279 Sentences With "state socialism" | Random Sentence Generator

State socialism ravaged the economy as powerful unions crippled industry with strikes.

Brexit chaos combined with state socialism would ensure the country's long-term economic decline.

Angered by opposition attempts to unseat him and influenced by Fidel Castro, Chávez pushed Venezuela towards state socialism after 2007.

They will have to choose between propping up an obsolete, dirty fuel with a kind of state socialism or taking advantage of technology innovation.

And it could begin to legitimate the word 'socialist,' and spark a conversation around it, even if Sanders's welfare-state socialism doesn't go far enough.

"A lot of young people here were brought up hearing that state socialism in Eastern Europe or communism around the world was really evil," she says.

The Sanders campaign "could begin to legitimate the word 'socialist,' and spark a conversation around it, even if Sanders's welfare-state socialism doesn't go far enough," Sunkara wrote earlier this year.

Herbert Hoover, who could justifiably campaign as a progressive Republican, pigeonholed Smith as an advocate of state socialism (the same epithet that a spiteful Smith would hurl at Roosevelt in 1936).

Part of East Germany during the cold war, Hiddensee became an "island of the blessed": an enclave of freethinkers where dreamers and idealists sought to escape the oppressive conformity of state socialism.

The founding members of the European Economic Community reacted to the fall of the Berlin Wall and the breakdown of state socialism by establishing the more deeply integrated European Union and the euro.

Some liberal feminists in the West grudgingly acknowledged those accomplishments but were critical of the achievements of state socialism because they did not emerge from independent women's movements, but represented a type of emancipation from above.

I am not in any way advocating for a return to 20th-century state socialism, and I get a little frustrated when my opponents try to pin the book as some kind of nostalgic longing for totalitarianism.

He clung to a socialist economic model and one-party Communist rule, even after the Soviet Union disintegrated and most of the rest of the world concluded that state socialism was an idea whose time had come and gone.

People struggling to survive had to contend with the extreme wealth of a new class of predatory oligarchs buying luxury cars and building gargantuan mansions in a style dubbed "mobster baroque," as well as with the recent memory of comparative security under state socialism.

" But rather than succumb to political fatalism or despair, radical democrats sought inventive ways—cooperatives and other modes of workers' control of production, if seldom state socialism—to try to guarantee, as Fishkin and Forbath say, that "being a wage earner did not have to mean dependency or servitude, without authority at work and without the material security, respect, and freedom to be a democratic citizen.

State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ. Fifield. Tucker's two socialisms were the authoritarian state socialism which he associated to the Marxist school and the libertarian anarchist socialism, or simply anarchism, that he advocated. Tucker noted that the fact that the authoritarian "State Socialism has overshadowed other forms of Socialism gives it no right to a monopoly of the Socialistic idea".Tucker, Benjamin (1893).

The depression of body and mind which they create is an almost > insuperable obstacle to the action of any elevating or refining > agencies.Roberts, p. 283. In response to this article the Pall Mall Gazette argued that Salisbury had sailed into "the turbid waters of State Socialism"; the Manchester Guardian said his article was "State socialism pure and simple" and The Times claimed Salisbury was "in favour of state socialism".Roberts, pp. 283-4.

Tucker said socialism was the claim that "labor should be put in possession of its own"Tucker, Benjamin. "State Socialism and Anarchism". while holding that what he respectively termed state socialism and anarchistic socialism had in common was the labor theory of value.Brown, Susan Love. 1997.

Benjamin Tucker with Oriole Tucker and Pearl Johnson Later, Tucker became much more pessimistic about the prospects for anarchism. In 1926, Vanguard Press published a selection of his writings entitled Individual Liberty in which Tucker added a postscript"Postscript". to "State Socialism and Anarchism""State Socialism and Anarchism".

The Road to Serfdom. Routledge Press. . . This is notable in the United States, where socialism is a pejorative term to mean state socialism used by conservatives and libertarians to taint liberal and progressive policies, proposals and public figures. One criticism especially related to state socialism is the economic calculation problem,Hayek, Friedrich (1935).

State Socialism at the London International Labour Congress (1896). W. Reeves. free socialism,Bose, Atindranath (1967). A History of Anarchism.

Oxon, England, UK; New York, USA: Routledge, 2006. Pp. 60-61. Liberal socialism opposes laissez-faire economic liberalism and state socialism.

Benito Mussolini, who claimed that the modern phase of capitalism is state socialism "turned on its head" On economic issues, Italian Fascist leader Benito Mussolini claimed in 1933 that were Fascism to follow the modern phase of capitalism, its path would "lead inexorably into state capitalism, which is nothing more nor less than state socialism turned on its head. In either event, [whether the outcome be state capitalism or state socialism] the result is the bureaucratization of the economic activities of the nation".Mussolini, Benito; "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933)". Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions.

JSTOR 2139424. "In anarchism we have the extreme antithesis of [state] socialism and [authoritarian] communism" (p. 1).Guérin, Daniel (1970). Anarchism: From Theory to Practice.

The state-sponsored program advocated women's solidarity in the national struggles to free women from oppression based on class, race and gender through state socialism.

II, p. 282. In 1881, Bismarck had also referred to this program as Staatssozialismus ("State Socialism") when he made the following accurate prediction to a colleague: > It is possible that all our politics will come to nothing when I am dead but > state socialism will drub itself in (Der Staatssozialismus paukt sich > durch).Richter, Werner (1965). Bismarck. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. p.

"State Socialism and Anarchism".Brown, Susan Love. 1997. "The Free Market as Salvation from Government". In Meanings of the Market: The Free Market in Western Culture.

