444 Sentences With "Trotskyism" | Random Sentence Generator

Kahlo was associated with Marxist Communism, Trotskyism (Left Opposition), and Stalinism at different points in her life.

In the USSR, "Trotskyism" now became the ultimate heresy, as phrases like "Trotskyist wreckers and spies" haunted Soviet newspaper headlines.

And, of course, there are quick dives into intra-communist politics, like the Bulletin of International Socialists announcing Castro's embrace of Stalinism and attack on Trotskyism.

Thibaut is an outcast even within the anti-Nazi forces, but it's because he's committed to something bigger than himself (surrealist magic and Trotskyism) not because he's constitutionally rebellious.

Paranoia about Trotskyism was then endemic among Communists—Trotsky believed that revolution should be fostered in all countries, and Stalin loathed him—and few were more paranoid than Marty.

My free advice: If Democratic socialism or Democratic Trotskyism or abolishing ICE — the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency — is what will get you elected as a Democrat in your district in 22020, go for it.

Kravchenko was an apparat high-up who defected immediately after the war; Ginzburg was a provincial don and journalist who was found guilty of Trotskyism; and Mandelstam was the wife, and then the widow, of the great poet Osip (1891-203).

Although he is explicit that this does not amount to a "conspiracy theory," Watson's declaration would perhaps be the first time in history in which whiffs of Trotskyism were not meant to defame a broader political movement and debase the quality of public debate.

John McDonnell, the shadow chancellor, is clearly one of the cleverest people in parliament, with an appetite for buttressing his Trotskyism with ideas borrowed from other traditions, particularly the co-operative tradition, and an ability to use new ideas (such as taking 10% of shares into public ownership) to serve old purposes.

Trotskyism has been criticised from various directions. In 1935, Marxist–Leninist Moissaye J. Olgin argued that Trotskyism was "the enemy of the working class" and "should be shunned by anybody who has sympathy for the revolutionary movement of the exploited and oppressed the world over."Olgin, Moissaye J. (1935) Trotskyism: Counter-Revolution in Disguise. New York: Workers Library Publishers.

Continuity and Rupture contains an additional essay titled "Maoism or Trotskyism" which evaluates Maoism and Trotskyism as derivative forms of Leninism and their mutual claim to be the continuation of the Leninist political philosophy that led the October Revolution.

George was arrested and put on trial for espionage and Trotskyism. He was convicted of Trotskyism. As he was asthmatic his health deteriorated quickly in Russian prison. His father and his brother Barthold Fles tried to have him released but to no avail.

Most members associated with Torch Antifa adhere to anarchism, but also some Trotskyism and Maoism.

The IST similarly criticises both the ICFI and the ISFI traditions as orthodox Trotskyist.Alex Callinicos. "Trotskyism".

Alexander, Robert J.. Trotskyism in India The RWP merged into the Dasgupta-led RCPI in 1960.

Lerski: Origins of Trotskyism in Ceylon (Chap.3) He died in Suffolk, England on 24 May 1966.

Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 55. The Communist League of America was born in earnest.

"Trotsky and the Origins of Trotskyism". "The Nature of the USSR". Internationalist Communist Tendency. Retrieved 22 June 2020.

Meanwhile, Avanti! and PSIm defended POUM which was ousted by the Catalan government due to a denounce of "Trotskyism".

International Publishers. p. 157 – via Marxists Internet Archive.Communist Workers Organisation (2000). "Trotsky, Trotskyism, Trotskyists: From Revolution to Social Democracy".

On October 27, 1928, three leading members of the Workers (Communist) Party of America were expelled from the organization for the transgression of "Trotskyism."Tim Wohlforth, "Trotskyism," in Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, and Dan Georgakas (eds.), Encyclopedia of the American Left. First edition. New York: Garland Publishing, 1990; pp. 782-785.

Orthodox Trotskyism is a branch of Trotskyism which aims to adhere more closely to the philosophy, methods and positions of Leon Trotsky and the early Fourth International, Vladimir Lenin and Karl Marx than other Trotskyists. The first Trotskyist international to describe itself as orthodox Trotskyist was the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI). Shortly after its formation in 1953, it wrote an open letter in which it described the tradition of the Fourth International as orthodox Trotskyism and called for orthodox Trotskyists to rally to the ICFI."A Letter to Trotskyists Throughout the World".

"The International Committee of the Fourth International founds its French section". Today, the surviving ICFI continue to characterise their politics as orthodox Trotskyism. Other groups have come to orthodox Trotskyism from different backgrounds and either like the International Trotskyist Committee believe that the ICFI later degenerated,"The Founding Documents of the International Trotskyist Committee". or like the Liaison Committee of Militants for a Revolutionary Communist International that the ICFI never represented healthy orthodox Trotskyism, but that they support the early Fourth International and its approach in a similar manner.

P. 71. Led by workers' leader Hugo Gonzáles Moscoso.Robert Jackson Alexander. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: a documented analysis of the movement.

John Sandor Steven (2006). Permanent Revolution on the Altiplano: Bolivian Trotskyism. Ann Arbor, Michigan: ProQuest Information and Learning Company, p. 314.

Following the turn of the Communist Party of New Zealand to Trotskyism, the Workers' Party was the main organisation in New Zealand to uphold the anti-revisionist, Beijing line of Mao Zedong in opposition to the market reforms of Deng Xiaoping.Nunes, R. (1998, July). Why workers should reject the Socialist Worker, agent of Trotskyism. The Spark.

Linking Zionism with Trotskyism and Titoism, as Rajk's prosecutors did, defied logic because both leftist movements were noted for their anti-Zionism.

Leon Trotsky Leon Trotsky and his supporters organized into the Left Opposition and their platform became known as Trotskyism. Stalin eventually succeeded in gaining control of the Soviet regime and Trotskyist attempts to remove Stalin from power resulted in Trotsky's exile from the Soviet Union in 1929. During Trotsky's exile, mainstream communism fractured into two distinct branches, i.e. Trotskyism and Stalinism.

Alexander, Robert J. 1991. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. . p. 451.Corthorn, Paul. 2006.

FAlexander, Robert J.. Trotskyism in BoliviaCrespo Rodas, Alfonso. Lydia: una mujer en la historia. La Paz: Plural Ed, 1999. p. 121Mega: siglo XXI : diccionario enciclopédico.

Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 52. After about a month word leaked about the dissident gospel being propagated by Cannon and his co-thinkers — Rose Karsner (Cannon's wife), Max Shachtman, and Marty Abern. The subject was broached at a formal meeting of the Foster-Cannon factional caucus, with the Foster loyalists demanding an explanation.Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pp. 52-53.

Paul LeBlanc, "Trotskyism in the United States: The First Fifty Years," in George Breitman, Paul LeBlanc, and Alan Wald (eds.), Trotskyism in the United States: Historical Essays and Reconsiderations. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1976; pg. 72. At the time of the group's dissolution through merger with the American Workers Party in 1934, it still contained fewer than 500 members, according to party leader Max Shachtman.

Agartala: Lokayata Chetana Bikash Society, 2001. pp. 20–21 They also did not embrace Trotskyism, although they shared some Trotskyite critiques of the leadership of Joseph Stalin.

"Trotskyism in May 1945: Down with the Churchill Coalition! Labour to Power on a Socialist Programme!", Socialist Appeal, 15 April 2005 The party had only been established the previous year, and Trotskyism had not previously had a base in South Wales. The RCP had been leading supporters of strikes by coal miners which had occurred in the area in 1944, for which efforts some of its members had been imprisoned.

A first lecture held in New York City on the topic "The Truth About Trotsky and the Russian Opposition" held on the evening of January 8, 1929, proceeded without obstruction.Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pp. 68-69. Subsequent Cannon lectures in New Haven and Boston met with organized disruption, however, with the New Haven gathering broken up and dispersed by Communist Party loyalists.Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 69.

And we realize that the hand of Fascism is behind every > attempt to demoralize our home front, to undermine the authority of the > Republic. Therefore it is essential that we wipe out Trotskyism with a firm > hand, for Trotskyism is no longer a political option for the working class > but an instrument of the counter-revolution. Trotskyism must be rooted out > of the proletarian ranks of our Party as one roots out poisonous weeds. The > Trotskyists must be rooted out and disposed of like wild beasts, for > otherwise every time our men wish to go on the offensive we will not be able > to do so due to lawlessness caused by the Trotskyists in the rear.

By this time a majority of the National Committee come around to support the French turn.Alexander, International Trotskyism, pg. 781.New Militant Vol. 1 #43 Oct 19, 1935 p.

Within the RSL it formed the "Soviet Defensist Minority" before leaving to form the Trotskyist Organization of the United States.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p. 906 Another tendency had left in 1975 to form the Revolutionary Marxist Committee, which later fused with the Socialist Workers Party.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.

Beilharz attended Croydon High School and Rusden College. After a short experience of teaching at high school he went to Monash University, where he completed a doctorate on Trotskyism in 1984.Beilharz, P. Trotsky, Trotskyism and the Transition to Socialism, London: Croom Helm; New Jersey: Rowman and Littlefield (1987). He taught at Monash University, RMIT, and Melbourne University before replacing Ágnes Heller at La Trobe in 1988, where he progressed from lecturer through to personal chair in 1999.

Under a variety of names and within a number of organizations over at least 17 years, the group around Harry Turner, or Turnerites was a presence within Trotskyism in the United States.

Das' faction later joined the S.N. Tagore-led RCPI faction.Alexander, Robert J.. Trotskyism in India After the death of Tagore, RCPI (S.N. Tagore group) was split with Das leading one of the factions.

Maoism, Marxism–Leninism, revolutionary socialism, social anarchism and Trotskyism) whilst others tend to support reform instead (e.g. Fabianism and individualist anarchism). Others believe both are possible (e.g. syndicalism or various forms of Marxism).

It ran candidates on 5 January 1947 election for National Congress, with Carlos Salazar and Alipio Valencia Vega. Robert Jackson Alexander. Trotskyism in Latin America. Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1973. P.114.

After an attempted merger with the Fieldites and some Socialist Labor Party dissidents failed, the Stammites disbanded in 1941.Alexander, International Trotskyism, pg. 783."Stamm Group Folds Up," Fighting Worker, vol. 6, no.

Unlike the Revolutionary Socialist League, the WIL readily adopted the Proletarian Military Policy developed by Trotsky in his last writings and expanded upon and advocated by James P Cannon and the Socialist Workers Party.Bornstein, S. & Richardson, A. (1986) War and the International, London: Socialist Platform, pg.13Grant, T. (2002) History of British Trotskyism, London: Wellred Publications, pg.75-76 They campaigned for the creation of workers' militias instead of the Home Guard,Grant, T. (2002) History of British Trotskyism, London: Wellred Publications, pg.

The Socialist Party agrees with Trotsky that the isolated Russian revolution inevitably "degenerated" under Stalin into a bureaucratic dictatorship. In this and many other ways, the Socialist Party's policies may therefore be termed orthodox Trotskyism.

This continued to exist, at least in some form, until as late as 1974.Stalinism and Trotskyism in Vietnam, pp. 50-54 By the early 1980s the history of the Vietnamese Trotskyist movement, which in the 1930s may been the most important expression of left opposition in Asia (possibly greater in its scope than in China and in advance of its emergence in IndiaAlexander, International Trotskyism 1929-1985), had been "all but forgotten by the Trotskyists themselves." Robert Alexander suggests two reasons for this.

Robert J. Alexander, "Trotskyism in Ceylon/ Sri Lanka: Split and Decline of Ceylon/Sri Lanka Trotskyism", in International Trotskyism 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement, Duke University Press, 1991. By 1964 the LSSP's leadership abandoned the party's longstanding opposition to the SLFP, completing a political turn it had attempted in 1960, until the Sixth World Congress condemned the LSSP for offering support to the SLFP. In 1964, the International also opposed the entrance of the LSSP into a coalition government, with Pierre Frank addressing the LSSP's June 1964 conference to explain the United Secretariat's views. The International severed relations with the LSSP; it supported a split at the LSSP conference, supported by around a quarter of its membership and led by Bala Tampoe, a trade union leader, and 14 members of the LSSP's central committee.

The subsequent history of orthodox Trotskyism is essentially that of the ICFI. Its largest section, the American Socialist Workers Party, left to join the "Pabloites" in 1963, eventually breaking with Trotskyism altogether in the 1980s, although a section remained loyal to the ICFI and are today the Socialist Equality Party."The Historical and International Foundations of the Socialist Equality Party—Part 7". The orthodox Trotskyists suffered another split in 1973 between the Socialist Labour League (SLL) of Gerry Healy and the Internationalist Communist Organisation (OCI) of Pierre Lambert.

During those decades, the SAL maintained a newspaper of its own, Socialist Action. According to the National Library of New Zealand serials catalogue, it ran from 1969 to 1988. In the 1980s, the Socialist Workers Party in the United States broke away from Trotskyism, and left the FI. A number of other parties in FI also chose to leave, including the Socialist Action League in New Zealand. Those members of the Socialist Action League who did not agree with this departure from Trotskyism and the FI were expelled or resigned.

In August 1937, Chen met with the heads of the Communist Party of China Office in Nanjing. This led to a concerted attempt by Luo Han and Ye Jianying to allow Chen to return to the Party. In September Mao responded saying that Chen could rejoin the party if he agreed to publicly renounce Trotskyism and express support for the United Front against Japan. Chen responded by letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China that he agreed with its line of resistance but would not renounce Trotskyism.

Cornelius Castoriadis, theorist of the group Socialisme ou Barbarie In the mid-20th century, some libertarian socialist groups emerged from disagreements with Trotskyism which presented itself as Leninist anti-Stalinism. As such, the French group Socialisme ou Barbarie emerged from the Trotskyist Fourth International, where Castoriadis and Claude Lefort constituted a Chaulieu–Montal Tendency in the French Parti Communiste Internationaliste in 1946. In 1948, they experienced their "final disenchantment with Trotskyism",, p. 133 leading them to break away to form Socialisme ou Barbarie, whose journal began appearing in March 1949.

Trotskyist currents include orthodox Trotskyism, third camp, Posadism, Pabloism and neo- Trotskyism. In Trotskyist political theory, a degenerated workers' state is a dictatorship of the proletariat in which the working class's democratic control over the state has given way to control by a bureaucratic clique. The term was developed by Trotsky in The Revolution Betrayed and in other works. Deformed workers' states are states where the capitalist class has been overthrown, the economy is largely state-owned and planned, but there is no internal democracy or workers' control of industry.

The group that founded the PRTC was inspired by Marxism-Leninism, Che Guevara and the experiences of the Vietnamese national liberation struggle. The party was accused of Trotskyism by other revolutionary groups, an accusation that the party rejected.

Many Finnish communists sympathetic to Trotskyism or social- democracy were purged and Kuusinen's reputation in Finland was damaged when he turned out to be one of the very few not targeted by Stalinist show trials, deportations, and executions.

Proletarian Revolution. 65. Retrieved 4 November 2019. Anti-authoritarian communists and socialists such as anarchists, other democratic and libertarian socialists as well as revolutionary syndicalists and left communistsCommunist Workers Organisation (2000). "Trotsky, Trotskyism, Trotskyists: From Revolution to Social Democracy".

Permanent Revolution on the Altiplano: Bolivian Trotskyism, 1928-2005. Thesis (Ph. D.) -- City University of New York, 2006. p. 34 Whilst not an organ for any party, the newspaper wrote about electoral campaigns of 'comrades' running for local offices.

Alexander, Robert J. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Durham: Duke University Press, 1991. p. 634 POMR contested the 1980 general election on the lists of the Workers Revolutionary Party (PRT). Napurí was elected senator.

After the 1971 election, RCPI (Das) merged into the RCPI (Tagore).Alexander, Robert J.. Trotskyism in India After the death of Tagore, RCPI (Tagore) was split, with Das leading one of the factions and Bibhuti Bhushan Nandi the other.

Trotsky in exile in Siberia, 1900 According to Trotsky, the term "Trotskyism" was coined by Pavel Milyukov (sometimes transliterated as Paul Miliukoff), the ideological leader of the Constitutional Democratic Party (Kadets) in Russia. Milyukov waged a bitter war against Trotskyism "as early as 1905".Trotsky, Leon, My Life, p230 and 294, Penguin, Harmondsworth, (1971) Trotsky was elected chairman of the St. Petersburg Soviet during the Russian Revolution of 1905. He pursued a policy of proletarian revolution at a time when other socialist trends advocated a transition to a "bourgeois" (capitalist) regime to replace the essentially feudal Romanov state.

When the Socialist Workers Party was founded in January 1938 with a platform that still considered the Soviet Union to be a degenerated workers' state, Salemme immediately quit the party. Sometime thereafter the Revolutionary Marxist League was founded. The Revolutionary Marxist league's ideological position consisted of a rejection of both Stalinism and Trotskyism, which it regarded as an inverted form of Stalinism. It was equally harsh in its denunciation of the various splinters from official Trotskyism: > We cannot emphasize too much our position that we have nothing in common > with the Trotskyite brand of Stalinism or any other inverted form of > Stalinism.

He also argued, in a spectacularly eclectic fashion, for what he called the organic unity of the SRG and Ted Grant's group of fellow ex-RCPers. He was replied to with regard to the Stalinist parties by Duncan Hallas whose article was later reprinted in the collection The Origins of the International Socialists. In the event he was expelled and the group's politics as a Trotskyist tendency differing only in its analysis of Stalinism was confirmed. Although it began by asserting its fidelity to Trotskyism the SRG would move way from the 'orthodox' Trotskyism which they took from their origins in the RCP.

121 Soon Ching-kuo was an enthusiastic student of Communist ideology, particularly Trotskyism; though following the Great Purge, Joseph Stalin privately met with him and ordered him to publicly denounce Trotskyism. Chiang even applied to be a member of the All-Union Communist Party, although his request was denied. In April 1927, however, Chiang Kai-shek purged KMT leftists, had Communists arrested or killed, and expelled his Soviet advisers. Chiang Ching-kuo responded from Moscow with an editorial that harshly criticized his father's actions but was nonetheless detained as a "guest" of the Soviet Union, a practical hostage.

Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 72. An assault on a Trotskyist meeting held on May Day 1929 was repelled by "Workers Defense Guard" members wielding clubs at the top of a stairway; a retaliatory attack on a business meeting of the Hungarian CLA branch shortly thereafter precipitated into a riot during which one of the interlopers was nearly stabbed to death by a Trotskyist woodworker. The negative publicity and escalation of force surrounding this event ended the first spate of organized violence by the Communist Party against the fledgling CLA.Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 73.

In recent years, interests in the Posadists, particularly in regard to their views in ufology, has increased. Several satirical and non-satirical "neo-Posadist" groups emerged on social media, making Posadas "one of the most recognizable names in the history of Trotskyism".

Videneeva, A. A history on the destruction of Rostov bells. State Museum-Sanctuary "Rostov Kremlin" official website. (Metal-ore trade). In 1933 he was excluded from the party once again for Trotskyism and in 1935 he was arrested, receiving a life sentence.

International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: a documented analysis of the movement By Robert Jackson Alexander p. 833 This new sect appears to have died out quickly, and should not be confused with the Shachtmanite Workers Party that was formed around the same time.

Alexander, Robert "Schisms and unifications in the American Old Left" Labor History vol. 14 Fall 1973 p.545Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 pp.899-900 More changed than just the name.

In 1951 he died in Prague of a heart attack, said to be a result of a ferocious Soviet press campaign against him as a 'Trotskyism degenerate,' his papers were destroyed by the secret police, and his published work was suppressed for decades.

7–80 In a 1969 article in the Kommunist, Pospelov praised Stalin as bulwark of party unity in the face of the "anti- Leninist" challenge of Trotskyism, writing that Pospelov died in Moscow in 1979 and was buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery.

Alexander, Robert J. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1991., p. 32. In the fierce rivalry for power control within the Communist Party, he was branded a Trotskyist and purged from the party.

In 1927 Bandera Roja dismissed government claims of a communist plot to seize power (which supposedly would have involved unions and the Labour Party). The newspaper was closed down by the government soon afterwards.John, Steven Sándor. Permanent Revolution on the Altiplano: Bolivian Trotskyism, 1928-2005.

In 1983 he accused General Clemente Noel, who was then the military chief of the Ayacucho region of murder. Because of this he was suspended from his seat until the end of the current session.International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: a documented analysis of the movement.

Ibnu Parna (died 1965) was an Indonesian communist politician and leader of the Acoma Party (Partai Acoma),Alexander, Robert J. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Durham: Duke University Press, 1991. p. 534 and trade unionist.International Labor Directory and Handbook.

The origins of Trotskyism to which the Deanes were attracted can be traced to Albert Houghton, a founding member of the Communist Party in Merseyside who had drawn Trotskyist conclusions and fought the Stalinists in Merseyside who later became leading Labour figures.'The War and the International', Bornstein and Richardson, p5. Bessie Braddock was a former Communist Party member who became president of the Liverpool Trades Council and Labour Party in 1945 and was MP for Liverpool Exchange. Liverpool Echo special edition 17 November 1987 Joining the Labour Party in 1937, he was later that year won over to Trotskyism and joined the Militant Group.

Cannon refused to provide a frank and full disclosure of his new-found ideological views, electing instead to "bluff" Foster and his associates for another week in order to win more time for the winning of converts to the cause.Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 53. The Foster group became increasingly aware of the heresy in their midst and quickly called another factional meeting, however. At this session Foster associate Clarence Hathaway, newly returned from a stint at the Comintern's Lenin School in Moscow, demanded passage of a formal resolution condemning Trotskyism as "counter-revolutionary" in the name of the joint Foster-Cannon caucus.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels even held different opinions at different times and some schools are divided on this issue (e.g. different strains of Trotskyism). All socialists criticize the current system in some way. Some criticisms center on the ownership of the means of production (e.g.

She subsequently attended the University of the Witwatersrand for one year where she was a member of a Trotskyism group which was affiliated to Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM). She went to University of Natal, where she completed a Bachelors Degree and Masters degree in Sociology.

A series of expulsions from KPS 1983-1984 led to the refoundation of NKF. In 1987 NKF started publishing Röd Gryning (Red Dawn). Gradually NKF diverted from the pro-Albanian line and embraced Trotskyism. In 1989 NKF changed its name to Marxist-Leninistiska Förbundet (Marxist-Leninist League).

Kumar became the general secretary of the RCPI (Pannanlal Dasgupta group) at the All India Conference held in Howrah in 1960.Alexander, Robert J.. Trotskyism in India He held the post until his death. As of 1963 he was listed as the editor of the monthly Marxism Today.

André Essel (4 September 1918 in Toulouse, Haute-Garonne – 31 March 2005 in Paris) was the co-founder of Fnac, originally Fédération nationale d’achats des cadres, or National Purchasing Federation for Middle Managers, alongside Max Théret. He was also an anti-fascist activist and a believer in Trotskyism.

Ulrich Rippert (born 1951) is a German politician of Trotskyism and journalist. He is party leader of the German party Sozialistische Gleichheitspartei (SGP). This party is a member of the International Committee of the Fourth International. Rippert is a member of the World Socialist Web Site International Editorial Board.

"Dean Heads Bolt at Labor College." New York Times. March 8, 1933. Many Brookwood faculty feared that Muste's evolving political views were heading toward Trotskyism (a theory of Marxism advocated by Leon Trotsky), and that he would drag the CPLA and Brookwood into the communist political camp with him.

Workers' Party is a name used by several political parties throughout the world. The name has been used by both organisations on the left and right of the political spectrum. It is currently used by followers of Marxism, Marxism- Leninism, Maoism, social democracy, democratic socialism, socialism and Trotskyism.

In 1949 the Workers Socialist Party of Bolivia went out of existence. The principal reason for this was the fact that Tristán Marof accepted the post of private secretary to President Enrique Hertzog Garaizabal, a representative of the traditional ruling oligarchy. Robert Jackson Alexander. Trotskyism in Latin America.

Headquarters in Waseda-tsurumaki-cho, Shinjuku-ku, Tokyo The Japan Revolutionary Communist League (Revolutionary Marxist Faction) (Japanese: 日本革命的共産主義者同盟革命的マルクス主義派 Nihon Kakumeiteki Kyōsansugisha Dōmei, Kakumeiteki Marukusu Shugiha) is a Japanese Trotskyism revolutionary group, often referred to as Kakumaru-ha. It is classified as a Far Left organization. The group's origins lie in its split from the Japanese Communist Party following the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The dissenting factions attended a congress of the Japanese New Left in 1957 and agreed to unite as the Japan Revolutionary Communist League.Robert Jackson Alexander, "International Trotskyism, 1929–1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement", pp.

Shalva Okudzhava was arrested in February 1937 during the Great Purge, accused of Trotskyism and wrecking. He was shot on 4 August, along with his two brothers. His wife was arrested in 1939 "for anti-Soviet deeds" and sent to the Gulag. Bulat returned to Tbilisi to live with his relatives.

