willing to deal in good faith with the West for peace and a breathing space for Soviet Russia to pursue its own internal development. In 1924, full diplomatic relations had been restored under the Macdonald Labour Government. The Conservative Party and the business community continued to be hostile to the Soviet Union partly because the Soviet Union had not honoured the Tsarist Debts and partly because of the fear of Bolshevism spreading to Britain, and considered that therefore the Bolshevist Government should be militarily overthrown. This was exacerbated by the Soviet Government supporting the 1926 General Strike and criticising the British TUC for calling off the strike. The Soviet Government offered a gift of £25,000 to the TUC which was refused and £200,000 to the Cooperative movement which was accepted.
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The Soviet Paradise exhibition organised by the Nazi party The Soviet Paradise (German original title "Das Sowjet-Paradies") was the name of an exhibition and a propaganda film, which was organized by the Reichspropagandaleitung of the NSDAP and was displayed in the big cities of the Reich and occupied countries: Vienna, Prague, Berlin and others. Its goal was to show "poverty, misery, depravity and need" of the nations in the Soviet Union under Jewish Bolshevist rule and thus to justify the war against the Soviet Union. The accompanying guide for the exhibition noted, "The present Soviet state is nothing other than the realization of that Jewish invention".A partial English translation of a brochure from the exhibit, accessed August 2018 From 8 May to 21 June 1942 the exhibition was in the Lustgarten in Berlin and according to official information, 1.3 million people visited the show.
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Alexandru Marghiloman signing the Treaty of Bucharest on May 7, 1918 However, since Bolshevist Russia withdrew from the war and the Germans could occupy the rest of Romania, King Ferdinand requested Marghiloman to become a Prime Minister, hoping that with a pro-German Prime Minister it would be easier to make peace with the Germans, and knowing that Germany would consider the Western Front to be much more important. Indeed, Marghiloman negotiated and signed a peace treaty (known as the Treaty of Bucharest) with the Central Powers on May 7, 1918, which proved to be very punitive and restrictive for Romania. However, this treaty was never ratified. Marghiloman's cabinet fell after the Compiègne armistice, and it was replaced quickly with the pro-Allied General Constantin Coandă on November 6, under whose cabinet Romania re-entered the war against Germany on November 10, a day before the end of the war.
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Anna Politkovskaya, Prominent Russian Journalist, Putin Critic and Human Rights Activist, Murdered in Moscow, Democracy Now When asked about the Politkovskaya murder in his interview with the German TV channel ARD, Putin said that her murder brings much more harm to the Russian authorities than her writing.Answers on questions asked during interview to ARD TV channel (Germany), Dresden, 10 October 2006 By 2012 the performers of the murder were arrested and named Boris Berezovsky and Akhmed Zakayev as a possible clients. In 2007, "Dissenters' Marches" were organized by the opposition group The Other Russia, led by former chess champion Garry Kasparov and national-Bolshevist leader Eduard Limonov. Following prior warnings, demonstrations in several Russian cities were met by police action, which included interfering with the travel of the protesters and the arrests of as many as 150 people who attempted to break through police lines.
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Svinhufvud's initial vision was that the Senate would lead Finland and the independence process with a call for a Regent; there would be no talks with the Bolsheviks, who it was believed would not set a non-socialist Finland free. The vision of the socialists was that Parliament should lead Finland and that independence would be achieved more easily through negotiations with a weak Bolshevik government than with other parties of the Russian Constituent Assembly, , , , , , Lenin had thought that independent nations would have their own Proletariat revolutions and unite with Russia later. The Bolsheviks were focused on defeating the White Army in the Russian Civil War, however they were interested in retaking control of those former territories whether annexing them outright, or funding other leftists in those countries to take and perhaps unite with Russia later on.The Bolshevist Council of People's Commissars ratified the recognition on 4 January 1918.
