Boris Johnson, David Attenborough and Emma Thompson all speak variations of R.P., which is an idealized accent called a sociolect, not a dialect — its entire purpose is to manage sounds, not the regional idiosyncrasies in vocabulary and grammar that make dialects dialects.
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The masons of the area speak a unique sociolect known as Purishte.
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A sociolect is distinct from a regional dialect (regiolect) because social class rather than geographical subdivision substantiates the unique linguistic features.
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Sociolinguists study language variation. Sociolinguists define a sociolect by examining the social distribution of specific linguistic terms. For example, a sociolinguist would examine the use of the second person pronoun "you" for its use within the population. If one distinct social group used 'yous' as the plural form of the pronoun then this could indicate the existence of a sociolect.
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Kerswill has written several papers and done lectures, including a TED talk, on the subject of Multicultural London English, a sociolect spoken in London.
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The Serbs in Sweden are bilingual. The Serbian language is a rich contributor to the so- called Rinkeby Swedish, a sociolect (slang) of the Swedish language.
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The use of contractions is not allowed in any form of standard Norwegian spelling; however, it is fairly common to shorten or contract words in spoken language. Yet, the commonness varies from dialect to dialect and from sociolect to sociolect—it depends on the formality etc. of the setting. Some common, and quite drastic, contractions found in Norwegian speech are "jakke" for "jeg har ikke", meaning "I do not have" and "dække" for "det er ikke", meaning "there is not".
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Minderico, also known as Piação do Ninhou (the language of Minde), was originally a sociolect or a secret language spoken by textile producers and traders in the freguesia (civil parish) of Minde (Alcanena, Portugal).
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' () is a type of Low-German-coloured dialect or sociolect of German. It is characterised by Low-German-type structures and the presence of numerous calques and loanwords from Low German in High German.
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This idea of sociolect began with the commencement of dialectology, the study of different dialects in relation to social society, which has been established in countries such as England for many years, but only recently has the field garnered more attention.Halliday, M. Language and Society. London; New York: Continuum, 2007. Print. However, as opposed to a dialect, the basic concept of a sociolect is that a person speaks in accordance with their social group whether it is with regard to one's ethnicity, age, gender, etc.
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Bambule, a term of German prison sociolect, originally refers to a form of mostly non-violent prison protest, typically effected by banging hard items against the cells' metal bars. The term is derived from the African dance Bamboule or Bamboula.
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The Miami accent is an evolving American English accent or sociolect spoken in South Florida, particularly in Miami-Dade county, originating from central Miami. The Miami accent is most prevalent in American-born Hispanic youth who live in the Greater Miami area.
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However, in Berlin proper, especially in the former West Berlin, the dialect is now seen more as a sociolect, largely through increased immigration and trends among the educated population to speak Standard German in everyday life.Berlinerisch, Deutsche Welle Occasionally, the dialect is found on advertising.
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In sociolinguistics, a sociolect is a form of language (non-standard dialect, restricted register) or a set of lexical items used by a socioeconomic class, a profession, an age group or other social group. Sociolects involve both passive acquisition of particular communicative practices through association with a local community, as well as active learning and choice among speech or writing forms to demonstrate identification with particular groups. The term sociolect might refer to socially-restricted dialects, but it is sometimes also treated as equivalent with the concept of register, or used as a synonym for jargon and slang. Individuals who study sociolects are called sociolinguists.
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A sociolect, defined by Peter Trudgill, a leading sociolinguist and philosopher, is "a variety or lect which is thought of as being related to its speakers' social background rather than geographical background".Trudgill, Peter. A Glossary of Sociolinguistics. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. Print.
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Bałak (; often mistakenly called bałach) is a jargon or a sociolect spoken by the commoners of the city of Lwów (modern Lviv, Ukraine). A distinct part of the Lwów dialect of the Polish language, it consists of a Lesser Poland Polish language substratum with a variety of borrowings from German, Yiddish, Ukrainian and other languages. Following the post–World War II expulsion of Poles from Lwów, bałak was gradually replaced with standard Polish among both the Polish minority still living in Lwów and the descendants of the expelees. The name for the sociolect was coined after the verb bałakać (to speak) or balakaty (to speak in Ukrainian), a local counterpart of the standard Polish verb mówić.
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"Sexy baby voice" is an English language speech pattern or sociolect, first described by U.S. media in 2013, in which young women affect the high-pitched voice of pre-pubescent girls. Actress Lake Bell popularized the term with her 2013 film In a World..., and subsequently gave various interviews on the speech pattern.
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The labels "Standard East Norwegian" or "Urban East Norwegian" are not in common use in Norway - rather, this variation of Norwegian is usually classified as a sociolect of the Oslo dialect. Standard East Norwegian together with the other Norwegian dialects comprise Modern Norwegian. Standard East Norwegian is not used outside Eastern Norway.
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Numerous other classifications have been proposed, like 'pidgin', 'argot', 'youth language', a 'sabir camerounais', an 'appropriation vernaculaire du français' or a 'hybrid slang'. However, as Camfranglais is more developed than a slang, this too is insufficient. proposes it be classified as a 'highly hybrid sociolect of the urban youth type', a definition that agrees with.
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That caused it to be used both by common people and university professors alike. It was also one of the first Polish dialects to be properly classified and to have a dictionary published. Despite that, the best known form of the Lwów dialect was the Bałak, a sociolect of the commoners, street hooligans and youngsters.