For information about the British Marxist newspaper named Socialist Challenge see International Marxist Group. Socialist Challenge was a Trotskyist group in English Canada formed by former members of the Revolutionary Workers League/Ligue Ouvrière Révolutionnaire who were expelled or resigned when the RWL moved away from Trotskyism in the early 1980s.

Back in Mexico, that August he spoke at Leon Trotsky's funeral.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 pp.710-1 Munis spent the remainder of the war years in Mexico, where he reestablished a section of the Fourth International among Spanish exiles.

Solomon Bronevoy worked at the Institute of National Economy until dismissal on charges of Trotskyism. In 1928 before the birth of his son Solomon Iosifovich got a job in Kiev District economic department of the Prosecutor General's Office. His elder brother, Alexander Iosifovich Bronevoy, helped him with getting that job.

Article caused persecution of Richtmann and Krleža, who took him in protection. After that, Richtmann was proclaimed as revisionist and Trotskyist, and was systematically attacked. In 1939, Josip Broz Tito attacked Richtmann in the magazin "Proletarian" with the article "Trotskyism and it's helpers". As a leftist he was repeatedly imprisoned.

The party held an All India Party Conference in Howrah in 1960. At the Howrah conference the Trotskyist Revolutionary Workers Party merged into the RCPI.Alexander, Robert J. Trotskyism in India Moreover, Howrah conference elected Sudhindranath Kumar as new general secretary of the party. Kumar had joined the party in 1936.

Bousquet, Gisèle L. Behind the Bamboo Hedge: The Impact of Homeland Politics in the Parisian Vietnamese Community. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991. pp. 34-35Alexander, Robert J. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Durham: Duke University Press, 1991. pp. 961-962Trager, Frank N (ed.).

One of the strongest Trotskyist opponents of the Tristán Marof, Guillermo Lora (leader of the POR), admitted that the PSOB "was in its time a party with a large membership and succeeded in achieving national proportions." Robert Jackson Alexander. Trotskyism in Latin America. Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1973. P.113.

The Revolutionary Communist Party, known as the Revolutionary Communist Tendency until 1981, was a Trotskyist political organisation formed in 1978. After 1991, the party abandoned Trotskyism and publicly took a libertarian humanist position. It was disbanded in 1997, although a number of former members maintain a loose political network to promote its ideas.

The Bolivian Socialist Falange () is a Bolivian political party established in 1937. Despite its leftist-sounding name, it is a far-rightJohn, S (2006) Permanent Revolution on the Altiplano: Bolivian Trotskyism, 1928-2005, p. 445 party drawing inspiration from fascism. It was the country's second-largest party between approximately 1954 and 1974.

In 1933, he was in the Soviet Far East. He arrived in Xinjiang in the summer of 1935. He was married to the sister of local warlord Sheng Shicai. At the instigation of Kang Sheng, Wang had Deng Fa arrest Yu on charges of Trotskyism sometime between December 10 and 27, 1937.

Solidarity is a socialist organization associated with the journal Against the Current. Solidarity is an organizational descendant of International Socialists, a Trotskyist organization based on the proposition that the Soviet Union was not a "degenerate workers' state" (as in orthodox Trotskyism) but rather "bureaucratic collectivism", a new and especially repressive class society.

This position differed from the majority of the Workers' Press group, and so Banda left that year to form the Communist Forum. The group moved away from orthodox Trotskyism. This was soon renamed the "Marxist Philosophy Forum", but dissolved in 1987.Peter Barberis, et al, Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations, pp.

Unfortunately the memoirs of "true" Trotskyists (as opposed to the ones falsely accused of Trotskyism during Soviet repressions), are close to none, because all these real political opponents were physically eliminated. Fortunately the policy of glasnost had led to the opening of numerous archives, which make it possible to better trace the evolution towards Stalinism. Rogovin writes that the treatise did not consider the debunking of various misconceptions, in order not to unnecessarily disrupt the harmony of the exposition of the second alternative mentioned above: to demonstrate that Stalinism was not the only logical possibility of the evolution of the principles of Bolshevism. With the above purpose in mind, the major focus of the treatise was necessarily Trotskyism and the Left Opposition movement within Bolshevism.

Dimisianu & Elvin, p.93-94 The positive accounts, conservative critic Dan C. Mihăilescu notes, gravitate around the perception that Georgescu discreetly criticized Stalinism from the Left Opposition camp, and was a covert adherent to Trotskyism. Mihăilescu records several currents in interpreting Georgescu's relationship with the regime: "The generation colleagues and communist party comrades remember the writer's unshakable faith in the socio-political ideals of Trotskyism, in parallel with his non-extinguishable idiosyncrasy toward all things on the Right [...]. The literary generations of the '50-'80 years remember the opportunistic-cynical figure of the party kulturnik, the aficionado of literary backstairs, the artisan of cabals compromising the entire realm of old aristocrats, the 'dictator' at Viaţa Românească, the man always in Leonte Răutu's shadow".

Polly does not understand why he needs analysis, and after reading Freud, she decides that she herself needs analysis. Gus eventually leaves Polly and goes back to his wife. Polly's father, who has just gotten divorced from Polly's mother and suffers from bipolar disorder, comes to live with Polly. Her father converts to Trotskyism.

"The Struggle Against Trotskyism and the Right Danger: Declaration by Central Committee of the Workers (Communist) Party of America," Daily Worker, vol. 5, no. 272 (November 16, 1928), pg. 3. Outside of the Communist Party, Cannon, Shachtman, and Abern founded a new political party, the Communist League of America and began publishing The Militant.

British Trotskyism: Theory and Practice. Basil Blackwell. Crick, Michael (2016). Militant. Biteback. The Labour Party banned The Club's journal Socialist Outlook in 1954 and under Healy's leadership The Club would reemerge as an open political party, the Socialist Labour League in 1959, who were associated with the Healy-led International Committee of the Fourth International.

From 1924 to 1948, Hughes edited the Scottish socialist journal Forward.Hughes was acting Editor from 1924 to 1931, and Editor from 1931 to 1948. In the late 1930s, Forward was one of the few British left-wing publications to criticise the Moscow Trials.Robert J. Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929–1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement.

Orthodox Trotskyism embodied their opposition to the International Secretariat of the Fourth International (ISFI), whose policies they described as "Pabloism". The ICFI claimed that it alone defended the principles of the Fourth International while the "Pabloites" subordinated the international workers movement to the bureaucracies or bourgeois leaders.Bill Vann. "Bill Vann replies to a member of the International Socialist Organization".

943 RCL-(I) viewed the Workers World Party as having abandoned Trotskyism to its political detriment.. In the 1974, RCL-(I) organized the New Haven Political Defense Committee (NHPPDC) to defend a group of three Black Liberation Army members who were arrested in New Haven after a bank robbery and the shooting of a security guard.

In 1984 the PST had several delegates present at the sixth congress of Central Obrera Boliviana (COB), including factory workers from La Paz and teachers from Oruro. PST held a party congress in the beginning of 1985, with 380 delegates.Alexander, Robert J. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Durham: Duke University Press, 1991. p.

The PCE makes a declaration in favor of democracy and against revolution and Trotskyism. The delegates sharply attack the government and the CNT. ;March 8: Strong Nationalist attack in the Guadalajara starts at 7 a.m. Italian troops quickly break the front and, by the end of the day, dominate the heights, from which they can "roll" downhill to Madrid.

In the opinion of Robertson's group, Wohlforth conspired with the SWP leadership to get Robertson's group expelled.Harry Turner, Marxism versus Ultraleftism, p. 89 The ICFI unsuccessfully repeated its appeal for a deep discussion with the reunified Fourth International at the end of 1963, and on later occasions.Gerry Healy, Letter of September 27, Trotskyism versus Revisionism, Vol. 4.

Max Théret (6 January 1913, Paris – 25 February 2009) was the co-founder of Fnac, originally Fédération nationale d’achats des cadres, or National Purchasing Federation for Middle Managers, alongside André Essel. He was also a freemasonHistoire de l'extrême gauche trotskiste: De 1929 à nos jours - chapter 40 - Frédéric Charpier - editions 1 - 2002 antifascist activist and a believer in Trotskyism.

Then I knew what I had to do, and so did he. Our > doubts had been resolved. It was as clear as daylight that Marxist truth was > on the side of Trotsky. We had a compact there and then - Spector and I - > that we would come back home and begin a struggle under the banner of > Trotskyism.

Although they would later abandon Trotskyism, in their International Workers Day issue (no. 3) of their new periodical the group proclaimed: "We are THE Trotskyists. We stand 100% with all the principled positions of Leon Trotsky, the most revolutionary communist since Lenin". The nascent group appears to have organized as the Workers World Party by February 1960.

UTHR(J), SOME MILESTONES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF TAMIL POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS accessed 3 November 2005. Santasilan Kadirgamar, Jaffna Youth Radicalism - the 1920s and 30s, ICES accessed 3 November 2005. T. Perera, 'Edmund Samarakkody', Ceylon Daily News, 6 January 1997 accessed 3 November 2005. George Jan Lerski, Origins Of Trotskyism In Ceylon, Chapter I accessed 3 November 2005.

ANTARSYA was founded on 22 March 2009 in Athens by 10 organisations and independent militants involved in the Radical Left Front (MERA) and United Anti-Capitalist Left (ENANTIA) with the exception of the Workers Revolutionary Party (ΕΕΚ). These organisations come from different left wing currents ranging from ex-KKE and KKE Interior members to Maoism and Trotskyism.

Tạ Thu Thâu arrested following 1930 Paris protest against suppression of the VNQDĐ. Tạ Thu Thâu (1906–1945) in the 1930s was the principal representative of Trotskyism in Vietnam and, in colonial Cochinchina, of left opposition to the Indochinese Communist Party (PCI) of Nguyen Ai Quoc (Ho Chi Minh). He was executed by the Viet Minh in September 1945.

Presentes Por el Socialismo (PPS) is a Colombian political party of the left, founded in 1996. Its militants come from different currents including Trotskyism and Marxism-Leninism. It was active part of the foundation of the Social and Political Front (FSP) and Democratic Alternative. As a member of the FSP, it participates in the Alternative Democratic Pole.

Leon Trotsky, Problems of the Chinese Revolution, Pioneer Publishers, New York 1932. When the development of the WP was cut short by the rapid growth of the Socialist Party, George Breitman recalls that Shachtman and Cannon successfully proposed that the U.S. Workers Party, should dissolve, so that its members could recruit to Trotskyism from inside the Socialist Party.

Once Stalin was in power, he turned his former support for Lenin's New Economic Policy into opposition.Alexander, Robert. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985. Durham: Duke University Press, 1991. p. 3 In November, Stalin declared that it "The Year of the Great Breakthrough" and stated that the country would focus on industrial programs as well as on collectivizing the grain supply.

In 1929 he took part in the 8th Congress of the Balkan Communist Federation where he discussed the founding of a Communist Party in Albania, having helped establish the Albanian Communist Group in 1928 in Korçë.Alexander, Robert J. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1991., p. 32.

The Communist Forum was a short-lived political group formed in 1986 by Mike Banda, following his expulsion from the Workers Revolutionary Party (Workers Press). Banda continued to reassess his politics, and in 1986 published "What is Trotskyism? Or Will the Real Trotsky Please Stand Up?", a document arguing that Trotsky and the Trotskyist movement were mistaken.

1 (November 15, 1928), pg. 1. The paper was aimed directly at members of the Communist Party, whom the expelled Trotskyists considered a vanguard organization that would be most interested in their ideas.Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pp. 65-66. Those choosing to remain regular to the Workers (Communist) Party of America saw matters through different eyes.

Robert Alexander, International Trotskyism: A Documented Analysis of the World Movement. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991; pg. 780. The issue was again brought up at the WPUS June National Committee Plenum. Though the party issued a declaration denouncing "false rumors" of factionalism and moves toward merger with the socialists,New Militant Vol. 1 #28 July 6, 1935 p.

The RSL originated in the Revolutionary Tendency within the International Socialists (U.S.) (IS) led by Sy Landy and Ron Tabor. They had three principal differences with the IS: they believed that the IS had abandoned strict adherence to Trotskyism; they felt that the emphasis on the day-to-day work within the trade unions diminished propagating the revolutionary objectives outlined in the Fourth International's transitional program; and they felt that the USSR and the other Communist states were state capitalist, rather than bureaucratic collectivist.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 pp. 903–904 While the RT at first seemed to have the upper hand, with Landy elected national secretary in 1972, by the next year Landy and his faction had been expelled.

A heated debate erupted, lasting four or five hours, at the end of which time Cannon managed to win another two weeks by hinting that he might end his uphill fight on behalf of Trotsky, who was by this juncture thoroughly marginalized in Russian politics. Ultimately, however, the Foster group was forced to blow the whistle that Cannon, Shachtman, and Abern were attempting to convert party members to Trotskyism, lest they too be tainted as silent accomplices if the Lovestone faction should discover the heresy on their own.Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 54. The Cannon group was expelled from the joint caucus with the Fosterites and charges were preferred against Cannon, Shachtman, and Abern before a joint session of the Political Committee and the disciplinary Central Control Committee.

Martin Upham, The History of British Trotskyism to 1949 (PhD thesis publische online on the Revolutionary History Website). A group of leaders of the French Internationalist Communist Party (PCI) around Yvan Craipeau argued a similar position until they were expelled from the PCI in 1948.Peter Schwarz, "The politics of opportunism: the 'radical left' in France", World Socialist Web Site.

Twentieth Century Fox hired her to write publicity for its movie based on her father's The Call of the Wild, and invited her to the set. Most of her friends were of the Hungarian refugee group that were becoming key directors, designers and actors.Stasz, p. 282 Returning to the San Francisco Bay area, Joan met a fellow committed to Trotskyism, Barney Mayes.

While initial purges targeted those linked (or accused of links) to Trotskyism, Gusman's arrest came alongside later, wider purges. Gusman's wife was arrested as well. Gusman himself died on May 3, 1944 in Vozhael, a punitive forced labor camp. Gusman's son Israel survived the purges, and would go on to head the Gorky Philharmonic Symphony Orchestra from 1957 until 1987.

These discussions failed."Footnote for Historians" by Max Shachtman in New International, Vol.4 No.12, December 1938, pp.377-379, Later that year, in the lead-up to the founding of the Socialist Workers Party, and while Salemme and Joerger were still with the Trotskyists around James Cannon, a debate arose in American Trotskyism on the nature of the Soviet Union.

Nabokov's family had supported the White Army and he was disdainful of what he saw. After that, Tarasov-Rodionov fell out of favor with the communist party and was under suspicion. On 27 April 1938, he was arrested on charges of espionage and Trotskyism. He was sentenced to death the same day and, five months later, was executed at the Kommunarka shooting ground.

Proletarian Liberation Party (in Portuguese: Partido da Libertação Proletária) was a political party in Brazil. It was formed in 1989 by the Coletivos Gregório Bezerra, a dissident group of the Brazilian Communist Party. The founders of PLP opposed the support by PCB and other left formations for the candidacy of Lula da Silva in the presidential elections. PLP oriented itself towards Trotskyism.

After being expelled from the Communist Party, Pearce turned to Trotskyism as a member of the Socialist Labour League, a membership he retained for many years. Pearce became a professional translator to make ends meet. He was skilled at his craft, combining accuracy with a highly readable style, and was a three-time winner of the Scott Moncrieff Prize for his work.

128 In addition, the Communist Party of Lithuania, which had been outlawed and persecuted in independent Lithuania, was small, weak, and not yet ready for the job of running a government. Moscow also considered it unreliable due to suspected influence of Trotskyism among its ranks.Senn (2007), p. 137 For Prime Minister, Dekanozov selected a known leftist journalist and fellow traveler Justas Paleckis.

The Futian incident () is the common title for the December 1930 purge of a battalion of the Jiangxi-Fujian Soviet's "Red Army" at Futian (now in the Ji'an's Qingyuan District). The Futian battalion's leaders had mutinied against Mao Zedong's purge of the Jiangxi Action Committee, ordered on the pretext of its alleged connection to the Anti-Bolshevik League and ties to Trotskyism.

As part of this Pollitt returned to the leadership. The situation within British Trotskyism was more complex. There were two competing groups; the Revolutionary Socialist League (official representatives of the Fourth International, formed from a merger of various groups derived from the Communist League) and the Workers' International League. Trotskyists debated about whether the Soviet Union, despite Stalin, was worth defending.

International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Duke University Press, 1991, p. 936. The party's Seattle branch, with support from individuals in other cities, split off from the SWP over what it described as the SWP's entrenched opportunism and undemocratic methods. The party has branches in the United States, as well as Australia, Canada, England, Germany and New Zealand.

The Workers World Party (WWP) was formed in 1958 by fewer than one hundred people who left the Socialist Workers Party after the SWP supported socialists in New York State elections. Their publication is Workers World. The party's position has developed from Trotskyism to independent Marxism–Leninism, supporting all Marxist states. They have been active in organizing protests against far right groups.

Bukharin, Nikolai (1920). The ABC of Communism. Section 20. and the state.Bukharin, Nikolai (1920). The ABC of Communism. Section 21. Self-identified communists hold a variety of views, including libertarian communism (anarcho-communism and council communism), Marxist communism (left communism, Leninism, libertarian Marxism, Maoism, Marxism–Leninism and Trotskyism) and pre- or non-Marxist, religious communism (Christian communism, Islamic communism and Jewish communism).

Within the UAW they organized a "Revolutionary Action Caucus". Outside of organized labor they participated in anti-apartheid and anti-racist movements and developed a prisoner support network.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p. 905 The RSL was one of the left groups most active in the pre-AIDS gay movement.

Max Shachtman, "Radicalism in the Thirties: The Trotskyist View," in Rita James Simon (ed.), As We Saw the Thirties. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1967; pg. 22. Quoted in LeBlanc, "Trotskyism in the United States," pg. 15. While the CLA did manage to attract some disaffected members of the regular CPUSA, most newcomers to the organization were previously unaffiliated young radicals.

In this letter he criticized a new ruling and bureaucratic class. He suggested replacing the existing system with workers' democracy, including organizing a referendum according to which major decisions concerning a distribution of national income would be made. The immediate aim was to have a consent of all workers to make decisions on economic plans. Kuroń's critique was closely related to the ideas of Marxism and Trotskyism.

Anthropologist David Graeber has noted that while the major Marxist schools of thought always have founders (e.g. Leninism, Trotskyism and Maoism), schools of anarchism "almost invariably emerge from some kind of organizational principle or form of practice", citing anarcho-syndicalism, individualist anarchism and platformism as examples.David Graeber and Andrej Grubacic, "Anarchism, Or The Revolutionary Movement Of The Twenty-first Century", ZNet. Retrieved 13 December 2007.

He was demoted from the directorship of the NKVD in favor of Nikolai Yezhov in 1936 and arrested in 1937. Charged with the crimes of wrecking, espionage, Trotskyism and conspiracy, Yagoda was a defendant at the Trial of the Twenty-One, the last of the major Soviet show trials of the 1930s. Following his confession at the trial, Yagoda was found guilty and shot.

In 1941, the Communist League was banned by the Australian government because of its anti-war stance. In 1942, Origlass started publishing a newspaper called The Socialist to propagandise for Trotskyism. The struggle in the union culminated in 1945 when the leadership removed Origlass from his position as a shop steward. The Balmain waterfront responded by going on strike against the union, and Origlass was re-instated.

Franks and Michael Tippett were involved in an intense love affair during the 1930s, and Tippett dedicated his String Quartet no.1 to Franks. Franks was an important influence on Tippett both personally and creatively, their shared love of poetry, politics and traditional folk music influenced Tippett's music at this time. Wilf Franks was an anti-fascist, Marxist political activist who supported Trotskyism and the Fourth International.

Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991, p.902 Meanwhile, the group lost some of its original members. Hal Draper left the organization in 1971. He claimed that the IS was embracing dual unionism, and felt that the IS was becoming a "micro-sect" and it was best to participate in personal, rather than organized political activity.

In the 1981 elections it offered the French Communist Party leader Georges Marchais "savagely critical support" if he ran against François Mitterrand. They later condemned him for keeping the PFC in the Union of the Left.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.403 In 1980 the LTF launched a periodical, Le Bolchévik edited by William Cazenove.

A Knight of the Woeful Countenance, the World of George Orwell, p.166. "Ten years ago it was almost impossible to get anything printed in favour of Communism; today it is almost impossible to get anything printed in favour of Anarchism or 'Trotskyism'," Orwell wrote bitterly in 1938.Bowker, p. 230. Yet Orwell "had felt what socialism could be like"The World of George Orwell, p.

International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Duke University Press, 1991, p438 He joined the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1931, but was expelled the following year. He was one of the founders in 1932 of the Communist League, and remained active in International Left Opposition groups until he was drafted into the army in 1943. He was an adult education tutor.

Trotskyism is the theory of Marxism as advocated by Leon Trotsky. Trotsky considered himself a Bolshevik–Leninist, arguing for the establishment of a vanguard party. He considered himself an advocate of orthodox Marxism. His politics differed greatly from those of Stalin or Mao, most importantly in declaring the need for an international "permanent revolution" and arguing that democracy is essential to both socialism and communism.

Following the Second World War, Trotskyism was wracked by increasing internal divisions over analysis and strategy. This was combined with an industrial impotence that was widely recognised. Additionally, the success of Soviet- aligned parties in Europe and Asia led to the persecution of Trotskyite intellectuals such as the infamous purge of Vietnamese Trotskyists. The war had also strained social democratic parties in the West.

In 1954, Mestre walked out of the Fourth Congress of the Fourth International, along with Corvin and a small group of supporters. They soon joined the French Communist Party (PCF), where they formed a "Revolutionary Tendency". Within the PCF, she renounced Trotskyism and helped uncover some Trotskyist entrists. After the Sino-Soviet Split, Mestre and Corvin were the first to distribute Maoist literature in France.

In 1927 Bohdan left to the Soviet Union. His family joined him soon after that, having left Poland on false documents. In the Soviet Union he worked under the name Egon Bogdanowicz Sztern, at first in chemical plant in Dzerzhinsk and since 1933 as a head of chemical laboratory in Horlivka. He was arrested in 1934, in the time of Great Purge, and was accused of trotskyism.

Dave Stocking is one of the original members of Workers' Power, a group that was formed after the Left Faction, was expelled from the International Socialists (now the Socialist Workers Party) for refusing to dissolve their faction in 1974.Martin Thomas and Jim Denham "Workers' Power, a tale of kitsch Trotskyism. Documents 1973-93". He is a leader of the international organisation, League for the Fifth International.

Hélène Rytmann was a French revolutionary, sociologist, and the wife of Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser. She was active as a Communist militant in the French resistance during the second world war. A member of the French Communist Party, she was expelled after accusations of Trotskyism and having participated in summary executions of accused former National Socialist collaborators. In 1980, Althusser murdered Rytmann by strangulation.

During a demonstration against pension reform in October 2010 in Paris. The party's stated aim is to "build a new socialist, democratic perspective for the twenty-first century". Olivier Besancenot has said that the party will be "the left that fights anticapitalist, internationalist, antiracist, ecologist, feminist struggles, opposing all forms of discrimination". The LCR's distinctive identification with Trotskyism will not be continued by the NPA.

In 1922 he was appointed editor in chief of the communist sheet "The red union". In 1923 he was forced to emigrate to France following the fascist intimidation he suffered in those years. He found refuge in Paris, where he continued in the anti-regime propaganda activity. In contrast to the French communists, due to its position close to Trotskyism, it returned to Italy, to its hometown.

Robert Jackson Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929-1985, pp.523-524 In 1960, the party decided to undertake mass entrism in the Revolutionary Communist Party of India (Kumar). They became a majority of the organisation, but it did not adopt distinctively Trotskyist positions. During the Sino-Indian War of 1962, the party gave its support to the Indian Army, leading most of the RWP members to resign.

Socialist Alternative Future (, SAB) is a Trotskyist political party in the Czech Republic, founded in 1990 by students active in the events of the Velvet Revolution. It affiliated to the International Socialist Alternative in 1994.Trotskyism in the Czech Republic with Emphasis on Development since 2000, Charles University in Prague thesis repository.Štorkánová, Lucie (2014), Trockismus v České republice s důrazem na vývoj po roce 2000.

Yannis Tamtakos () (1908 – January 4, 2008) was a Greek political activist, initially of Trotskyism and in his later life, of Anarchism. Due to his political activity, he was chased by the Axis forces, Greek state and National Liberation Front (Greece). For quite a few years before his death, he was the oldest survivor among the active participants of the great strike of 1936, in Thessaloniki.

This is one of the very few contemporary accounts of Russian conditions written by an outside visitor fluent in Russian. In 1932 Harber joined the Communist League, the successor of the Balham Group - an opposition group in the CPGB - and one of the firstAlexander, Robert Jackson.International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Duke University Press, 1991, p438Barberis, Peter; McHugh, John; Tyldesley, Mike.

