102 Sentences With "neo Marxist" | Random Sentence Generator

""Not Marxist, Bolshevik, but born of the same spirit, neo-Marxist.

HUD secretary Ben Carson blames "neo-Marxist" plotters for subverting the traditional heterosexual family.

They are tired of being labeled racists, and reject neo-Marxist notions of 'white privilege.

Assange takes a quasi-neo-Marxist view of religion, but he is attuned to master narratives.

They preached a neo-Marxist doctrine with a communal politics and deployed cadres of women fighters.

They want to buy our votes with talk of giveaways and income inequality and neo-Marxist class division.

And booting out the Tories would mean electing an opposition that has been captured by a neo-Marxist clique.

"Peterson's fantasy of neo-Marxist wolves in postmodern sheep's clothing has little bearing on actual debates in 123th-century political theory," Haider concludes.

Bolton name checks Neo-Marxist philosopher Walter Benjamin in the show's catalogue, applying theories from his The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction to the fashion world.

During the postwar years, Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer had made the university's Institute for Social Research—the Frankfurt School—a center of neo-Marxist thought, and the campus remained a politically radical place.

Throw in racist cops, mind-altering drug testing on American soldiers, a neo-Marxist resistance movement, and a rift in the space-time continuum, and you've got an incoherent mess of political allegories fighting with one another for a little over two hours.

The point of the exercise—immensely pleasing to the neo-Marxist Slavoj Zizek, who calls it "a miracle"—is that it opens up the play's "absences," telling the human tales of all the little people whose fate Shakespeare leaves out of his tragedy.

"The neo-Marxist analysis of society, in which we are all mere appendages of various groups of oppressors and oppressed, and in which the oppressed definitionally cannot be at fault, is now the governing philosophy of almost all liberal media," Sullivan writes.

And there's a huge difference between a party that fundamentally believes in reforms that is pro business by nature, that believes in entrepreneurship and that is friendly to private investment and a government which pretends to reform while, at heart, maintaining its hard core practically neo-Marxist ideology.

And the role of violent colonization in helping Europe feed its new urban workforce and secure favorable market conditions is central to industrial revolution narratives like Kenneth Pomeranz's The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy as well as neo-Marxist theories of imperialism.

" READ: Judge allows federal lawsuit against 21980 neo-Nazis to proceed for violence in Charlottesville But Yeager lays the blame for this at the feet of the fringe left, which he describes as "pseudo and full-blown socialist and neo-Marxist who despise Western civilization and liberal democracy.

The Venezuelan government routinely disparages him as a right-wing reactionary from the ruling class who wants to reverse the social progress of chavismo and restore the landed aristocracy; the Venezuelan right, meanwhile, considers López a neo-Marxist, whose proposal to distribute the country's oil wealth among the people would only deepen the chavista agenda.

These leftists believed they were putting into place a sophisticated neo-Marxist politics — they talked about the proletariat and the cultural revolution and quoted from Chairman Mao's "Little Red Book" — but their activity most clearly resembled that of 260th-century American Protestant sects who imagined themselves as congregations of visible saints in a sinful world.

Some portions of Marxist feminism have used the neo-Marxist label.Mcdowell, Theresa. "Class and classism in family therapy praxis: A Feminist, neo-marxist approach"Almeida, Rhea. Cultural Context Model: A Liberation Based Healing Paradigm.

Francisco Nocete (born in 1961) is a Neo-Marxist Spanish archaeologist, a professor of prehistory at the University of Huelva.

Another group that led to the decline of biohistorical study was the Frankfurt School, a group of neo-Marxist intellectuals that challenged some widely held societal ideologies.

Madeleine Bunting, "Passion and pessimism". The Guardian, 5 April 2003. The Neo-Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci in particular remained one of his most profound influences, along with Neo-Kantian sociologist and philosopher Georg Simmel.

At the Neo-Marxist HQ, Roland Taverner is tied up and injected with Fluid Karma. The unconscious Roland begins singing The Killers' song, "All These Things That I've Done". They inject him once more and he stops.

In these cases, the 'exploitation' that classifies it as Marxist is an external one, rather than the normal 'internal' exploitation of classical Marxism.Foster-Carter, A. 1973. "Neo-Marxist Approaches to Development and Underdevelopment." Journal of Contemporary Asia 3(1).Taylor, John. 1974.

Friedrich Pollock (; ; 22 May 1894 – 16 December 1970) was a German social scientist and philosopher. He was one of the founders of the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt am Main, and a member of the Frankfurt School of neo-Marxist theory.

At the same time Ronald and Zora arrive at the barn and she introduces Ronald to Dream and Dion (The leaders of the Neo-Marxist movement). Moments later, Boxer Santaros is introduced to the crowd, who cheer wildly. Ronald is shocked...it’s Jericho Cane from his dream.

Gramsci also attempted to break from the economic determinism of traditional Marxist thought, and so is sometimes described as a neo-Marxist. He held a humanistic understanding of Marxism, seeing it as a "philosophy of praxis" and an "absolute historicism" that transcends traditional materialism and traditional idealism.

Other philosophical approaches to critical literacy, while sharing many of the ideas of Neo-Marxist/Freirean critical literacy, may be viewed as a less overtly politicized expansion on these ideas. Critical literacy helps teachers as well as students to explore the relationship between theoretical framework and its practical implications.

Marxist and neo-Marxist international relations theories are paradigms which reject the realist/liberal view of state conflict or cooperation, instead focusing on the economic and material aspects. It purports to reveal how the economy trumps other concerns, which allows for the elevation of class as the focus of the study.