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Karl Löwith, Mein Leben in > Deutschland vor und nach 1933 (Stuttgart: Metzler Verlag, 1986), translated > by Richard Wolin. pp. 56–58. Heidegger commented on the Nazi identification of Judaism and Communism in 1936, writing that: > The final form of Marxism [...] has essentially nothing to do with either > Judaism or even with Russia; if somewhere a non-developed spiritualism is > still slumbering, it is in the Russian people; Bolshevism is originally > Western; it is a European possibility: the emergence of the masses, > industry, technology, the extinction of Christianity; but inasmuch as the > dominance of reason as an equalizing of everyone is but the consequence of > Christianity and as the latter is fundamentally of Jewish origin (cf. > Nietzsche's thought on the slave revolt with respect to morality), > Bolshevism is in fact Jewish; but then Christianity is also fundamentally > Bolshevist!Beiträge zur Philosophie (vom Ereignis) (1936–1938), GA 65 S. 54.
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Thousands flocked to the City Hall where, before Amhrán na bhFiann was sung to close out the event, Union leaders sang the verses of The Red Flag while a crowd less familiar with the song piped in on the choruses. Within Ireland, the Waterford did not draw much comment. The reason for this was partly because nationalists had no wish to fuel loyalist propaganda that Sinn Féin was really ‘Bolshevist’, partly because ‘red flaggery’ was no longer a novelty in Ireland, and partly because the ‘soviets’ did not offer any immediate threat to class relations; none of them attempted to change the social order, and the status quo ante resumed with the termination of the strike. The Irish Labour Party similar shied away from the topic; the party was emerging as a Reformist party and was steering away from encouraging or discussing militant socialist tactics.
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In 1911, Morgari inaugurated his activity as a "diplomat of Socialism" with a trip to the Far East, which would become his main preoccupation in the years of World War I; he took part in preparing the Zimmerwald Conference, celebrated the October Revolution and Bolshevist Russia, and signed the April 1, 1919 letter that declared the PSI adherence to the Comintern. Nevertheless, he remained inside the PSI when its Bolshevik factions left to form the Italian Communist Party. He left the party in 1922 to join Filippo Turati and Claudio Treves in creating the Unitary Socialist Party (PSU). With Fascism and the March on Rome came a debate among socialists over the conflict and pacifism: in 1934, Morgari showed himself to be a partisan of an understanding with the Soviet Union, and called for defeatism to be applied as a revolutionary tactic in case Italy was to be led into war by Benito Mussolini.
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Yuri Ivanovich was born in Minsk to the former Anastasia Kuzminichna Pankevich (1898-1987) from Lepel, Belarus, and Ivan Dmitrievich Drozdov (1894-1978). His mother, Anastasia Kuzminichna, was a Belarusian typist with the English paper factory in Pereslavl-Zalessky, and then, after the Russian Civil War, in the secretariat of the then NKVD of Byelorussia. Her father, Kuzma Pankevich, fought as a partisan during the Great Patriotic War falling ill and dying at over 90 years old in 1943 near his home next to the Lepel Cemetery where he had been a guard since the Revolution. His father, Ivan Dmitrievich, was a professional Czarist army artillery officer that fought on the Southwestern Front receiving the Cross of St. George for bravery after receiving an Austrian bayonet to the chest during the Great War and, after the Russian Revolution, became a Bolshevist with the Red Guards militia as the artillery commander of Chapayev's famed division during the Russian Civil War.
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After the Freikorps units had been officially dissolved in 1920, Salomon joined the Organisation Consul and received a five-year prison sentence in 1922 for his part in the assassination of Foreign Minister Walther Rathenau – he provided a car for the assassins. In 1927, he received another prison sentence for an attempted Feme murder (paramilitary "self-justice"), and was pardoned by Reich President Paul von Hindenburg after a few months – he had not killed the severely wounded victim, Wagner, when he pleaded for his life, which was noted by the court. After his release from prison, Salomon committed himself to the support of Feme murder convicts and began to publish feuilleton articles in the national conservative Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung newspaper, which earned him the attention of Conservative Revolutionary and National Bolshevist circles around Friedrich Hielscher and Arnolt Bronnen. In 1929 he backed his elder brother Bruno in his struggle for the Schleswig-Holstein Rural People's Movement by simulating a bomb attack on the Reichstag building in Berlin.