In 1927, Palmiro Togliatti was elected secretary in place of Gramsci. In 1930, Bordiga was expelled from the Comintern and accused of Trotskyism. In 1943, Joseph Stalin dissolved the Communist International and on 15 May the exiled members of the PCd’I in Moscow changed the party's name to the PCI. Under this name, it reorganised in Italy and became a parliamentary party after the fall of Fascism.

Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 71. Other meetings were disrupted in Los Angeles and Salt Lake City.Myers, The Prophet's Army, pg. 36. In response to the physical tactics of the regular Communist Party Trotskyists formed a "Workers Defense Guard" equipped with clubs and wooden axe handles and maintained security at subsequent public meetings in Minneapolis (a hotbed of the organization) and New York.

He immigrated to Toronto in 1912, where he became involved with the local left.Louise Jordan, "In Memory of Our Fighting Leader," Labor Challenge, 1941. MacDonald supported the expulsion of Maurice Spector for Trotskyism in 1928. Subsequently, he tried to play a balancing role between the Tim Buck's Stalinist faction and the party majority headed by Finnish, Ukrainian and Jewish groups of which J.B. Salsberg was a notable figure.

53 (Yearbook on International Communist Affairs series) Quiroga Santa Cruz had developed contacts with Trotskyists during his exile in Argentina, and invited Trotskyists to join his party. The PST was established, and legally recognized, as the Workers' Socialist Organization (Organización Socialista de los Trabajadores, OST) in 1980. The organization published El Chasqui (later renamed Chasqui Socialista).Alexander, Robert J. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement.

Its 1966 conference called for a Fourth International Conference.Resolution in Trotskyism versus Revisionism, Vol. 5 The ICFI approached the secretariat again in 1970, requesting "a mutual discussion that might open the way to the Socialist Labour League and its French sister organisation, the Organisation Communiste Internationaliste, reunifying with the Fourth International".Bob Pitt, Gerry HealyRise and Fall, June 2002, on the What Next? website. Similar approaches were rejected in 1973.

32, 1977 The period from 1969 to 1976 was the stormiest because of a faction struggle over the centrality of guerrilla warfare in Latin America and elsewhere. The 1969 congress had adopted a sympathetic approach to the tactics of guerrilla warfare; only one of the International's leaders opposed this approach at that time, Peng Shuzi.Peng Shuzi, "Return To The Road Of Trotskyism", International Information Bulletin, No. 5, March 1969.

Harry Grenfell Archibald (September 21, 1910 - September 1965) was a Canadian politician, foreman and seaman. He was born in Wynot, Saskatchewan. He was elected to the House of Commons of Canada in 1945 as a member of the Co- operative Commonwealth Federation for the riding of Skeena. A sympathiser of Trotskyism, Archibald was a covert member of the Revolutionary Workers' Party during part of his term in Parliament.

From 1925, he was to married Lyubov Erlich, a fellow revolutionary and participant of the Russian Civil War in Dagestan. She was arrested together with her husband and sentenced to eight years in labour camps allegedly for supporting Trotskyism. Their son Harun was arrested in 1938, but acquitted soon afterward. He fought in the Great Patriotic War as a volunteer and died in the Battle of Moscow in 1941.

On 8 December, Trotsky published an open letter, in which he expounded on the recently adopted resolution's ideas. The troika used his letter as an excuse to launch a campaign against Trotsky, accusing him of factionalism, setting "the youth against the fundamental generation of old revolutionary Bolsheviks"Quoted in Max Shachtman. The Struggle for the New Course, New York, New International Publishing Co., 1943. The Campaign Against "Trotskyism" and other sins.

History of American Trotskyism, 1928–38: Report of a Participant is a biographical book written by the Communist James P. Cannon, founder and leader of the Socialist Workers Party. The book is based on twelve speeches given by Cannon in 1942 explaining about his expulsion from the Communist Party USA as a Trotskyist in 1928 and the efforts to build a new, non-Stalinist communist movement in the United States.

Subsequently the tendency grew with cadres in Detroit, Philadelphia and New Haven, Connecticut. The RT initially controlled the National Committee of the YSA, but the SWP leadership was able to out them.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 pp.865-866 On November 1, 1963 the Political Committee adopted a resolution suspending James Robertson, Shane Mage, Larry Ireland, and Lynne Harper.

A small remnant of the SLP was reorganised by Leonard Cotton and survived for many years. Although the party seems to have been moribund by the 1960s it was revived by younger people and only finally dissolved in 1980. One splinter group in Edinburgh, the British Section of the International Socialist Labour Party, turned towards Trotskyism and became the Revolutionary Socialist Party, fusing with the Revolutionary Socialist League in 1938.

He was expelled from the party for belonging to the "Trotskyite-Zinovievite" bloc but was reinstated in 1928 after he renounced Trotskyism, and became Deputy head of Heavy Industries. He was appointed Chairman of the Board of the Soviet State Bank in 1929 and held the position for a year. In 1936, he was again accused of anti-party and anti-Soviet activity and expelled from the party.

In 1948, they experienced their "final disenchantment with Trotskyism",, p. 133 leading them to break away to form Socialisme ou Barbarie, whose journal began appearing in March 1949. Castoriadis later said of this period that "the main audience of the group and of the journal was formed by groups of the old, radical left: Bordigists, council communists, some anarchists and some offspring of the German "left" of the 1920s"., p.

He took his brother, Ross Dowson, to some Trotskyist meetings, after which Ross also decided to join. Several other members of the Dowson family were also recruited to Trotskyism. The group was banned at the start of World War II, and many of its established leaders left politics. With his brother, Murray maintained an underground newspaper, and this gave them the impetus to found the Revolutionary Workers Party (RWP).

Several small groups split from the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) following the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. They attended a congress in 1957 and agreed to unite as the JRCL. Although Japan had no history of Trotskyist organisations, they affiliated with the International Secretariat of the Fourth International, while also making contact with the U.S. Socialist Workers Party.Robert Jackson Alexander, "International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: a documented analysis of the movement", pp.

This radical approach led to a fracturing of the JCP leadership, attacks from social democrats, and more repression from the government. Overseas aid from Comintern not being forthcoming (the JCP was suspected of being infected with Trotskyism by its Soviet counterparts), the Japanese communist movement virtually ceased to exist after 1935 with the arrest of its leadership and dissolution of supporting organizations. It would not be reestablished until after the war.

Tomb of Karl Marx at Highgate Cemetery, London. Many far-left groups derive from his ideas. Far-left politics in the United Kingdom have existed since at least the late 19th century, with the formation of various organisations following ideologies such as Marxism, revolutionary socialism, communism, anarchism and syndicalism. Following the 1917 Russian Revolution and developments in international Marxism, new organisations advocated ideologies such as Marxist–Leninism, Left Communism and Trotskyism.

Online Archive of New International, in the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line. During this time, he wrote a notable booklet on the Moscow TrialsMax Shachtman, Behind the Moscow Trial, Pioneer Publishers, New York 1936. and translated Leon Trotsky's The Stalin School of Falsification (in 1937)Leon Trotsky, The Stalin School of Falsification, Pioneer Publishers, New York 1937. and his Problems of the Chinese Revolution (originally published in 1932).

After college, Schwartz became a member of the Sailors' Union of the Pacific. With others, he founded a small semi-Trotskyist group FOCUS.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p. 943 In 1985, the S.U.P. commissioned Schwartz to write Brotherhood of the Sea: A History of the Sailors' Union of the Pacific as part of its of 100th anniversary commemoration.

In March 1932, Ion Vinea hosted in Facla Zissu's critique of Stalinism (and positive assessment of Trotskyism), with a caveat that noted its noncompliance with the editorial line. In May, the same newspaper hosted a rebuttal of Zissu's stance. Sanda Cordoș, "În câte revoluții a crezut Ion Vinea?", in Apostrof, Nr. 11/2012 In November 1933, Zissu debated with the increasingly radical Nae Ionescu about the "Jewish Question" in Romania.

Myers, The Prophets Army, pp. 51-52. Many of those coming from the Communist Party were often difficult for the centralized organization to manage, retrospectively regarded by Cannon as "dilettantish petty-bourgeois minded people who couldn't stand any kind of discipline" who "wanted, or rather thought they wanted to become Trotskyists."Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 93. Cannon later recalled: > Many of the newcomers made a fetish of democracy.

The Russian Revolution of October 1917 brought about the definitive ideological division between Communists as denoted with a capital "C" on the one hand and other communist and socialist trends such as anarcho-communists and social democrats, on the other. The Left Opposition in the Soviet Union gave rise to Trotskyism which was to remain isolated and insignificant for another fifty years, except in Sri Lanka where Trotskyism gained the majority and the pro-Moscow wing was expelled from the Communist Party. In 1922, 4th World Congress of the Communist International took up the policy of the United Front, urging Communists to work with rank and file Social Democrats while remaining critical of their leaders, who they criticised for "betraying" the working class by supporting the war efforts of their respective capitalist classes. For their part, the social democrats pointed to the dislocation caused by revolution and later the growing authoritarianism of the Communist Parties.

Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.553 By the 1985 conference of the iSt an "external tendency" had split from the iSt. This group had adherents in the US, Canada and Germany.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.554 Initially based in the San Francisco Bay area and Toronto the ET was to define itself as a public faction of the SL and sought to be readmitted to the ranks of the parent organization. Said efforts were rebuffed by the SL who have since waged a polemical war with the ET and its successor groups the BT and IBT. The iSt changed its name to the International Communist League (Fourth Internationalist) in 1989 and adopted a new Declaration of Principles and Some Elements of Program International Communist League (Fourth Internationalist) in February 1998.

Many of the positions of the MPW were adopted by the PSB at the Verviers Congress in 1967. Renard's political ideas attracted an following within the FGTB and the Walloon Movement and outlived his own death. A staunch popularist, inspired by Trotskyism and Anarcho-Syndicalism, Renard aimed to use industrial action to achieve structural reform which would provide greater autonomy to Wallonia and improve the situation of the working class. He strongly advocated federalism.

Some members were not happy with this however. After the first conference they founded with International Proletarian Opposition within the LTI and in April 1980 left to form the Grupo Operaio Rivoluzionario por la rinascita della Quarta Internazionale.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.597 By the early 1980s the LTI was centered in Milan where they published their monthly periodical Spartaco.

In the early 1930s, Trotsky and his supporters believed that Stalin's influence over the Third International could still be fought from within and slowly rolled back. They organised themselves into the International Left Opposition in 1930, which was intended to be a group of anti-Stalinist dissenters within the Third International. Stalin's supporters, who dominated the International, would no longer tolerate dissent. All Trotskyists, and those suspected of being influenced by Trotskyism, were expelled.

The Stalinist occupation of Eastern Europe was the issue of prime concern, and it raised many problems of interpretation. At first, the International held that, while the USSR was a degenerated workers' state, the post-World War II East European states were still bourgeois entities, because revolution from above was not possible, and capitalism persisted.Alex Callinicos, Trotskyism, Maidenhead 1990. Another issue that needed to be dealt with was the possibility that the economy would revive.

This autobiographical work was to be in two parts. The first part, which appeared during Spinelli's life-time under the title Io Ulisse (1984), covers the life of the author until the Liberation (1943). Spinelli's writing on the second part (La goccia e la roccia) was interrupted by his death in 1986. In 1937 he was expelled from the Italian Communist Party, as opposing Stalinism, under accusation of undermining the Bolshevik ideology and supporting Trotskyism.

Along with the remainder of the ICFI, they argued that Cuba's revolution did not prove that the Fourth International was no longer necessary in the colonial countries. However, differences inside the Revolutionary Tendency developed."Call for the reorganization of the minority tendency in the SWP", Trotskyism versus Revisionism, Vol. 4 In 1964, with Wohlforth laying the evidentiary basis for claims of "party disloyalty" against Robertson, the tendency was expelled from the party.

Jack Barnes, letter in Trotskyism versus Revisionism, Vol. 5. A further departure was registered in 1964 when the only mass organisation within the International, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party of Ceylon, was expelled after entering a coalition government in that country. The ISFI had sharply criticised the LSSP's parliamentary tactics in 1960, and the LSSP had been absent from the 1961 congress, but was represented at the 1963 congress by Edmund Samarakkody.

In May 1982 the Fourth International opened the discussion for the Twelfth World Congress. The period before the Twelfth World Congress coincided with a deep crisis in the SWP (US). The SWP's leaders started to register a number of disagreements with the International, and withdrew from the day-to-day leadership of the International. In 1982 the Political Bureau of the SWP decided against the theory of Permanent Revolution, a key element of Trotskyism.

The Revolutionary Marxist League was a small Communist sect that existed from 1938 to 1939 or 1940 in New York City. It was led by Meldon Joerger and Attilio Salemme. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: a documented analysis of the movement By Robert Jackson Alexander p.833 In mid-1937 the Joerger and Salemme group held initial discussions on fusing with the Marxist Policy Committee (which itself later joined the Revolutionary Workers League).

Beyond the show trials lay a broader purge, the Great Purge, that killed millions. Browder uncritically supported Stalin, likening Trotskyism to "cholera germs" and calling the purge "a signal service to the cause of progressive humanity". He compared the show trial defendants to domestic traitors Benedict Arnold, Aaron Burr, disloyal War of 1812 Federalists and Confederate secessionists while likening persons who "smeared" Stalin's name to those who had slandered Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt.

There he taught English at Saint John's University, Shanghai to spy on a Trotskyite whose arguments in fact began to convince him. Crook proceeded to Chengdu and was there when it was bombed by the Japanese. While there he met his future wife, Isabel Brown, daughter of Canadian missionaries."Spain to China – Agent to Educator (1938–41)," Crook, Hampstead Heath to Tiananamen Hitler's invasion of Russia in June 1941 ended this fling with Trotskyism.

He was elected to the United Secretariat of the Fourth International in 1963 and served as an editor of Intercontinental Press. When the PCI was dissolved into the new Communist League in 1968, he was a part of the leadership and continued in it until his death. He was the author of a history of Trotskyism entitled The Long March of the Trotskyists and Histoire de l'Internationale communiste (1919–1943), ed. La Breche, 1979.

In 1936, Broué supported a French general strike as well as the Spanish Republic. By 1940, with Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia in a non-aggression pact, he helped organize a Communist party cell at the Lycée Henri IV in Paris. The French Communist Party expelled these organizers; they said Broué suffered from Trotskyism. The accusation piqued his interest, and he began reading about Trotsky from the private library of teacher Élie Reynier.

He was active in the Internationalist Communist Party and then the Internationalist Communist Organisation before expelled in 1989. He became a secondary school teacher, until 1965 when he became lecturer in history at the University of Grenoble and then professor. In 1977, he set up the Trotsky Institute, to publish in French all of Trotsky's writings (so far, 27 volumes). He also founded and edited the Cahiers Léon Trotsky, devoted to the history of Trotskyism.

In 1928-9, Carlson joined the Communist League of America (CLA), headed by James P. Cannon, Max Shachtman, and Martin Abern. CLA members had been expelled from the Communist Party USA for Trotskyism as "Cannonites." He was one of the CLA "Musteites," other being Louis F. Budenz, Arnold Johnson, J.B.S. Hardman, and Benjamin Mandel. By late 1931, Carlson was out and seeking readmission to the CLA: he would not gain re-admittance.

Alberto Casanueva, "Rumania: los consejos populares", in Solidaridad Obrera, August 20, 1949, p. 1 There are also indications that Voitec was made malleable by his political dossier. Memoirist Adrian Dimitriu notes that Titel Petrescu once tried to defend Voitec's contribution to Nazi propaganda as authorized by the PSDR, because it could spare him from being called under arms; however, both this episode and his earlier Trotskyism exposed Voitec to permanent communist blackmail.

In 1933, he was Trotsky's personal secretary. In 1936, Craipeau became a leading member of the new Internationalist Workers Party (POI). The following year, in reaction to Trotsky's The Revolution Betrayed, he began a re-analysis of the nature of the Soviet Union. He concluded that it could not be defended, as Trotsky held, as a degenerated workers' state but that it was a bureaucratic collectivist system, an idea that he introduced to Trotskyism.

The group began to publish a periodical, The Alarm based in San Francisco.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.943 FOCUS was expelled from FOR in 1981, after it defended the Spanish section which had also been purged by Munis. Thereafter, FOCUS focused on the weakness of the original FOR analysis, agreeing that the mainstream trade unions were a break on the proletarian revolution.

The New York Intellectuals were a group of American writers and literary critics based in New York City in the mid-20th century. Mostly Jews, they advocated left-wing politics but were also firmly anti-Stalinist. The group is known for having sought to integrate literary theory with Marxism and socialism while rejecting Soviet socialism as a workable or acceptable political model. Trotskyism emerged as the most common standpoint among these anti-Stalinist Marxists.

Alexander Theodore Callinicos (born 24 July 1950) is a Zimbabwean-born British political theorist and activist. In an academic capacity, he serves as Professor of European Studies at King's College London. An adherent of Trotskyism, he is a member of the Central Committee of the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and serves as its International Secretary. He is also editor of International Socialism, the SWP's theoretical journal, and has published a number of books.

After the 1971 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election the Revolutionary Communist Party of India (Das) merged into RCPI (Tagore).Alexander, Robert J. Trotskyism in India Tagore died in 1974. After the death of Tagore, RCPI (Tagore) was split, with Das leading one of the factions and Bibhuti Bhushan Nandi the other. As of the early 1980s RCPI (Das) opposed the Left Front whilst RCPI (Nandi) supported the Left Front government from outside.

The Communist Party members and the remaining Trotskyists around Ta Thu Thau divided in their response to the new Popular Front government in France, which had the support of the French Communist Party and the blessing of Moscow.Alexander, Robert J. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Durham: Duke University Press, 1991. p. 964 Ta Thu Thau argued that the leftward shift in the French national Assembly had brought little.

3 The RWL originally thought of itself as an "opposition" within the official Trotskyist movement, in the same manner as Trotskyism originally conceived of itself as the "Left Opposition" within the Comintern. They focused, in their early years, to recruiting within the Trotskyist ranks, and may have created the "Marxist Policy Committee" within the Trotskyists' Socialist Appeal Association for that purpose.Max Shachtman, "Footnote for Historians," New International, Vol. 4, No. 12, December 1938.

In the introduction to the first volume of the Was There An Alternative? series, Rogovin explains his position and the purpose of this work as follows.Note This section, unless otherwise referenced, is a summary of the introduction to the first volume of the series, Was There an Alternative? - Trotskyism: A Look Through the Years In the history of the Soviet Union a crucial question was to find out the reason for the emergence of the phenomenon of Stalinism.

The official explanation for the split was that the OCI believed that orthodox Trotskyism should be based on Trosky's Transitional Programme while the SLL held that as the Transitional Programme was merely the outcome of Trotsky's application of Marxist dialectics, it was possible and even necessary to revise Trotsky's programme as the objective situation changed.Bob Pitt. "The Rise and Fall of Gerry Healy". A French section returned to the ICFI in 2016 as the Socialist Equality Party (France) (PES).

The Lega trotskista d'Italia of Trotskyist League of Italy is an Italian Trotskyist group. It is the Italian section of the International Communist League (Fourth Internationalist), or "Spartacist" tendency within international Trotskyism. The Italian Spartacists came from two different organizational splits. One was formed in 1975 from dissidents of the Revolutionary Marxist Fraction led by Roberto Massari who announced the creation of a Spartacist Nucleus at the July 1975 European encampment of the international Spartacist tendency.

Directly after the war he joined the Young Communists. However, two years later, in 1946 he was expelled for Hitlero-Trotskyism. He was active in the Fourth International before 1950, and then in the "Socialism or Barbarism" libertarian socialist group with Claude Lefort and Cornelius Castoriadis, mobilising the Youth Hostel Movement in opposition to the Algerian War after 1955. Between 1991 and 1999 he was the president of the militantly anti- National Front group, Ras l'front.

Some Left Communists such as Paul Mattick claim that the October Revolution was totalitarian from the start and therefore Trotskyism has no real differences from Stalinism either in practice or theory.Mattick, Paul (1947). "Bolshevism and Stalinism". In the United States, Dwight Macdonald broke with Trotsky and left the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party by raising the question of the Kronstadt rebellion, which Trotsky as leader of the Soviet Red Army and the other Bolsheviks had brutally repressed.

Leon Trotsky Trotskyism is the political ideology and branch of Marxism developed by Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky. Trotsky self-identified as an orthodox Marxist and Bolshevik–Leninist. He supported founding a vanguard party of the proletariat, proletarian internationalism and a dictatorship of the proletariat based on working class self-emancipation and mass democracy. Trotskyists are critical of Stalinism as they oppose Joseph Stalin's theory of socialism in one country in favor of Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution.

The resolution passed by the Central Committee on January 18 demanded that Trotsky demonstrate "submission to party discipline, not only in words but also in deeds," to issue an unconditional renunciation of his criticisms, and threatened his removal from Communist Party leadership in the event he made "new attempts to violate, or failed to carry out" party decisions. A campaign to "enlighten" the party and the non-party population about the purported anti-Bolshevik nature of Trotskyism was announced.

The CPGB-ML opposes Trotskyism, social democracy, democratic socialism and what they term revisionist (including Khruschevite) parties. In 1995 former CPGB-ML chairman Harpal Brar published a book called Social Democracy: The Enemy Within. At its 8th congress in September 2018, the party adopted a motion opposing "discrimination on grounds of race, sex or sexual proclivity" but condemning "identity politics, including LGBT ideology" as "reactionary and anti-working class", and declaring members promoting identity politics liable to expulsion.

He also chaired the British Committee for the Defence of Leon Trotsky. In 1936, Wicks and several others signed a letter to the Manchester Guardian defending Trotsky's right to asylum and calling for an international inquiry into the Moscow Trials.The other signatories were: H. N. Brailsford, Conrad Noel, Frank Horrabin, Fred Shaw, Rowland Hill, Eleanor Rathbone, Reg Groves, Garry Allingham and Stuart Purkis. Robert J. Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement.

He is part of a group of British science fiction writers who specialise in hard science fiction and space opera. His contemporaries include Stephen Baxter, Iain M. Banks, Paul J. McAuley, Alastair Reynolds, Adam Roberts, Charles Stross, Richard Morgan, and Liz Williams. His science fiction novels often explore socialist, communist, and anarchist political ideas, especially Trotskyism and anarcho-capitalism (or extreme economic libertarianism). Technical themes encompass singularities, divergent human cultural evolution, and post-human cyborg-resurrection.

Robert J. Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929—1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement, Durham, Duke University Press, 1991. p. 606 The party had more than 100 members in the early seventies and 27 in 1985. Under both names, it took part in the elections to Luxembourgish parliament from 1974 until 1989, winning no seats and between 0.2 and 0.4% of the vote. In the European elections between 1979 and 1989 it won between 0.4 and 0.6%.

In any event, only two weeks after receiving the Politburo order, Khrushchev was able to report to Stalin that 41,305 "criminal and kulak elements" had been arrested. Of the arrestees, according to Khrushchev, 8,500 deserved execution. Khrushchev had no reason to think himself immune from the purges, and in 1937, confessed his own 1923 dalliance with Trotskyism to Kaganovich, who, according to Khrushchev, "blanched" (for his protégé's sins could affect his own standing) and advised him to tell Stalin.

After spending several years of exile in Sweden, Mexico and Chile he returned to Peru in 1978, was a founder of the Workers Revolutionary Party and was elected to parliament on a left-wing slate. In 1980 he was a presidential candidate in Peru, a Leftist Revolutionary Alliance formed to support him.International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: a documented analysis of the movement. by Robert Jackson Alexander. 1991 Page 640 He came in fourth out of sixteen candidates.

Once in Paris, Castoriadis joined the Trotskyist Parti Communiste Internationaliste (PCI). He and Claude Lefort constituted a Chaulieu–Montal Tendency in the French PCI in 1946. In 1948, they experienced their "final disenchantment with Trotskyism", leading them to break away to found the libertarian socialist and councilist group and journal Socialisme ou Barbarie (S. ou B., 1949–1966), which included Jean-François Lyotard and Guy Debord as members for a while, and profoundly influenced the French intellectual left.

He was convicted by a Troika on falsified charges, ranging from counter-revolutionary activities to Trotskyism, on November 12, 1937 and was sentenced to death by firing squad. Despite extended and intense torture, he never confessed to any of the charges made against him. Despite the opportunity to become an informant and avert his fate, he never compromised his principles. His death sentence was carried out in the basement of the NKVD prison in Smolensk on November 19, 1937.