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Meshterski () or Meshtrenski (мещренски) was a cant, or secret sociolect, of the south Bulgarian builders, bricklayers and masons. The name comes from the word мещра meshtra, "master", from Latin magister. Meshterski served a linguistically isolating purpose, enabling the builders to communicate in secrecy, and a socially isolating purpose, emphasizing the builders' perceived supremacy over their contractors.Николов, "Глава I".
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Rinkeby is noted for its high concentration of immigrants and people with immigrant ancestry. 89.1% of the suburb's population had a first- or second-generation immigrant background as of 2007. A sociolect called Rinkeby Swedish has been named after Rinkeby. This is also said to be used all over the suburbs in Stockholm and across Sweden.
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In linguistics, a chronolect or temporal dialect is a specific speech variety whose characteristics are in particular determined by time-related factors. As such, it can be contrasted with a sociolect, an ethnolect or a geolect. In historical linguistics, a chronolect is set more or less equal to a specific language stage. Many chronolects are extinct or endangered.
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Helsinki slang or stadin slangi ("Helsinki's slang", from Swedish , "city"; see etymology) is a local dialect and a sociolect of the Finnish language mainly used in the capital city of Helsinki. It is characterized by its abundance of foreign loan words not found in the other Finnish dialects. Helsinki slang first evolved in the late 19th century as a sociolect of the multilingual Helsinki working class communities, where Swedish and Finnish speaking youth lived together with Russian, German and various other language minorities. Helsinki slang is not a typical dialect of Finnish, because unlike many other parts of Finland, the Helsinki area was predominantly Swedish- speaking during the time when the city of Helsinki originally evolved, and thus Helsinki slang is characterised by an unusual, strikingly large number of obvious foreign loanwords.
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Margaretenhütte, approx. 1930 Residents of rubber island spoke, at least until the 1980s, an unusual dialect within the traditional neighborhood including the close-by estates Margaretenhütte (Henriette-Fürth-Straße) and Owls Head (Eulenkopf): It was a Sociolect based on Manisch and Romani language. Today the Manisch slang exists only in relics and the cant or cryptolect (i.e. secret language) has nearly disappeared.
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There are currently 86,000 Ukrainians or people of Ukrainian descent living in Uzbekistan. They mostly live in large urban cities such as Tashkent, Samarkand, Bukhara and Fergana as well as speak the Uzbek language or the Surzhyk sociolect. Crimean Tatar is also widely spoken by this community. Most belong to the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church and the Orthodox Church of Ukraine.
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Jan Böhmermann in 2014 Ich hab Polizei (German for "I have police") is a rap song published in 2015 by Jan Böhmermann, a German TV presenter. For the song, he used the pseudonym POL1Z1STENS0HN (German for "policeman's son" in leetspeak), as he is actually the son of a police officer. The song and the sociolect used in it caused a debate in Germany.
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Daivadnyas speak Koṅkaṇi and its dialects. Gomantaka Daivadnyas speak a dialect of Koṅkaṇi known as Goan Koṅkaṇi which the Ethnologue recognises as the Gomāntakī dialect, further divided into sub-dialects such as the Bārdescī Bhās or north Goan, Pramāṇa or standard Koṅkaṇī and Sāśṭicī Bhās or south Goan. Their Konkani sociolect is different from others and is more closer to the Saraswat dialect. Daivadnyas in Maharashtra, i.e.
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Although the caipira accent originated in the state of São Paulo, the middle and upper class sociolect of the state capital is now a very different variety closer to standard Portuguese but with some Italian-influenced elements, and working- class paulistanos may sound somewhat like caipira to people of other parts of Brazil, such as Bahia and Rio de Janeiro. Caipira is spoken mostly in the countryside.
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Maney Publishing, 1995. 165-86. Print. On the other hand, pop is known to be a term that is used by many citizens in the northern half of the country. An example of a sociolect difference, based on social grouping, is the zero copula in African American Vernacular English. It occurs in a specific ethnic group but in all areas of the United States.
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It is spoken in Berlin and the surrounding metropolitan area. It originates from a Mark Brandenburgish variant. The dialect is now seen more as a sociolect, largely through increased immigration and trends among the educated population to speak standard German in everyday life. The most- commonly-spoken foreign languages in Berlin are Turkish, Polish, English, Arabic, Italian, Bulgarian, Russian, Romanian, Kurdish, Serbo-Croatian, French, Spanish and Vietnamese.
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Kursenieki are often considered descendants of the extinct Curonian tribe. The Kursenieki have never designated themselves as Latvians and called their own language "Curonian language" (kursisk valoud). From a linguistic point of view, it is a southwestern dialect of Latvian, while some linguists also consider it a sociolect as Kursenieki were predominantly fishermen. In German and Latvian writings of the 19th century, Kursenieki sometimes are called "Prussian Latvians" (; ).
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Short Maastrichtian is generally considered to be spoken by the upper and middle classes, whilst Long Maastrichtian is considered to be spoken by the working class. A particular feature of Maastrichtian is that it gives its speakers a certain prestige. Research of the dialect showed that people talking the "purest" form of Maastrichtian, i.e. the Short Maastrichtian (Kort Mestreechs) sociolect, were perceived by others to be the well-educated ones.
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It is spoken in Berlin and the surrounding metropolitan area. It originates from a Mark Brandenburgish variant. The dialect is now seen more as a sociolect, largely through increased immigration and trends among the educated population to speak standard German in everyday life. ;International languages The most commonly spoken foreign languages in Berlin are English, Turkish, Russian, Arabic, Polish, Kurdish, Vietnamese, Serbian, Croatian, Greek, and other Asian languages.