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In the same year, it was included into Saint Petersburg Governorate, and later on became a part of Shlisselburgsky Uyezd. In 1914, the governorate was renamed Leningradsky. In the 19th century, the region became a ski resort and a dacha place, known as the "Finnish Switzerland" or "Saint Petersburg Switzerland." After the October Revolution, North Ingria, including Toksovo, seceded from Bolshevist Russia, but was reincorporated with the Treaty of Tartu at the end of 1920. On February 14, 1923 Shlisselburgsky Uyezd was merged into Petrogradsky Uyezd. In January, 1924 the uyezd and the governorate were renamed Leningradsky. On August 1, 1927, the uyezds were abolished and Kuyvozovsky District, with the administrative center in the village of Kuyvozy, was established. The district was inhabited by Ingrian Finns, with Finnish being the official language (since 1931). On October 30, 1930, the district center was transferred to Toksovo, which at the time being had a status of suburban settlement.
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The third resolution of the ABN convention further called for "The destruction of Russian imperialism and the guarantee of world peace by splitting the USSR up and re-establishing on ethnic principles, the independent national states of all nations living under bolshevist oppression bearing among other things, in mind that whole national groups have been forcible [sic] deported and are awaiting the moment when they could return to their native land."National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh. Acc. 10090, Papers of Dr Robert Douglas McIntyre, MB ChB, DPH, Duniv, JP. File 61: Correspondence with or papers received from East European national movements in exile (principally the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations and the Ukrainian Committee in Great Britain) and from John F Stewart of the Scottish League for European Freedom, 1952–56. Documents "Resolutions of the Convention of the Anti-Bolshevik Block of Nations (ABN) held in Edinburgh on 12, 13 and 14 June 1950, convoked under the auspices of the Scottish League for European Freedom", p.
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Its final territory was to be bounded on the west by the Reichskommissariat Ostland and the border with Finland, on the north by the Arctic ocean, in the east by the Ural Mountains and Ural River, and in the south by the massively expanded Reichskommissariat Ukraine. The planned administrative subdivisions of the province were largely based boundary-wise on the pre-existing Russian oblasts, and supposed to be seated in Leningrad, Gorki, Tula, Moscow, Kazan, Kirov, Molotov, and Ufa. The administrative capital was tentatively proposed as Moscow, the historical and political center of the Russian state. As the German armies were approaching the Soviet capital in the Operation Typhoon in the autumn of 1941, Hitler determined that Moscow, like Leningrad and Kiev, would be levelled and its 4 million inhabitants killed, to destroy it as a potential center of Bolshevist resistance. For this purpose Moscow was to be covered by a large artificial lake which would permanently submerge it,Oscar Pinkus (2005).
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German Memories in Asia is a collection of memories by the author Rajkumar Kanagasingam, in his discussions with the German university students, who have been volunteering in Asia under internship programs; and a collection of facts by the author by further research on the discussed subjects. It narrates Asian and European historical events, especially the German, since the Roman Empire era and about the Germans in Germany, Latin America, North America, East European countries, Australia and elsewhere in the world and their migrations, life styles, encounters and assimilation since ancient times. The author analyses the Franco-Prussian War and the Otto von Bismarck's diplomacy, Austria & the divided German states, German-Brazilians today, the Pennsylvania's Amish county & the Mennonite communities, the German colonies in Africa, Asia and the Pacific, Volga Germans in Russia under Bolshevist atrocities and the First and Second World War issues of Kaiser William II and his diplomatic chaos, Firebombing on Dresden, Danube Swabians and their expulsion, the U.S. President Gen. Dwight D Eisenhower in the crisis of starving German POWs and more.