One issue of social democracy is the response to the collapse of legitimacy for state socialism and state-interventionist economics of Keynesianism with the discovery of the phenomenon of stagflation which has been an issue for the legitimacy of state socialism. This has provoked re-thinking of how socialism should be achieved by social democrats, including changing views by social democrats on private property—anti-Third Way social democrats such as Robert Corfe have advocated a socialist form of private property as part of a new socialism (although Corfe technically objects to the term private property to collectively describe property that is not publicly owned as being vague) and rejecting state socialism as a failure. Third Way social democracy was formed as response to what its proponents saw as a crisis in the legitimacy of socialism—especially state socialism—and the rising legitimacy for neoliberalism, especially laissez-faire capitalism. The Third Way's view is criticized for being too simplistic in its view of the crisis.

Wroclaw Polytechnic called him to teach in their Institute of Social Sciences in 1979. As an opponent of the state socialism governing Poland, Woleński edited an underground bulletin Riposte.

"Socialistic Letters". Le Radical. Retrieved 20 June 2020. Tucker's two socialisms were the state socialism which he associated to the Marxist school and the libertarian socialism that he advocated.

Let's Take the "Crony" Out of "Crony Capitalism". Reason. Reason Foundation. Retrieved 12 July 2020. The latter is used by anarchists to criticize state socialism as nothing more than state capitalism.

State socialism broadly refers to forms of socialism based on state ownership of the means of production and state- directed allocation of resources. It is often used in reference to Soviet-type economic systems of former communist states. In some cases, when used in reference to Soviet-type economies, state socialism is used interchangeably with state capitalism on the basis that the Soviet model of economics was actually based upon a process of state-directed capital accumulation and social hierarchy. Politically, state socialism is often used to designate any socialist political ideology or movement that advocates for the use of state power for the construction of socialism, or to the belief that the state must be appropriated and used to ensure the success of a socialist revolution.

State socialism is a political and economic ideology within the socialist movement advocating state ownership of the means of production, either as a temporary measure or as a characteristic of socialism in the transition from the capitalist to the socialist mode of production or communist society.Tucker, Benjamin (1985) [1886]. State Socialism and Anarchism and Other Essays: Including the Attitude of Anarchism Toward Industrial Combinations and Why I Am an Anarchist (1st ed.). Colorado Springs: Ralph Myles Publisher. .

Tucker, Benjamin (1911) [1888]. State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ. Fifield. According to Lesigne, there are two socialisms: "One is dictatorial, the other libertarian".Lesigne (1887).

Swartz, Clarence Lee. What Is Mutualism. "VI. Land and Rent". As libertarian socialists, mutualists distinguish their market socialism from state socialism and do not advocate state ownership over the means of production.

Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. and state socialism are sometimes termed right-wing socialism by various authors. Historian Ishay Landa has described the nature of right-wing socialism as decidedly capitalist.

153, , which was simplified into a picture of an ethnically homogeneous state that matched post-war borders,Jan Kubik, The Power of Symbols Against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland, 1994, pp. 64–65, , as opposed to the later Jagiellon Poland, which was multi-ethnic and located further east.Jan Kubik, The Power of Symbols Against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland, 1994, pp.

However, others maintain that workers in the Soviet Union and other Marxist–Leninist states had genuine control over the means of production through institutions such as trade unions. Academics, political commentators and other scholars tend to distinguish between authoritarian state socialism and democratic state socialism, with the first representing the Soviet Bloc and the latter representing Western Bloc countries which have been democratically governed by socialist parties such as Britain, France, Sweden and Western social-democracies in general, among others.Barrett, William, ed.

As a term, night-watchman state () was coined by German socialist Ferdinand Lassalle, an advocate of social-democratic state socialism, to criticize the bourgeois state.Sawer, Marian (2003). The Ethical State?: Social Liberalism in Australia.

Steiner advocated cooperative forms of capitalism, or what might today be called stakeholder capitalism, because he thought that conventional shareholder capitalism and state socialism, though in different ways, tend to absorb the State and human rights into the economic process and transform laws into mere commodities.Toward Social Renewal, Rudolf Steiner, Rudolf Steiner Press, 1999, page 46. Steiner rejected state socialism because of that, but also because he believed it reduces the vitality of the economic process.Toward Social Renewal, Rudolf Steiner, Rudolf Steiner Press, 1999, page 80.

Chomsky (2003) p. 26 The term libertarian socialism is used by some socialists to differentiate their philosophy from state socialism,Paul Zarembka. Transitions in Latin America and in Poland and Syria. Emerald Group Publishing, 2007. p.

The Pall Mall Gazette argued that Salisbury had sailed into "the turbid waters of State Socialism"; the Manchester Guardian said his article was "State socialism pure and simple" and The Times claimed Salisbury was "in favour of state socialism". In July 1885 the Housing of the Working Classes Bill was introduced by the Home Secretary, R. A. Cross in the Commons and Salisbury in the Lords. When Lord Wemyss criticised the Bill as "strangling the spirit of independence and the self-reliance of the people, and destroying the moral fibre of our race in the anaconda coils of state socialism", Salisbury responded: "Do not imagine that by merely affixing to it the reproach of Socialism you can seriously affect the progress of any great legislative movement, or destroy those high arguments which are derived from the noblest principles of philanthropy and religion". Although unable to accomplish much due to his lack of a parliamentary majority, the split of the Liberals over Irish Home Rule in 1886 enabled him to return to power with a majority, and, excepting a Liberal minority government (1892–95), to serve as prime minister from 1886 to 1902.

American individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker identified as a socialistTucker, Benjamin (1897). "State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ". Instead of a Book: By a Man Too Busy to Write One. New York.

While acknowledging that Tucker "also sometimes railed against 'socialism'", it is argued that "in those cases it is clear that he was referring to state socialism".An Anarchist FAQ. "Benjamin Tucker: Capitalist or Anarchist?". June 18, 2009.

As a political ideology, state socialism is one of the major dividing lines in the broader socialist movement. It is often contrasted with non-state or anti- state forms of socialism such as those that advocate direct self-management adhocracy and direct cooperative ownership and management of the means of production. Political philosophies contrasted to state socialism include libertarian socialist philosophies such as anarchism, De Leonism, economic democracy, free-market socialism, libertarian Marxism and syndicalism. These forms of socialism are opposed to hierarchical technocratic socialism, scientific management and state-directed economic planning.