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The current pronunciation varies greatly depending on the geographical dialect and sociolect (with , especially, stigmatized except at the beginning of a word). Rioplatense Spanish (of Argentina and Uruguay) is particularly known for the pronunciation of both and original . A further development, the unvoiced pronunciation , during the second half of the twentieth century came to characterize the speech of "most younger residents of Buenos Aires" and continues to spread throughout Argentina.
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Memel (Klaipėda) to Danzig (Gdańsk) in Poland. Before World War II, the Kursenieki language was a sociolect of Curonian fishermen of the Curonian Spit. In other spheres of everyday life, Kursenieki used the Low German and High German languages. The events of the first half of the 20th century, including the Soviet and German occupations of the Baltic states and later East Prussia, led to the near extinction of the language, making it severely endangered.
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Shaka greeting sign Surfing (particularly in Southern California) has its own sociolect, which has comingled with Valleyspeak. Words such as "dude", "tubular", "radical", and "gnarly" are associated with both and Northern California created its own unique surf terms as well that include "groovy", "hella", and "tight". One of the primary terms used by surfers around the world is the word "stoked". This refers to a mixed feeling of anxiety and happiness towards the waves breaking.
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After his release from prison in 1845 he earned his living as a songseller and bookseller, married and settled in Bergen. Among his songs is a song on fellow prisoner Ole Høiland's escape from Akershus (1839), and a song on Høiland's death, "" from 1849. He wrote a collection of common words in the special sociolect called ' ("vagabond language"), which was utilized by Eilert Sundt in his studies, and published as ' in 1948.
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Ebonics (a portmanteau of the words ebony and phonics) is a term that was originally intended to refer to the language of all people descended from enslaved Black Africans, particularly in West Africa, the Caribbean, and North America. Since the 1996 controversy over its use by the Oakland School Board, the term Ebonics has primarily been used to refer to the sociolect African American English, a dialect distinctively different from Standard American English.
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Minde is a freguesia ("civil parish") of Alcanena Municipality, in Santarém District, Portugal. The population in 2011 was 3,293,Instituto Nacional de Estatística (INE), Census 2011 results according to the 2013 administrative division of Portugal in an area of 21.14 km². Minde is known as the place of origin of the Minderico, a sociolect or argot spoken by traders.Manuel Fernandes Vicente (2009), "Minderico renasce com apoio da Volkswagen a línguas ameaçadas", Público, edition of 17.08.
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'' The English language in Singapore is a sociolect continuum.Platt, John T. (1975) "The Singapore English Speech Continuum and Its Basilect 'Singlish' as a 'Creoloid'", Anthropological Linguistics, 17(7), 363–374. The continuum runs through the following varieties: #Acrolectal: Acrolectal Singaporean English exhibits an absence of or a much smaller degree of Singlish pronunciation features than do Mesolectal, Basilectal, and pidgin variants of Singlish. #Mesolectal: This is the most commonly spoken form of Singlish.
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The former standard, used for about 300 years or more in speech in refined language, was the , a sociolect spoken by the imperial Habsburg family and the nobility of Austria-Hungary. It differed from other dialects in vocabulary and pronunciation; it appears to have been spoken with a slight degree of nasality. This was not a standard in a modern technical sense, as it was just the social standard of upper-class speech.
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Olav Larssen was born in Furnes as a son of baker Kristian Larssen and Lovise Wahlum (1873–1923). He attended primary school in rural Furnes, but then moved to the nearby city Hamar to take apprenticeship as a typographer. By 1910 he dwelled as a tenant in Østregate 55 in the neighborhood Østbyen, nearby Hamar Station. He recalled having to adapt to the city culture, and shed some of his childhood dialect/sociolect.
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The Mattenenglisch sociolect was the working class variety of the Bernese German dialect. It had a characteristic vocabulary that was partly influenced by varieties such as Rotwelsch, Jenisch or Yiddish, because people wanted to communicate in a way the police would not understand. While most Mattenenglisch words have fallen out of use, some have spread into common Bernese German usage, thus becoming shibboleths of Bernese German, for instance the words jiu 'yes', Modi 'girl' or Gieu 'boy'.
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The transition from dialect to sociolect happened primarily in the 20th century. Around 1900, the Stadsfries dialects were still considered regional strands of Dutch and given a much higher status than Frisian. With the rise of Standard Dutch in society's upper classes, brought on particularly by education and mass media, Stadsfries stopped being considered a strand of Dutch. Since the lower classes had less exposure to Standard Dutch, they remained as some of the only speakers of Stadsfries.
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Classical Nahuatl was the lingua franca of the Aztec Empire in Mesoamerica prior to the Spanish invasion in the 16th century. An extensive corpus of the language as spoken exists. Like Latin and Hebrew (prior to the founding of modern Israel), Classical Nahuatl was more of a sociolect spoken among the elites (poets, priests, traders, teachers, bureaucrats) than a language spoken in any common family household. After the Spanish conquest, Nahuatl remained the lingua franca of New Spain.
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Initially, it served the role of a cant, or "secret language", but in the late 19th century, it became a standard sociolect of criminals. Grypsera is constantly evolving to maintain the status of a language understood only by a select group of inmates and not by the wardens or informers. That makes it currently one of the lexically richest dialects of Polish. Also, it is not possible to prepare a comprehensive dictionary of the dialect since it differs from prison to prison.