Most members associated with ARA have been adherents to anarchism, but also some Trotskyism and Maoism. Originally, the network originated among the hardcore punk skinhead scene in Minnesota among a group known as the Minneapolis Baldies which had been founded in 1987. The network grew and spread throughout North America. The Midwestern United States, particularly Minneapolis, Chicago and Columbus, were the main hotspot for activity, but notable chapters existed in Portland, Los Angeles, Toronto and elsewhere.

The original core included two individual members of the International, exiled Sandinistas and people who had left the Socialist Workers Party. Others were recruited during the RWF-FRTs "general political work with independent workers". By 1982 the organization had 120 members in seven U.S. cities, fractions within ten unions and two newspapers, the Spanish El Bolschevique and the English Working Class Opposition.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 pp.

Leon was born in Warsaw in 1918. His parents, adherents of "official petit-bourgeois Zionism", left Poland to pursue the Zionist dream in Palestine; the family quickly re- emigrated in 1926 to Belgium. Leon became a member and then leader of the Belgian branch of Hashomer Hatzair, a left wing Zionist youth movement. In 1936, after hearing speeches of the Trotskyist leader of the to militant Belgian coal miners, Leon was won over politically from Stalinism to Trotskyism.

Rogovin writes there are basically two diametrically opposed approaches. The first one is that Stalinism with its terror was a logical, unavoidable evolution of Marxism- Leninism within Bolshevism from the Socialist revolution. Another approach is to consider that Stalinism was a historically accidental development and that there was an alternative movement within Bolshevism (Trotskyism), and the major function of Stalinist terror was to suppress this movement. Rogovin suggests that the first approach has become dominant in historical research for two major reasons.

Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.597 The other group had its origins in the Gruppi Comunisti Rivoluzionari, the Italian party affiliated with the United Secretariat of the Fourth International. This group left in 1976 in protest over the LCRs endorsement of the Proletarian Democracy electoral coalition, which it regarded as a kind of popular front. This group first called itself the Bolshevik-Leninist Group for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International.

Many of its leaders were also active in exile. During its first year as a banned party, Antonio Gramsci defeated the party's left-wing which was led by Amadeo Bordiga, becoming the new Secretary during the party's congress in Lyon and issued a manifesto expressing the programmatic basis of the party. However, Gramsci soon found himself jailed by Mussolini's regime and the leadership of the party passed to Palmiro Togliatti. In 1930, Bordiga was expelled from the party on the charge of Trotskyism.

An excerpt from the Open Letter explains the split as follows: > To sum up: The lines of cleavage between Pablo's revisionism and orthodox > Trotskyism are so deep that no compromise is possible either politically or > organizationally. The Pablo faction has demonstrated that it will not permit > democratic decisions truly reflecting majority opinion to be reached. They > demand complete submission to their criminal policy. They are determined to > drive all orthodox Trotskyists out of the Fourth International or to muzzle > and handcuff them.

The Independent Workers' Party of Germany (, UAPD) was a short-lived communist party in West Germany. The UAPD was formed in 1950 as a split from the Communist Party of Germany by supporters of Josip Broz Tito after he broke with the Soviet Union. Hoping to steer the party toward Trotskyism, the German section of the Fourth International, the International Communists of Germany (IKD) entered the UAPD. After fighting claims that it was secretly financed by Tito, the party disbanded in 1952.

Although party leader Jim Cannon later hinted that the entry of the Trotskyists into the Socialist Party had been a contrived tactic aimed at stealing "confused young Left Socialists" for his own organization,"If we had stood aside, the Stalinists would have gobbled up the Socialist Left Wing and it would have been used as another club against us, as in Spain," he later recalled. James P. Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism. New York: Pioneer Press, 1944; pp. 195-196.

In 1963 Alexander achieved his "highest honor", the Order of the Condor of the Andes from the Bolivian government. Alexander was a founding member of the Middle Atlantic Council of Latin American Studies (MACLAS), and served as the group's president from 1987 to 1988. During his career, Alexander wrote and published extensively on Latin American politics and trade union movements, as well as surveys on dissident radical movements such as the Right Opposition, Trotskyism, and Maoism. Alexander retired from Rutgers in 1989.

In 1963 the Revolutionary Communist League split into the Japan Revolutionary Communist League, National Committee (Middle Core Faction) and the Japan Revolutionary Communist League (Revolutionary Marxist Faction). In 1965 the Socialist Party's Youth Alliance developed a that rejected Trotskyism and advocated for Luxemburgism. In 1968, a global "student power" movement reached Japan, coinciding with the renewal of the US-Japan Mutual Cooperation Treaty. Many of the New Left factions took the opportunity to occupy university buildings, halt classes, and make demands.

A few years later, Zinoviev and Kamenev joined the United Front in an alliance with Trotsky which favored Trotskyism and opposed Stalin specifically. Consequently, Stalin allied with Nikolai Bukharin and defeated Trotsky in a power struggle. Trotsky was expelled from the Soviet Union in 1929 and Kamenev and Zinoviev temporarily lost their membership in the Communist Party. Zinoviev and Kamenev, in 1932, were found to be complicit in the Ryutin Affair and again were temporarily expelled from the Communist Party.

The Irish Socialist Network (ISN) is a democratic socialist organisation formed in 2001. It is a campaigning organisation which works actively to fight for the rights of Irish workers and to help build a socialist Ireland. It is based in Belfast and Dublin. Politically, the ISN locates itself within the Marxist tradition, but it rejects both Leninism and Trotskyism, partly because of its opposition to democratic centralist organisational structures and to the concept of the vanguard party, which it deems elitist.

Schachtman condemned the USSR's invasion of Finland. Viewing these invasions, Shachtman argued that the USSR was not a "workers' state", but a new form of class-stratified society, "bureaucratic collectivism", in which workers and peasants were exploited by a class of bureaucratic elites.S. Ryan "Albert Glotzer," Encyclopedia of Trotskyism Online, Marxists Internet Archive, www.marxists.org/ Glotzer joined with Shachtman and helped to found the Workers Party, later known as the Independent Socialist League, which was absorbed by the Socialist Party in 1958.

It formed a short-lived bloc with Nahuel Moreno's tendency. A Parity Committee which operated in 1979 1980 produced Forty Theses of agreements between the tendencies led by Moreno and Lambert. On that basis, the Fourth International (International Committee) (FI[IC]) was founded in 1980. However, the convergence decelerated because of Lambert's support for the government of Socialist Party (France) and French Communist Party without capitalist ministers, a traditional position of French Trotskyism going back before the death of Trotsky.

As a result, modern groups which describe themselves as anti-revisionist fall into several categories. Some uphold the works of Stalin and Mao Zedong and some the works of Stalin while rejecting Mao and universally tend to oppose Trotskyism. Others reject both Stalin and Mao, tracing their ideological roots back to Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin. In addition, other groups uphold various less-well-known historical leaders such as Enver Hoxha, who also broke with Mao during the Sino-Albanian split.

Papandreou was born on the island of Chios, Greece, the son of Zofia (Sofia) Mineyko (1883–1981) and the leading Greek liberal politician George Papandreou. His maternal grandfather was Polish-Lithuanian-born public figure Zygmunt Mineyko, and his maternal grandmother was Greek. Before university he attended Athens College, a leading private school in Greece. He attended the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens from 1937 until 1938 when, during the authoritarian, right-leaning Metaxas dictatorship, he was arrested for purported Trotskyism.

He did this by publicizing their cases, helping their families, getting them out of prison and saving them from being condemned. He witnessed how the government could distort the truth and how political enemies could suddenly disappear. Orwell returned home after he was shot in the throat by a fascist bullet. This may have saved him in a way as he was "guilty" of Trotskyism and served with the POUM militia, which was more than enough to land him in prison.

Afterwards, the political opposition to the practical régime of Stalinism was denounced as Trotskyism (Bolshevik–Leninism), described as a deviation from Marxism–Leninism, the state ideology of the Soviet Union. Political developments in the Soviet Union included Stalin dismantling the remaining elements of democracy from the party by extending his control over its institutions and eliminating any possible rivals.Lee, p. 49. The party's ranks grew in numbers, with the party modifying its organisation to include more trade unions and factories.

Corriente Roja officially joined the International Workers' League - Fourth International, adopting Trotskyism as the official ideology of the organization.El VI Encuentro de Corriente Roja vota afiliación a la LIT-ci. Corriente Roja adopted, since 2012, some very controversial stances on international conflicts, for example, being one of the few left-wing parties in Spain to support the Syrian rebels or the struggle against Kadafi in Libya. In the 2012 Catalan regional election, Corriente Roja gave critical support to the Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP).

Spark originated as a "faction" within the Spartacist League that was attracted to the French group Voix Ouvrière's method of propagandizing in the factories. They allied themselves with the Turnerites against the leadership, but left independently before the League expelled the Turnerites late in 1968.Alexander, Robert J. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p. 920 This tendency formally organized as "Spark" in 1971, with two locals in Detroit and Baltimore.

Rob Sewell's postscript to History of British Trotskyism Wall's job as a mail-order company buyer eventually took him away from Liverpool to Market Harborough, and then to Bingley in Bradford. It also took him abroad, and he established political contacts on his foreign travels in Sri Lanka,Michael Crick The March of Militant, Faber 1986, p. 167 Hong Kong, South Korea and the United States. His assistance to Trotskyists in Sri Lanka in 1979 was still remembered in tributes sent in memoriam.

He became a founder member of the break-away Revolutionary Communist League, and was elected to its leadership, but in 1973 he left the League. From the mid-1970s, Richardson focussed his attention on recording the history of Trotskyism in Britain. He began interviewing veterans of the movement, and with Sam Bornstein, published three books on the topic through their "Socialist Platform" publishing house. In 1988 they founded the journal Revolutionary History, dedicated to the history of the anti-Stalinist left.

According to Trotskyist Brian Pearce, "during the entire period up to the fall of France the British Communist Party functioned as a propaganda agency for Hitler." B. Farnborough, "Marxists in the Second World War," Labour Review, Vol. 4 No. 1, April–May 1959, pp. 25–28 However, as Trotskyism continued to attack the Soviet Union, aid European social-democracy and support striking militants, the CPGB considered necessary to put up an intense fight to resist the so-called 'Trotskyists agents'.

International Trotskyism, 1929–1985: a documented analysis of the movement p 873. Zimmermann also ran as an alternate vice presidential candidate for Andrea Gonzales in some states in 1984; Melvin T. Mason was the presidential candidate. Zimmermann (PhD History 1998) is the Residente Director of SLC (Sarah Lawrence College) in Cuba and is a faculty member in History and Global Studies at SLC. She has been based in Havana the last two fall semesters (2003 and 2004) as director of SLC in Cuba.

Tipperary Séamus Healy (; born 9 August 1950) is a former Irish independent politician who served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 2000 to 2007 and 2011 to 2020. He is part of the Clonmel-based Workers and Unemployed Action (WUA) which had a number of local representatives on South Tipperary County Council and Clonmel Borough Council. He is a former member of the League for a Workers Republic.International Trotskyism, 1929–1985: a documented analysis of the movement By Robert Jackson Alexander, p. 576.

The group sent a man named Russel Blackwell (using the pseudonym Rosalio Negrete) to Spain during the early part of the Spanish Civil War, who made contacts to the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) left wing. Later they sent Oehler, who was present during the May 1937 suppression of the anti-Stalinist Left. Oehler and Negrete were both imprisoned by the Loyalist regime, and only returned to the US after the intervention of the US embassy.Alexander, International Trotskyism, pg. 782.

Karsner's journalistic career took him to Philadelphia, where he joined the staff of the Philadelphia Ledger, and to New York City, where he worked for the New York Tribune and the New York Post. In 1911 Karsner married the Romanian-born socialist Rose Greenberg (1889–1968). The pair had a daughter, Walta Karsner, named after radical poet Walt Whitman. Following the dissolution of their marriage, Rose Karsner married James P. Cannon, regarded as the founder of American Trotskyism, while David Karsner remarried to Esther Eberson.

Myra Tanner Weiss (May 17, 1917 – September 13, 1997) was an American Communist following Trotskyism, and a three time U.S. Vice-Presidential candidate of the Socialist Workers Party. Myra Tanner was recruited to the American Trotskyist movement in 1935, while at the university in Salt Lake City. In 1942, she married Murry Weiss, also a member of the SWP. They were living and working for the Party in Los Angeles, and Myra Tanner ran for the mayor of Los Angeles in 1945 and 1949.

Yevgeni Alekseyevich Preobrazhensky (; 1886–1937) was a Russian revolutionary, economist and sociologist. A member of the governing Central Committee of the Bolshevik faction and its successor, the All-Union Communist Party, Preobrazhensky is remembered as a leading voice for the rapid industrialisation of peasant Russia through a concentration on state-owned heavy industry. Closely associated with Leon Trotsky and the Left Opposition movement of the 1920s, Preobrazhensky fell afoul of Stalin. He recanted Trotskyism in 1929, and then joined a secret alliance with Trotsky in 1932.

Lev Davidovich Bronstein ( – 21 August 1940), better known as Leon Trotsky (), was a Russian revolutionary, political theorist and politician. Ideologically a communist, he developed a variant of Marxism known as Trotskyism. Trotsky joined the Bolshevik Party a few weeks before the October Revolution and became one of the leaders of the party. Once in government, Trotsky initially held the post of the Commissar for Foreign Affairs and was involved in the Brest-Litovsk negotiations with Germany as Russia pulled out of World War One.

Retrieved 31 August 2020 – via the Marxist Internet Archive. Revolutionary socialists believe such a state of affairs is a precondition for establishing socialism and orthodox Marxists believe that it is inevitable but not predetermined. Revolutionary socialism encompasses multiple political and social movements that may define "revolution" differently from one another. These include movements based on orthodox Marxist theory such as De Leonism, impossibilism and Luxemburgism as well as movements based on Leninism and the theory of vanguardist-led revolution such as Maoism, Marxism–Leninism and Trotskyism.

The third camp, also known as third camp socialism or third camp Trotskyism, is a branch of socialism that aims to oppose both capitalism and Stalinism by supporting the organised working class as a "third camp". The term arose early during World War II and refers to the idea of two "imperialist camps" competing to dominate the world: one led by the United Kingdom and France and supported by the United States; and the other led by Nazi Germany and supported by Fascist Italy.

Due to legal constraints, the SWP ended its formal affiliation with the Fourth International in the 1940s. It remained in close political solidarity with the Fourth International. The Socialist Workers Party broke formally with the Fourth International in 1990, though it had been increasingly inactive in the Trotskyist movement since National Secretary Jack Barnes' 1982 speech "Their Trotsky and Ours", which some view as signaling a break with Trotskyism. The SWP action followed the 1985 World Congress and the SWP closed Intercontinental Press in 1986.

The International Right Opposition and Trotskyism are examples of dissidents who still claim communism today, but they are not the only ones. In Germany, the split in the SPD had initially led to a variety of Communist unions and parties forming which included the councilist tendencies of the AAU-D, AAU-E and KAPD. Councilism had a limited impact outside of Germany, but a number of international organisations formed. In Spain, a fusion of left and right dissidents led to the formation of the POUM.

The central theoretical journal of the ICL(FI) is Spartacist which is published in four languages approximately once a year. Apart from the above the ICL(FI)'s American section, the Spartacist League, operates the Prometheus Research Library in New York City. The library has published a number of bulletins and books and houses the tendency's archives and other material on the history of Trotskyism. In addition to Spartacist the national sections of the ICL(FI) each publish a regular paper of varying regularity.

According to Marxism–Leninism, fascism was the "final phase of crisis of bourgeoisie", which "in fascism sought refuge" from "inherent contradictions of capitalism". As a result of this approach, it was almost every Western capitalist country that was fascist, with the Third Reich being just the "most reactionary" one. The international investigation on Katyn massacre was described as "fascist libel"Robert Stiller, "Semantyka zbrodni" and the Warsaw Uprising as "illegal and organised by fascists". Communist Służba Bezpieczeństwa described Trotskyism, Titoism and imperialism as "variants of fascism".

Robert J. Alexander, "Trotskyism in India" In 1968 the party recruited Gour Pal, formerly a leading figure in the Revolutionary Communist Party of India (RCPI), and significant numbers of trade unionists from the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP). The SWP opposed the Naxalite rebels, who they criticised for their isolation from the urban working class. It supported the independence movement in Bangladesh. The party opposed nominally revolutionary parties, such as the RCP and RSP, which participated in state governments.

Trotsky was expelled from the Communist Party and deported from the Soviet Union in the Great Purge. As the head of the Fourth International, he continued in exile to oppose the Stalinist bureaucracy in the Soviet Union, and was eventually assassinated in Mexico by Ramón Mercader, a Soviet agent who used an ice axe to fatally stab Trotsky. Trotsky's ideas form the basis of Trotskyism, a variation of communist theory, which remains a major school of Marxist thought that is opposed to the theories of Stalinism.

Many were summoned to Moscow for "consultations". Among those killed were: Albert Bronkowski, Władysław Stein-Krajewski, Józef Unszlicht, Adolf Warski, Maria Koszutska, Maksymilian Horwitz, Julian Leszczyński, Stanisław Bobiński, Jerzy Heryng, Józef Feliks Ciszewski, Tomasz Dąbal, Saul Amsterdam, Bruno Jasieński and Witold Wandurski. The leaderless party was then accused of Trotskyism among other "deviations" and in 1938 dissolved by the Comintern. Most of the KPP activists perished in the Great Purge, but among those who survived were some of the future leaders of communist Poland.

Rooted firmly in the Marxist tradition, the Situationist International criticized Trotskyism, Marxism–Leninism, Stalinism and Maoism from a position they believed to be further left and more properly Marxist. The situationists possessed a strong anti-authoritarian current, commonly deriding the centralized bureaucracies of China and the Soviet Union in the same breath as capitalism. Debord's work The Society of the Spectacle (1967) established situationist analysis as Marxist critical theory. The Society of the Spectacle is widely recognized as the main and most influential Situationist essay.

Meanwhile, the final council communist groups in Germany had disappeared in the maelstrom and the International Communist Group (GIK) in the Netherlands was moribund. The former centrist group led by Henk Sneevliet (the Revolutionary Socialist Workers Party, RSAP) transformed itself into the Marx–Lenin–Luxemburg Front. In April 1942, its leadership was arrested by the Gestapo and killed. The remaining activists then split into two camps as some turned to Trotskyism forming the Committee of Revolutionary Marxists (CRM) while the majority formed the CommunistenBond-Spartacus.

In recognition of their relative strength in organising Saigon's factories and waterfront, for four years in the mid-1930s the local party maintained a unique pact with the Trotskyists, publishing a common paper, La Lutte (The Struggle), and presenting joint "Workers" lists for Saigon municipal and colonial-council elections.Bousquet, Gisèle L. Behind the Bamboo Hedge: The Impact of Homeland Politics in the Parisian Vietnamese Community. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991. pp. 34-35Alexander, Robert J. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement.

The group remained in the Labour Party, where they published Searchlight edited by Gerry Healy, which in September 1938 was replaced by the magazine Youth for Socialism, which in its own turn was renamed Socialist Appeal in June 1941Bornstein, S. & Richardson, A. (1986) War and the International, London: Socialist Platform, pg.53 as a result of the WIL's turn of focus away from the Labour Party.Grant, T. (2002) History of British Trotskyism, London: Wellred Publications, pg.87 The group also produced a theoretical journal Workers International News.

Struggling against Stalin for power in the Soviet Union, Trotsky and his supporters organized into the Left Opposition, the platform of which became known as Trotskyism. Stalin eventually succeeded in gaining control of the Soviet regime and Trotskyist attempts to remove Stalin from power resulted in Trotsky's exile from the Soviet Union in 1929. While in exile, Trotsky continued his campaign against Stalin, founding in 1938 the Fourth International, a Trotskyist rival to the Comintern. In August 1940, Trotsky was assassinated in Mexico City upon Stalin's orders.

It adopted the name Trotkyist League of Italy in April 1978, bey which time it had absorbed the Spartacist Nucleus. It also attempted to unify with the ex-Lambertist Bolshevik-Leninist Group of Italy, but nothing came of this.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.597 The LTI grew closer to the international Spartacist tendency, sending a fraternal delegate to its first international conference in London in August 1979 and officially became its Italian sympathizing section in August 1980.

Orwell and his wife were under threat and had to lie low, although they broke cover to try to help Kopp. Finally with their passports in order, they escaped from Spain by train, diverting to Banyuls-sur-Mer for a short stay before returning to England. In the first week of July 1937 Orwell arrived back at Wallington; on 13 July 1937 a deposition was presented to the Tribunal for Espionage & High Treason in Valencia, charging the Orwells with "rabid Trotskyism", and being agents of the POUM.Facing Unpleasant Facts, p.

With the annihilation of the POUM, Stalin deprived the fugitive Leon Trotsky of a possible Spanish haven. Orlov used the same methods of terror, duplicity and deception that were employed in the Great Purge (1936–38). As a result of the May 3–8 events in Barcelona, the Trotskyists and the Anarchists became, in Ibárruri's mind, the "Fascist enemy within." > When we point out the need of opposing Trotskyism we discover a very strange > phenomenon, that voices are raised in its defense in the ranks of certain > organizations and among certain circles in certain parties.

In the end, only three delegates voted for Trotsky's position, and the Conference denounced "Trotskyism" as a "petty bourgeois deviation". After the Conference, a number of Trotsky's supporters, especially in the Red Army's Political Directorate, were removed from leading positions or reassigned. Nonetheless, Trotsky kept all of his posts, and the troika was careful to emphasise that the debate was limited to Trotsky's "mistakes" and that removing Trotsky from the leadership was out of the question. In reality, Trotsky had already been cut off from the decision-making process.

It published the weekly paper Socialist Press and a number of issues of a theoretical journal Trotskyism Today. In its first few years the WSL attempted to capitalise on its existing base in industry and expand outwards from its base in Oxford. Despite having more realistic perspectives than the WRP, it was never able to group more than 150 members. Many people who left the WRP simply left revolutionary politics, and as the level of industrial struggle slackened in the late 1970s the WSL lost members and internal factional struggles began.

The Leninist Faction would split to join the London Spartacists in forming the Spartacist League in 1978. This factional struggle had its sequel in 1979 when another group of WSL members were similarly won to the Spartacists this time calling themselves the Trotskyist Faction. In 1978 the United Secretariat of the Fourth International invited the WSL to submit material to the USec's 1979 Eleventh World Congress. It did so in July 1978 with The Poisoned Well, a critical analysis of the development of USec which was republished in Trotskyism Today.

14 Fall 1973 p.545 The new group wished to revive the tendency represented by the ISL and the third camp.Fisk, Milton Socialism from below in the United States:The Origins of the International Socialist Organization Hera Press, Cleveland 1977 While still basing its ideas on the literature of the ISL, as the new organization grew through the 1960s, the proportion of former members of the ISL declined, until they were a small handful by 1970.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 pp.

3 No.1Robert Jackson Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929-1985 He joined the Internationalist Communist Organisation (OCI) in 1962, and in 1963 his league affiliated to the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI). In 1972, the OCI decided to leave the ICFI and instead set up the Organising Committee for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International. Varga initially sided with the OCI, but soon after came into conflict with them and was expelled. The following year, he founded the International League for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International.

Horrabin also supported the British Provisional Committee for the Defence of Leon Trotsky, and signed a letter defending Trotsky's right to asylum and calling for an international inquiry into the Moscow Trials.Robert Jackson Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929–1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Duke University Press, 1991 (p. 451) In 1937, only a few months after its institution, the BBC Television Service produced an occasional political discussion programme called News Map, which was usually presented by the former MP. News Map did not leave the studio and was mainly interested in foreign affairs stories.

Funeriu, p. 12 A vocal adversary of Nazi Germany, Vinea described Hitler as a "half-learned hunchback", deeming the Soviet Union a "natural ally of all those who support peace without [territorial] revisions." Facla opened its pages to Communist Party militants Alexandru Sahia and Petrescu-Ghempet, also hosting fragments from Aragon, Lunacharsky, Pozner, and polemics regarding A. L. Zissu's defense of Trotskyism. Vinea still argued that communism and "Romanianism" were irreconcilable, but suggested that Romania had nothing to fear from the Soviet Union—the Iron Guard, Vinea contended, was much more dangerous.

After the war, she was decorated with the Order of the Red Star. She married Aleksandr Kondrátiev, a soldier, and gave birth to their daughter Yelena. However, the progressive rise of Stalinism spelled a similar fate for her father as that of other Spanish Civil War veterans – he was arrested in 1951, at the age of 63, accused of Trotskyism, held for five years in the Gulag, and released after Stalin's death. Kondrátieva earned a doctorate at Moscow State University and became head of the Spanish chair at the Pedagogical Institute.

499 In their later work, both Marx and Engels dropped the idea of a distinct Asiatic mode of production, and mainly kept four basic forms: tribal, ancient, feudal, and capitalist. In the 1920s, Soviet authors strongly debated about the use of the term. Some completely rejected it. Others, Soviet experts on China referred to as "Aziatchiki", suggested that Chinese land ownership structures had once resembled the AMP, but they were accused of Trotskyism and discussion of AMP was effectively banned in the USSR from 1931 until the Khrushchev period.