National University was founded in 1889. A census in 1886–87 showed a population of 329,645. To improve this, foreign immigration was encouraged. Despite their professed admiration for Francia, the Colorados dismantled Francia's unique system of state socialism.

London: Continuum. pp. 87–88 . State socialism went into decline starting in the 1970s, with the discovery of stagflation during the 1970s energy crisis,Gey, Peter; Kosta, H. G. Jiří; Quaisser, Wolfgang (1987). Crisis and Reform in Socialist Economies.

Stalin: A Biography. London: Macmillan. p. 5. . The socio-economic nature of Stalin's Soviet Union has also been much debated, varyingly being labelled a form of bureaucratic collectivism, state capitalism, state socialism or a totally unique mode of production.Sandle, Mark (1999).

Those economic liberals support a small government, laissez-faire capitalist market economy while opposing democratic socialist policies as well as economic interventionism and government regulations. According to them, actually existing capitalism is corporatism, corporatocracy or crony capitalism. Socialism has often been conflated with an administrative command economy, authoritarian socialism, a big government, Marxist–Leninist states, Soviet-type economic planning, state interventionism and state socialism. Austrian School economists such as Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises continually used socialism as a synonym for central planning and state socialism, conflating it with fascism and opposing democratic socialist policies, including the welfare state.

Second Edition. Palgrave Macmillan. . Socialist states and state socialism are often conflated to and referred to by detractors simply as socialism. Austrian School economists such as Mises and Hayek continually used socialism as a synonym for authoritarian socialism and its command economy.

Bismarck's concept of state socialism built upon a close linkage of the workers to the state contradicted Lohmann's vision of the mündiger Arbeitnehmer ("mature and responsible worker").Thomas Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte 1866–1918. Erster Band: Arbeitswelt und Bürgergeist, München 1990 (Beck), p. 341 sq.

Some distinguish between ideological social democracy as part of the broad socialist movement and social democracy as a policy regime. The first is called classical social democracy or classical socialism, being contrasted to competitive socialism, liberal socialism, neo-social democracy and new social democracy. Social democracy has often been conflated with an administrative command economy, authoritarian socialism, big government, Marxist–Leninist states, Soviet-type economic planning, state interventionism and state socialism. Austrian School economists such as Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises also continually used socialism as a synonym for central planning and social democracy for state socialism, conflating it with fascism and opposing social-democratic policies, including the welfare state.

The modern concept of state socialism, when used in reference to Soviet-style economic and political systems, emerged from a deviation in Marxist theory starting with Vladimir Lenin. In Marxist theory, socialism is projected to emerge in the most developed capitalist economies where capitalism suffers the greatest amount of internal contradictions and class conflict. On the other hand, state socialism became a revolutionary theory for the poorest, often quasi-feudal, countries of the world. In such systems, the state apparatus is used as an instrument of capital accumulation, forcibly extracting surplus from the working class and peasantry for the purposes of modernizing and industrializing poor countries.

In an article 'On State Socialism' in Die Neue Zeit he argued for an alliance with bourgeois 'State Socialism' reformers, which was vigorously responded to by Karl Kautsky, the editor of that periodical.Salvadori, M. (1990) Karl Kautsky and the Socialist Revolution 1880-1938 London: Verso pg.42 He showed himself ready to make concessions to the principle of private ownership in the case of the small landowners, or peasants. He refused to identify social democracy with the extreme views as to religion and the family advocated by August Bebel, and successfully resisted attempts made in 1891 to expel him from the party in consequence of his opinions.

However, Bismark's State Socialism was based upon Romantic political thought in which the state was supreme and carried out Bismarck's agenda of supporting "the protest of collectivism against individualism" and of "nationality against cosmopolitanism" and stated that "the duty of the State is to maintain and promote the interests, the well-being of the nation as such". The academic equivalent of Bismarck's State Socialism at the time was the Kathedersozialismus of Adolph Wagner and Gustav Schmoller. Schmoller was an opponent of both liberalism and Marxian proletarian socialism. Wagner had originally been a Manchester liberal, but he had developed into a far- right conservative and antisemite.

Anarchists are committed against coercive authority in all forms, namely "all centralized and hierarchical forms of government (e.g., monarchy, representative democracy, state socialism, etc.), economic class systems (e.g., capitalism, Bolshevism, feudalism, slavery, etc.), autocratic religions (e.g., fundamentalist Islam, Roman Catholicism, etc.), patriarchy, heterosexism, white supremacy, and imperialism".

The attributive state is usually added by socialists with a non-state-based method for achieving socialism to criticize state socialism.Tucker, Benjamin (1985). State Socialism and Anarchism and Other Essays: Including the Attitude of Anarchism Toward Industrial Combinations and Why I Am an Anarchist. Ralph Myles Publisher. .

Anarchists are committed against coercive authority in all forms, namely "all centralized and hierarchical forms of government (e.g., monarchy, representative democracy, state socialism, etc.), economic class systems (e.g., capitalism, Bolshevism, feudalism, slavery, etc.), autocratic religions (e.g., fundamentalist Islam, Roman Catholicism, etc.), patriarchy, heterosexism, white supremacy, and imperialism".

International Publishers. p. 157. In The State and Revolution, Lenin wrote that "the erroneous bourgeois reformist assertion that monopoly capitalism or state-monopoly capitalism is no longer capitalism, but can now be called 'state socialism' and so on, is very common".Lenin, Vladimir (1964) [1917]. The State and Revolution.

Participism is a libertarian socialist political philosophy consisting of two independently created economic and political systems: participatory economics ("parecon") and participatory politics ("parpolity"). Participism is intended as an alternative to both capitalism and centrally-planned state socialism. Participism has significantly informed the International Organization for a Participatory Society.