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After the revolution of 1848 the languages of instruction at the University re-introduced Ukrainian and Polish. Around that time a certain sociolect developed in the city known as the Lwów dialect. Considered to be a type of Polish dialect, it draws its roots from numerous other languages besides Polish. Most of the pleas were accepted twenty years later in 1861: a Galician parliament (Sejm Krajowy) was opened and in 1867 Galicia was granted vast autonomy, both cultural and economic.
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Yeshivish (), also known as Yeshiva English, Yeshivisheh Shprach, or Yeshivisheh Reid, is a sociolect of English spoken by Yeshiva students and other Jews with a strong connection to the Orthodox Yeshiva world. "Yeshivish" may also refer to non-Hasidic Haredi Jews. Sometimes it has an extra connotation of non-Hasidic Haredi Jews educated in yeshiva and whose education made a noticeable specific cultural impact onto them. In the latter case the term has ambivalent (both positive and negative) connotations comparable to these of the term "academic".
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For example, a sociolinguist might determine through study of social attitudes that a particular vernacular would not be considered appropriate language use in a business or professional setting. Sociolinguists might also study the grammar, phonetics, vocabulary, and other aspects of this sociolect much as dialectologists would study the same for a regional dialect. The study of language variation is concerned with social constraints determining language in its contextual environment. Code-switching is the term given to the use of different varieties of language in different social situations.
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Regional Italian () is any regional"Regional" in the broad sense of the word; not to be confused with the Italian endonym , for Italy's administrative units. variety of the Italian language. Such vernacular varieties and standard Italian exist along a sociolect continuum, and are not to be confused with the local indigenous languages of ItalyNotwithstanding their linguistic status, most of the actual languages of Italy (with particular reference to the non- recognised ones) are called "dialects" () by the general population. that predate the national tongue or any regional variety thereof.
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Today, the Yerevan dialect is the main component foundation of standard spoken Eastern Armenian. It is now more of a sociolect as it has lost the previous geographic limits and has been "fixed" by the standard Eastern Armenian. The Yerevan dialect now has some differences from the original Araratian dialect; in particular, it has been "cleaned" from other dialectal and foreign (Persian, Arabic, Turkish, and Russian) loan words. The almost 160-year Russian and Soviet rule of Eastern Armenia (1828-1917, 1920-1991) had left its influence on the colloquial Armenian language.
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Joual () is an accepted name for the linguistic features of basilectal Quebec French that are associated with the French-speaking working class in Montreal which has become a symbol of national identity for some. Joual is stigmatized by some and celebrated by others. While joual is often considered a sociolect of the Québécois working class, many feel that perception is outdated. Speakers of Quebec French from outside Montreal usually have other names to identify their speech, such as Magoua in Trois-Rivières, and Chaouin south of Trois-Rivières.
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The change may have originated in the Northeast, where pronunciations such as Jesus have long been heard. Also immigration from Northeastern Brazil and Spanish immigration causes debuccalization of the coda sibilant: mesmo . Many Brazilians assume that is specific to Rio, but in the Northeast, debuccalization has long been a strong and advanced phonological process that may also affect onset sibilants and as well as other consonants, primarily . There are some grammatical characteristics of this sociolect as well, an important one is the mixing of second person pronouns você and tu, even in the same speech.
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The sociolect of the Jejemons, called Jejenese, is derived from English, Filipino and their code-switched variant, Taglish. It has its own, albeit unofficial, orthography, known as Jejebet, which uses the Filipino variant of the Roman alphabet, Arabic numerals and other special characters. Words are created by rearranging letters in a word, alternating capitalization, over-usage of the letters H, X or Z. Superfluous as well as the presence of silent letters characterize its spelling convention. It has similarities with Leetspeak, primarily the alphanumeric nature of its writing.
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One of the defining characteristics of the Daig milieu is its perceived need to separate itself from those not part of that milieu. This separation is intended to distance Basel's aristocracy both vertically from the middle classes as well as horizontally from the so-called "newly rich". One of the primary means to uphold the distinction between the Daig and outsiders is the use of the Daig sociolect — commonly referred to as Baaseldytsch — in contrast to the common speech known as Baseldütsch. Both names already indicate certain underlying differences in pronunciation.
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The standard language in the Roman Republic (509 BC – 27 BC) and the Roman Empire (27 BC – AD 1453) was Classical Latin, the literary dialect spoken by upper classes of Roman society, whilst Vulgar Latin was the sociolect (colloquial language) spoken by the educated and uneducated peoples of the middle and the lower social classes of Roman society. The Latin language that Roman armies introduced to Gaul, Hispania, and Dacia was of a different grammar, syntax, and vocabulary than the Classical Latin spoken and written by the statesman Cicero.
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Opinions among linguists differ on whether to regard Rinkeby Swedish as a sociolect, dialect, ethnolect, or maybe a "multiethnolect". Since the number of influencing languages involved is rather large, and extremely few speakers are likely to be fluent in more than a few of these, the definition of pidgin language may appear more accurate than that of mixed language. The varieties may also be characterized as a register for informal communication between peers, since the speakers often use them only in specific social contexts and switch to other varieties where appropriate.
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Helsinkians themselves never refer to their slang as Helsinki slang(i) but instead as stadin slangi or simply slangi. Stadi is a slang word itself, borrowed from the Swedish stad, "city". Literally, the name would mean "slang of the city", but stadi always means just the city of Helsinki in the slang - all other cities are unconditionally referred to by the common Finnish word for "city" ("kaupunki"). More importantly, Helsinki slang is not strictly speaking a slang in the word's modern definition, but rather a dialect and a sociolect.