In near-future 2008, Los Angeles (referred to as "The Southland" by locals) is a dystopianThis Maligned 2006 Movie About Dystopian L.A. Is Too Real at This Point. lamag.com (February 13, 2018). Retrieved on September 7, 2020. city on the brink of chaos overshadowed by the growth of an underground neo-Marxist organization.

While in opposition, Grist attacked Welsh devolution, unions, pop festivals and Neil Kinnock, whom he described as "neo-Marxist". Under Thatcher he opposed the poll tax and the privatisation of water companies. He also supported the British-American alliance. In social matters, he opposed the death penalty, restrictions on abortion, and school corporal punishment.

Rohrmoser became a vocal critic of the neo-Marxist "critical philosophy", the Frankfurter Schule and Jürgen Habermas and the New Left of the generation of 1968. He wrote more than twenty books. Some of them have been translated into Japanese and Russian. He was awarded honors by the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Chinese Academy of Sciences.

The State, Industrialization and Class Formations in India: a neo-marxist perspective on colonialism, underdevelopment and development is a book by Ekushey Padak laureate Bangladeshi social scientist Professor Dr. Anupam Sen. It describes the nature of the state in India and the role played by it in the evolution of the social economy, particularly in the growth of industry.

Peggy Deamer (ne: Margaret Deamer) (February 15, 1950 – present ) is an architect and architectural educator, currently Assistant Dean and Professor of Architecture at Yale University. Her research explores the nature of creative work, stretching from a psychoanalytic interpretation of art production and reception – initiated in the dissertation on Adrian Stokes, who was analyzed by Melanie Klein – to neo-Marxist examinations of creative labor.

World-system theory argues that globalized capitalism has created a core of modern industrialized countries which exploit a periphery of exploited "Third World" countries. These ideas were developed by the Latin American Dependency School. "Neo-Marxist" or "New Marxist" approaches have returned to the writings of Karl Marx for their inspiration. Key "New Marxists" include Justin Rosenberg and Benno Teschke.

NATO International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan Dependency theory is a theory most commonly associated with Marxism, stating that a set of core states exploit a set of weaker periphery states for their prosperity. Various versions of the theory suggest that this is either an inevitability (standard dependency theory), or use the theory to highlight the necessity for change (Neo- Marxist).

Claude Meillassoux (; ; December 26, 1925 – January 3, 2005) was a French neo- Marxist economic anthropologist and Africanist. A student of Georges Balandier, he did fieldwork among the Guro (Gouro) of Côte d'Ivoire; his thesis was published in 1964. In the 1970s he criticised Marshall Sahlins's use of the notion of "domestic mode of production". Meillassoux was throughout his life a politically committed critic of social injustice.

Therefore, the modernization and development tradition consciously originated as a (mostly U.S.) alternative to the Marxist and neo-Marxist strategies promoted by the "Second World states" like the Soviet Union. It was used to explain how developing Third World states would naturally evolve into developed First World States, and it was partially grounded in liberal economic theory and a form of Talcott Parsons' sociological theory.

In 1975, the highly influential work of Allan Schnaiberg transfigured environmental sociology, proposing a societal-environmental dialectic, though within the 'neo-Marxist' framework of the relative autonomy of the state as well. This conflictual concept has overwhelming political salience. First, the economic synthesis states that the desire for economic expansion will prevail over ecological concerns. Policy will decide to maximize immediate economic growth at the expense of environmental disruption.

In the 1991-92 academic year, he participated in an exchange program with Toulouse Business School in France. There he wrote a thesis comparing the neo-marxist regulation school to the ordo-liberal Freiburg School. He also started studying the writings of the Austrian School. After the year in Toulouse, he returned to Berlin for doctoral studies under Hans-Hermann Lechner and obtained his PhD in economics in 1996.

This provides an interesting twist on Wallerstein's neo-Marxist interpretation of the international order which faults differences in power relations between 'core' and 'periphery' states as the chief cause for economic and political inequality (However, the Singer–Prebisch thesis also works with different bargaining positions of labour in developed and developing countries). As a result, the hypothesis enjoyed a high degree of popularity in the 1960s and 1970s with neo-Marxist developmental economists and even provided a justification for an expansion of the role of the commodity futures exchange as a tool for development. Singer and Prebisch noticed a similar statistical pattern in long-run historical data on relative prices, but such regularity is consistent with a number of different explanations and policy stances. Later in his career, Prebisch argued that, due to the declining terms of trade primary producers face, developing countries should strive to diversify their economies and lessen dependence on primary commodity exports by developing their manufacturing industry.

At Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, Nigeria, the Islamic Legitimist school arose that rejected Western models in favour of the scholarly tradition of the Sokoto Caliphate and the Islamic world. From other parts of Africa, the Neo-Marxist school arrived and gained a number of supporters. Social, economic, and cultural history also began to grow in prominence. In the 1980s Nigerian scholarship, in general, began to decline, and the Ibadan School was much affected.

During the late nineteenth century, Sardinians developed a resentment of central authority. Bandits began to be seen not as criminals, but as heroes and liberators; they were seen as defenders against bullying and ill-treatment. The neo-Marxist Antonio Gramsci said that he was fascinated as a boy by Giovanni Tolu, the bandit of Florinas who was made famous by writer Enrico Costa. Poet Sebastiano Satta admired the "beautiful, fierce and brave" bandits.

Internet and Society: Social Theory in the Information Age. New York: Routledge. is a social theory account that is primarily grounded in the works by critical theory scholars such as Herbert Marcuse, by the concept of social self-organization, and by neo-Marxist thinking. More recent approaches to studying the internet have focused on situating technology use within particular social contexts, and understanding just how it is related to social and institutional change.

At Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, Nigeria, the Islamic Legitimist school arose that rejected Western models in favour of the scholarly tradition of the Sokoto Caliphate and the Islamic world. From other parts of Africa, the Neo-Marxist school arrived and gained a number of supporters. Social, economic, and cultural history also began to grow in prominence. In the 1980s Nigerian scholarship in general began to decline, and the Ibadan School was much affected.

Decolonization, coupled with the fall of communism and the ascendance of human rights, have forced states to take account of persons qua persons, rather than persons qua citizens. As a result, individuals have rights regardless of their citizenship status within a country. Others, from a neo-Marxist approach, argue that transnational class relations have come about which have occurred concomitant with novel organizational and technological advancements and the spread of transnational chains of production and finance.

He was a visiting professor at universities in the United States, Japan, Germany, Mexico, Venezuela and the United Kingdom. Until his death, he served as a professor at the Department of Social Sciences of the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru. He was a member of the Board of Directors of the Network for the Development of Social Sciences, dynamic intellectual space for Neo-Marxist discussion of the Peruvian problem. He was Dean of the Association of Sociologists of Peru.

In-home education, this can be instead of or in addition to regular subjects like doing math or English. According to Home Education UK, the autonomous education philosophy emerged from the epistemology of Karl Popper in The Myth of the Framework: In Defence of Science and Rationality, which is developed in the debates, which seek to rebut the neo-Marxist social philosophy of convergence proposed by the Frankfurt School (e.g. Theodor W. Adorno, Jürgen Habermas, Max Horkheimer).

He is to meet with a woman named Zora Carmichaels (Cheri Oteri)-a Neo-Marxist (a member of the revolution against US-IDent) in Venice Beach. Zora takes Ronald and the tied-up Roland to Los Angeles. July 1, 2008: Boxer Santaros and Krysta Now finally arrive in Los Angeles. They and Fortunio Balducci (now a producer due to the contract signed in Buffalo Bill’s) visit a friend of Krysta’s named Tawna McBride for research on the script.

9 (1), 1981, 1–25 (13) However, the roots of empowerment theory extend further into history and are linked to Marxist sociological theory. These sociological ideas have continued to be developed and refined through Neo- Marxist Theory (also known as Critical Theory). In social work, empowerment forms a practical approach of resource-oriented intervention. In the field of citizenship education and democratic education, empowerment is seen as a tool to increase the responsibility of the citizen.

Neo-Marxism developed as a result of social and political problems that traditional Marxist theory was unable to sufficiently address. This iteration of thinking tended toward peaceful ideological dissemination, rather than the revolutionary, and often violent, methods of the past. Economically, neo- Marxist leaders moved beyond the era of public outcry over class warfare and attempted to design viable models to solve it. There are many different branches of neo-Marxism often not in agreement with each other and their theories.

Eric Wolf used political economy in a neo-Marxist framework which began addressing the role of local cultures as a part of the world capitalist system, refusing to see those cultures as "primitive isolates".Wolf, 1997: 13. But environmental effects on political and economic processes were under-emphasised. Conversely, Julian Steward and Roy Rappaport's theories of cultural ecology are sometimes credited with shifting the functionalist-oriented anthropology of the 1950s and 1960s and incorporating ecology and environment into ethnographic study.Perry, 2003: 154-157.

Ultimately, applying political ecology to policy decisions – especially in the US and Western Europe – will remain problematic as long as there is a resistance to Marxist and neo-Marxist theory.Walker, 2006: 388-389. Andrew Vayda and Bradley Walters (1999) criticize political ecologists for pre- supposing “the importance ... of certain kinds of political factors in the explanation of environmental changes” (167). Vayda and Walter's response to overly political approaches in political ecology is to encourage what they call “event ecology”,Vayda & Walters, 1999: 169.

The historical-theoretical approach studies the relation between leisure and social change, often from structural-functionalist and neo-Marxist perspectives. Sheila Scraton provided a different analysis, comparing North American and British studies. The British approaches focus on input from pluralism, critical Marxism, and feminism; the American approaches concentrate on the social-psychological tradition. Rhona and Robert Rapoport studied the worklife balance and inequality in many countries, wrote many books in this area and help influence policy and legislation to change practices.

In other words, the novel form is representative of everyday life, specifically of life in an individualistic, market-driven society. Goldmann then launches into a neo-Marxist comparison between the pre-market and the market society. In the pre-capitalistic society, man judged commodities (clothing, tools, food) by its use value—that is, its value to him as the person who was going to use it. Questions might include, “Is this a good shirt?,” “Is this wild boar edible?,” and so on.

The Regulation approach (also called the neo-Marxist or French Regulation School), was designed to address the paradox of how capitalism has both a tendency towards crisis, change and instability as well as an ability to stabilize institutions, rules and norms. The theory is based on two key concepts. "Regimes of Accumulation" refer to systems of production and consumption, such as Fordism and post-Fordism. "Modes of Regulation" refer to the written and unwritten laws of society which control the Regime of Accumulation and determine its form.

Marxist and Neo- Marxist theories of IR reject the realist/liberal view of state conflict or cooperation; instead focusing on the economic and material aspects. It makes the assumption that the economy trumps other concerns, allowing for the elevation of class as the focus of study. Marxists view the international system as an integrated capitalist system in pursuit of capital accumulation. Thus, colonialism brought in sources for raw materials and captive markets for exports, while decolonialization brought new opportunities in the form of dependence.

Of Țepeneag in particular, Alex Ștefănescu believed that he had lost his credibility for being part of "a group of writers well liked by Ion Iliescu". Responding to this, Simion argued that Ștefănescu was wrong to criticize authors based on "their political option". Dumitru and Mona Țepeneag's familiarity with libertarian socialist and Neo-Marxist literature served as an influence for younger opponents of the Communist regime. Among them was the political scientist Vladimir Tismăneanu, who noted that he was first introduced to such works by the couple.