Kelly, 3. Flanders also held an anti-communist position and opposed state socialism and supported ideas surrounding ethical socialism and the work of elite revolutionaries.Kelly, 53. These ideas saw Flanders support reform around the rights and dignity of workers rather than a focus on wage increases other associated activities.

The entire man was sold as commodity... Today, capitalism is the power through which still a remnant of the human being—his labor power—is stamped with the character of a commodity.” Yet Steiner held that the solution that state socialism gives to this problem only makes it worse.

In The State and Revolution, Lenin wrote that "the erroneous bourgeois reformist assertion that monopoly capitalism or state-monopoly capitalism is no longer capitalism, but can now be called "state socialism" and so on, is very common".Lenin, Vladimir (1964) [1917]. The State and Revolution. "Supplementary Explanations by Engels".

Railway construction was increased, while farmers settling in the eastern wheat belt were provided with assistance in the form of liberalized lending arrangements, technical expertise, and new railways to transport the greatly increased production that took place as a result. Workers were also helped by extensions to the arbitration system. In addition, land taxation was increased, a graduated income tax was introduced, and considerable reforms were carried out in the fields of divorce, criminal law, irrigation, and education.Ross McMullin, The Light on the Hill: The Australian Labor Party 1891-1991 Scaddan's government is perhaps most remembered for its policy of setting up state owned enterprises, termed state socialism by Scaddan, although it was not really state socialism.

One first example of this is mutualism as developed by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in the 18th century, from which emerged individualist anarchism. Benjamin Tucker is one eminent American individualist anarchist who adopted a laissez-faire system he termed anarchistic socialism in contraposition to state socialism.Tucker, Benjamin. "State Socialism and Anarchism".

The term State Socialism was coined by Bismarck's liberal opposition, but it was later accepted by Bismarck.Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2002). Bismarck. Routeledge. p. 221. . Bismarck was not a socialist and enacted the Anti-Socialist Laws. Rather, his actions were designed to offset the growth of the Social Democratic Party of Germany.

In 2016, the Green Party passed a motion in favor of rejecting both capitalism and state socialism, supporting instead an "alternative economic system based on ecology and decentralization of power". The motion states the change that the party says could be described as promoting "ecological socialism", "communalism", or the "cooperative commonwealth".

The Shorter Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 2005. P. 14 "Anarchism is the view that a society without the state, or government, is both possible and desirable." often due to a wider rejection of involuntary or permanent authority.Bakunin, Mikhail, God and the State, pt. 2.; Tucker, Benjamin, State Socialism and Anarchism.

The economy of the 3rd century BCE Mauryan Empire of India was described as "a socialized monarchy" and "a sort of state socialism". Elements of authoritarian socialist thought were discerned in the politics of ancient Greek philosophers such as AristotleRoss, W. D. Aristotle (6th ed.). p. 257. and Plato.Taylor, Alfred Edward (2001).

Benjamin Tucker, an invidualist anarchist who contrapposed his anarchist socialism to state socialism Moving into the 20th century, the Libertarian League was an anarchist and libertarian socialist organization. The first Libertarian League was founded in Los Angeles between the two World Wars.Avrich, Paul (2005). Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America.

The socio-economic nature of Stalin's Soviet Union has also been much debated, varyingly being labelled a form of state socialism, state capitalism, bureaucratic collectivism, or a totally unique mode of production. Socialist writers like Volkogonov have acknowledged that Stalin's actions damaged "the enormous appeal of socialism generated by the October Revolution".

In Merrie England, Blatchford distinguished two types of socialism, namely an ideal socialism and a practical socialism. Blatchford's practical socialism was a state socialism that identified existing state enterprise such as the Post Office run by the municipalities as a demonstration of practical socialism in action while claiming that practical socialism should involve the extension of state enterprise to the means of production as common property of the people. Although endorsing state socialism, Blatchford's Merrie England and his other writings were nonetheless influenced by anarcho-communist William Morris—as Blatchford himself attested to—and Morris' anarcho-communist themes are present in Merrie England.Thompson, Noel (2006). Political Economy and the Labour Party: The Economics of Democratic Socialism, 1884–2005 (2nd ed.).

In contrast, Marxism and revolutionary socialism holds that a proletarian revolution is the only practical way to implement fundamental changes in the structure of society. Socialists who advocate representative democracy believe that after a certain period of time under socialism the state will "wither away" because class distinctions cease to exist and representative democracy would be replaced by direct democracy in the remaining public associations comprising the former state. Political power would be decentralized and distributed evenly among the population, producing a communist society. In 1888, the individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker, who proclaimed himself to be an anarchistic socialist in opposition to state socialism, included the full text of a "Socialistic Letter" by Ernest Lesigne in his essay "State Socialism and Anarchism".

In Socialism: Utopian and Scientific (1880), Engels described state capitalism as a new form or variant of capitalism. The term state capitalism was first used by Wilhelm Liebknecht in 1896 who said: "Nobody has combated State Socialism more than we German Socialists; nobody has shown more distinctively than I, that State Socialism is really State capitalism". It has been suggested that the concept of state capitalism can be traced back to Mikhail Bakunin's critique during the First International of the potential for state exploitation under Marxist-inspired socialism, or to Jan Waclav Machajski's argument in The Intellectual Worker (1905) that socialism was a movement of the intelligentsia as a class, resulting in a new type of society he termed state capitalism.Bottomore, T. B. (1961).

The party had pursued state socialism, under which all industries were nationalized and a command economy was introduced. Prior to the adoption of central planning in 1929, Lenin had introduced a mixed economy, commonly referred to as the New Economic Policy, in the 1920s, which allowed to introduce certain capitalist elements in the Soviet economy.

This leads them to consider state socialism a form of state capitalism (an economy based on centralized management, capital accumulation and wage labor, but with the state owning the means of production) which Engels stated would be the final form of capitalism rather than socialism.Engels, Friedrich (1880). Socialism: Utopian and Scientific. "III: Historical Materialism".