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From early on Helsinki slang was especially the language of the youth. It could be thought as a social language code, by which the multicultural and multilingual working class youth, a speech community, formed their own sociolect. The initiative for this grew at first from their needs of basic everyday communication, but soon slangi probably came to signify a certain social status as well. Johannes Kauhanen notes on his slang history page that the first speakers of Helsinki slang were probably not the countryside-born agriculturists who moved to work in Helsinki, but their children.
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Gatas Parlament started out in 1993, taking the name Kveldens Høydepunkt (Highlight of the Evening). Don Martin did not take to the name, however, and thus it was dropped. Later, they attended a public speech by Carl I. Hagen, the chairman of the right-wing party Fremskrittspartiet, where they threw eggs and rotten fruit at Hagen. This caused Hagen to comment that gatens parlament ruled the country, and the three rappers stuck with the name (the riksmål-wording of gaten was dropped for gata, more fitting for their sociolect).
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Classical Nahuatl is one of the Nahuan languages within the Uto-Aztecan family. It is classified as a central dialect and is most closely related to the modern dialects of Nahuatl spoken in the valley of Mexico in colonial and modern times. It is probable that the Classical Nahuatl documented by 16th- and 17th-century written sources represents a particularly prestigious sociolect. That is to say, the variety of Nahuatl recorded in these documents is most likely to be more particularly representative of the speech of Aztec nobles (pīpiltin), while the commoners (mācēhualtin) spoke a somewhat different variety.
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Dutch, Achter d'n Awwe Minnebreure is Maastrichtian. Maatrichtian being a city dialect, the terminology "Maastrichtian" (Mestreechs) is practically limited to the municipal borders, with the exception of some places within the Maastrichtian municipality where the spoken dialects are in fact not Maastrichtian. These exceptions are previously separate villages and/or municipalities that have merged with the municipality of Maastricht namely Amby, Borgharen, Heer and Itteren. The social status of Maastrichtian speakers is determined by the type of sociolect spoken by a certain person, with a division between Short Maastrichtian or Standard Maastrichtian (Kort Mestreechs, Standaardmestreechs) and Long/Stretched Maastrichtian (Laank Mestreechs).
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Mattenenglisch, in Bernese German Dialect Mattenänglisch, is a name for the varieties traditionally spoken in the Matte, the old working class neighbourhood of the Swiss City of Bern. It is used in two different senses: Either for the traditional sociolect of that neighbourhood or for a special kind of Pig Latin that was used there. In the second half of the 20th century, both have fallen out of use because after the traditional social stratification has been completely changed, the Matte is no longer a working- class neighbourhood. However, there are voluntary associations that cultivate Mattenenglisch.
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Although is regarded as protocolar, it is an equalizing form. In some parts of the country and in television speech (that used by reporters and actors, for instance) is used even between intimate speakers. In other parts of the geographic extension of the language e.g. most of Southern and Northeastern Brazil, some sociolects of coastal São Paulo, mainly in Greater Santos, colloquial sociolect, mainly among the less educated and some all-class youths of Greater Rio de Janeiro, and in Uruguay, tu (singular "you" or simply "thou") is used informally, but the plural form is always .
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Dialectal map of Peru and Ecuador. Peruvian Ribereño Spanish is in blue. Peruvian Ribereño Spanish or Peruvian Coastal Spanish is the form of the Spanish language spoken in the coastal region of Peru. The Spanish spoken in Coastal Peru has four characteristic forms today: the original one, that of the inhabitants of Lima (known as limeños) near the Pacific coast and parts south, (formerly from the old section of the city from where it spread to the entire coastal region); the inland immigrant sociolect (more influenced by Andean languages); the Northern, in Trujillo, Chiclayo or Piura; and the Southern.
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Carioca ( or ) is a demonym used to refer to anything related to the City of Rio de Janeiro, in Brazil. The original word, "kara'i oka", comes from the indigenous Tupi language meaning "house of carijó", which was Guaraní, a native tribe of Rio de Janeiro who lived in the vicinity of the Carioca River, between the neighborhoods of Glória and Flamengo. Like other Brazilians, cariocas speak Portuguese. The carioca accent and sociolect (also simply called "carioca", see below) are one of the most widely recognized in Brazil, in part because Rede Globo, the second-largest television network in the world, is headquartered in Rio de Janeiro.
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A vernacular, or vernacular language, is the speech variety used in everyday life by the general population in a geographical or social territory. The vernacular is contrasted with higher-prestige forms of language, such as national, literary, liturgical or scientific idiom, or a lingua franca, used to facilitate communication across a large area. The vernacular is usually native, normally spoken informally rather than written, and seen as of lower status than more codified forms. It may vary from more prestigious speech varieties in different ways, in that the vernacular can be a distinct stylistic register, a regional dialect, a sociolect, or an independent language.
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Additional terms such as diatype, genre, text types, style, acrolect, mesolect, basilect, sociolect and ethnolect, among many others, may be used to cover the same or similar ground. Some prefer to restrict the domain of the term "register" to a specific vocabulary (Wardhaugh, 1986) (which one might commonly call slang, jargon, argot or cant), while others argue against the use of the term altogether (e.g. Crystal and Davy 1969, who critiqued the way the term has been used "in an almost indiscriminate manner"). These various approaches with their own "register", or set of terms and meanings, fall under disciplines such as sociolinguistics, stylistics (e.g.