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The American Nazi Party of George Lincoln Rockwell, for example, rejected Yockey on the basis of his anti-American attitude, as well as his willingness to work with anti-Zionist Communist governments and movements, as the ANP adhered solely to the ideals of absolute anti-Bolshevist National Socialism, as had been advocated by Hitler. (Yockey, however, seems to have remained unaware of Rockwell, as he told Willis Carto that he had never heard of the ANP when Carto visited him in prison in 1960.) Other proponents of Universal Nazism, such as Rockwell's ally Colin Jordan, disagreed with Yockey's views on race, and saw Yockeyism as advocating a kind of "New Strasserism" which would undermine true Nazism. In early 1946, Yockey began working for the United States War Department as a post-trial review attorney for the Nuremberg Trials in Germany. He soon began agitating against Allied occupation of Germany, as well as what he perceived to be the biased procedures of the Nuremberg tribunal. Eventually, he was fired for "abandonment of position" in November 1946.
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Rathom continued to maintain a high profile, addressing public meetings and rallies, some patriotic in natureNew York Times: "Brooklyn Gives $500,000 to the Fund," May 27, 1918, accessed December 11, 2009 and others aligned with conservative causes. He joined the new Attorney General, A. Mitchell Palmer, in warning against Bolshevik infiltration and violence.New York Times: "Sees Radicals Active Here, John R. Rathom Warns Against Bolshevist Propaganda," February 19, 1919, accessed December 11, 2009 As an officer of the American Defense Society, he joined the campaign against President Wilson's proposed League of Nations, signing a statement of objections that pleaded for America to remain "aloof from all this pandemonium of tribal conflicts." It argued that the League's "impossible doctrines of the self-determination of races" directly contradicted the vision of America as a haven for "all the races of the earth."New York Times: "File 10 Objections to Nations' League," September 1, 1919, accessed December 11, 2009 Rathom's brand of nativism drew on his passionate isolationism and continued his pro-British stance.
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On October 10, 1941 General Walther von Reichenau drafted an order to be read to the troops under his command stating that: "the soldier must achieve full understanding of the necessity for a harsh but just vengeance against Jewish subhumanity." Upon hearing of Reichenau's Severity Order, Field Marshal Gerd von Rundstedt, the commander of Army Group South announced his "complete agreement" with it, and sent out a circular to all of the Army generals under his command urging them to send out their own versions of the Severity Order, which would impress upon the troops the need to exterminate Jews. General Erich von Manstein, in an order to his troops on 20 November 1941 stated: > Jewry is the middleman between the enemy at our rear and the still fighting > remnants of the Red Army and the Red leadership; more than in Europe, it > [Jewry] occupies all key posts of the political leadership and > administration, of trade and crafts and forms the nucleus for all disquiet > and possible revolts. The Jewish-Bolshevist system must be exterminated once > and for all.
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His mandate was marked by the signing of the Treaty of Trianon with Hungary, and initial steps leading to the creation of the Little Entente—formed by Romania with Czechoslovakia and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. It was also at this stage that Romania and the Second Polish Republic inaugurated their military alliance (see Polish- Romanian Alliance). The goal to create a cordon sanitaire against Bolshevist Russia also brought him and his Minister of the Interior Argetoianu to oversee repression measures against the group of Socialist Party of Romania members who voted in favor of joining the Comintern (arrested on suspicion of "attempt against the state's security" on May 12, 1921).Cristina Diac, "La «kilometrul 0» al comunismului românesc. «S-a terminat definitiv cu comunismul in România!»" ("At «Kilometer 0» in Romanian Communism. «Communism in Romania Is Definitely Over!»") , in Jurnalul Național, October 6, 2004; retrieved October 16, 2007Cristian Troncotă, "Siguranța și spectrul revoluției comuniste" ("Siguranța and the Specter of Communist Revolution"), in Dosarele Istoriei, 4(44)/2000, p.