Once enclosed, these uses of the land became restricted to the owner, and it ceased to be land for commons. The process of enclosure began to be a widespread feature of the English agricultural landscape during the 16th century. By the 19th century, unenclosed commons had become largely restricted to rough pasture in mountainous areas and to relatively small parts of the lowlands. Marxist and neo-Marxist historians argue that rich landowners used their control of state processes to appropriate public land for their private benefit.

In the 1960s, he was a neo-Marxist and acerbic critic of Cold War liberalism. During the 1970s, he supported certain aspects of cultural conservatism with a left-leaning critique of capitalism, and drew on Freud-influenced critical theory to diagnose the ongoing deterioration that he perceived in American culture and politics. His writings are sometimes denounced by feministsHartman (2009) and hailed by conservativesJeremy Beer, "On Christopher Lasch," Modern Age, Fall 2005, Vol. 47 Issue 4, pp 330-343 for his apparent defense of family life.

This school of thought believes that the means of knowledge, culture, and pedagogy are part of a privileged epistemology. Neo-Marxist feminism relies heavily on critical theory and seeks to apply those theories in psychotherapy as the means of political and cultural change. Teresa McDowell and Rhea Almeida use these theories in a therapy method called "liberation based healing," which, like many other forms of Marxism, uses sample bias in the many interrelated liberties in order to magnify the "critical consciousness" of the participants towards unrest of the status quo.Mcdowell, Theresa.

In neo-Marxist thought, Paul A. Baran for example substitutes the concept of "economic surplus" for Marx's surplus value. In a joint work, Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy define the economic surplus as "the difference between what a society produces and the costs of producing it" (Monopoly Capitalism, New York 1966, p. 9). Much depends here on how the costs are valued, and which costs are taken into account. Piero Sraffa also refers to a "physical surplus" with a similar meaning, calculated according to the relationship between prices of physical inputs and outputs.

The first published identification of the Los Angeles (L.A.) School as such was by Mike Davis in his popular urban history of Los Angeles, City of Quartz (1990). According to Davis, the school emerged informally during the mid-1980s when an eclectic variety of neo-Marxist scholars began publishing a series of articles and books dealing exclusively with Los Angeles. During the school's formation, Davis cautiously estimated that the school had about twenty members scattered throughout Southern California and beyond, with some members purportedly residing as far away as Frankfurt, Germany.

Clearly, his research introduced the construct of social epistemology to Curriculum Studies. It considers language and knowledge as cultural practices having significant material consequences, from a theoretical viewpoint far different from Marxist or Neo-Marxist critiques of functionalism and instrumentalism (Pereyra & Franklin, 2014). Popkewits’ publications on social epistemology are: Cosmopolitanism and the age of school reform: Science, education and making society by making the child (2007), translated into Spanish, Swedish, and forthcoming in Chinese and Italian; A political sociology of educational reform: Power/Knowledge in teaching, teacher education, and research (1991), translated into Spanish, Portuguese, and Russian, and forthcoming in Chinese.

Antonio Gramsci's writings on the hegemony of capitalism have inspired Marxist international relations scholarship Marxist and Neo-Marxist international relations theories are structuralist paradigms which reject the realist/liberal view of state conflict or cooperation; instead focusing on the economic and material aspects. Marxist approaches argue the position of historical materialism and make the assumption that the economic concerns transcend others; allowing for the elevation of class as the focus of study. Marxists view the international system as an integrated capitalist system in pursuit of capital accumulation. A sub-discipline of Marxist IR is Critical Security Studies.

Following World War I, some neo-Marxists dissented and later formed the Frankfurt School. Toward the end of the 20th century, neo-Marxism and other Marxist theories became anathema in democratic and capitalistic Western cultures, where the term attained negative connotations during the Red Scare. For this reason, social theorists of the same ideology since that time have tended to disassociate themselves from the term neo-Marxism. Examples of such thinkers include David Harvey and Jacque Fresco, with some ambiguity surrounding Noam Chomsky, who has been labelled a neo-Marxist by some, but who personally disagrees with such assessments.

New Symbolization Project, a critical theory club at Boise State University, held the first sustained, multi-disciplinary academic response to the Jordan Peterson phenomenon in late October 2018; notable Marxist economist Richard D. Wolff and radical theologian Peter Rollins gave the keynotes.The terms neo-Marxian, post-Marxian, and radical political economics were first used to refer to a distinct tradition of economic theory in the 1970s and 1980s that stems from Marxian economic thought. Many of the leading figures were associated with the leftist Monthly Review School. The neo-Marxist approach to development economics is connected with dependency and world systems theories.

They point out that analysing yourself doesn't make a hypothesis any more valid, since a scientist will likely be more biased about himself than about artifacts. And even if you can't perfectly replicate digs, one should try to follow science as rigorously as possible. After all, perfectly scientific experiments can be performed on artifacts recovered or system theories constructed from dig information. Post-processualism provided an umbrella for all those who decried the processual model of culture, which many feminist and neo-Marxist archaeologists for example believed treated people as mindless automatons and ignored their individuality.

Critical international relations theory is a diverse set of schools of thought in international relations (IR) that have criticized the theoretical, meta- theoretical and/or political status quo, both in IR theory and in international politics more broadly – from positivist as well as postpositivist positions. Positivist critiques include Marxist and neo-Marxist approaches and certain ("conventional") strands of social constructivism. Postpositivist critiques include poststructuralist, postcolonial, "critical" constructivist, critical theory (in the strict sense used by the Frankfurt School), neo-Gramscian, most feminist, and some English School approaches, as well as non-Weberian historical sociology,See, e.g., .