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The use of Stadsfries is declining rapidly, especially in Leeuwarden. No more than a quarter of the city's population (approximately 20,000 people) speaks the language, although that percentage is higher in smaller towns. In the first half of the twentieth century the town of Heerenveen had a local strand of Stadsfries known as Haagjes Fries, spoken especially around Oranjewoud, near the country home of the Frisian stadhouder. Use of most dialects (as well as the West Frisian language) is declining, but because West Frisian is considered prestigious and even recognized as a Dutch national language, Stadsfries has become a sociolect of the lower classes, especially in the cities.
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Urban East Norwegian (UEN), Standard East Norwegian (, ), in Norway commonly referred to as East Norwegian or the Oslo dialect (or as a sociolect thereof) is an alleged de facto spoken standard of Bokmål/Riksmål in much of Eastern Norway. Standard East Norwegian is primarily spoken in Central Eastern Norway, including the capital Oslo and its surrounding areas. Standard East Norwegian is a dialect of Modern Norwegian regarded by some as an Eastern Norwegian standard language with roots in Eastern Norwegian elites' pronunciation of Danish. It is markedly different from the traditional Norwegian dialects in Eastern Norway, with which it has co-existed for centuries.
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Caipira is the hinterland sociolect of much of the Central-Southern half of Brazil, nowadays conservative only in the rural areas and associated with them, that has a historically low prestige in cities as Rio de Janeiro, Curitiba, Belo Horizonte, and until some years ago, in São Paulo itself. Sociolinguistics, or what by times is described as 'linguistic prejudice', often correlated with classism, is a polemic topic in the entirety of the country since the times of Adoniran Barbosa. Also, the "Paulistano" accent was heavily influenced by the presence of immigrants in the city of São Paulo, especially the Italians. # Sertanejo – Center-Western states, and also much of Tocantins and Rondônia.
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African-American English is a variety (dialect, ethnolect, and sociolect) of American English, commonly spoken by urban working-class and largely bi- dialectal middle-class African Americans. African-American English evolved during the antebellum period through interaction between speakers of 16th- and 17th-century English of Great Britain and Ireland and various West African languages. As a result, the variety shares parts of its grammar and phonology with the Southern American English dialect. Where African-American English differs from Standard American English (SAE) is in certain pronunciation characteristics, tense usage and grammatical structures that were derived from West African languages, particularly those belonging to the Niger-Congo family.
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Patois (, pl. same or ) is speech or language that is considered nonstandard, although the term is not formally defined in linguistics. As such, patois can refer to pidgins, creoles, dialects, or vernaculars, but not commonly to jargon or slang, which are vocabulary-based forms of cant. In colloquial usage of the term, especially in France, class distinctions are implied by the very meaning of the term, since in French, patois refers to any sociolect associated with uneducated rural classes, in contrast with the dominant prestige language (Standard French) spoken by the middle and high classes of cities, or as used in literature and formal settings (the "acrolect").
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Caipira is the hinterland sociolect of much of the Central-Southern half of Brazil, nowadays conservative only in the rural areas and associated with them, that has a historically low prestige in cities as Rio de Janeiro, Curitiba, Belo Horizonte, and until some years ago, in São Paulo itself. Sociolinguistics, or what by times is described as 'linguistic prejudice', often correlated with classism, is a polemic topic in the entirety of the country since the times of Adoniran Barbosa. Also, the "Paulistano" accent was heavily influenced by the presence of immigrants in the city of São Paulo, especially the Italians. # Sertanejo — Center-Western states, and also much of Tocantins and Rondônia.
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Although only the audio has been changed in the English-language version, the new dialogue makes for some changes to the original Norwegian film. For example, Roy, Odd, Flea and Baz are cockneys from London instead of east enders from Oslo in Norway (that curiously enough has a similar working class type of sociolect as cockneys from east London.). The rest of the film does however still take place in Norway, as the Londoners end up there anyway as they travel with the touring Russian circus. Other significant plot changes are obvious, such as other characters are made British instead of Norwegian, and the redneck-type hunting party are apparently Scottish in the English-language version.
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Ebonics remained a little-known term until 1996. It does not appear in the 1989 second edition of the Oxford English Dictionary, nor was it adopted by linguists., citing . The term became widely known in the United States due to a controversy over a decision by the Oakland School Board to denote and recognize the primary language (or sociolect or ethnolect) of African-American youths attending school, and to thereby acquire budgeted funds to facilitate the teaching of standard English.. The use of the pedagogic approach called phonics, particularly in the context of reading, may have helped mislead people into thinking that the phonics from which the term Ebonics is partially derived has this meaning.
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Although loanwords often remained semantically unchanged, the Bulgarian vocabulary in the sociolect was substituted with native metaphors, metonyms and words from different roots, so as to conceal the true meaning to outsiders, e.g. мокра mokra ("wet", fem.) for вода voda, "water"; гледач gledach ("looker") for око oko, "eye", обло oblo ("round", neut.) for яйце yaytse, "egg". The lexis of Meshterski included not only professional terms and basic vocabulary, but also other words, including religious terms, such as Светлив Svetliv, "Luminous", referring to God or a saint. Meshterski also spread to other social areas: it was borrowed by tinsmiths in at least one village in the Rhodopes, although with a much reduced vocabulary and renamed to Ganamarski.
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Multicultural London English (abbreviated MLE) is a sociolect of English that emerged in the late twentieth century. It is spoken authentically by mainly young working class people in London (although it is also widely spoken in other cities around the UK as well). According to research conducted at Lancaster University and Queen Mary University of London in 2010, "In much of the East End of London the Cockney dialect... will have disappeared within another generation.... it will be gone [from the East End] within 30 years.... It has been 'transplanted' to... [Essex and Hertfordshire New] towns." As the label suggests, speakers of MLE come from a wide variety of ethnic and cultural backgrounds, and live in diverse inner-city neighbourhoods such as Brent, Lambeth and Hackney.