Having allegedly supported the Trotskyite Left Opposition faction's platform back in 1923, Gaikis was now prosecuted, like many others, under the charge of Trotskyism. He was sentenced to death by the Military College of the Supreme Court of the USSR, "for betrayal of the Fatherland and belonging to a counter-revolutionary terrorist organization". He was shot on the same day, 21 August 1937, at the age of 39. After the purge of Rosenberg and Gaikis, no official ambassador was appointed again until 1977, and the embassy was headed by the chargé d'affaires.

While Partisan Review was relaunched by Rahv and Phillips in December 1937, it was changed at a fundamental level. News of the Great Purge in the Soviet Union and of Soviet duplicity in the Spanish Civil War pushed the pair of editors to a new outspokenly critical perspective. A new cast of editors were brought on board, including Dwight Macdonald and literary critic F. W. Dupee, and a sympathy for Trotskyism began to make itself felt in the magazine's editorial political line. The CPUSA press was hostile, claiming that a party asset had been stolen.

After his return to India, Tagore had been arrested a number of times by the British colonial administration and was in an out of prison for most of a decade. After being released from prison in 1948, Tagore was confronted with a sector within the RCPI, led by Pannalal Dasgupta, which insisted on turning the campaign of building panchayats into a general armed insurrection.Alexander, Robert J. Trotskyism in India Tagore argued, instead, that armed revolution was premature in India. The Dasgupta faction assembled an All India Party Conference in Birbhum in 1948.

The Economic and Philosophic Science Review (EPSR) is a British socialist newspaper founded by Royston Bull, formerly a leading member of the Workers Revolutionary Party and industrial correspondent for The Scotsman newspaper. Bull split from the WRP in 1979 and with a number of supporters to form the Workers Party. The group, upon formally repudiating Trotskyism, renamed themselves the International Leninist Workers Party and later the Economic and Philosophic Science Review. Although Royston Bull died aged 69 on 2 January 2005, the EPSR continues to be published fortnightly, by its supporters.

Oane, p. 199; Petrescu, pp. 408–410 As a short-term goal, this group favored an alliance with the PCR's front, or Peasant Workers' Bloc, during the December 1928 election.Oane, p. 199 However, it also denounced the PCR as "sectarian", and recruited from its disenchanted members.Politics and Political Parties, p. 262 Over the following period, Voitec and his colleagues gravitated toward Trotskyism,Pandrea, p. 423 Florin Mihai, "Scindați în două tabere", in Jurnalul Național, January 30, 2007 Petre Opriș, Comuniștii români, serviciile secrete sovietice și ironia istoriei, Contributors.

Laplanche, advised by Lacan, began studying medicine, and eventually earned his doctorate and became an analyst himself, joining the International Psychoanalytical Association, of which he remained a member until his death. Laplanche continued his political activity. In 1948, Laplanche was one of the founding members of the organization Socialisme ou Barbarie (Socialism or Barbarism) after breaking with Trotskyism, but notes that the group's "atmosphere soon became impossible", due to the influence of Cornelius Castoriadis, who "exerted hegemony over the journal." Nevertheless, Laplanche remained "in favour of the thesis of Socialisme ou Barbarie" until 1968.

Beck, p. 227 Later in 1918, when the New York city police came to the library to inquire about possible suspicious activity by library employees, Lydenberg readily offered Hasse up to them, claiming she had ties to Jews, Marxism, Trotskyism, and Bolshevism because of a thank you note she had written to him regarding a "Marx book" a patron had requested.Beck, p. 252 Also in 1918, Anderson and Lydenberg hired Edith Clarke, Hasse's colleague from the GPO, who eagerly "came out against Hasse's work" and agreed that she was difficult to work with.

The political scientists Matthew Goodwin and Robert Ford characterised Respect as a "broad coalition of left-wing interests" which had arisen in opposition to the New Labour government and the UK's involvement in the invasion of Iraq. Other political scientists characterised the party as far-left. The socialist activist Tariq Ali characterised the party's programme as being social democratic in orientation. Eran Benedek described the party as "an amalgamation of radical international socialism and Islamism", adding that its radical socialist position was informed by Marxism–Leninism and Trotskyism.

Gauche Socialiste is a Trotskyist faction within Quebec Solidaire (formerly the Parti de la Democratie Socialiste (PDS) in Quebec, Canada). It was formed in 1983 by Trotskyists who left or were expelled from the Revolutionary Workers League/Ligue Ouvrière Révolutionnaire when the group turned away from Trotskyism in the early 1980s. Gauche Socialiste members had previously been in the Organisation Combat Socialiste, which existed from 1980 to 1982, and were briefly part of the Mouvement socialiste, which was founded in 1981. Gauche Socialiste is the Quebec section of the reunified Fourth International.

By this time Deutscher had broken with conventional Trotskyism, although he never repudiated Trotsky himself and remained a committed Marxist. In 1965, Deutscher took part in the first "Teach-In" on Vietnam at the University of California, Berkeley, where thousands of students listened to his indictment of the Cold War. He was G. M. Trevelyan Lecturer at the University of Cambridge for 1966–67 and also lectured for six weeks at the State University of New York. In spring 1967, he guest-lectured at New York University, Princeton, Harvard and Columbia.

It seems likely that during this interval Cannon spoke with his old acquaintance about these prohibited ideas.Palmer, James P. Cannon and the Origins of the American Revolutionary Left, 1890-1928, pg. 326. Upon his return to America, Hathaway was quickly reintegrated into the top ranks of the CPUSA's leadership. Hathaway had the necessary party rank as well as the inside information which enabled him to become the chief person on the Central Committee accusing James P. Cannon of Trotskyism and factional activity, charges which ultimately lead to Cannon's expulsion.

Robert J. Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1991; pg. 764. Abern was a delegate to the 2nd World Congress of the Young Communist International (YCI), held in Moscow in June 1921, where he was made a member of the Executive Committee of the YCI. He also held a seat on the governing National Executive Committee of the Young Workers League of America (YWL) from May 1922 and was reelected by the convention of that organization held the following year.

Workers Power was a short lived Trotskyist faction in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In the 1970s the Third Camp group International Socialists carried out its most successful work within organized labor within the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, helping to organize rank-and-file opposition to corruption and misspending of union finances by the leadership.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.902 Among the people they recruited in this drive was Peter Camarata who became the IS's principal figure within the union.

Amadeo Bordiga (13 June 1889 – 23 July 1970) was an Italian Marxist, a contributor to communist theory, the founder of the Communist Party of Italy (PCd'I), a leader of the Communist International (Comintern) and later a leading figure of the International Communist Party. Bordiga was originally associated with the PCd'I, but he was expelled in 1930 after being accused of Trotskyism. Later on following World War II, Bordiga moved more explicitly towards a left communist position and was one of the more notable Western European representatives of this tendency.

Second, TULRCA 1992 sections 146-166 state that workers may not be subject to any detriment or dismissal. For example, in Fitzpatrick v British Railways Board[1992] ICR 221 the Board dismissed of a lady who had been a member of a Trotskyist group (which promoted international socialism). The Board justified this on the ground that she had not told the employer about having previously worked for the Ford Motor Company, and so for 'untruthfulness and lack of trust'. Woolf LJ held that this was not the true reason - Trotskyism was the issue.

By the end of this split, James Robertson was the only leader of the former Revolutionary Tendency to remain central to the League.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.920 Another group, many veterans of the SL "Revolutionary Contingent" and active in the Coalition for an Anti-Imperialist Movement, split to form the Revolutionary Communist League in 1968. Sympathetic to the idea of "armed self defense" and "unconditional defense of the workers states" the RCL merged with the Workers World Party later that year.

In 1986 the SWP broke with orthodox Trotskyism and disaffiliated from the Fourth International. While maintaining Leon Trotsky's critique of the USSR, the party replaced Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution with the view that socialist revolution in Third World countries (countries in which, according to Marxist theory, the development of capitalism has been distorted by colonialism and imperialism) will take place in two connected stages. In the early 1990s it was renamed the Democratic Socialist Party. It contested the 1998 federal election as part of the Democratic Socialist Electoral League.

Although party leader Jim Cannon later hinted that the entry of the Trotskyists into the Socialist Party had been a contrived tactic aimed at stealing "confused young Left Socialists" for his own organization,"If we had stood aside, the Stalinists would have gobbled up the Socialist Left Wing and it would have been used as another club against us, as in Spain," he later recalled. James P. Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism. New York: Pioneer Press, 1944; pp. 195–196. it seems that at its inception, the entryist tactic was made in good faith.

The term Stalinism is also used to describe these positions, but it is often not used by its supporters who opine that Stalin simply synthesized and practiced orthodox Marxism and Leninism. Because different political trends trace the historical roots of revisionism to different eras and leaders, there is significant disagreement today as to what constitutes anti-revisionism. Modern groups which describe themselves as anti- revisionist fall into several categories. Some uphold the works of Stalin and Mao Zedong and some the works of Stalin while rejecting Mao and universally tend to oppose Trotskyism.

A 1929 Boston meeting was completed thanks only to the posting of a security team of about 10 former Industrial Workers of the World associates of Cannon around the podium — a sufficient show of force to deter disruption. A meeting in Cleveland ended in a fifteen-minute riot with Communist Party supporters being physically expelled, in Chicago the situation did not degenerate to the level of physical confrontation.Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 70. In Minneapolis a riot ensued which was broken up by the police, with the meeting disbursed.

The group went through a number of splits, both of organized factions and individuals. A small Marxist Workers League left early in 1936 and quickly rejoined the Trotskyists. Joseph Zack then renounced Marxism completely, and founded a new group called the One Big Union Club. The majority of the group apparently renounced Trotskyism at its third Plenum in October–November 1938. However this caused a spit between Oehler, who believed that Trotsky had degenerated from Marxism in 1934, and Stamm who felt that Trotsky had degenerated in 1928.

In November 1938, two months after the founding congress of the Fourth International, seven members of the Spanish Workers' Party of Marxist Unification on trial in Barcelona declared their support for a "fighting Fifth International"."During the trial Poum defendants stressed that, while they 'admired Trotsky,' they regarded his Fourth International as too academic and favored a fighting Fifth International." Foreign News: Trotskyists Liquidated Time Magazine, November 7, 1938 The Argentine Trotskyist called for a Fifth International when he broke from Trotskyism in 1941. Another call for a Fifth International was made by Lyndon LaRouche after leaving the Spartacist League in 1965.

New sections were recognised in Brazil, Uruguay, Ecuador, Senegal and Iceland, as well as a number of sympathising sections, bringing the total to fifty countries. A major resolution was adopted on The Dictatorship of the proletariat and socialist democracy,Ernest Mandel, "The Dictatorship of the proletariat and socialist democracy" , Internationhal Viewpoint. which built on the discussion at the 1979 world congress. The SWP (US) and its co-thinkers formally left the International in 1990, following the Socialist Workers Party (Australia) which had developed similar criticisms of Trotskyism to the SWP, but had reached different conclusions by the time of its departure in 1986.

In the history of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union the Left-Right bloc was a failed attempt of vocal opposition to the politics of forced collectivization Joseph Stalin. Vissarion Lominadze and Sergey Syrtsov were recognized as its leaders.Vadim Rogovin, "Power and Oppositions" (" Власть и оппозиции") The name is derived from the accusation in factionism of the group created by joining of two groups: the one accused in "right opportunism" and allegedly headed by Syrtsov and another one accused of "leftism" and "half- Trotskyism" allegedly headed by Lominadze. In Western literature the case is known as the Syrtsov-Lominadze Affair.

Eventually they left the SWP in a state of demoralization and some joined the WP. Meanwhile, a faction within the WP called the Johnson-Forest Tendency, named for C. L. R. James (known as Johnson) and Raya Dunayevskaya (Forest), was impatient with the WP's caution and felt the situation could rapidly become pre-revolutionary. This led them to leave the WP and rejoin the SWP in 1947. This tendency had moved further away from the "orthodox Trotskyism" of the SWP, producing tension. For example, they continued to hold the position that the Soviet Union was a "state capitalist" society.

Both groups described themselves as "public factions" of the SWP and set the task of recapturing the SWP to their understanding of Trotskyism. Another group, mainly in Los Angeles, had been close to Breitman, but did not agree to orient toward the SWP belonged briefly to Socialist Action and left to join the "regroupment" organization Solidarity. This was the most recent split or major faction fight in the SWP. The organization has experienced an unusually long period of internal peace since, although it has declined steadily in both its membership numbers and its political influence within the American left.

The group began in the late 1980s among small circles of students influenced by Trotskyism. Adopting the current name by April 1995, the RS grew from a few active members, when the Egyptian left was very much underground, to a couple of hundred by the Second Palestinian Intifada. Despite not being able to freely organise under President Hosni Mubarak, the group's membership still increased due to their participation in the Palestinian solidarity movement. The intifada was seen to have a radicalising effect on Egyptian youth, which in turn helped to re-establish grassroots activism, which had long been repressed under the Mubarak regime.

Politically active since childhood, he was selling socialist literature on the street corners by age eight, and joined the Young Communist League at fifteen.Tim Wohlforth, "Albert Glotzer (1908-1999): Obituary," Revolutionary History, www.revolutionaryhistory.co.uk/ By the end of the 1920s Glotzer was elected a member of the National Executive Committee of the Young Workers (Communist) League."Swabeck and Glotzer Join Opposition; Expelled," The Militant, vol. 1, no. 2 (Dec. 1, 1928), pg. 1. In the fall of 1928 Glotzer and his Chicago co-thinker Arne Swabeck expelled from the Workers (Communist) Party and its youth section for espousing Trotskyism.

All Trotskyists, and those suspected of being influenced by Trotskyism, were expelled.Joseph Stalin, "Industrialisation of the country and the right deviation in the C.P.S.U.(B.)", Works, Vol.11, pp. 255-302. Trotsky claimed that the Third Period policies of the Comintern had contributed to the rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany, and that its turn to a popular front policy (aiming to unite all ostensibly anti-fascist forces) sowed illusions in reformism and pacifism and "clear[ed] the road for a fascist overturn". By 1935 he claimed that the Comintern had fallen irredeemably into the hands of the Stalinist bureaucracy.

The organisation adhered to Posadism, the theories of Argentine Trotskyist, J. Posadas. He was the author of a number of works with an unconventional slant; he tried to create a synthesis of Trotskyism and Ufology. His most prominent thesis from this perspective was Flying saucers, the process of matter and energy, science, the revolutionary and working-class struggle and the socialist future of mankind (1968). Posadists believed that extra-terrestrials visiting earth in flying saucers must come from a socially and scientifically advanced civilisation to master inter-planetary travel and that the working-class should welcome the alien invaders as their liberators.

He was expelled from the party in November 1929, together with Chen Duxiu, for supporting Trotskyism. In 1949, on the eve of Communist victory in China, Peng fled Shanghai with his family to Hong Kong and then to Saigon, Vietnam in January 1950. After fellow Trotskyist Liu Jialiang () was arrested and killed by Vietnamese agents, in June 1951 Peng fled again to Paris, then the headquarters of the Trotskyist Fourth International. In Paris, his daughter Cheng Yingxiang () married the French sinologist Claude Cadart. They later organized, translated and published Peng's memoirs entitled L’envol du communisme en Chine.

Therein, between August 1936 and mid-1938, the Soviet government indicted, tried and shot virtually all of the remaining Old Bolsheviks. Beyond the show trials lay a broader purge, the Great Purge, that killed millions. Browder uncritically supported Stalin, likening Trotskyism to "cholera germs" and calling the purge "a signal service to the cause of progressive humanity". He compared the show-trial defendants to domestic traitors (Benedict Arnold, Aaron Burr, disloyal War of 1812 Federalists and Confederate secessionists) while likening persons who "smeared" Stalin's name to those who had slandered Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt.

In 1924 Tripp moved to Western Australia and then to Townsville, where he worked on the government railways and joined the Australian Workers' Union and the Communist Party of Australia. In 1929 he ran for the Legislative Assembly of Queensland as an Independent Communist candidate for Mundingburra. He visited Britain, Germany and Moscow later in 1929 and leaned towards Trotskyism, returning to Australia by mid-1930. In 1931 Tripp was a candidate for the 1931 by-election for the House of Representatives seat of Parkes, making him the first endorsed Communist to stand for federal parliament.

Those CPNZ members who remained loyal to Beijing formed the Workers' Communist League, whose newspaper was called Unity. During the Cold War, the CPNZ, SUP, Workers Commnist League and the Socialist Action League tried to influence the Labour Party, trade unions, and a range of popular issues like the anti-Springbok tour protests, the Māori biculturalism, and the anti-nuclear movement. Following the collapse of Albanian communism, the CPNZ adopted the Trotskyism it had once harshly condemned, and merged with a newer group known as the International Socialist Organization. The resultant party was called the Socialist Workers Organization.

Marx has been described as one of the most influential figures in human history. Revolutionary socialist governments espousing Marxist concepts took power in a variety of countries in the 20th century, leading to the formation of such socialist states as the Soviet Union in 1922 and the People's Republic of China in 1949. Many labour unions and workers' parties worldwide are influenced by Marxism, while various theoretical variants, such as Leninism, Stalinism, Trotskyism, and Maoism, were developed from them. Marx is typically cited, with Émile Durkheim and Max Weber, as one of the three principal architects of modern social science.

The incident left a negative impression on the SDS leaders toward democratic socialists and liberals.Isserman,pp. 208-214, 243 n.75 By 1964 the SP-SDF was becoming increasingly under the control of the realignment tendency, while the YPSL was becoming more radicalized, and tended more toward Trotskyism. At its national convention in August 1964 the YPSL elected a leadership particularly hostile to the Party, passed resolutions moving the YPSL's headquarters to Chicago without consulting the Party, deleted all references to the Party in its constitution and initiated a referendum on seceding from the parent organization.

Despite being initially attracted to Trotskyism, Dasgupta became a Thatcherite in his days at England. Since then, he has self-identified with centre-right politics and has been heavily active in the national political theater, as a member of Bharatiya Janata Party. Mushirul Hasan noted him to be the effective chief- spokesperson of BJP in the English language press during the 90s. Arvind Rajagopal saw this shift to BJP to immediately arise after the implementation of Mandal Commission recommendations along with the near-simultaneous Rathyatra by Advani, which Dasgupta held to be a potential event that can bridge the internal divide among Hindus.

During the late 1920s, Smith became a prominent opponent of Trotskyism within the Communist Party of Canada. He supported the removal of Maurice Spector and Jack MacDonald from the CPC, and endorsed Tim Buck, a strong supporter of Joseph Stalin, to become the party's new leader in 1929. In his autobiography, Smith accused Leon Trotsky of attempting to betray the Russian Revolution, alleging that he had been "in the service of British agents" in 1926. With the Canadian Labour Party falling into disarray, Smith returned to northern Ontario for the federal election of 1930 to contest Fort William as an independent candidate.

Mary-Alice Waters is a socialist feminist, journalist and activist in the United States. Waters became involved in Trotskyist politics at a young age, and joined the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) in the 1960s. She became the editor of their youth paper, Young Socialist, and the national secretary of the Young Socialist Alliance. In the early 1980s, Waters, along with Jack Barnes and others in the SWP leadership, began to reject the label of "Trotskyism" and the theory of Permanent Revolution, in favour of building links with the Cuban Communist Party and Sandinista National Liberation Front.

Her determination was such that junior ministers and civil servants of the Foreign Office would reputedly duck behind pillars when they saw her coming. She supported the points of Winston Churchill and Clement Attlee but earned the enmity of Neville Chamberlain. In 1936, Rathbone was one of several people who supported the British Provisional Committee for the Defence of Leon Trotsky, and signed a letter to the Manchester Guardian defending Trotsky's right to asylum and calling for an international inquiry into the Moscow Trials.Robert Jackson Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement.

The Soviet Union established diplomatic relations with the Second Spanish Republic on July 28, 1933. Moscow for years tried to purify the Spanish Communist Party by expelling anarchist and Trotskyite members, but the process took years and was finally handled by outside Communists sent to Spain in the Spanish Civil War who exposed and executed opponents.Tim Rees, "Deviation and discipline: anti-Trotskyism, Bolshevization and the Spanish Communist party, 1924–34." Historical Research 82.215 (2009): 131-156. Ambassador Marsel Rosenberg (1896–1938), and Consul- general Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko (1883–1938) arrived in Madrid in 1936, when Spanish Civil War was already underway.

The Spatacist League was wracked with a faction fight over this issue during 1968 at the end of which the group led by Harry Turner was expelled. During this fight the Turnerites were allied with another faction that was attracted to the ideas of the French Lutte Ouvrière but they left to establish their own organization, Spark, before the Turnerites were finally expelled.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.920 Once out of the Spartacist League the Turner group looked for another Trotskyist group to unite with.

However, these may be in error, perhaps confusing Wolf with his younger brother, Morris Gordin, whose disenchantment with the Soviet Union, after his early involvement in Bolshevism, led him to Trotskyism and then to a religious conversion to Protestantism and missionary work. Moreover, Wolf Gordin continued to speak in anarchist circles and publish in anarchist journals in the years of his exile. In the 1930s, Wolf Gordin contributed a number of articles, signed with his AO name "W. Beoby," to his brother's English-language anarchist journal, The Clarion, and to E. Armand's French-language anarchist journal, L'En-Dehors.

Horst von Pflugk-Hartung was a German spy, who along with his brother Georg, had previously been charged in Berlin for the assassination of the Socialist leaders, Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. Both men were acquitted but evidently many thought them guilty, for the brother was assassinated himself sometime later. After Horst von Pflugk- Hartung's trial in Denmark,Mike Jones on Danish Trotskyism, especially Trolle he was only sentenced to a year and a half in prison and was released after a few months owing to German government pressure. He became one of the leading German Intelligence chiefs in Denmark.

Born in Moscow into a working class family, Lev Samsonov spent an unhappy childhood in and out of orphanages and colonies after his father was prosecuted in 1937 during the anti- Trotskyism purge. He went to Siberia to travel there under an assumed name, Vladimir Maksimov (to become later his pen name), spent time in jails and labour camps, then worked as a bricklayer and construction worker. In 1951 he settled in one of the Kuban stanitsas and started to write short stories and poems for local newspapers. His debut book Pokolenye na chasakh (Generation on the Look-out) came out in Cherkessk in 1956.

Although he returned to Britain he did not resume his active role in the Trotskyist movement: he remained loyal to his political beliefs, speaking at a meeting in Wigan against the witch-hunt of Militant supporters in the Labour PartyObituary: Jimmy Deane - pioneer of Trotskyism - Accessed 7//7/2010 At the end of his life he declared his support for the Socialist Appeal tendency in the UK in a letter and emphasised that "A Marxist tendency must combat any traces of ultra-leftism that arise out of impatience". Jimmy Deane died of pneumonia on 21 August 2002 at the Rosebank Nursing Home in Liverpool.

"Comrade Lenin Cleanses the Earth of Filth" (1920). World revolution is the Marxist concept of overthrowing capitalism in all countries through the conscious revolutionary action of the organized working class. For some theorists, these revolutions will not necessarily occur simultaneously, but where and when local conditions allow a revolutionary party to successfully replace bourgeois ownership and rule, and install a workers' state based on social ownership of the means of production. In most Marxist schools, such as Trotskyism and Communist Left, the essentially international character of the class struggle and the necessity of global scope are critical elements and a chief explanation of the failure of socialism in one country.

Despite the failure, Stalin's policy of mixed-ideology political alliances nonetheless became Comintern policy. Until exiled from Russia in 1929, Trotsky developed and led the Left Opposition (and the later Joint Opposition) with members of the Workers' Opposition, the Decembrists and (later) the Zinovievists. Trotskyism predominated the politics of the Left Opposition, which demanded the restoration of soviet democracy, the expansion of democratic centralism in the Communist Party, national industrialisation, international permanent revolution and socialist internationalism. The Trotskyist demands countered Stalin's political dominance of the Communist Party, which was officially characterised by the "cult of Lenin", the rejection of permanent revolution, and advocated the doctrine of socialism in one country.

In 1905, Trotsky formulated his theory of permanent revolution that later became a defining characteristic of Trotskyism. Until 1905, some revolutionaries claimed that Marx's theory of history posited that only a revolution in a European capitalist society would lead to a socialist one. According to this position, it was impossible for a socialist revolution to occur in a backward, feudal country such as early 20th-century Russia when it had such a small and almost powerless capitalist class. The theory of permanent revolution addressed the question of how such feudal regimes were to be overthrown and how socialism could be established given the lack of economic prerequisites.