Council communism is a current of communist thought that emerged in the 1920s. Inspired by the November Revolution, council communism was opposed to state socialism and advocated workers' councils and soviet democracy. Strong in Germany and the Netherlands during the 1920s, council communism continues to exist today as a small minority in the left.

Boissoneault, Lorraine (14 July 2017). "Bismarck Tried to End Socialism's Grip—By Offering Government Healthcare". Smithsonian. Retrieved 30 January 2020. In spite of its name, State Socialism was a conservative ideology which supported the aristocracy, the church and the monarchy while maintaining harmony with capitalists and workers, in opposition to both liberalism and socialism.

Ernest Lesigne was a 19th-century French journalist and historian.Benjamin Tucker, "State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree, And Wherein They Differ" (1888), in Instead of a Book (1893/1897). One of his most famous works he wrote is a series of socialist letters, titled "Socialistic Letters", for the French radical paper Le Radical.

In Gaus, Gerald F.; D'Agostino, Fred, eds. (2012). The Routledge Companion to Social and Political Philosophy. pp. 223–227. In the context of the European socialist movement, the term libertarian has been conventionally used to describe socialists who opposed authoritarianism and state socialism such as Mikhail Bakunin and largely overlaps with social anarchism,Chomsky, Noam (2004). Language and Politics.

The Slavophiles were determined to protect what they believed were unique Russian traditions and culture. In doing so, they rejected individualism. The role of the Orthodox Church was seen by them as more significant than the role of the state. Socialism was opposed by Slavophiles as an alien thought, and Russian mysticism was preferred over "Western rationalism".

Tucker, Benjamin. State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ. In 1894, Richard T. Ely noted that anarchism had "already acquired a variety of meanings". In its most general sense, these included the view that society is "a living, growing organism, the laws of which are something different from the laws of individual action".

All other political parties were outlawed with the formation of BAKSAL through a presidential order. The party advocated state socialism as a part of the group of reforms under the theory of Second Revolution. BAKSAL was the decision making council to achieve the objectives of the Second Revolution. With the assassination of Sheikh Mujib in 1975, BAKSAL was dissolved.

Allitt, Patrick (2000). Catholic Converts: British and American Intellectuals Turn to Rome. Cornell University Press. p. 206. Distributism views both laissez-faire capitalism and state socialism as equally flawed and exploitative, favoring economic mechanisms such as cooperatives and member- owned mutual organizations as well as small businesses and large-scale competition law reform such as antitrust regulations.

The first one took place in 2006 and selected contributions have been published.Pleines, Heiko; Fischer, Sabine; Schröder, Hans-Henning (Eds.) Movements, Migrants, Marginalisation. Challenges of societal and political participation in Eastern Europe and the enlarged EU, ibidem-Verlag 2007, , ISSN 1863-8716. Tholen, Jochen; Lane, David; Lengyel, György (Eds.) Restructuring of the Economic Elites after State Socialism.

The Tory Party: Its Policies, Divisions and Future. Harmondsworth: Penguinp. p. 167. During 19th-century, German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck adopted policies of state-organized compulsory insurance for workers against sickness, accident, incapacity and old age as part of his State Socialism programme. Leo von Caprivi, another independent conservative Chancellor, promoted a conservative agenda called the New Course.

This was referred to as the war economy (Kriegswirtschaft) or War Socialism (Kriegssozialismus). The term War Socialism was created by General Erich Ludendorff, a prominent proponent of the system.Paxton (1997), p. 106. War Socialism was a militarised state socialism in which the state exercised controls and regulations over the entire economy.Waite, Robert George Leeson (1993) [1977].

The economist Ludwig von Mises argued that the designation of state capitalism was simply a new label for the old labels of state socialism and planned economy and differed only in non-essentials from these earlier designations. The debate between proponents of private versus state capitalism is centered around questions of managerial efficacy, productive efficiency and fair distribution of wealth.

"Tasks of Working-Class Governments under the Socialist-oriented Market Economy". Political Affairs. . Retrieved 8 February 2020. A state, whether socialist or not, is opposed the most by anarchists, who reject the idea that the state can be used to establish a socialist society due to its hierarchical and arguably coercive nature, considering a socialist state or state socialism as an oxymoron.

Metzler, The Lever of Empire, page 239 He formed a new political party, the Kokumin Dōmei in December 1932, together with Nakano Seigō. The new party advocated a form of state socialism or corporatism with government control of strategic industries and financial institutions, and the creation of a Japan-Manchukuo economic union. The party was absorbed into the Taisei Yokusankai in 1940.

Individualist anarchist Lysander Spooner, whose No Treason: The Constitution of No Authority greatly influenced libertarianism in the United States In the 19th century, libertarian philosophies included libertarian socialism and anarchist schools of thought such as individualist and social anarchism. Key libertarian thinkers included Benjamin Tucker,Tucker, Benjamin (1888). State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree, And Wherein They Differ.Tucker, Benjamin (1926).

After he was forced to leave Hungary, his research profile changed. He studied the inequality in urban communities and about the structural problems of the capitalistic and socialistic society. His most important publications of these are Urban Inequalities under State Socialism (1983), Socialist Entrepreneurs. Embourgeoisement in Rural Hungary (1988), Social Conflicts of Post-communist Transitions (1992) and Making Capitalism without Capitalists (1998).

13:407 (2012), p. 408 During this period, Mussolini identified his economic policies with "state capitalism" and "state socialism", which later was described as "economic dirigisme", an economic system where the state has the power to direct economic production and allocation of resources.Iván T. Berend, An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Europe, New York: NY, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p.

It is possible to conceive of a democratic socialist state that owns the means of production and is internally organized in a participatory, cooperative fashion, thereby achieving both social ownership of productive property and workplace democracy. Today, state socialism is mainly advocated by Marxist–Leninists and others supporting a socialist state.Pena, David S. (21 September 2007). "Tasks of Working-Class Governments under the Socialist- oriented Market Economy".