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Brazilian indie and scene kids use a related Internet sociolect, the tiopês (from tiop, which is a corruption of Portuguese tipo, or equivalent to English "like, totally", in tiopês), which mainly uses ingroup memes as well purposeful ridiculous-sounding misspellings to add humor or irony to the message and bring group identification, much like teh of English-derived leetspeak. The origin of "tiopês" – memepedia – youPIX, people + pixels As it is common for the miguxês, there are detractors of tiopês, although much less numbered and for different reasons (usually, people which are detractors at the same time of different youth subcultures deemed as alienated, including 'emo' teenagers, scene kids and indie kids). Tiopês is also much less common in the Portuguese-speaking Internet community, and is said to be a phenomenon limited to Brazil.
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For example, advertisements and banners in public spaces can be found written in Turkish. Hence, it is also familiar to other ethnic groups - it can even serve as a vernacular for some non-Turkish children and adolescents in urban neighborhoods with dominant Turkish communities.. It is also common within the Turkish community to code-switch between the German and Turkish languages. By the early 1990s a new sociolect called "Kanak Sprak" or "Türkendeutsch" was coined by the Turkish-German author Feridun Zaimoğlu to refer to the German "ghetto" dialect spoken by the Turkish youth. However, with the developing formation of a Turkish middle class in Germany, there is an increasing number of people of Turkish-origin who are proficient in using the standard German language, particularly in academia and the arts.
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Nowadays, the term Bokmål officially refers only to the written language of that name (and possibly to its use in the media, by actors etc.). There are, however, a number of spoken varieties of Norwegian that are close or largely identical to written Bokmål, sometimes even in a conservative form similar to historical Dano-Norwegian - notably, the higher sociolect in Oslo and in other cities in Eastern Norway. A socially less distinct variety known as standard østnorsk (Standard East Norwegian) is increasingly becoming the standard spoken language of a growing part of Eastern Norway. Colloquially, the latter form is also called the Oslo dialect, which is misleading since the Oslo dialect predates the Dano-Norwegian koiné, and though both influenced by and partially replaced by standard østnorsk, it is still in use, and since the koiné language is not a dialect.
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Its name derives from miguxo, a corruption from amiguxo, turn a term used for amiguinho, or "buddy" in Portuguese. This sociolect of Vernacular Brazilian Portuguese brings possible simplifications in the grammatical structures, since the vehicles in which miguxês is used are nearly universally colloquial, often space-delimited (such as SMS messages, instant messengers or social networks). It also tends to have "simpler" orthography in comparison to standard Portuguese orthography, which leads to the most strong criticism to it (miguxês without its common alternative spellings is associated with the just normal Internet and/or youth slang). There are identitarian and orthographic differences between the so- called leetspeak, miguxês, tiopês and internetês — Brazilian Portuguese for netspeak, which is by far the one that most closely resembles standard Portuguese —, all common sociolects found in the Portuguese-speaking digital network community, the three latter ones created in it.
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In those ways, the standard variety acquires social prestige and greater functional importance than nonstandard dialects, which depend upon or are heteronomous with respect to the standard idiom. Standard usage serves as the linguistic authority, as in the case of specialist terminology; moreover, the standardization of spoken forms is oriented towards the codified standard. Historically, a standard language arises in two ways: (i) in the case of Standard English, linguistic standardization occurred informally and piecemeal, without formal government intervention; (ii) in the cases of the French and Spanish languages, linguistic standardization occurred formally, directed by prescriptive language institutions, such as the Académie Française and the Royal Spanish Academy, which respectively produced Le bon français and El buen español. A standard variety can be conceptualized in two ways: (i) as the sociolect of a given socio-economic stratum or (ii) as the normative codification of a dialect, an idealized abstraction.
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Ruth Edmonds Hill is the daughter of Florence Edmonds of western Massachusetts, whose life story is chronicled and has been critically analyzed as part of African-American oral history. Hill has degrees from Simmons College and the University of Massachusetts Amherst. Hill is most widely known among oral history researchers for conducting the Black Women Oral History Project at the Arthur and Elizabeth Schlesinger Library on the History of American Women at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study which has often been cited within related fields of study in journal articles, dissertations, and in panel discussions and has been acclaimed as a pioneering work in its genre.Smith, Jessie Carney, Notable Black American Women (VNR AG, 1996) p378 Hill has also made oral history field recordings, including guided interviews, of Cambodians, Chinese Americans and other ethnic and sociolect communities, traveling widely in research as well as conference participation.
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African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) may be considered a dialect, ethnolect or sociolect. While it is clear that there is a strong historical relationship between AAVE and earlier Southern U.S. dialects, the origins of AAVE are still a matter of debate. The presiding theory among linguists is that AAVE has always been a dialect of English, meaning that it originated from earlier English dialects rather than from English-based creole languages that "decreolized" back into English. In the early 2000s, Shana Poplack provided corpus-based evidence—evidence from a body of writing—from isolated enclaves in Samaná and Nova Scotia peopled by descendants of migrations of early AAVE-speaking groups (see Samaná English) that suggests that the grammar of early AAVE was closer to that of contemporary British dialects than modern urban AAVE is to other current American dialects, suggesting that the modern language is a result of divergence from mainstream varieties, rather than the result of decreolization from a widespread American creole.