Trotsky argues that countries like Russia had no "enlightened, active" revolutionary bourgeoisie which could play the same role and the working class constituted a very small minority. By the time of the European revolutions of 1848, "the bourgeoisie was already unable to play a comparable role. It did not want and was not able to undertake the revolutionary liquidation of the social system that stood in its path to power." The theory of permanent revolution considers that in many countries that are thought under Trotskyism to have not yet completed a bourgeois-democratic revolution, the capitalist class opposes the creation of any revolutionary situation.

From the late 1940s to 1960s, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party served as the opposition Party in Sri Lanka, whilst being recognised as the Sri Lankan wing of the Fourth International, an organisation characterised by Trotskyism and Anti-Stalinism. Through this, Goonewardene attempted to reform the former British Colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising organisations in the banking, education, industry, media, and trade sectors. In 1959, despite being one of the largest landowners in Sri Lanka through inheritance, Goonewardene re-introduced inheritance tax to the country, despite the opposition of wealthy established parliamentarians. With its increased popularity, the LSSP was looking to grow.

Through these activities the IS was able to recruit a number of important rank-and-file leaders, most of whom later left the group during its splits, such as that forming Workers Power.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 pp.902, 910 The IS organized regional conferences of the opposition movements within labor unions during the mid-1970s, and in the late 1970s formed the "Labor Education and Research Project." This "Project" began publication of Labor Notes, which carried news on rank-and-file reform movements within the unions and began regular conferences and workshops on re-radicalizing the labor movement.

Barnes argued that anticapitalist revolutions typically began with a "workers' and farmers' government" which initially concentrated on bourgeois-democratic measures and only later moved on to the abolition of capitalism. Barnes also argued that the Trotskyist label unnecessarily distinguished leftists in that tradition from leftists of other origins, such as the Cuban Communist Party, or the Sandinista National Liberation Front. He argued that the SWP had more in common with these organizations than with many groups calling themselves Trotskyist. The SWP has continued to publish numerous books by Trotsky and advocate a number of ideas commonly associated with Trotskyism, including Trotsky's analysis of Stalinism.

The Congress did not attempt to present the ICFI as 'the Fourth International', rather it positioned the IC as a force that defended what it saw as the political continuity of Trotskyism and called for the 'rebuilding and reconstruction of the Fourth International'. The PCI came to feel that the SLL was ultimatistic, because the SLL argued that the programme of the IC had to be the basis for further revolutionary organisation. The PCI's differences were reflected in its openness to the Algerian MNA and the Bolivian POR. Early in 1967 the PCI changed its name to Organisation Communiste Internationaliste (OCI), a move that also suggested the OCI's greater modesty.

1950, stated that the PCdR protested Northern Transylvania's cession to Hungary later in the same year (the Second Vienna Arbitration), but evidence is inconclusiveFrunză, p.72, 105–107, 127 (party documents attesting the policy are dated after Nazi Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union).Frunză, p.106-107 As the border changes sparked a political crisis leading to an Iron Guard takeover—the National Legionary State—the interior wing's confusion intensified: the upper echelon faced investigation from Georgi Dimitrov (as well as other Comintern officials) on charges of "Trotskyism", and, since the FRN had crumbled, several low-ranking party officials actually began collaborating with the new regime.

The Revolutionary Workers Ferment, often known by its Spanish name or initials Fomento Obrero Revolucionario or FOR, was a small left communist international founded by Grandizo Munis, which arose as a split from the Trotskyist Fourth International at its Second Congress in 1948.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 pp. 250–251. Though Munis and his co-thinkers carried on polemics with other currents of Trotskyst origin for three decades, and it was only in the late 1970s that a formal organization was formed. The FOR only held one international conference, at Paris in 1981.

Bleibtreu became a member of the political committee of the PSU, then also its general secretary until he left that party in 1964. Bleibtreu's militancy engaged art as well. He organized in Paris, in 1967, an exhibition named "Art for Peace to Vietnam", a method which he would use again, in 1993, in Athens against the embargo in Iraq. Bleibtreu supported the development and the coordination of the 'Base Committees' in 1968, endeavouring to reduce the disagreements between the Trotskyist groups, from where his nickname of "Jean XXIII of Trotskyism" comes, following a famous appeal he made in the large lecture theater of the Sorbonne.

They also believed in making alliances with the Communists within the CIO unions to fight against expulsions, and that Communists and fellow travelers should be the primary area of recruitment, especially as many were becoming disillusioned with Stalinism.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 pp.836-7 A related, but distinct tendency was led by George Clarke, the SWP representative on the International Secretariat and Milton Zaslow, the Organizer of the SWPs New York local. This group was more directly influenced by the ideas of Michel Pablo, the secretary of the Fourth International at the time.

Following Nochum Shtif's death in 1933, Spivak was appointed director of the linguistics section of the All- Ukrainian Academy of Sciences' Institute for Jewish Proletarian Culture () and editor of its journal, Afn shprakhfront ('On the Language Front'). The Institute was closed down in early 1936 amid the Great Purge, with many of its staff members arrested on charges of Trotskyism. The smaller Office for the Study of Soviet Jewish Literature, Language, and Folklore was created in its place, with Spivak as director. Along with the rest of the Office, Spivak was evacuated to Ufa, Bashkiria with the Axis invasion of the Soviet Union, and returned in 1944.

Stan Weir (1921–2001) was an influential blue-collar intellectual, socialist, and labor leader. A rank-and-file worker for most of his life, Weir worked as a seaman in the Merchant Marine during World War II, as an auto worker, longshoreman, truck driver, and painter, before taking a position at the University of Illinois, where he taught courses to union locals. Politically, he was a leading figure in the "Third Camp" tendency of Trotskyism, and was a member of the Workers Party and its successor the Independent Socialist League. The character Joe Link in Harvey Swados’s novel Standing Fast was based on Weir.

This was followed by the Great Purge, in which individuals accused of being "enemies of the people"—including those sympathetic to rival interpretations of Marxism like Trotskyism—were arrested and interned in labor camps, if not executed. Both of Gorbachev's grandfathers were arrested—his maternal in 1934 and his paternal in 1937—and both spent time in Gulag labor camps prior to being released. After his December 1938 release, Gorbachev's maternal grandfather discussed having been tortured by the secret police, an account that influenced the young boy. Following on from the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, in June 1941 the German Army invaded the Soviet Union.

She was a member of the Transport and General Workers' Union and came from a fairly radical background – the Merseyside branch of what would later become the Militant tendency used to meet in her aunt's house in Birkenhead. To the end of her life, she maintained that the members of the CPGB were the most dedicated and conscientious political workers she ever knew. At University College London and LSE, she studied law. There she met her future husband, Anil Moonesinghe, who converted her to Trotskyism, and also a young conscientious objector called Stan Newens, who would later become a Labour Party MP and MEP.

Over a thousand people were arrested and seven of nine members of the Armenian Politburo were sacked from office. According to one study, 4,530 people were executed by firing squad in the years 1937-38 alone, the majority of them having been accused of anti- Soviet or "counter-revolutionary" activities, for belonging to the nationalist Dashnak party, or Trotskyism. As with various other ethnic minorities who lived in the Soviet Union under Stalin, tens of thousands of Armenians were executed or deported. In 1936, Beria and Stalin worked to deport Armenians to Siberia in an attempt to bring Armenia's population under 700,000 in order to justify an annexation into Georgia.

He joined the Communist Party of Great Britain, but left after reading Isaac Deutscher's biography of Leon Trotsky. Convinced of Trotskyism, he joined the Socialist Labour League (SLL), and resigned from the faculty at Exeter to become a history teacher in Forest Hill School, South London. He soon quit the SLL to join the rival International Marxist Group (IMG), and became prominent in the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign. Despite hitchhiking to Paris to join the events of May 1968, Richardson was part of a small group which rejected the IMG's turn away from trade unions and the labour movement to work in the student movement.

Solidarity is part of the international socialist tradition and the International Socialist Tendency. The tendency originated with the ideas of Tony Cliff, who split from orthodox Trotskyism by developing a state capitalist critique of the Soviet union. Cliff also developed an analysis of the post war boom called the permanent arms economy and the theory of deflected permanent revolution which took some issue with Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution in relation the revolutions in China in 1949 and Cuba in 1959, which Cliff argued were not socialist revolutions. Cliff formed what was to become the British Socialist Workers Party and similar organisations spread throughout the world.

Recruited to Trotskyism as a student in Paris in the 1934, he formed the Bolshevik Leninist Group of Romania upon his return to Romania (April 1935). The latter faction opposed the Stalinist PCR, as well as the Social Democrats and the Unitary Socialist Party of Leon Ghelerter. When the Spanish Civil War and the June 1936 strikes took place, Korner again returned to France and was a member of the Internationalist Workers Party (POI). In line with Leon Trotsky's advice to his French followers to enter the Workers and Peasants Socialist Party (PSOP) he joined that party and stood on its far left (see French Turn).

Following the split of Committee for a Workers International (CWI), a Trotskyist international, The Struggle, also suffered a split and Farooq Tariq, along with perhaps one dozen Struggle members, and went on to build an independent workers party in Pakistan. Farooq Tariq and his comrades announced the formation of Labour Party Pakistan in 1997. In November 2012, Farooq Tariq's Labour Party Pakistan, the Awami Party, and Workers Party merged to form the Awami Workers Party (AWP) in an unprecedented effort to build a genuine Left alternative to mainstream political forces in Pakistan. The AWP promotes the Left unity and includes members from all Communist tendencies: Trotskyism, Stalinism, and Maoism.

Trotskyism supports the theory of permanent revolution and world revolution instead of the two stage theory and socialism in one country. It supported proletarian internationalism and another communist revolution in the Soviet Union which Trotsky claimed had become a degenerated worker's state under the leadership of Stalin in which class relations had re-emerged in a new form, rather than the dictatorship of the proletariat. In 1938, Trotsky founded the Fourth International, a Trotskyist rival to the Stalinist Communist International. Trotskyist ideas have found echo among political movements in some countries in Asia and Latin America, especially in Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia and Sri Lanka.

Like the Trotskyists, it saw the failure of the German Communist Party in the face of fascism as its historic failure and ceased to consider itself a fraction of the party from the date of its 1935 Congress held in Brussels. Isolated, the left fraction sought to discover allies within the milieu of groups to the left of the Trotskyist movement. Typically, these discussions came to nothing, but they were able to recruit from the disintegrating Ligue des Communistes Internationalistes (LCI) in Belgium, a group which had broken from Trotskyism. A loose liaison was also maintained with the council communist groups in the Netherlands and in particular with the GIK.

They were refused full delegates' credentials and only admitted to the founding conference of the Youth International on the following day. They then joined Hugo Oehler's International Contact Commission for the Fourth (Communist) International and in 1939 were publishing Der Marxist in Antwerp. With the beginning of the war, they took the name Revolutionary Communists of Germany (RKD) and came to define Russia as state capitalist in agreement with Ante Ciliga's book The Russian Enigma. At this point, they adopted a revolutionary defeatist position on the war and condemned Trotskyism for its critical defence of Russia (which was seen by Trotskyists as a degenerated workers' state).

In 1948, they experienced their "final disenchantment with Trotskyism", leading them to break away to form Socialisme ou Barbarie, whose journal began appearing in March 1949. Castoriadis later said of this period that "the main audience of the group and of the journal was formed by groups of the old, radical left: Bordigists, council communists, some anarchists and some offspring of the German 'left' of the 1920s". The group was composed of both intellectuals and workers and agreed with the idea that the main enemies of society were the bureaucracies which governed modern capitalism. They documented and analysed the struggle against that bureaucracy in the group's journal.

Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 pp. 903–904 Their move away from Leninism is documented in a book by RSL leader Ron Tabor titled A Look at Leninism (), which collected together a series of articles questioning the fundamentals of Leninism that had appeared as a serial series in The Torch newspaper. The RSL disbanded in 1989, with about twenty of its remaining members helping in the formation of Love and Rage Network, a revolutionary anarchist newspaper and organization. The RSL met to disband the day before the founding conference of Love and Rage.

In 1937 Hermann Nuding and Herbert Wehner were jointly commissioned by the Comintern leadership to compose a diatribe entitled "Trotskyism and Fascism". Leon Trotsky had at one time been seen by many as a likely successor of Lenin and was, by the 1930s, exiled from the Soviet Union and being systematically excoriated by the Soviet leadership and its supporters internationally. Like many exiled German communists, by the time war broke out in 1939 he was based in France, and during 1939/1940 he was interned at Gurs. On his release he settled down to a life as a small farmer in the south of France using, appropriately, the pseudonym "Jean Bauer".

In 1977 the CWO majority adhered to the international conferences initiated by the Internationalist Communist Party (Battaglia Comunista) from Italy, also known as the PCInt. In the course of these conferences, the CWO became convinced by the PCInt that the positions the latter had defended since 1943 were the best product of the left communist tradition. The two organisations formed the International Bureau for the Revolutionary Party in 1983. Due to their opposition to Stalinism/Marxism–Leninism, Maoism, and Trotskyism – as well as their theoretical basis originating in the Italian left – the CWO has erroneously been referred to as a "Bordigist" or "council–communist" organisation by some authors.

At University College, London, he studied law. There he met his future wife, Jeanne Hoban – a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) whom he converted to Trotskyism – and Stan Newens, who was later to become a Labour & Co-op MP. They joined the Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP), in which they were associated with the group around Tony Cliff, the so-called 'State-Caps' after their characterisation of the USSR as 'State-Capitalist'. The group later became the Socialist Review Group (SRG), organised around the Socialist Review which evolved into the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). Both Anil and Jeanne were present at the founding conference of the SRG.

Cannon, The History of American Trotskyism, pg. 51. The factional war between the dominant group headed by party Executive Secretary Jay Lovestone and the Chicago-based chief of the Trade Union Educational League, William Z. Foster was temporarily put on ice so that the party could conduct a Presidential campaign.The 1928 Workers (Communist) Party ticket paired Foster as its nominee for President along with Lovestone factional leader Benjamin Gitlow for Vice-President. Meanwhile, Cannon and his small circle of close associates set to work at another task, personally evangelizing to "carefully selected individuals" by reading to them from the single copy of the Trotsky document that they had at their disposal.

C. E. Ruthenberg died on March 2, 1927, and his longtime factional ally Jay Lovestone took over his position as Executive Secretary of the party. The factional fighting between the Foster and Lovestone groups continued, but now became overshadowed by the larger struggle in the Soviet Union between Joseph Stalin and his opponents. A firm supporter of Joseph Stalin, Foster split with James P. Cannon in 1928 and supported his former ally's expulsion for Trotskyism. Foster was made General Secretary of the party in 1929 with the support of the Comintern, deposing Jay Lovestone, who was sympathetic to Bukharin and whose policies of American exceptionalism were anathema to Stalin's new Third Period line.

In the USSR, the eleven-year period from the death of Joseph Stalin (1953) to the political ouster of Nikita Khrushchev (1964), the national politics were dominated by the Cold War; the ideological U.S.–USSR struggle for the planetary domination of their respective socio–economic systems, and the defense of hegemonic spheres of influence. Nonetheless, since the mid-1950s, despite the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) having disowned Stalinism, the political culture of Stalinism—an omnipotent General Secretary, anti-Trotskyism, a five-year planned economy (post-New Economic Policy), and repudiation of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact secret protocols—remained the character of Soviet society until the accession of Mikhail Gorbachev as leader of the CPSU in 1985.

Organizers and leaders of party's activities during this time were Comrade Artyom (Fyodor Sergeev), Vladimir Bonch-Bruyevich, Miron Vladimirov, Kliment Voroshilov, Serafima Gopner, Sergey Gusev, Lidia Knipovich, Gleb Krzhizhanovsky, Grigory Petrovsky, Nikolay Skripnik, Alexander Schlichter, Yemelyan Yaroslavsky, and others. During the following year of government reaction in 1907–10 Bolshevik organizations in Ukraine have suffered significant losses, yet continued their revolutionary activities. Guided by decisions of the 1912 Prague Conference, those Bolsheviks carried out work to expand and strengthen ties with the masses, their international upbringing, preparing workers to new revolutionary battles, were exposing supporters of what was labeled as "liquidationism", "otzovizm" (recalling representatives from the State Duma), trotskyism and bourgeois nationalism.

It was in the milieu of former members of the RCP that the new SRG saw its audience too. The new group adopted the magazine Socialist Review as its central organ and it was to run from 1950 to 1962. Asserting their political continuity with Trotskyism they argued that they stood on the ideas of Leon Trotsky and Bolshevik Leninism except insofar as they differed as to their analysis of the states dominated by Stalinist parties. To this end they adopted three documents summarising their viewpoint; The Nature of Stalin's Russia (the first edition of Cliff's State Capitalism in Russia), The Class Nature of the People's Democracies and Marxism and the Theory of Bureaucratic Collectivism.

This may be taken as a first general statement of programme by the SRG given its all encompassing nature and, apart from its position on Stalinism, is informed by a conception of transitional politics that is characteristic of Trotskyism. Meanwhile, entrist work in the Birmingham Labour Party led to the expulsion of SRG members from the Labour Party. The SRG also had its internal controversies of which the first was the expulsion of Ellis Hillman, later a London councillor, who argued that the Stalinist parties were embryonic state capitalist societies. In this he was echoing the positions of the Johnson-Forrest tendency, C. L. R. James and Raya Dunayevskaya, and directly challenging Cliff's analysis of state capitalism.

901, 903 Of all the Trotskyist groups that attempted a turn toward industry in the 1970s, the IS was the most successful. They became a force within opposition movements within several unions. These included the United Action Caucus within Local 1101 in the Communication Workers of America, the opposition to the leadership of the United Mine Workers which eventually led to the election of Arnold Miller as president, the opposition within the National Maritime Union, and in the International Longshore and Warehouse Union where they led a successful court fight against the expulsion of IS member Stan Weir.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991, p.

"Bureaucratic collectivism" was first used as a term to describe a theory originating in England, shortly before the First World War, about a possible future social organisation. After the war, the Russian Revolution, and the rise to power of Joseph Stalin in the Soviet Union, Hugo Urbahns and Lucien Laurat both began to critique the nature of the Soviet state in a similar manner. This theory was first taken up within Trotskyism by a small group in France around Craipeau. It was also taken up by Bruno Rizzi, who believed that the Soviet, German, and Italian bureaucracies were progressive and celebrated "the class which has the courage to make itself master of the state".

In 1940, Jake Cooper was selected by the Socialist Workers Party to go to Mexico City and work as a bodyguard for Leon Trotsky, the exiled Russian Bolshevik leader. "I'm honored by the fact that I was selected because perhaps it tells you that they thought I was not only a militant, but that I was honest and would go there to die for our ideas if necessary," Cooper said in an interview in 1988. Cooper remained a Trotskyist his entire life. When the Socialist Workers Party leadership faction of Jack Barnes abandoned Trotskyism in the 1980s and expelled the Trotskyist factions, he joined those who were expelled in the group called Socialist Action (US).

Cannon attended the Sixth Congress of the Comintern in 1928 hoping to use his connections with leading circles within it to regain the advantage against the Lovestone faction, but Cannon and Maurice Spector of the Communist Party of Canada (CPC) were accidentally given a copy of Leon Trotsky's "Critique of the Draft Program of the Comintern" that they were instructed to read and return. Persuaded by its contents, they came to an agreement to return to the United States and campaign for the document's positions. A copy of the document was then smuggled out of the country in a child's toy.Palmer, Bryan D., "Maurice Spector, James P. Cannon, and the Origins of Canadian Trotskyism" .

Kagan's unpublished PhD dissertation on Chen Duxiu 陳獨秀 and Chinese Trotskyism provides an iconoclastic view of culture, revolution and polity in early 20th century China. The work was among the first to reference Antonio Gramsci's theoretical contributions to comprehending the political economy of revolutionary China. Kagan lived in and studied Chinese language in the Republic of China (Taiwan) from 1965 to 1967, and this initial experience served as the springboard for a lifelong commitment to furthering civil and political rights in Taiwan. Among Kagan's published materials on Taiwan are an introduction to Ross Y. Koen's book The China Lobby in American Politics (1974), and two seminal biographies of Taiwanese leaders Lee Deng-hui and Chen Shui-bian.

The book was also reviewed by William P. Collins in The Journal of Politics, the political scientist Michael Harrington in The New Republic, Ken Plumme in Sociology, the philosopher Marx W. Wartofsky in Praxis International, and the historian Tony Judt in The New York Review of Books. Blaug considered the book "brilliant" and important to the social sciences. He credited Kołakowski with summarizing the strengths and weaknesses of Marxism, and praised his discussions of historical materialism, Engels's Dialectics of Nature, Kautsky, Plekhanov, Leninism, Trotsky, Trotskyism, Lukács, Marcuse, and Althusser. However he believed that, due to his background as a philosopher, Kołakowski treated Marxism primarily in philosophical and political terms, thereby distorting the pivotal role of economic theory in Marxism.

Under pressure from Beria, Joseph Stalin gave an order to arrest Devdariani and indict him with charges of plotting to assassinate Lavrentiy Beria and of having links with exiled Leon Trotsky. Devdariani was declared an "enemy of the people" and was denounced for Trotskyism. While the charges against Devdariani were entirely false, Beria, a master provocateur, persuaded Stalin to grant him an approval for Devdariani's liquidation. Before the arrest and murder of his brothers, based on his personal letters, Devdariani had lost any belief in communism and confessed to his family members of being intolerant of Stalin, Beria and the Bolsheviks.Давиташвили, Жан, "Он Верил в Победу," Молодежь Грузии, 2 Февраля, 1971, 3 стр.

Flag of the Struggle Group.Book review: Revolutionaries They Could Not Break, by Ngo Van Trotskyism in Vietnam was represented by those who, in left opposition to the Indochinese Communist Party (PCI) of Nguyen Ai Quoc (Ho Chi Minh), identified with the call by Leon Trotsky to re-found "vanguard parties of proletariat" on principles of "proletarian internationalism" and of "permanent revolution". Active in the 1930s in organising the Saigon waterfront, industry and transport, Trotskyists presented a significant challenge to the Moscow-aligned party in Cochinchina. Following the September 1945 Saigon uprising against the restoration of the French, Vietnamese Trotskyists were systematically hunted down and eliminated by both the French Sûreté and the Communist-front Viet Minh.

From the beginning, Solidarity was an avowedly pluralist radical organization that included several currents of Trotskyism, socialist-feminists who had been in the New American Movement, and veterans of earlier New Left groups such as Students for a Democratic Society. Solidarity sought to "regroup" with others to create a larger revolutionary socialist-feminist organization. They hoped to initiate a broad regroupment that would include, for example, some of the fragments of the disintegrating New Communist Movement and many more socialist-feminists and New Left veterans. Discussions of regroupment and "Left Refoundation" have been initiated between Solidarity and other left groups of varying tendencies from the 1980s to the present, but these have not led to broader fusions.

The two-stage theory is often attributed to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, but critics such as David McLellanMcLellan, David (1971). The Thought of Karl Marx. and others dispute that they envisaged the strict application of this theory outside of the actually existing Western development of capitalism. Although all agree that Marx and Engels argue that Western capitalism provides the technological advances necessary for socialism and the "grave diggers" of the capitalist class in the form of the working class, critics of the two- stage theory, including most trends of Trotskyism, counter that Marx and Engels denied that they had laid down a formula to be applied to all countries in all circumstances.

Active in the Syndicat National des Instituteurs (SNI), a staunch supporter of laïcité and a pacifist after service in World War I, Pivert joined the faction of the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) led by Léon Blum, which opposed affiliation to the Comintern in 1920, as opposed to the new French Communist Party (PCF). In the early 1930s, Pivert organised the most left-wing members of the SFIO in his Gauche Révolutionnaire ("Revolutionary Left") tendency of which Daniel Guérin was a member. The tendency opened itself to Trotskyism, initiating entryism as a tactic for the latter. In 1936, when Blum formed the Popular Front government, he was pressured by Pivert to reject capitalism.

In the late 1930s he broke with Stalinism and gravitated toward Trotskyism, joining the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). In the early 1940s, he worked in a foundry in Bayonne, New Jersey, where he was an organizer and shop steward for the United Electrical Workers as well as a recruiter for the SWP. Within the SWP, he adhered to the Goldman-Morrow faction, which broke away after the war ended. He was an auto worker and UAW member at the time of the great General Motors strike of 1945-46. In 1949, while speaking to a Zionist youth organization at City College, Bookchin met a mathematics student, Beatrice Appelstein, whom he married in 1951.

Wall was associated with a series of journals aimed at leading and widening the influence of Trotskyism, and popularising it without compromising or diluting it. After National Service in the Army he returned to Liverpool and helped to produce the youth journal Rally, organ of the Walton Labour Youth League. Terry Harrison has described how when he joined the Labour Party Young Socialists in 1958, it was Wall and Rally that "invited me to make a real commitment to the ideas of Marxism, and made me realise what this meant". Wall was then on the editorial board of Socialist Fight (1958-1963), and played a leading role in launching and editing the newspaper Militant.