The role of the state in socialism has divided the socialist movement. The philosophy of state socialism was first explicitly expounded by Ferdinand Lassalle. In contrast to Karl Marx's perspective, Lassalle rejected the concept of the state as a class-based power structure whose main function was to preserve existing class structures. Lassalle also rejected the Marxist view that the state was destined to "wither away".

The Man and the Statesman. London: Hamish Hamilton. p. 202. These policies were informally referred to as State Socialism by liberal and conservative opponents and the term was later adopted by supporters of the programs in a further attempt to detract the working class from the SPD, with the goal of making the working class content with a nationalist-oriented capitalist welfare state.Bismarck, Otto (15 March 1884).

Socialist Alternative. Retrieved 21 June 2020. Those socialists who oppose any system of state control whatsoever believe in a more decentralized approach which puts the means of production directly into the hands of the workers rather than indirectly through state bureaucracies which they claim represent a new elite or class. This leads them to consider state socialism a form of state capitalismBordiga, Amadeo (1952).

In 1872, the conflict between Marxists and anarchists climaxed. Marx had, since 1871, proposed the creation of a political party, which anarchists found to be an appalling and unacceptable prospect. Various groups (including Italian sections, the Belgian Federation and the Jura Federation) rejected Marx's proposition at the 1872 Hague Congress. They saw it as an attempt to create state socialism that would ultimately fail to emancipate humanity.

Richard Theodore Ely, Socialism: An Examination of Its Nature, Its Strength and Its Weakness (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1894), p. 3. Several years earlier in 1888, the individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker included the full text of a "Socialistic Letter" by Ernest Lesigne in his essay on "State Socialism and Anarchism". According to Lesigne, there are two socialisms: "One is dictatorial, the other libertarian".Tucker, Benjamin.

The Gaitskellites were part of a political consensus between the British Labour and Conservative parties, famously dubbed Butskellism. Some social-democratic Third Way figures such as Anthony Giddens and Tony Blair, who has described himself as a Christian socialist and consider himself to be a socialist in ethical terms, adamantly insist that they are socialists, for they claim to believe in the same values that their anti-Third Way critics do. However, Clause IV's open advocacy of state socialism was alienating potential middle-class Labour supporters and nationalization policies had been so thoroughly attacked by neoliberal economists and politicians, including rhetorical comparisons by the right of state-owned industry in the West to that in the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc, hence nationalizations and state socialism became unpopular. In countries such as Britain, Thatcherite Conservatives were adept at condemning state-owned enterprises as economically inefficient.

There were no criminal statutes regarding lesbianism. The lowest point in the history of the relationship between socialism and homosexuality begins with the rise of Joseph Stalin in the USSR, after Lenin's death, and continues through the era of state socialism in the Soviet Union, East Germany, China and North Korea. In all cases the conditions of sexual minorities, including transgender people, worsened in communist states after the arrival of Stalin.

Hain has written in support of libertarian socialist arguments,Hain, Peter (July/August 2000). "Rediscovering our libertarian roots". Chartist. Retrieved 7 January 2020. identifying an axis involving a "bottom-up vision of socialism, with anarchists at the revolutionary end and democratic socialists [such as himself] at its reformist end" as opposed to the axis of state socialism with Marxist–Leninists at the revolutionary end and social democrats at the reformist end.

Burgis criticizes those who praise free-market capitalism for the vast reduction of global poverty, arguing that "[i]f one of the primary drivers of the global decline of extreme poverty is its decline in the People's Republic, is this a success story for 'free market' capitalism or for a modified and liberalized form of state socialism?"Burgis, Ben (24 April 2019). "Marx Deserves Better Critics". Quillette. Retrieved 4 October 2020.

Geoffrey Hosking, George Schopflin, Myths and Nationhood, 1997, p.153, , Joanna B. Michlic, Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present, 2006, pp.207-208, , Norman Davies, God's Playground: A History of Poland in Two Volumes, 2005, pp.381ff, , Jan Kubik, The Power of Symbols Against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland, 1994, pp.

Tucker noted that "the fact that State Socialism has overshadowed other forms of Socialism gives it no right to a monopoly of the Socialistic idea".Tucker, Benjamin (1893). Instead of a Book by a Man Too Busy to Write One. pp. 363–364. According to Tucker, what those two schools of socialism had in common was the labor theory of value and the ends, by which anarchism pursued different means.

Martin, James J. (1953). Men Against the State: The Expositers of Individualist Anarchism in America, 1827–1908. Auburn: Mises Institute. . According to Ian McKay, the Christian mutualist form or anarchist branch of distributism and the works of distributists such as Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker Movement can be considered a form of mutualim, or free-market libertarian socialism, due to their opposition to both state capitalism and state socialism.

Hashimoto actively participated in the March incident of 1931. The Sakurakai (Cherry Blossom Society) was secretly formed by him and Captain Isamu Chō. It sought political reform with the elimination of party government by a coup d'état and the establishment of a new cabinet based upon state socialism to stamp out Japan's allegedly-corrupt politics, economy, and thought. That literally meant a reversal of the Westernization of Japan.

Subsequently, the International became polarised into two camps, with Marx and Bakunin as their respective figureheads. Bakunin characterised Marx's ideas as centralist. Because of this, he predicted if a Marxist party came to power, its leaders would simply take the place of the ruling class they had fought against. Followers of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the mutualists, also opposed Marx's state socialism, advocating political abstentionism and small property holdings.

Just as social anarchists seek to create a socialist economy but oppose the tyranny of Marxist state socialism, post-colonial anarchists oppose the tyranny of nationalism, and argue that the achievement of meaningful self-determination for all of the world's nations requires an anarchist political system based on local control, free federation and mutual aid.Post Colonial Anarchism, by Roger White. Anarchism, nationalism, and national liberation from an APOC perspective.