Felix Geyer (2001) Alienation, Sociology of in International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences, Paul Baltes and Neil Smelser, Eds., London: Elsevier A form of Western Marxism developed during the century, which included influential analyses of false consciousness by György Lukács. Critics of bureaucracy and the Protestant Ethic also drew on the works of Max Weber. Figures associated with critical theory, in particular with the Frankfurt School, such as Theodor Adorno and Erich Fromm, also developed theories of alienation, drawing on neo-Marxist ideas as well as other influences including neo-Freudian and sociological theories.

Tismăneanu & Vasile, p.98-99, 121–122 1966 was thus a low point in Răutu's career, as he was only tasked with supervising the interior commerce department and the Communist Youth's Pioneer branch. According to Tismăneanu, Răutu spent much of the interval reading up on political literature, including Neo-Marxist authors frowned upon by the regime (Herbert Marcuse).Tismăneanu & Vasile, p.121-123 In January 1967, he gave approval to publish the popular history review, Magazin Istoric. As noted by its editor, Titu Georgescu, Răutu had to be persuaded by more sympathetic party figures, including Paul Niculescu-Mizil and Ștefan Voitec.

The correspondence principle is broadly aligned with the conflict theory approach to sociology, which originated with Karl Marx. Marx's said that there is a social class division in capitalist society, between on the one hand a small percentage of the population who are capitalists, owning the means of production, and on the other workers, who sell their labor power to the capitalists. The correspondence principle advances a neo-Marxist argument about the specific nature of the institutional linkages in the family, school, and work "chain" comprising the socio- economic life cycle. Many sociologists who support this principle argue that education is just a means of maintaining social class boundaries.

The middle 1930s saw Corey producing two weighty works on contemporary economics for commercial publisher Covici-Friede — The Decline of American Capitalism (1934) and The Crisis of the Middle Class (1935). During this interval Fraina remained a neo-Marxist, although standing outside the Communist Party.Corey, "Lewis Corey (Louis C. Fraina), 1892-1953," pg. 115. The CPUSA initially treated The Decline of American Capitalism sympathetically, placing a large order for the party's book store network, but in the fall of 1934 it suddenly was made the object of intense criticism, including a harsh serialized critique in the October and November 1934 issues of The Communist, the party's monthly theoretical magazine.

However, social links and political cooperations suggest that it wasn't unreasonable to view it as that. Furthermore, it could be surmised that the term Hamburger Schule is a pun on the so-called Frankfurter Schule ('Frankfurt School') which is a school of neo-Marxist social theory, social research, and philosophy, centered at the Institute for Social Research (Institut für Sozialforschung) of the University of Frankfurt am Main in Germany. However, it seems more likely to be simply a clever knock at the need for legitimacy, by referencing the way all art movements are titled in German (e.g. Wiener Schule, Berliner Schule, Österreichische Schule, New Yorker Schule, etc.).

M. Approaches deriving from the post-colonialism discourse have attracted greater attention in recent years. Also in contrast to (neo)Marxist concepts of space, British geographer Doreen MasseyMassey, Doreen (1999a), Power-Geometries and the Politics of Space-Time, HeidelbergMassey, Doreen (1999b), »Spaces of Politics«, in: Massey, Doreen/Allen, John/Sarre, Philip (Hg.), Human Geography Today, Cambridge/Oxford/Malden, S. 279–294 and German sociologist Helmuth Berking,Berking, Helmuth (1998), »›Global Flows and Local Cultures‹. Über die Rekonfiguration sozialer Räume im Globalisierungsprozeß«, in: Berliner Journal für Soziologie, 8, 3, S. 381–392 for instance, emphasise the heterogeneity of local contexts and the place-relatedness of our knowledge about the world.

One after another, Arato examined the best of neo-Marxist analyses of state socialism written by such authors as Herbert Marcuse, Cornelius Castoriadis, Rudolf Bahro, Habermas, and Iván Szelényi. He critically assessed the adequacy of their efforts to analyze the social dynamics, stratification, crisis potentiality and legitimating ideology of state socialist societies. In all this, Arato sought to model himself on Marx by analyzing and criticizing the exploitative, hierarchical dimensions of the social formation. He recognized, however, that the theoretical tools offered by Marx himself – that is, historical materialism – were often used by state socialist societies to veil their politically based class inequalities, not expose them.

Haraway in particular raises the question of whether modifying and expending a live commodity like OncoMouse is ethical if it leads to the development of a cure for breast cancer. The reconfiguring of life in biotechnologies and genetic engineering allow for a precedence to be set, leading to capitalist cultural consequences. Through these technologies technoscience becomes naturalized, and also becomes increasingly subject to the process of commodification and capital accumulation in transnational capitalist corporations. Like presented in Marxist and Neo-Marxist analysis of sciences, biotechnologies allow for the concept of commodity to become fetishized as genes are reified to have a monetary value outside nature.

In addition there has been a highly influential Whig interpretation, based on liberal secularized Protestantism, that depicted the Reformation in England, in the words of Ian Hazlitt, as "the midwife delivering England from the Dark Ages to the threshold of modernity, and so a turning point of progress". Finally among the older schools was a neo-Marxist interpretation that stressed the economic decline of the old elites in the rise of the landed gentry and middle classes. All these approaches still have representatives, but the main thrust of scholarly historiography since the 1970s falls into four groupings or schools, according to Hazlett. Geoffrey Elton leads the first faction with an agenda rooted in political historiography.