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A study by Taber (1964) indicates that some 490 native Sango words account for about 90% of colloquial speech; however, while French loanwords are much more rarely used, they account for the majority of the vocabulary, particularly in the speech of learned people. The situation might be compared to English, in which most of the vocabulary, particularly "learned" words, is derived from Latin, Greek, or French while the basic vocabulary remains strongly Germanic. However, more recent studies suggest that the result is specific to a particular sociolect, the so-called "functionary" variety. Morrill's work, completed in 1997, revealed that there were three sociologically distinct norms emerging in the Sango language: an urban "radio" variety which is ranked by 80% of his interviewees and has very few French loan words; a so-called "pastor" variety, which is scored 60%; and a "functionary" variety, spoken by learned people, who make the highest use of French loanwords while speaking Sango, which scores 40%.
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In the United States, the phenomenon of HRT may be fairly recent but is an increasingly common characteristic of speech especially among younger speakers. However, serious scientific and linguistic inquiry on this topic has a much more extensive history in linguistic journals from Australia, New Zealand, and Britain where HRT seems to have been noted as early as World War II. It has been noted in speech heard in areas of Canada, in Cape Town, the Falkland Islands, and in the United States where it is often associated with a particular sociolect that originated among affluent teenage girls in Southern California (see Valleyspeak and Valley girl). It was observed in Mississippi in 1963 (see "Twirling at Ole Miss" in Red-Dirt Marijuana and Other Tastes). Elsewhere in the United States, this tonal pattern is characteristic of the speech heard in parts of the rural Upper Midwest that have come under the influence of Norwegian phonology through Norwegian migration to Minnesota and North Dakota.
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As a result, research in this area can perhaps most usefully be divided into two main areas of study: first, there is a broad and sustained interest in the varieties of speech associated with a particular gender; also a related interest in the social norms and conventions that (re)produce gendered language use (a variety of speech, or sociolect associated with a particular gender which is sometimes called a genderlect). Second, there are studies that focus on ways language can produce and maintain sexism and gender bias, and studies that focus on the contextually specific and locally situated ways in which gender is constructed and operationalized. In this sense, researchers try to understand how language affects the gender binary in society and how it helps to create and support the male-female division. The study of gender and language in sociolinguistics and gender studies is often said to have begun with Robin Lakoff's 1975 book, Language and Woman's Place, as well as some earlier studies by Lakoff.
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Although a few parts of Brazil still use tu and the corresponding second-person singular verb forms, most areas either use tu with third-person verb forms or (increasingly) drop tu entirely in favor of você. This has in turn caused the original third-person possessive seu, sua to shift to primarily second-person use, alongside the appearance of a new third-person possessive dele, dela (plural deles, delas, "their") that follows the noun (thus paraphrases such as o carro dele "his car", o carro dela "her car"). The formal o senhor is also increasingly restricted to highly formal situations, such as that of a storekeeper addressing a customer, or a child or teenager addressing an adult stranger. More conservative in this regard is the fluminense dialect of Brazilian Portuguese (spoken in Rio de Janeiro, Espírito Santo and in the Zona da Mata of the state of Minas Gerais) – especially its carioca sociolect.
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Romance languages are the continuation of Vulgar Latin, the popular and colloquial sociolect of Latin spoken by soldiers, settlers, and merchants of the Roman Empire, as distinguished from the classical form of the language spoken by the Roman upper classes, the form in which the language was generally written. Between 350 BC and 150 AD, the expansion of the Empire, together with its administrative and educational policies, made Latin the dominant native language in continental Western Europe. Latin also exerted a strong influence in southeastern Britain, the Roman province of Africa, western Germany, Pannonia and the whole Balkans. During the Empire's decline, and after its fragmentation and the collapse of Western half in the fifth and sixth centuries, the spoken varieties of Latin became more isolated from each other, with the western dialects coming under heavy Germanic influence (the Goths and Franks in particular) and the eastern dialects coming under Slavic influence.
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The theory centers around the notion of 'idiolect,' in a specific sense of the term that avoids traditional problems: an idiolect is a homogeneous part of an individual speaker's share of a language (a speaker's total share of a language, called a 'personal variety,' is not an idiolect in this sense but is a set of idiolects). Such an idiolect, understood as an individual (linguistic) means of communication of a person during a certain period of time, simultaneously belongs to a certain period of the language, to a certain dialect, sociolect, register, medial variety, etc. A natural language (understood as a historical language during the entire span of its existence, or a period – a major temporal part – of a historical language) is construed as a set of idiolects, and each variety of the language is a subset of the language. Sets of idiolects (such as languages and their varieties) are called 'communication complexes.
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The Portuguese spoken across the states of Rio de Janeiro and Espírito Santo and neighboring towns in Minas Gerais and in the city of Florianópolis, has similar features, hardly different from one another so cities such as Paraty, Resende, Campos dos Goytacazes, Cachoeiro de Itapemirim, Vila Velha and Linhares may be said to have the same dialect as Rio de Janeiro, as they are hardly perceived as strong regional variants by people from other parts of Brazil. The Brazilian Portuguese variant spoken in the city of Rio de Janeiro (and metropolitan area) is called carioca, and it is called sotaque locally, literally translated as "accent". It can be said that Rio de Janeiro presents a sociolect inside the major fluminense-capixaba dialect, as speakers inside the city may be easily recognizable more by their slang than the way the phonology of their speech, which is closer to the standard Brazilian Portuguese in the media than other variants. It is known especially for several distinctive traits new to either variant (European or Brazilian) of the Portuguese language: # (for Brazilians) Coda and can be pronounced as palato-alveolar and of English or the alveolo-palatal and of Catalan.
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