While Trotskyist groups had existed prior to the 1950s, it was during this time that the key figures who would go on to define British Trotskyism for decades and lead it to becoming the most prominent far-left tendency with the decline of Marxist- Leninism, namely Gerry Healy, Ted Grant and Tony Cliff, founded their own organisations. The Revolutionary Communist Party fractured over the topic of entryism into the Labour Party and on how to approach the Cold War and eventually coalesced around the entryist group The Club, in 1950. Cliff and Grant split the same year, forming the Socialist Review Group, and the International Socialist Group (later merged into the Revolutionary Socialist League), respectively.Callaghan, John (1984).

As early as 1934, Tzara, together with Breton, Éluard and communist writer René Crevel, organized an informal trial of independent-minded Surrealist Salvador Dalí, who was at the time a confessed admirer of Hitler, and whose portrait of William Tell had alarmed them because it shared likeness with Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin.Carlos Rojas, Salvador Dalí, or the Art of Spitting on Your Mother's Portrait, Penn State University Press, University Park, 1993, p.98. Historian Irina Livezeanu notes that Tzara, who agreed with Stalinism and shunned Trotskyism, submitted to the PCF cultural demands during the writers' congress of 1935, even when his friend Crevel committed suicide to protest the adoption of socialist realism.Livezeanu, p.

The COBI, however, retained several of BICO's policies, including supporting the partition of Ireland, backing the UK joining the European Economic Community, and opposition to Trotskyism. The new group had already begun studying the work of the De Leonist Socialist Labour Party, also taking its arm-and-hammer logo as its own. It rapidly published a series of publications all bearing the name of their journal Proletarian, of which at least four issues were published, variously described as texts, broadsides or simply as pamphlets. COBI stated that it would use the work of "Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao as bases" and also defended the idea of the vanguard party as the means for achieving socialism.

As President of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito prided himself on Yugoslavia's independence from the Soviet Union, with Yugoslavia never accepting full membership in Comecon and Tito's open rejection of many aspects of Stalinism as the most obvious manifestations of this. The Soviets and their satellite states often accused Yugoslavia of Trotskyism and social democracy, charges loosely based on Tito's form of workers' self-management and the theory of associated labor (profit sharing policies and worker-owned industries initiated by him, Milovan Đilas and Edvard Kardelj in 1950). It was in these things that the Soviet leadership accused of harboring the seeds of council communism or even corporatism. In 1948, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia held its Fifth Congress.

Though they considered their ideological origins to be in the "Global Class War Tendency" which was led by Sam Marcy and Vincent Copeland within the Socialist Workers Party from 1948–1959, organizationally it began as a splinter of the Spartacist League in 1968. This first incarnation was simply known as the Revolutionary Communist League, and had a more "activist" orientation than the SL. They collaborated with the Workers World Party, Youth Against War and Fascism and other New Left elements within a united front group called the Coalition for an Anti-imperialist Movement or CO-AIM.Alexander, Robert International Trotskyism: a documented analysis of the world movement Durham, Duke University Press 1991 p.941 The original RCL merged with the WWP later that year.

While enjoying a financially comfortable life himself, he allowed some of his most committed activists to live in poverty. John Lister, expelled from the WRP in 1974, concluded: > Healy was a crook and a political charlatan, who preserved his position as > General Secretary of the WRP by resorting to the most bureaucratic and anti- > democratic measures, who stubbornly opposed any campaigning for women's > liberation or gay rights, who habitually subjected women "comrades" to > sexual abuse, who sold out the WRP's formal principles and programme for > Middle East oil money and who has done more than anyone to degrade the > reputation of Marxism and Trotskyism in Britain. Healy was depicted as "Frank Hood of the Hoodlums" in Tariq Ali's satire, Redemption (1990).

After 1945, Trotskyism was smashed as a mass movement in Vietnam and marginalised in a number of other countries. Antonov-Ovseyenko was the first former Trotskyist to be posthumously rehabilitated The International Secretariat of the Fourth International (ISFI) organised an international conference in 1946 and then World Congresses in 1948 and 1951 to assess the expropriation of the capitalists in Eastern Europe and Yugoslavia, the threat of a Third World War and the tasks for revolutionaries. The Eastern European Communist-led governments which came into being after World War II without a social revolution were described by a resolution of the 1948 congress as presiding over capitalist economies. By 1951, the Congress had concluded that they had become "deformed workers' states".

This was immediately opposed by the Revolutionary Tendency of the SWP, and by the SLL in Britain and the PCI in France, as well as many orthodox Trotskyists throughout the world. Those currents still valued the political lessons learned from the 1953 split. They saw the SWP's decision as an abandonment of the most basic principles of the Fourth International, and of Trotskyism, and as an attempt to ingratiate itself to the growing middle class protest movement in the United States. The RT, SLL and PCI argued that the anti-war movement in the US contained the same types of people the Pabloites had sought to attract during the mass exodus of people from the Stalinist Parties after the revelations of Stalin's atrocities in the 1950s.

KGB investigators failed to prove any connection between former PNC members and the other half of NCPSU (former "Left School"), as well as their connections with regional groups. They also failed to get convincing proof of serious anti-Soviet activity (partially, because NCPSU archive, previously kept in the village of Valentinovka, Moscow Oblast, has been destroyed in January 1975). During the investigation, arrested members of NCPSU claimed that they mainly upheld the ideas of Marxism–Leninism, considered to be the official ideology of the USSR, while some evasion towards Trotskyism, anarchism and existentialism cannot be a crime, because in the USSR one cannot be tried for their views, but only for their actions. As a result, the NCPSU case was never brought to trial.

When the SWP moved away from Trotskyism in the early 1980s, a faction fight broke out in the RWL between supporters of the SWP and supporters of a Trotskyist position over the issue of Leon Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution and the nature of the Cuban Revolution. While the Trotskyists argued that Cuba was a deformed workers' state, the supporters of the SWP argued that Cuban Revolution was a full worker's revolution and that the Cuban state was a genuine worker's state. The Trotskyists were expelled beginning in the early 1980s and formed what became Gauche Socialiste in Quebec and Socialist Challenge in English Canada. In the late 1980s the RWL left the FI and in 1990 it changed its name to the Communist League.

Grigory Zinoviev and Vladimir Lenin among the delegates to the second congress of the Comintern at the Uritsky Palace in Petrograd, 1920 During Lenin's final illness, Zinoviev, his close associate Kamenev and Joseph Stalin formed a ruling 'triumvirate' (or 'troika') in the Communist Party, playing a key role in the marginalization of Leon Trotsky. The triumvirate carefully managed the intra-party debate and delegate-selection process in autumn 1923, during the run-up to the XIIIth Party Conference, and secured the vast majority of the seats. The Conference, held in January 1924 just before Lenin's death, denounced Trotsky and Trotskyism. Some of Trotsky's supporters suffered demotion or reassignment in the wake of his defeat, and Zinoviev's power and influence seemed at its zenith.

Cliff's approach to this idea was published in the 1948 article The Nature of Stalinist RussiaTony Cliff: The Nature of Stalinist Russia, (1948) (accessed 2005-05-29) as it was further advanced on in his 2000 publication Trotskyism after Trotsky where he discussed the decline of the USSR. Other IS/SWP theoreticians such as Nigel Harris and Chris Harman would later extend and develop a distinct body of state capitalist analysis based on Cliff's initial work. This theory was summed up in the slogan "Neither Washington nor Moscow, but International Socialism". The slogan is said to have originally come from Max Shachtman's group, the Workers Party, in their paper 'Labor Action' and was only borrowed by the IS/SWP at a later date.

On the first day of the meeting, 28 June, the Cominform adopted the prepared text of a resolution, known in Yugoslavia as the "Resolution of the Informbiro" (Rezolucija Informbiroa). In it, the other Cominform (Informbiro) members expelled Yugoslavia, citing "nationalist elements" that had "managed in the course of the past five or six months to reach a dominant position in the leadership" of the KPJ. The resolution warned Yugoslavia that it was on the path back to bourgeois capitalism due to its nationalist, independence-minded positions, and accused the party itself of "Trotskyism". This was followed by the severing of relations between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, beginning the period of Soviet–Yugoslav conflict between 1948 and 1955 known as the Informbiro Period.

Fischer had been appointed co-leader of the party in April and was identified as a resolute "anti-Stalinist". Schneller was soon given responsibility for the department in charge of "Theoretical work" and "Agitprop". During 1924 the Fischer-Maslow leadership team came under increasing pressure from committed pro-Stalinists within the party, and early in 1925, as the influence of Karl Korsch and the "ultra-left-wingers" increased at the expense of the formal party leadership, Schneller became the publisher of the theoretical newspaper "Internationale" and leader of the "Marxist-Leninist Circle". He quickly made himself as reputation as a leading proponent of the "Struggle against Trotskyism and Luxemburgism", which implicitly but unambiguously meant that he was now lining up with the pro-Stalinists.

Communist terrorism describes terrorism carried out in the advancement of, or by groups who adhere to, communism or related ideologies, such as Trotskyism, Leninism, Maoism, or Marxism–Leninism. In history communist terrorism has sometimes taken the form of state-sponsored terrorism, supported by communist nations such as the Soviet Union,Fleming pp110Chaliand page 197/202 China,Chaliand page 197/202 North KoreaChaliand page 197/202 and Cambodia.Clymer page 107 In addition, non-state actors such as the Red Brigades, the Front Line and the Red Army Faction have also engaged in communist terrorism.C. J. M. Drake page 19Sloan pp61 These groups hope to inspire the masses to rise up and begin a revolution to overthrow existing political and economic systems.

From the late 1940s to 1960s, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party served as the opposition Party in Sri Lanka, whilst being recognised as the Sri Lankan wing of the Fourth International, an organisation }}characterised by Trotskyism and Anti-Stalinism. Through this, the party, led by Goonewardene, attempted to reform the former British Colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising organisations in the banking, education, industry, media, and trade sectors. In 1959, despite being one of the largest landowners in Sri Lanka through inheritance, Vivienne and Leslie fought for the re-introduction of inheritance tax to the country, despite the opposition of wealthy established parliamentarians. Their party also introduced a limit on the number of houses one could own.

Francis left a divided legacy, as his Leftist critics and Rightist admirers disagreed on the overall evaluation of his career. For the Left, his was a sad tale of the betrayal of the leftist culture of the 1950s, and of the 1960s Brazilian intelligentsia in which he was nurturedKucinski, "Paulo Francis", 89: Francis had the "luck of being born in the right place and grow up in the best moment [as] he could go round a corner and run across Jaguar, around another and across Jorge Amado, he would sip a coffee with Millor Fernandes or [the editor] Ênio Silveira. He learnt his Trotskyism from Mário Pedrosa and had Oscar Niemeyer as his scenographer". for the sake of success in the Cultural Industry.

At the time, J.R. Jayawardena was the finance minister of the country. Maintaining the price of rice at 25 cents had been an electoral promise given by UNP in the 1952 elections, and when the new rates of 70 cents were introduced to the public there was a massive anger against it. From the late 1940s to 1960s, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party served as the opposition Party in Sri Lanka, whilst being recognised as the Sri Lankan wing of the Fourth International, an organisation characterised by Trotskyism. During this period, the party was able to use its considerable political influence to reform the former British Colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising organisations in the banking, education, industry, media and trade sectors.

The Militant, edited by James P. Cannon, Martin, Abern, and Max Shachtman, was the official organ of the Communist League of America throughout its six years of existence. The Communist League of America (Opposition) was founded by James P. Cannon, Max Shachtman and Martin Abern late in 1928 after their expulsion from the Communist Party USA for Trotskyism. The CLA(O) was the United States section of Leon Trotsky's International Left Opposition and initially positioned itself as not a rival party to the CPUSA but as a faction of it and the Comintern. The group was terminated in 1934 when it merged with the American Workers Party headed by A. J. Muste to establish the Workers Party of the United States.

The first one is the coincidence of the goals in this respect of two major historical schools: of the official pro-Soviet school with the tradition of demonizing of Trotsky and Trotskyism and of the anti- Soviet, anti-Communist school, with its tradition of demonizing the whole Communist movement, for which purpose it was convenient to attribute the traits of Stalinism to Communism as a whole. The second reason is that with a few exceptions of émigrés, all Trotskyists were physically eliminated by Stalin so that there are virtually no memoirs, and nearly all documents of the Left Opposition were made inaccessible. Therefore the historical picture has become distorted in this area for both subjective and objective reasons. During Perestroika a large amount of memoirs of repressed people have become available.

The Old Bolsheviks Joseph Stalin, Lenin and Mikhail Kalinin were members of the Bolshevik faction before the October Revolution In post-Revolutionary Russia, Stalinism (socialism in one country) and Trotskyism (permanent world revolution) were the principal philosophies of communism that claimed legitimate ideological descent from Leninism, thus within the Communist Party, each ideological faction denied the political legitimacy of the opposing faction.Chambers Dictionary of World History (2000) p. 837. Until shortly before his death, Lenin countered Stalin's disproportionate political influence in the Communist Party and in the bureaucracy of the Soviet government, partly because of abuses he had committed against the populace of Georgia and partly because the autocratic Stalin had accumulated administrative power disproportionate to his office of General Secretary of the Communist Party.Lewin, Moshe. Lenin's Last Struggle. (1969).

Mus was a supporter of French colonialism in Vietnam and Hồ Chí Minh believed there was no danger of Chinese troops staying in Vietnam (although this was the time when China invaded Tibet). The Vietnamese at the time were busy spreading anti-French propaganda as evidence of French atrocities in Vietnam emerged while Hồ Chí Minh showed no qualms about accepting Chinese aid after 1949. Hồ Chí Minh (right) with Võ Nguyên Giáp (left) in Hanoi, 1945 The Việt Minh then collaborated with French colonial forces to massacre supporters of the Vietnamese nationalist movements in 1945–1946, and ; also and of the Trotskyists. Trotskyism in Vietnam did not rival the Party outside of the major cities, but particularly in the South, in Saigon-Cochinchina, they had been a challenge.

"Bolshevik freedom" with nude of Trotsky in a Polish propaganda poster, Polish–Soviet War (1920) In The Stalin School of Falsification, Trotsky argues that what he calls the "legend of Trotskyism" was formulated by Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev in collaboration with Stalin in 1924 in response to the criticisms Trotsky raised of Politburo policy.See also Deutscher, Isaac, Stalin, p 293, Penguin (1966) Orlando Figes argues: "The urge to silence Trotsky, and all criticism of the Politburo, was in itself a crucial factor in Stalin's rise to power".Figes, Orlando, A People's Tragedy: The Russian Revolution 1891–1924, p802, Pimlico (1997). Figes, at Birkbeck, University of London, is one of the UK's leading modern Russian historians During 1922–1924, Lenin suffered a series of strokes and became increasingly incapacitated.

Robert J. Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement Oehler remained a prominent member of the League, serving on the committee of the International Labor Defense following the Loray Mill Strike.John A. Salmond, Gastonia 1929: The Story of the Loray Mill Strike He organised unemployed workers during the Minneapolis Teamsters Strike of 1934. In 1934, the Communist League merged with A. J. Muste's American Workers Party, becoming the Workers Party of the United States, and later entered the Socialist Party of America as part of Trotsky's "French Turn." Oehler objected to this entrism as a tactic, believing that it would lead to the group becoming influenced by reformism, although once the group had entered, he argued that it should not leave, as this would be unprincipled.

Retrieved 4 November 2019.Grant, Ted (1996). "The Collapse of Stalinism and the Class Nature of the Russian State". Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 4 November 2019.Arnove, Anthony (Winter 2000). "The Fall of Stalinism: Ten Years On". International Socialist Review. 10. Retrieved 4 November 2019.Daum, Walter (Fall 2002). "Theories of Stalinism's Collapse". Proletarian Revolution. 65. Retrieved 4 November 2019. Trotskyism argues that the leadership of the communist states was corrupt and that it abandoned Marxism in all but name. In particular, some Trotskyist schools call those countries degenerated workers' states to contrast them with proper socialism (i.e. workers' states) while other Trotskyist schools call them state capitalist to emphasize the lack of true socialism and presence of defining capitalist characteristics (wage labor, commodity production and bureaucratic control over workers).

After defending his candidate thesis on the topic "The Marxist-Leninist theory of reflection and criticism of physiological idealism" in 1937 he was appointed head of the Department of Philosophy at Rostov University. In 1948 he defended his doctor thesis on the topic "Problems of the formation of general concepts" and became a professor.Михаил Гонтмахер «Евреи на Донской земле» He was arrested during the Campaign against cosmopolitanism in 1949, was expelled from the Communist Party "for the anti-Party activity, which was alien to the interests of the Bolshevik Party and the Soviet people, expressed in propaganda of the ideology of bourgeois cosmopolitanism, counterrevolutionary Trotskyism and right opportunism in his works." In 1950, he was sentenced to 10 years of forced labor camps (in 1954 he was released, rehabilitated, and returned to his previous work).

The organisation was founded as the Organisation of Labour Students (SOLS) in 1970/71, however it is a direct descendant of the Scottish Association of Labour Student Organisations (SALSO) which had existed since 1946. In the 1960s SALSO's UK equivalent, the National Association of Labour Student Organisations (NALSO), was taken over by Trotskyists and disaffiliated from the Labour Party. SALSO, however, successfully resisted any take-over attempts. SOLS remained famous for its hostility to Trotskyism and its members were key to recovering control of the National Organisation of Labour Students, NOLS, from the Militant tendency in 1975 and the following year SOLS members took the famous "icepick express" (a bus with an icepick - the weapon used to kill Leon Trotsky - attached to the front) to that year's NOLS conference at Lancaster University.

Another manifestation of this changing social landscape was the rise of mass discontent, including the radical student movement, both in the United States – where it was driven mainly by opposition to the Vietnam War, and in Europe. Aside from the Civil Rights Movement, in which socialists participated, the anti-war movement was the first left-wing upsurge in the United States since the 1930s, but neither there nor in Europe did the traditional parties of the left lead the movement. In the mid-20th century some libertarian socialist groups emerged from disagreements with Trotskyism which presented itself as Leninist anti- stalinism. As such the French group Socialisme ou Barbarie emerged from the Trotskyist Fourth International, where Castoriadis and Claude Lefort constituted a Chaulieu–Montal Tendency in the French Parti Communiste Internationaliste in 1946.

Leung credits his political awakening to the Cultural Revolution and the 1967 Hong Kong riots, participating in the "Maoist student movement". He and his mother were members of the Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions (HKFTU), the left-wing pro- communist labour union at the time. After the falls of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four which crushed the Maoist idealism, Leung reflected his political belief, and delved himself into Trotskyism under the influence of the social activist icons at that time such as Ng Chung-yin. In 1975, he co-founded the Revolutionary Marxist League, a Trotskyist vanguard party, in which he became active in political actions. He was arrested multiple times, including in the protests of supporting the 1976 April Fifth Tiananmen Incident and Chinese democracy movement.

Kang with Mao in Yan'an, 1945 When Kang Sheng arrived in the Party's redoubt at Yan'an in late November 1937 as part of Wang Ming's entourage, he may have already realized that Wang Ming was falling out of favor, but he initially supported Wang and the Comintern's efforts to guide the Chinese Communists back into line with Soviet policy, especially the need to align with the Kuomintang against the Japanese. Kang also brought Stalin's obsession with Trotskyism to play in helping Wang defeat the efforts of Zhou Enlai and Dong Biwu to bring Chen Duxiu - then the informal leader of Trotskyists in China - back into the Party.Byron & Pack, p. 142-3. After assessing the situation on the ground in Yan'an, however, in 1938 Kang decided to re-align himself with Mao Zedong.

Review of Assignment in Utopia in The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell In his seminal novel Nineteen Eighty-Four, Orwell borrowed a chapter title from Assignment in Utopia, "Two Plus Two Equals Five." Lyons recalled that it was a common slogan in the Soviet Union during the drive to complete the first Five-Year Plan in just four years. Orwell adapted it as a metaphor for official totalitarian lying. Following his return from the Soviet Union, Lyons very briefly flirted with Trotskyism,Alan M. Wald, The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987), p. 149. and Leon Trotsky initially praised Assignment in UtopiaLeon Trotsky, "Twenty Years of Stalinist Degeneration," 1938.

According to Aregawi Berhe, the MLLT held its founding congress on 25 July 1985 in the gorge of the Wari River.Aregawi Berhe, A Political history of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (1975-1991) (Los Angeles: Tsehai, 2009), p. 170 Posing as orthodox defenders of Marxism-Leninism and allying itself with the communist current associated with the hard-line Enver Hoxha regime in Albania, the MLLT saw its goals as spreading Marxism-Leninism throughout the world and "engaging in a bitter struggle against all brands of revisionism," which they defined using the parlance of the Albanian Labor Party, as including "Khrushchevism, Titoism, Trotskyism, Euro-Communism and Maoism." The emergence of the MLLT created some rifts with the Eritrean People's Liberation Front with which the TPLF was allied against the ruling Soviet-backed Ethiopian Derg.

Throughout his time in office, Tito prided himself on Yugoslavia's independence from the Soviet Union, with Yugoslavia never accepting full membership in Comecon and Tito's open rejection of many aspects of Stalinism as the most obvious manifestations of this. The Soviets and their satellite states often accused Yugoslavia of Trotskyism and social democracy, charges loosely based on Tito's samoupravljanje (self-management) and the theory of associated labor (profit sharing policies and worker-owned industries initiated by him, Milovan Đilas and Edvard Kardelj in 1950). It was in these things that the Soviet leadership accused of harboring the seeds of council communism or even corporatism. The propaganda attacks centered on the caricature of "Tito the Butcher" of the working class, aimed to pinpoint him as a covert agent of Western imperialism.

Following the events of 1968, several projects of ideologically divergent groups of the so-called old and the new left arose in the Federal German Republic to build a new communist party. In addition to the German Communist Party (DKP), which is widely known as the West German KPD successor party and publishes the newspaper Unser Zeit as a party organ , various competing small communist parties , the so-called K groups , were founded, each of which was associated with different ideological concepts of communism (from Maoism to Stalinism to Trotskyism ). Out of these groupings, there were several newspaper projects in the 1970s called Rote Fahne. The Communist Party of Germany (KPD), a fringe party founded in 1990 by disgruntled members of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, publishes its own version of Die Rote Fahne.

Bensaïd and the current of Trotskyism represented by the Unified Secretariat of the Fourth International have come under attack from more orthodox Trotskyists for the strategy they have advanced of entering the "new social movements"; in particular, for seeing reform and revolution as a false dichotomy, and proposing the formation of "broad parties," rather than forming parties of the traditional Leninist type. In one such critique, Luke Cooper criticised Bensaïd for arguing that—in certain specific circumstances—it maybe permissible to enter a capitalist government, and seek to use the existing state as an instrument of revolutionary transformation.Daniel Bensaïd and the “Return of Strategy” Bensaïd also debated revolutionary strategy with other Fourth International members, and the British Socialist Workers Party's International Secretary Alex Callinicos."Hegemony and the United Front"; "The Return of Strategy".

Socialism in Hong Kong is a political trend taking root from Marxism and Leninism which was imported to Hong Kong and mainland China in the late 1910s and early 1920s. Socialist trends have taken various forms, including Marxism–Leninism, Maoism, Trotskyism, democratic socialism and liberal socialism, with the Marxism–Leninists being the most dominant faction due to the influence of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime in the mainland. The "traditional leftists" became the largest force representing the pro-Beijing camp in the post-war decades, which had an uneasy relationship with the colonial authorities. As the Chinese Communist Party adopted capitalist economic reforms from 1978 onwards and the pro-Beijing faction became increasingly conservative, the socialist agenda has been slowly taken up by the liberal-dominated pro-democratic camp.

Saumyendranath Tagore, the founder of the Revolutionary Communist Party of India and an international communist leader, argued that "the theory of Permanent Revolution has two aspects, one relating to the revolution of a particular country, the immediate passing over from the bourgeois democratic phase of the revolution to the socialist revolution. The second aspect [...] is related to the international tasks of the revolution [...] which makes it imperative for the first victorious revolution to operate as the yeast of revolution in the world arena. [...] Trotsky became the target of Stalin's vengeance only so far as he drew the attention of the communists throughout the world to the betrayal of world revolution (Permanent Revolution) by Stalin". Tagore also argued that the theory of permanent revolution has nothing to do with Trotskyism, but it is pure Marxism and Leninism.

Neo-Posadism Posadas was the author of a number of works with an unconventional slant and towards the end of his life he tried to create a synthesis of Trotskyism and Ufology. His most prominent thesis from this perspective was the 1968 pamphlet Flying saucers, the process of matter and energy, science, the revolutionary and working-class struggle and the socialist future of mankind which exposed many of the ideas associated today with Posadism. Here, Posadas claims that while there is no proof of intelligent life in the universe, the science of the time makes their existence likely. Furthermore, he claims that any extraterrestrials visiting earth in flying saucers must come from a socially and scientifically advanced civilisation to master inter-planetary travel, and that such a civilisation could have only come about in a post-capitalist world.