There are three major sources of the world-system theory which conceived by Wallerstein: the Annales school's general methodology, Marx's focus on accumulation process and competitive class struggles and so on, and dependence theory's neo-Marxist explanation of development processes.Thomas Barfield (1998), The dictionary of anthropology, Wiley-Blackwell, , Referring to the transnational division of labor, world-system divides the world into core countries, peripheral countries, semi-peripheral countries and external areas. The core countries usually developed a strong central governments, extensive bureaucracies and large mercenary armies, which permit the local bourgeoisie to obtain control over international commerce and extract capital surpluses from the trade for benefits.Paul Halsall(1997) Modern History Sourcebook: Summary of Wallerstein on World System Theory.

Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press. Stately homes and gardens constructed by the colonial elite also served to assert authority and to naturalize a social hierarchy onto the colonial landscape. Such analysis and interpretations are neo-marxist in its approach to the understanding and interpreting landscapes of the past. Stephen A. Mrozwoski has extended the conclusions drawn from the archaeological analysis of elite homes and pleasure gardens into the analysis of the developing middle and working class landscapes and ideologies among industrial communities, noting “in the urban context economies of scale realized through spatial practice also contributed to a social landscape that between the eighteenth and early twentieth centuries was increasingly constructed along class lines”Mrozowski, Stephen A. (2006).

This early work in historical analysis of law and legal thought laid the basis for Unger's contribution to the Critical Legal Studies movement. The movement itself was born in the late 1970s among young legal scholars at Harvard Law School who denounced the theoretical underpinnings of American jurisprudence, legal realism. The participants were committed to shaping society based on a vision of human personality without the hidden interests and class domination of legal institutions. Two tendencies of the movement developed, one, a radical indeterminacy that criticized law as meaning anything we want it to mean, and the other, a neo-Marxist critique that attacked legal thought as an institutional form of capitalism.

Having moved from a loose Marxist vision, shaped under the influence of neo-Marxist and Western Marxist scholarship, he became a noted proponent of classical liberalism and liberal democracy. This perspective is outlined in both his scientific contributions and volumes dealing with Romania's post-1989 history, the latter of which include collections of essays and several published interviews with literary critic Mircea Mihăieș. Vladimir Tismăneanu completed his award-winning synthesis on Romanian communism, titled Stalinism for All Seasons, in 2003. Tismăneanu's background and work came under scrutiny after his 2006 appointment by Romanian President Traian Băsescu as head of the Presidential Commission for the Study of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania, which presented its report to the Romanian Parliament on December 18, 2006.

Carlos A. Martínez-Vela, World Systems Theory, paper prepared for the Research Seminar in Engineering Systems, November 2003 The Annales School tradition (represented most notably by Fernand Braudel) influenced Wallerstein to focusing on long-term processes and geo-ecological regions as unit of analysis. Marxism added a stress on social conflict, a focus on the capital accumulation process and competitive class struggles, a focus on a relevant totality, the transitory nature of social forms and a dialectical sense of motion through conflict and contradiction. World-systems theory was also significantly influenced by dependency theory, a neo-Marxist explanation of development processes. Other influences on the world-systems theory come from scholars such as Karl Polanyi, Nikolai KondratievKondratieff Waves in the World System Perspective.

29 pp. 465–6 of the International Publishers edition Though having "human capital" gives workers some benefits, they are still dependent on the owners of non-human wealth for their livelihood. The term appears in Marx's article in the New-York Daily Tribune "The Emancipation Question," January 17 and 22, 1859, although there the term is used to describe humans who act like a capital to the producers, rather than in the modern sense of "knowledge capital" endowed to or acquired by humans.The Emancipation Question in New-York Daily Tribune, January 17 and 22, 1859 Neo-Marxist economists such as Bowles have argued that education leads to higher wages not by increasing human capital, but rather by making workers more compliant and reliable in a corporate environment.

A student of Eric Wolf and influenced by the work of French social theorists Pierre Bourdieu and Michel Foucault, he is considered an important proponent of neo-Marxist theory and of critical medical anthropology.. His most recent book Righteous Dopefiend was co-authored with Jeff Schonberg and was published in June, 2009 by the University of California Press in their “Public Anthropology” series. The book won the 2010 Anthony Leeds Prize for Urban Anthropology. Bourgois' previous book was based on five years living with his family next to a crack house in East Harlem during the mid-1980s through the early 1990s: In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio. It won the 1996 C. Wright Mills Award and the 1997 Margaret Mead Award among others.

In his 2003 book, The Disciplinary Revolution: Calvinism and the Rise of the State in Early Modern Europe, Gorski offers a new explanation for the rise of a strong, centralized nation-state in certain areas of Europe in early Modernity, when other areas were not as successful. Gorski rejects two of the dominant explanations, which are the bellicist explanation, which sees military growth as key to the emergence of strong states, and the neo-Marxist explanation, which sees economic factors as key to the explanation. Instead, Gorski points to the strong influence of religion in the formation of strong states. Specifically, Gorski sees Calvinism as crucial to the emergence of the Netherlands and Prussia as strong, centralized states, because of its emphasis on discipline and public order.

Body history lead from the living body to the dead body becoming a commodity under capitalism. A younger generation of the Frankfurt School launched the Neo- Marxist sports critique (Rigauer 1969) and developed alternative approaches to movement studies and movement culture (Lippe 1974; Moegling 1988). Historical studies about the body in industrial work (Rabinbach 1992), in transportation (Schivelbusch 1977), and in Fascist aesthetics (Theweleit 1977) as well as in the philosophy of space (Peter Sloterdijk 1998/ 2004) had their roots in this critical approach. Philosophical phenomenology (→Phenomenology (philosophy)) paid attention to the body, too. Helmuth Plessner (1941) studied laughter and weeping as fundamental human expressions. Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1945) placed the body in the centre of human existence, as a way of experiencing the world, challenging the traditional body-mind dualism of René Descartes.