Furthermore, some distributists argue that state capitalism and state socialism are the logical conclusion of capitalism as capitalism's concentrated powers eventually capture the state. Thomas Storck argues: "Both socialism and capitalism are products of the European Enlightenment and are thus modernizing and anti- traditional forces. In contrast, distributism seeks to subordinate economic activity to human life as a whole, to our spiritual life, our intellectual life, our family life."Storck, Thomas.

Metternich's conservative socialism saw liberalism and nationalism as forms of middle-class dictatorship over the masses. Johann Karl Rodbertus, a monarchist conservative landowner and lawyer who briefly served as minister of education in Prussia in 1848, promoted a form of state socialism led by an enlightened monarchy supporting state regulation of the economy.Shatz, Marshall S. (1989). Jan Waclaw Machajski: A Radical Critic of the Russian Intelligentsia and Socialism.

As a term, state socialism is often used interchangeably with state capitalism in reference to the economic systems of Marxist–Leninist states such as the Soviet Union to highlight the role of state planning in these economies, with the critics of said system referring to it more commonly as state capitalism. Democratic and libertarian socialists claim that these states had only a limited number of socialist characteristics.Howard, M. C.; King, J. E. (2001).

Baathism is based on principles of Arab nationalism, pan- Arabism, and Arab socialism, as well as social progress. It is a secular ideology. A Baathist state supports socialist economics to a varying degree and supports public ownership over the commanding heights of the economy, but opposes confiscatory policies with regard to private property. In Baathist ideology, socialism does not mean state-socialism or economic equality; rather, it has a strong current of modernization to it.

In the 1960s, the Communist Party of India formed India's first democratically elected communist government when it won elections in the states of Kerala and later West Bengal. However, when a global recession began in the late 1970s, economic stagnation, chronic shortages and state inefficiency left many disillusioned with state socialism. In the late 1980s and 1990s, India's government began to systematically liberalise the Indian economy by pursuing privatisation, aiming to attract foreign investment.

On the other hand, anarchist historian George Woodcock describes Spooner's essays as an "eloquent elaboration" of Josiah Warren and the early American development of Proudhon's ideas and associates his works with that of Stephen Pearl Andrews. Woodcock also reports that both Spooner and Greene had been members of the socialist First International. American individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker identified as a socialistTucker, Benjamin (1897). "State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ".

Today some people still remember him as a journalist and editor rather than a politician. Rakowski was involved in the Communist government during suppression of the Solidarity movement. He also played a part in the Polish transformation from state socialism to market capitalism, as his Communist-led government was forced to reform and he was one of the key players in the Polish Round Table Agreements.Operacja "okrągłego stołu", interview with Filip Musiał, interia.

The Three Arrows became a symbol of the social democratic resistance against the totalitarian ideologies of Nazism and Soviet State Socialism. More recently, the symbol has been adopted by the American Antifa organisation, along with flags historically derived from the German communist party's Antifaschistische Aktion. The Antifaschistische Aktion opposed the Iron Front, whom they regarded as bourgeois, and Three Arrows was used to represent resistance also against Antifaschistische Aktion's affiliated party, the KPD.

"Socialism with no doctrine" () is a phrase coined by Albert Métin based on his observation of the experiments in labour and economic regulation by the nonsocialist governments of Australia and New Zealand that Métin described as effectively being a form of state socialism, although these policies did not contain any reference recognizing socialist theory.Peter Lamb, J. C. Docherty. Historical dictionary of socialism. Lanham, Maryland, UK; Oxford, England, UK: Scarecrow Press, Inc, 2006. 317.

According to William Harbutt Dawson, despite being labeled socialist by his opponents, Bismarck's social legislation sought to preserve the existing economic order and state in Germany. This was in stark contrast to socialists, who sought to subvert the power of the existing state and eventually replace the capitalist order with a socialist economy.Dawson, William Harbutt (1891). Bismarck and State Socialism: An Exposition of the Social and Economic Legislation of Germany Since 1870.

The Socialist Phenomenon, by Igor Shafarevich. (1980) pp.7–79 # State Socialism: Describes the socialism of the Incas, the Jesuit state in Paraguay, Mesopotamia, Egypt and China.The Socialist Phenomenon, by Igor Shafarevich. (1980) pp.80–131 # Analysis: Identifies three persistent abolition themes in socialism: the abolition of private property, the abolition of the family, and the abolition of religion (mainly but not exclusively Christianity)The Socialist Phenomenon, by Igor Shafarevich. (1980) pp.

For anarchists, state socialism is equivalent to state capitalism, hence oppressive and merely a shift from private capitalists to the state being the sole employer and capitalist. In Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism and Imperialism and World Economy, both Vladimir Lenin and Nikolai Bukharin, respectively, had similarly identified the growth of state capitalism as one of the main features of capitalism in its imperialist epoch.Lenin, Vladimir (1948) [1916]. Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism.

He said: "I fear Social-Democracy more under this law than without it".W. H. Dawson, Bismarck and State Socialism. An Exposition of the Social and Economic Legislation of Germany since 1870 (London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1891), p. 44. In response to rumours that Bismarck was planning to introduce a tobacco monopoly, Richter unsuccessfully sought to persuade the Reichstag to pass a resolution that condemned such a monopoly as "economically, financially, and politically unjustifiable".

Downie Stewart was the author of a number of books. He and the American economist James Edward Le Rossignol of the University of Denver published State socialism in New Zealand in 1910. A reviewer called the book "an illuminating study of the remarkable series of instructive experiments in socialistic legislation, for which New Zealand has become conspicuous, together with that Australian Commonwealth, which is its nearest neighbour." Downie Stewart was Mayor of Dunedin (1913–1914).

"Internal Colonialism in Comparative Perspective", (with John Stone) appeared in Ethnic and Racial Studies in 1979. He produced an issue of Theory and Society in 1994 on "Theoretical Implications of the Demise of State Socialism" with Iván Szelényi. In 1995, he was in charge of a Special Issue of the American Journal of Sociology on "Prediction in the Social Sciences." "Legitimacy in the Modern World," came out in the American Behavioral Scientist (2009).