A more likely motive was Stalin's instinct for self- preservation; the Spanish Civil War had aroused a spirit of heroism in support of freedom more in line with Trotskyism, and such ideas might be exported to the Soviet Union. Further proof of this is that Modin stated that Stalin decided to attack the extreme Left, particularly Trotskyites and militants of the POUM before liquidating Franco. Those who had served in Spain were tainted in Stalin's view and were singled out for harshness in the purges and were virtually all eliminated. The defector Orlov, who worked for the NKVD in Spain, confirms that he was told by a Soviet general, whom Orlov did not want to name, that when the general returned to Moscow to seek further instructions, he was told that the Politburo had adopted a new line towards Spain.

The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) broke out with a military uprising in Morocco on July 17, triggered by events in Madrid. Within days, Spain was divided in two: a "Republican" or "Loyalist" Spain consisting of the Second Spanish Republic (within which were pockets of revolutionary anarchism and Trotskyism), and a "Nationalist" Spain under the insurgent generals, and, eventually, under the leadership of General Francisco Franco. By the summer, important tendencies of the war become clear, both in terms of atrocities on both sides and in the contrast between the Soviet Union's intermittent help to the Republican government and the committed support of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany for the Nationalists. In the early days of the war, over 50,000 people who were caught on the "wrong" side of the lines were assassinated or summarily executed.

Born in Tehran, Hekmat moved to Shiraz, where he graduated in economics at the University of Shiraz, before moving to the UK where completed his Masters at Bath University. He moved to London in 1973 to start his Phd at Birkbeck University, where he studied under the supervision of Marxist theorist Ben Fine and became a critic of what he saw as distorted versions of communism, including Russian communism, Chinese communism, the guerrilla warfare movement, social democracy Trotskyism and nationalism amongst the left. He founded the Union of Communist Militants in 1979, then took part in the Iranian Revolution of 1979 – marked by the creation of workers' councils (shoras) – and, unlike the major part of the Iranian left- wing, refused to pay allegiance to Islamism and Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini. He denounced the "myth of a progressive national bourgeoisie".

In an October 2013 article for Tablet, Michelle Goldberg discussed Jacobin as part of a revival of interest in Marxism among young intellectuals. In February 2016, Jake Blumgart, who contributed to the magazine in its early years, stated that it "found an audience by mixing data-driven analysis and Marxist commentary with an irreverent and accessible style". In a 2014 interview published in New Left Review, Sunkara named a number of ideological influences on the magazine, including Michael Harrington, who he described as "very underrated as a popularizer of Marxist thought"; Ralph Miliband and others such as Leo Panitch who were influenced by Trotskyism without fully embracing it; theorists working in the Eurocommunist tradition; and "Second International radicals" including Vladimir Lenin and Karl Kautsky. In April 2016, Noam Chomsky has called the magazine "a bright light in dark times".

In 1940, Stalinist agent Ramón Mercader murdered Trotsky at the latter's residence in Mexico. Orwell declared, in a letter to American writer Sidney Sheldon, that Nineteen Eighty Four was inspired by the U.S.S.R. under Stalin, imagining what would happen if such a social and political movement existed in England: Orwell wrote of Trotskyism: In 1954, Isaac Deutscher wrote that Goldstein's book in Nineteen Eighty-Four was intended as a "paraphrase" of The Revolution Betrayed. In 1956, Irving Howe described Goldstein's book as "clearly a replica" of Trotsky's The Revolution Betrayed, writing that the parts that seemed to be imitating Trotsky were "among the best passages" of the novel. Critic Adrian Wanner, writing in a collection of essays edited by Harold Bloom, described Goldstein's book as a "parody" of The Revolution Betrayed, noting that Orwell was deeply ambivalent about Trotsky.

In the 1960s the International Socialists (as the group was now called) established links with militants in a number of countries which led to the formation of IS groups in those countries. Perhaps the first such group was the Irish IS group founded in 1971, followed by groups in Australia, Canada and Germany. Meanwhile, links were built with the Independent Socialists (later International Socialists) in the USA. These links led to a split in the American IS in 1978 and the formation of the ISO; a group which was more closely linked to the British IS. During the late 1960s the British IS also attended a series of meetings held by the French Lutte Ouvriere (LO) group which were also attended by the American IS. In many quarters the IS and LO groups were seen as constituting a loose semi-syndicalist tendency within world Trotskyism in this period.

At the time the Futurians were formed, Donald Wollheim was strongly attracted by communism and believed that followers of science fiction "should actively work for the realization of the scientific world-state as the only genuine justification for their activities and existence". p. 430 It was to this end that Wollheim formed the Futurians, and many of its members were in some degree interested in the political applications of science fiction. Members of the Futurians, including Wollheim, Michel, Lowndes, and Cohen briefly became interested in Technocracy, a utopian movement led by Howard Scott, and attended a study course, although they later dismissed Scott as a "crackpot". pp. 47–8 Hence the group included supporters of Trotskyism, like Judith Merril and others who would have been deemed far left for the era (Frederik Pohl became a member of the Communist Party in 1936, but later quit in 1939).

Trotsky said that only the Fourth International, basing itself on Lenin's theory of the vanguard party, could lead the world revolution and that it would need to be built in opposition to both the capitalists and the Stalinists. Trotsky argued that the defeat of the German working class and the coming to power of Adolf Hitler in 1933 was due in part to the mistakes of the Third Period policy of the Communist International and that the subsequent failure of the Communist Parties to draw the correct lessons from those defeats showed that they were no longer capable of reform and a new international organisation of the working class must be organised. The transitional demand tactic had to be a key element. At the time of the founding of the Fourth International in 1938, Trotskyism was a mass political current in Vietnam, Sri Lanka and slightly later Bolivia.

While Western Marxism is often contrasted with the Marxism of the Soviet Union, Western Marxists have been divided in their opinion of it and other Marxist–Leninist states. Some have offered qualified support, others have been highly critical of it and others still have held the former position at one point in time and the latter at another: Lukács, Gramsci and Della Volpe were members of Soviet-aligned parties; Korsch, Herbert Marcuse, and Guy Debord were inimical to Soviet Communism and instead advocated council communism; Sartre, Merleau-Ponty, Althusser and Lefebvre were, at different periods, supporters of the Soviet- aligned Communist Party of France, but all would later become disillusioned with it; Ernst Bloch lived in and supported the Eastern Bloc, but lost faith in Soviet Communism towards the end of his life. Maoism and Trotskyism also influenced Western Marxism. Nicos Poulantzas, a later Western Marxist, was an advocate for Eurocommunism.

The grouping's founding statement was an open letter of the National Committee of the SWP which outlined the disputes it had with Pablo's faction within the International Secretariat of the Fourth International. It reiterated what it saw as the basic principles of Trotskyism and described the direction of the "Pabloite" faction as "revisionist", claiming that this threatened the survival of the Fourth International, the liquidation of the Trotskyist program and definite steps taken towards its organisational liquidation. As an example, the letter explained that Pablo expelled a majority of the French section of the International, because they disagreed with the International's policy of working within the Stalinist Communist Party of France. This policy was described as one of entrism sui generis, entryism of a special kind, in which the Trotskyists were to join the Stalinist or Socialist mass parties with a long term perspective of working within them.

The party was the result of a merger of two clandestine radical left groups: Party of New Communists (PNC) (Russian: Партия новых коммунистов (ПНК)) and "Left School" (Russian: Левая школа), which were formed simultaneously, but independently from each other in December 1972 - January 1973. Members of the two groups established contact in September 1973 and the possibility of a merger was broached in May 1974, but it was not until September 1974 that the groups joined forces. After the merger, the two groups ideologically enriched each other through bringing together the ideas of Trotskyism and the New Left (mainly Herbert Marcuse, Che Guevara and Régis Debray) by PNC and the ideas of French atheist existentialism (essentially, Jean-Paul Sartre, Albert Camus and Antoine de Saint-Exupéry) by the "Left School". NCPSU members were planning to hold a founding congress in January 1977 (with July as a fallback).

Lofman joined the Socialist Zionist organization, Hashomer Hatzair at an early age and maintained his interest in Jewish history and culture. Involved with organisations devoted to Socialist Zionism and various forms of socialism (including, for some years, Trotskyism), he remained a member the group in the U.S., read widely in Jewish culture and socialist politics, in several languages, and wrote for the New York-based publication of Hashomer Hatzair. Having followed Max Shachtman in the late 1930s he became a member of Shachtman's Workers Party in the 40s, but resigned in about 1948 following a dispute with Shachtman. Involved with the Socialist Party in the 1950s and with Michael Harrington's Democratic Socialists of America in the 1960s and 70s, and eventually with Social Democrats, USA, he was a speaker on leftist and Jewish themes, and wrote for a number of newspapers, journals and newsletters.

As a rather old member of the movement, she was a natural target for Joseph Stalin's repression. Viewed as a partisan of Trotskyism, she was marginalized and stripped of all political decision. This is the time when she was paid a visit by Romanian author Panait Istrati, during the latter's revelatory journey to the Soviet lands (as described in his The Confession of a Loser). Istrati praised the work carried by Arbore in the Health Department of the Republic, and likened her to the wife of the legendary architect Meşterul Manole (Manole's wife, according to myth, was walled in the monastery by her husband, who believed this to be the only thing able to prevent the building from collapsing; this is a reflection on the terror that was mounting in the Soviet Union, as a direct consequence of the state not being able to live up to its promise).

Petroni was a leader of the Morenoist tendency of Latin American Trotskyism from 1973 to 1988 and was a close collaborator of the founder of this movement, Nahuel Moreno. Petroni has contributed to, edited or published more than 30 political newspapers, magazines and websites around the world and is the author of half a dozen books on politics, Marxist theory and political organizing. He is also known at times by some of his pen names: Leon Perez, Nicholas Kramer, and Simon Morales. Petroni was a founder of and/or leading participant in numerous Trotskyist groups in Latin America, Europe and the United States, he has extensive organizing skills and experience in working class struggles. Petroni was a member and leader of the Argentine Partido Socialista de los Trabajadores (PST) from 1973 to 1976, and during the beginning of the military dictatorship was part of its underground continuation.

The League was founded in the background of the political changes in the early 1970s when the Cultural Revolution and Lin Biao Incident heavily discredited the Communist Party of China, as well as the emergence of the social movements in Hong Kong at the same time. International Trotskyism 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement, Robert Jackson Alexander, Duke University Press, 1991, pages 217–220 After a student movement broke out at the Chu Hai College in 1969, the student activists published a periodical called Seventies Biweekly which became the platform of the radical youths. Until in 1972, few of the Hong Kong youths made an expensive trip to Paris to meet with the exiled Chinese Trotskyists. Few of the returnees such as John Shum and Ng Chung-yin left the Seventies Biweekly dominated by anarchists, and established a Trotskyist youth group called Revolutionary International League.

Detail of Man, Controller of the Universe, fresco at Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico City showing Leon Trotsky, Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx Trotskyism, developed by Leon Trotsky in opposition to Stalinism, is a Marxist and Leninist tendency that supports the theory of permanent revolution and world revolution rather than the two-stage theory and Joseph Stalin's socialism in one country. It supported proletarian internationalism and another communist revolution in the Soviet Union. Rather than representing the dictatorship of the proletariat, Trotsky claimed that the Soviet Union had become a degenerated workers' state under the leadership of Stalin in which class relations had re-emerged in a new form. Trotsky's politics differed sharply from those of Stalin and Mao Zedong, most importantly in declaring the need for an international proletarian revolution—rather than socialism in one country—and support for a true dictatorship of the proletariat based on democratic principles.

Once the February 1917 Russian revolution had broken out, Trotsky admitted the importance of a Bolshevik organisation and joined the Bolsheviks in July 1917. Despite the fact that many like Stalin saw Trotsky's role in the October 1917 Russian revolution as central, Trotsky wrote that without Lenin and the Bolshevik Party, the October revolution of 1917 would not have taken place. As a result, since 1917 Trotskyism as a political theory is fully committed to a Leninist style of democratic centralist party organisation, which Trotskyists argue must not be confused with the party organisation as it later developed under Stalin. Trotsky had previously suggested that Lenin's method of organisation would lead to a dictatorship, but it is important to emphasise that after 1917 orthodox Trotskyists argue that the loss of democracy in the Soviet Union was caused by the failure of the revolution to spread internationally and the consequent wars, isolation, and imperialist intervention, not the Bolshevik style of organisation.

Theoretic foundations of the Left School combined elements of classic Marxism, Leninism, Trotskyism, and French atheist existentialism (primarily, Jean-Paul Sartre, Albert Camus and Antoine de Saint-Exupéry). The political regime, which existed in the Soviet Union, was seen by the Left School as anti-socialist and petty bourgeois (philistine and bureaucratic by nature). Power overtake by a group of Joseph Stalin's supporters within the All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks) and the Soviet Government in the late 1920s and early 1930s was thought to be the reason for this regime to be established. The group of Stalin's supporters expressed the interests of counter-revolutionary forces and its regime was seen by the Left School as socially futile, condemning the country to cultural and social stagnation, holding back personal development of the Soviet citizens, imposing primitivism, depriving people of political initiative and the right to participate in public affairs, driving the most talented people to escapism (alcoholism, religion) and, ultimately, to emigration.

As a result, most NCM organizations referred to their ideology as Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and rejected what they saw as the devolution of socialism in the contemporary Soviet Union. Similar to the New Left's general direction in the late 1960s, these new organizations rejected the post-1956 Communist Party USA as revisionist, or anti- revolutionary, and also rejected Trotskyism and the Socialist Workers Party for its theoretical opposition to Maoism. The groups, formed of ex-students, attempted to establish links with the working class through finding work in factories and heavy industry, but they also tended toward Third-worldism, supporting National Liberation Fronts of various kinds, including the Black Panther Party (then on the decline), the Cuban Revolution, and the National Front for the Liberation of Vietnam. The New Communist Movement organizations supported national self-determination for most ethnic groups, especially blacks and those of Latino origin, in the United States.

The Party of New Communists (PNC) (Russian: Партия новых коммунистов (ПНК)) was a clandestine radical left organization, founded by Alexander Tarasov and Vasily Minorsky in Moscow at the end of 1972 and the beginning of 1973. In terms of its theoretical foundations, PNC combined elements or orthodox Marxism, Leninism, Trotskyism and Neo-anarchism (as inspired by Daniel Cohn- Bendit of May 1968). The economic system that existed in the USSR was viewed by PNC members as socialist, but at the same time the political system was seen as non-socialist (neo-Stalinist, bureaucratic), which, in their opinion, represented the classic conflict of Marxism: the conflict between productive forces and the relations of production, and would inevitably lead to a political revolution. PNC members believed that the victory of a group of Joseph Stalin's supporters over their political opponents in the inner-party struggle within VKP (b) in the late 1920s and early 1930s was the reason of the fundamental differences between political and economic systems.

Women members of the AWL also publish a newspaper, Women's Fightback. AWL also publishes occasional books and pamphlets, including The Fate of the Russian Revolution (a collection of "critical Marxist" and Third Camp Trotskyist writings on Soviet Russia, mainly from the Workers' Party/Independent Socialist League tradition), Working-class politics and anarchism (exploring the commonalities and differences between class-struggle anarchist and syndicalist traditions and the AWL's own brand of libertarian-tinged Trotskyism), and Antonio Gramsci: Working-class revolutionary (a short appraisal of the life and thought of the Italian Marxist agitator, organiser, and educator Antonio Gramsci). The AWL helped to set up and was active in campaigns such as No Sweat, Feminist Fightback, Workers' Climate Action, the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts, and local working-class community campaigns such as the Save Lewisham Hospital campaign. In trade union work, AWL members focus on developing workplace and industrial bulletins, and rank-and-file networks such as the Education Solidarity Network in the National Education Union.

The Communist Archio-Marxist Party of Greece (, KAKE)—which during varying periods also operated under the names Archio-Marxist Party of Greece and Archio-Marxist Socialist Party of Greece (alternate spellings such as Archeio- Marxist and Archaeo-Marxist exist as well, in addition to a number of other variants)—was a communist political party in Greece, active between 1934 and 1951. It belonged to a subgenre of Marxism–Leninism and Trotskyism known as Archeio-Marxism (Archive-Marxism), and appears to have been the last scion of that ideology, the sole Archio-Marxist remnant of the 1950s. Dimitris Giotopoulos (Δημήτρης Γιωτόπουλος), often known by his primary alias "Witte", was the leader of KAKE. Before its formation, he had been a leader of the Greek Archio-Marxists, which had been one of the by far largest dissident communist movements in Greece during the early-to-mid-1930s, as members of Leon Trotsky's "Left Opposition". KAKE split from Trotsky's movement in 1934 after significant ideological fallout.

They still stressed their loyalty to the International Committee for the Fourth International, and attended that body's conference held in London, England, in 1966, only to find themselves shut out from the conference's ranks. From that point on, the Spartacists regarded themselves as the only truly "orthodox" Trotskyist tendency, criticizing the SWP, the ICFI and various other rivals from the left. Robertson considered his group to be the true political heirs of SWP founding leader James Cannon but he maintained a fidelity to some of the left criticisms of SWP positions made during World War II by Max Shachtman after the latter's break with official Trotskyism. These Shachtmanisms included a disagreement with the SWP's (and Leon Trotsky's) "Proletarian Military Policy" (a World War II call for workers control of the American military)Prometheus Research Library, 1989: Documents on the "Proletarian Military Policy." and a disagreement about the political legitimacy of the military alliance of the Chinese Communist Party and Chiang Kai-Shek's nationalists.

Paul Georgescu (; November 7, 1923 – October 15, 1989) was a Romanian literary critic, journalist, fiction writer and communist political figure. Remembered as both a main participant in the imposition of Socialist Realism in its Romanian form and a patron of dissenting modernist and postmodern literature, he began his career in politics during World War II, when he sided with the anti-fascist groups and the underground Romanian Communist Party in opposition to the Axis-aligned Ion Antonescu regime. During the first twenty years of Communist Romania, Georgescu assisted Leonte Răutu in exercising Stalinist control over local literature, but also published young nonconformist authors, beginning with Nichita Stănescu and Matei Călinescu, in his Gazeta Literară. Sidelined over his own incompatibility with the Socialist Realist dogma, and returning to public life during the 1960s liberalization enforced by Nicolae Ceaușescu, he became openly adverse to Ceaușescu's variety of national communism and clandestinely cultivated the prohibited ideology of Trotskyism.

In 1981, the LCC supported the campaign of Tony Benn against Denis Healey for the deputy leadership of the party, but many were deeply unhappy with Benn's campaign and approach and the LCC began to evolve into a body aiming to rescue the party from the mess it found itself in as the SDP split and Benn's campaign imprinted an image of extremism in the minds of the voters. The anti- Trotskyism of NOLS was central to this period as they were able to successfully outmanoeuvre the far-left groups, having developed their skills in the bitter struggle of the Clause Four Group with Militant in the student movement. In 1983, the LCC organised a conference, After the Landslide, to examine the lessons from the party's catastrophic defeat of that year: the tone the conference set, that organisational and political modernisation and change were essential, was to become the dominant theme in the party's internal life in the following decade. Robin Cook became the LCC's principal voice in parliament and Peter Hain was a prominent voice outside Westminster.

The SLNA's policies -- direct action at the shop floor level leading to workers' governance of society, but without the dead weight of bureaucratic structures -- bore a strong resemblance to the anarchist thinking of the day. That is not coincidental, since Foster was not only lecturing at anarchist groups and settlements, but became a close working associate with Jay Fox, an anarchist with roots in the Chicago labor movement, and married Ester Abramowitz, who had belonged to an anarchist collective in Washington. Among the other members of the SLNA were Tom Mooney (who became a labor martyr when imprisoned for allegedly throwing a bomb at a Preparedness Day parade in 1916), Earl Browder, an accountant and union activist in Kansas City and Foster's rival for the Presidency of the Communist Party twenty years later, and James P. Cannon, a member of the IWW and one of Foster's allies in the internal warfare within the CPUSA until he was expelled for Trotskyism. The SLNA, however, was never an effective force and folded in 1914.

The national government was in the Nanyang Building in Hankou, while the central party headquarters and other organizations chose their locations in Hankou or Wuchang. In March 1927, Mao Zedong appeared at the Third Plenum of the KMT Central Executive Committee in Wuhan, which sought to strip General Chiang of his power by appointing Wang Jingwei leader. The first phase of the Northern Expedition was interrupted by the political split in the Kuomintang following the formation of the Nanjing faction in April 1927 against the existing faction in Wuhan. Members of the Chinese Communist Party, who had survived the April 12 massacre, met at Wuhan and re-elected Chen Duxiu (Ch'en Tu-hsiu) as the Party's Secretary General.Robert Jackson Alexander, International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement (Duke University Press, 1991) p206 The split was partially motivated by the purge of the Communists within the party, which marked the end of the First United Front, and Chiang Kai-shek briefly stepped down as the commander of the National Revolutionary Army.

4,7 The majority argued that the general line of the CPSU was correct, and the opposition was offering "constructive criticism" of the Stalin leaderships "mistakes" in its application domestically within the Soviet Union and with regards to the relationship between the CPSU and the other parties in the Comintern. Furthermore, the "Russian question" was not a defining issue for the group. Gitlow and Becker argued that a correct understanding of the "Russian question" was of decisive importance to the group and the position taken on it determined whether the group had a justification for being. Gitlow argued that though the CPSUs official line as determined by the 15th congress was correct, the Stalin leadership had veered so far away from it that the Party's general line was no longer correct and was going in the direction of Trotskyism. After the National Bureau of the group upheld its support for the current position on the Russian question at a New York mass meeting on February 2, 1933 Gitlow resigned.

Many of them had been stripped of their nationality by the Nazis, and had spent years underground or in exile, and the war gave them the opportunity to reclaim an anti-fascist identity, their vision of a better Germany. For many it was also a time of either communist re-affirmation or political enlightenment (the largest block of all volunteers in the International Brigades was communist or had been recruited by communists).Antifascism and Memory in East Germany - Remembering the International Brigades 1945-1989 - McLellan, Josie; Oxford Historical Monographs, Page 29 However, the German volunteers were not above human faults and despair - especially as the war dragged on, and got increasingly difficult for the Republican side, which lacked the plentiful supplies and superior organisation of their Nationalist opponents. Records show that about one tenth of the volunteers eventually found themselves imprisoned at least for a certain duration for crimes like desertion, breaking discipline, or for political reasons as the Stalinist tendency in the Brigades increased (usually being accused of Trotskyism).

Its first print appearance was in Internationale Situationniste No. 6 (Paris, August 1961).Editorial Notes, Internationale Situationniste No. 8, 1963. Marxist, Young Hegelian,Clark and Nicholson-Smith (Winter 1997), quotation: > In particular the key issue, of how and why the situationists came to have a > preponderant role in May 1968—that is, how and why their brand of politics > participated in, and to an extent fueled, a crisis of the late-capitalist > State—is still wide open to interpretation. A description of the portion of the Left at clash with the situationists is found in note #4: > The word "Left" ... much of the time is used descriptively, and therefore > pessimistically, to indicate a set of interlocking ideological directorships > stretching roughly from the statist and workerist fringes of social > democracy and laborism to the para-academic journals and think tanks of > latter-day Trotskyism, taking in the Stalinist and lightly post-Stalinist > center along the way. and from the very beginning in the 50s, remarkably differently from the established Left, anti-Stalinist and against all repressive regimes.

Before his death in 1924, while describing Trotsky as "distinguished not only by his exceptional abilities—personally he is, to be sure, the most able man in the present Central Committee" and also maintaining that "his non-Bolshevik past should not be held against him", Lenin criticized him for "showing excessive preoccupation with the purely administrative side of the work" and also requested that Stalin be removed from his position of General Secretary, but his notes remained suppressed until 1956.Lenin, Collected works, Vol 36, pp593–98: "Stalin is too rude and this defect [...] becomes intolerable in a Secretary-General. That is why I suggest that the comrades think about a way of removing Stalin from that post [...] it is a detail which can assume decisive importance." Zinoviev and Kamenev broke with Stalin in 1925 and joined Trotsky in 1926 in what was known as the United Opposition.Trotsky, Leon, The Stalin School of Falsification, pp89ff, Pathfinder (1971) In 1926, Stalin allied with Nikolai Bukharin, who then led the campaign against "Trotskyism". In The Stalin School of Falsification, Trotsky quotes Bukharin's 1918 pamphlet, From the Collapse of Czarism to the Fall of the Bourgeoisie, which was re-printed in 1923 by the party publishing house, Proletari.