He settled down in Paris, where he was a leading figure of the Romanian exile. In addition to his literary work, he is known for his independent left-wing views, which were influenced by libertarian socialism and anarchism. Gabriela Adameşteanu, "«Traducerea, adică esenţialul pentru mine...»" (interview with Alain Paruit), in Revista 22, Nr.633, April 2002 Paul Cernat, "Jurnalul unui incomod inclasabil", in Observator Cultural; retrieved September 30, 2007 Constantin Coroiu, "Un român la Paris" , in Evenimentul, August 31, 2006; retrieved October 1, 2007 Ţepeneag is one of the most important Romanian translators of French literature, and has rendered into Romanian the works by New Left, avant-garde and Neo-Marxist authors such as Alain Robbe-Grillet, Robert Pinget, Albert Béguin, Jacques Derrida, and Alexandre Kojève. Joi, 14 iunie, ora 20.00.

Early workers in the field of education were influenced by the notion that the preservation of the social privileges, interests, and knowledge of one group within the population was worth the exploitation of less powerful groups. Over time this theory has become less blatant, yet its underlying tones remain a contributing factor to the issue of the hidden curriculum. Several educational theories have been developed to help give meaning and structure to the hidden curriculum and to illustrate the role that schools play in socialization. Three of these theories, as cited by Henry Giroux and Anthony Penna, are a structural-functional view of schooling, a phenomenological view related to the "new" sociology of education, and a radical critical view corresponding to the neo-Marxist analysis of the theory and practice of education.

Laclau's early work was influenced by Althusserian Marxism and focused on issues debated within Neo-Marxist circles in the 1970s, such as the role of the state, the dynamics of capitalism, the importance of building popular movements, and the possibility of revolution. Laclau's most significant book is Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, which he co-authored with Chantal Mouffe in 1985. The position outlined in this book is usually described as post-Marxist because it rejects (a) Marxist economic determinism and (b) the view that class struggle is the most important antagonism in society. In their 2001 introduction to the second edition Laclau and Mouffe commented on this label, stating that whilst 'post-Marxist' they were also 'post-Marxist': their work, though a departure from traditional Western Marxism, retained similar concerns and ideas.

Barrington Moore Jr. (12 May 1913 - 16 October 2005)Dennis Smith, "Obituary: Barrington Moore -- Author of a daring sociological classic", The Independent, 17 November 2005, 59. was an American political sociologist, and the son of forester Barrington Moore. He is well-known for his Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (1966), a comparative study of modernization in Britain, France, the United States, China, Japan, Russia, Germany, and India. The book puts forth a neo- Marxist argument that class structures and class alliances at particular points in time can account for the kinds of social revolutions that occurred and did not occur in those countries, putting some countries on a path to democracy, whereas others were put on a path to authoritarianism or communism.

Peterson says that "disciplines like women's studies should be defunded," advising freshman students to avoid subjects like sociology, anthropology, English literature, ethnic studies, and racial studies, as well as other fields of study that he believes are corrupted by the neo-Marxist ideology. He believes these fields to propagate cult-like behaviour and safe-spaces, under the pretense of academic inquiry. Peterson had proposed a website using artificial intelligence to identify ideologization in specific courses, but postponed the project in November 2017 as "it might add excessively to current polarization." In regard to identity politics, while "[t]he left plays them on behalf of the oppressed, let's say, and the right tends to play them on behalf of nationalism and ethnic pride," he considers them "equally dangerous" and that what should be emphasized, instead, is individual focus and personal responsibility.

The Hour of Romania, International Conference. Dr. Vladimir Tismaneanu , at the Indiana University (Bloomington)'s Russian and East European Institute; retrieved February 6, 2009 During the period, he was received into the ranks of the Union of Communist Youth (UTC), authored several articles which displayed support for the regime, and, as vice-president of the UTC's Communist Student Association, allegedly took part in authoring and compiling propaganda aimed at students. Gabriela Antoniu, "Tinereţe revoluţionară - Tismăneanu, întâiul comunist al ţării" , in Jurnalul Naţional, December 20, 2006 He was also contributing to the UTC magazines Amfiteatru and Viața Studențească, where his essentially neo-Marxist essays were often mixed for publication with endorsements of the official ideology. Between 1974 and 1981, Tismăneanu worked as a sociologist, employed by the Urban Sociology Department of the Institute Typified Buildings Design in Bucharest.

Leonard Brewster, Ph.D., reviewed the book in the Spring 2004 issue of the Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics, positing that "Cockshott and Cottrell have come as close to developing a serious, up-to-date version of a neo-Marxist political economy as we are likely to see." Brewster concedes that C&C; have "succeeded in countering a version of the calculation argument" but writes that this "ironically clarif[ies] and strengthen[s] the reasons for considering socialist calculation not just as troublesome, but impossible, and valuation in terms of labor an illusion." Furthermore, Brewster argues that C&C;'s allowance of a market for consumer goods, in effect, makes their model a "capitalistic, commodity producing society." In 2009, Cockshott published an article entitled "Notes for a critique of Brewster" in which he responded to Brewster's arguments against the book's model.

Halley put forth such ideas on modernism, postmodernism, culture, and the digital revolution—derived in part from Foucault, Baudrillard, and others, and with a neo-Marxist slant—in his numerous writings.Jeremy Gilbert- Rolfe, "Non-representation in 1988: Meaning Production Beyond the Scope of the Pious," Arts Magazine (May 1988): 30–39. He published his first essay "Beat, Minimalism, New Wave, and Robert Smithson" in 1981 in Arts Magazine, a New York-based publication that published seven more of his essays throughout that decade.Richard Milazzo, Selected Essays: 1982-2001, "Introduction," Edgewise Press: New York, 2013. 3. In his essays, published from the 1980s to early 2000s, Halley makes reference to the shifting relationship between the individual and larger social structures, and how artists of his generation responded to the emerging social, economic, and cultural conditions of the 1980s and 1990s.