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A chart used to illustrate the Nazi Nuremberg Laws introduced in 1935 In a speech in 1927 to the Bavarian regional parliament, the Nazi propagandist Julius Streicher, publisher of Der Stürmer, used the term Untermensch referring to the communists of the German Bavarian Soviet Republic: Nazis repeatedly used the term Untermensch in writings and speeches directed against the Jews, the most notorious example being a 1942 SS publication with the title Der Untermensch, which contains an antisemitic tirade sometimes considered to be an extract from a speech by Heinrich Himmler. In the pamphlet "The SS as an Anti-Bolshevist Fighting Organization", published in 1936, Himmler wrote: In his speech "Weltgefahr des Bolschewismus" ("World danger of Bolshevism") in 1936, Joseph Goebbels said that "subhumans exist in every people as a leavening agent".Paul Meier-Benneckenstein, Deutsche Hochschule für Politik Titel: Dokumente der Deutschen Politik, Volume 4, Junker und Dünnhaupt Verlag, Berlin, 2. ed., 1937; speech held on 10 September 1936; In German: "... das Untermenschentum, das in jedem Volke als Hefe vorhanden ist ...".
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Władysław Pobóg-MalinowskiWładysław Pobóg-Malinowski (1899-1962) was a Polish soldier, historian and journalist. An officer of the Polish Army, he is best known as a historian and author of numerous books on modern history of Poland. His most notable work is the Modern political history of Poland published in 1956 in London. Although blacklisted by the censorship in Communist-controlled Poland, the book was clandestinely published and re-edited in Poland several times. Władysław Pobóg-Malinowski was born November 23, 1899 in Arkhangelsk in Imperial Russia, to a family of szlachta descent (Pobóg being the name of his family's coat of arms, traditionally attached to one's surname in Poland). During the Great War he reached Poland and joined the Polish Army soon after it had been formed in 1918, following Poland's restoration of independence. He took part in the Polish-Bolshevist War of 1920. After the war he remained in the army and served in the 21st Field Artillery Regiment (Kraków, 1923), the headquarters of the Kraków-based 5th Corps District Command (1924) and the 12th Field Artillery Regiment (1928, Złoczów).
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The Kangaroo fought in the Vietnam War on the side of the Viet Cong, according to its statement, and came to the GDR as Vertragsarbeiter (contract worker) with his mother after the war had ended. However, later, it is discovered that it only waved at the last American helicopter as a little baby out of its mother’s pouch. It tells the narrator that it’s a full-time communist, but files for unemployment later in the text. It is a relentless critic of capitalism and fights for a just world order, bread for all and the ban of the so-called music television (television where music, music videos and information related to music is aired), which is why it founded the “Judeo-Bolshevist world conspiracy association” (original: “Jüdisch- Bolschewistische Weltverschwörung e.V.”). But all of these attempts fail naturally because of the insignificance of the Kangaroo in the world’s affairs and because of its laziness. Thereby, its critical of capitalism attitude is often counteracted because it’s kept by the narrator.
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Members of the SS were encouraged to fight against the "Jewish Bolshevik sub- humans". In the pamphlet The SS as an Anti-Bolshevist Fighting Organization, published in 1936, Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler wrote: In his speech to the Reichstag justifying Operation Barbarossa in 1941, Hitler said: Field- Marshal Wilhelm Keitel gave an order on 12 September 1941 which declared: "the struggle against Bolshevism demands ruthless and energetic, rigorous action above all against the Jews, the main carriers of Bolshevism". Historian Richard J. Evans wrote that Wehrmacht officers regarded the Russians as "sub- human", and were from the time of the invasion of Poland in 1939 telling their troops the war was caused by "Jewish vermin", explaining to the troops that the war against the Soviet Union was a war to wipe out what were variously described as "Jewish Bolshevik subhumans", the "Mongol hordes", the "Asiatic flood" and the "red beast", language clearly intended to produce war crimes by reducing the enemy to something less than human. Joseph Goebbels published an article in 1942 called "the so-called Russian soul" in which he claimed that Bolshevism was exploiting the Slavs and that the battle of the Soviet Union determined whether Europe would become under complete control by international Jewry.
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