His work ranged across a wide range of fields such as Marxist and neo-Marxist thought, the sociology of knowledge, the sociology of science, sociological theory, ideology and intellectuals, the history of ideas, the sociology of generations, the history and sociology of Jews and Judaism, and philosophy. He was one of the earliest interpreters of the relationship between psychoanalysis and philosophy and produced many studies of the psychoanalytic dimensions of ideology and intellectual life. His extensive knowledge of the more arcane intricacies of Marx's life and a deep love of the fictional character of Sherlock Holmes were the basis for a novel entitled The Case of the Revolutionists Daughter: Sherlock Holmes Meets Karl Marx (1983). The novel can be read as a critique of Marx's personal moral failings, which call into question his philosophy and politics.

When two of the aforementioned group's leaders (Meyra and Mus’id Salah Muhsin) marched to Somalia in 1976 to seek material assistance for their proposed guerrilla operations, the group's activities came under clear attack of the Dergue officials. On the other hand, the swelling up of the most famous hidden party of the time called EPRP, a Neo-Marxist elite party which accepted the Oromo National Questions only in its partial interpretations, brought a big fear among the members of Bakkalcha's group and all of the then Oromo nationalists. So Bakkalcha and his group mates decide to expand the group's operations inside the public and recruit members from all social grounds. Henceforth, strategies which would enable them reach all Oromos (the rural and the urban), and which could hinder the activities of their rivals (like EPRP) were designed.

In contrast to theories of social and political change that emphasize socio-historical contradictions (i.e., Marxist and neo-Marxist), theories of recognition and self-realization, and theories that try to make sense of change in terms of processes that are outside the scope of human agency, Kompridis' paradigm for critical theory, with reflective disclosure at the centre, is to help reopen the future by disclosing alternative possibilities for speech and action, self-critically expanding what he calls the normative and logical "space of possibility". Kompridis contrasts his own vision of critical theory with a Habermasian emphasis on the procedures by which we can reach agreement in modern democratic societies. He claims the latter has ignored the utopian concerns that previously animated critical theory, and narrowed its scope in a way that brings it closer to liberal and neo-Kantian theories of justice.

In 1980, the highly influential work of Allan Schnaiberg entitled The Environment: From Surplus to Scarcity (1980) was a large contribution to this theme of a societal-environmental dialectic. Moving away from economic reductionism like other neo-Marxists, Schnaiberg called for an analysis of how certain projects of "political capitalism" encouraged environmental degradation instead of all capitalism per se. This ongoing trend in Marxism of 'neo-Marxist' analysis (meaning, including the relative autonomy of the state) here added the environmental conditions of abstract additions and withdrawals from the environment as social policies instead of naturalized contexts. Schnaiberg's political capitalism, otherwise known as the 'Treadmill of production,' is a model of conflict as well as cooperation between three abstracted groups: the state, capital (exclusively monopoly capital with its larger fixed costs and thus larger pressures for ongoing expansion of profits to justify more fixed costs), and (organized) labor.

His first published book was in 1983, a materialist analysis of men's relations to children, followed by the book, "'Sex' at 'Work'", authored with Wendy Parkin, in 1987, on the power and paradox of 'organisation sexuality', a book on sexuality in organisations, and then "The Gender of Oppression", a neo-marxist, pro-feminist critique of contemporary patriarchy in the same year. His later books include "Men in the Public Eye" (Routledge, 1992), "The Violences of Men" (Sage, 1998), "European Perspectives on Men and Masculinities" (with Keith Pringle and members of CROME, Palgrave Macmillan, 2006, 2009). A review of some of his work on men and masculinities is to be found in the book: Fidelma Ashe 'The New Politics of Masculinity', Routledge, 2006, and another on his work with Wendy Parkin on gender, sexuality and organisations in the book: Tommy Jensen and Timothy L: Wilson (eds.) On the Shoulders of Giants, Studentlitteratur, 2011.

This was despite the fact that the Soviet Union had invested enormously to agriculture. Production costs were very high, the Soviet Union had to import food, and it had widespread food shortages even though the country had a large share of the best agricultural soil in the world and a high land/population ratio. The claims of inefficiency have, however, been criticized by often described as Neo-Marxist Economist Joseph E. Medley of the University of Southern Maine, US. Statistics based on value rather than volume of production may give one view of reality, as public-sector food was heavily subsidized and sold at much lower prices than private-sector produce. Also, the 2-3% of arable land allotted as private plots does not include the large area allocated to the peasants as pasturage for their private livestock; combined with land used to produce grain for fodder, the pasture and the individual plots total almost 20% of all Soviet farmland.

J. A. Hobson, a British liberal writing at the time of the fierce debate concerning imperialism during the Second Boer War, observed the spectacle of the "Scramble for Africa" and emphasized changes in European social structures and attitudes as well as capital flow, though his emphasis on the latter seems to have been the most influential and provocative. His so- called accumulation theory, very influential in its day, suggested that capitalism suffered from under-consumption due to the rise of monopoly capitalism and the resultant concentration of wealth in fewer hands, which he argued gave rise to a misdistribution of purchasing power. His thesis called attention to Europe's huge, impoverished industrial working class, which was typically far too poor to consume goods produced by an industrialized economy. His analysis of capital flight and the rise of mammoth cartels later influenced Vladimir Lenin in his book Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, which has become a basis for the neo-Marxist analysis of imperialism.