Hłasko really identified himself with this role: he vandalized pubs and restaurants. At this time, he gained worldwide publicity. Nonetheless, he liked the life of a vagrant, so he left Paris and went to Germany and then to Italy. The publication of Cmentarze [The Graveyard], a novel critical of state socialism, in the émigré Polish-language Parisian monthly Kultura, caused a negative press campaign to be launched against him back in Poland.

Syndicalism advocates workers' control through trade unions. Guild socialism advocates workers' control through a revival of the guild system. Participatory economics represents a recent variation on the idea of workers' control. Workers' control can be contrasted to control of the economy via the state, such as nationalization and central planning (see state socialism) versus control of the means of production by owners, which workers can achieve through employer provided stock purchases, direct stock purchases, etc.

In February 1969, Ervin hijacked a plane to Cuba to evade prosecution for allegedly trying to kill a Ku Klux Klan leader. While in Cuba, and then Czechoslovakia, Ervin became disillusioned with state socialism. After the US government was unable to obtain his extradition, Ervin was arrested upon voluntarily returning to the U.S. in September 1969. Ervin was charged with two counts of airline hijacking in the US District Court for the State of Georgia.

According to American anarchist Victor Yarros, Tucker was opposed to compulsion. Yarros wrote that Tucker "opposed savagely any and all reform movements that had paternalistic aims, and looked to the state for aid and fulfillment", further stating: However, Tucker's opposition to socialism was opposition to its state socialism and statist forms of socialism, describing Henry George's single tax as "nothing more than a State socialistic measure, just another crushing tax".Tucker, Benjamin. Individual Liberty. p. 189.

Amsterdam: Pergamon Press 2002, available for download. 19th-century American individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker, who connected the classical economics of Adam Smith and the Ricardian socialists as well as that of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Karl Marx and Josiah Warren to socialism, held that there were two schools of socialist thought, namely anarchist socialism and state socialism, maintaining that what they had in common was the labor theory of value.Brown, Susan Love (1997). "The Free Market as Salvation from Government".

Advantage (, translit. Avantazh) is a 1977 Bulgarian drama film directed by Georgi Djulgerov. It was entered into the 28th Berlin International Film Festival, where Djulgerov won the Silver Bear for Best Director. Cinema, State Socialism and Society in the Soviet Union and Eastern ... 1317818725 Sanja Bahun, John Haynes - 2014 A good example of the subversive nature of films, one that also exemplifies the new popularity of the cinéma vérité model, is director Georgi Djulgerov's Advantage (Avantazh, 1977).

He came to reject state socialism and large centralised control, instead emphasising localised administration within a socialist society. Later political activist Derek Wall suggested that Morris could be classified as an ecosocialist. Morris was greatly influenced by Romanticism, with Thompson asserting that Romanticism was "bred into his bones, and formed his early consciousness." Thompson argued that this "Romantic Revolt" was part of a "passionate protest against an intolerable social reality", that of the industrial capitalism of Britain's Victorian era.

Others have criticized it because with the fall of state socialism it was possible "a new kind of 'third way' socialism (combining social ownership with markets and democracy), thereby heralding a revitalization of the social democratic tradition". However, it has been argued that the prospect of a new socialism was "a chimera, a hopeful invention of Western socialists who had not understood how 'actually existing socialism' had totally discredited any version of socialism among those who had lived under it".

This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state. This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism because of the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany, but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy. Plenge advocated an authoritarian rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical technocratic state.

As Radu Jr noted, his father became a "progressive conservative" who admired "State Socialism".Rosetti, pp. 15, 24, 56 Against traditionalists and elitists such as those from the Junimea school, Radu Sr reportedly believed that boyar privilege was a bane, and insisted that aristocrats too should work for a living.Rosetti, pp. 14–15, 172–173 While he endorsed the United Principalities (and, from 1881, the Kingdom of Romania), he maintained a conservative dislike for the Wallachians, viewing Moldavians as structurally superior.

Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 8 February 2020. Furthermore, nationalization and state ownership have nothing to do with socialism by itself, having been historically carried out for various different purposes under a wide variety of different political and economic systems.. State socialism is often referred to by right-wing detractors simply as socialism, including Austrian School economists such as Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises, who continually used the term socialism as a synonym for central planning and state socialism.Von Mises, Ludwig (1936) [1922].

"What is Socialism?", The Shakespeare Press, 1912. pp. 35. Boyle quotes Pierrerismo Joseph Proudhon as stating that socialism is "every aspiration towards the amelioration of society", and then admitting that, under this definition, "we are all socialists." Some definitions of socialism are very vague while others are so specific that they only include a small minority of the things that have been described as socialism in the past such as a mode of production, state socialism or the abolition of wage labour.

For them, Mikhail Bakunin's predictions on the consequences of Marxist rule, that the leaders of the new socialist state would become the new ruling class, had proven true. In 1920, Peter Kropotkin published a Message to the Workers of the West explaining the false path of state socialism was doomed to fail. Disappointed with the course of events, Goldman and Berkman fled the USSR in 1921, the same year Kropotkin died. By 1925, anarchism was banned under the Bolshevik regime.

Stalinism, while not an ideology per se, refers to the thoughts and policies of Stalin Stalinism, while not an ideology per se, refers to Stalin's thoughts and policies. Stalin's introduction of the concept "Socialism in One Country" in 1924 was an important moment in Soviet ideological discourse. According to Stalin, the Soviet Union did not need a socialist world revolution to construct a socialist society. Four years later, Stalin initiated his "Second Revolution" with the introduction of state socialism and central planning.

The political scientist John Gooding suggested that had the perestroika reforms succeeded, the Soviet Union would have "exchanged totalitarian controls for milder authoritarian ones" although not become "democratic in the Western sense". With perestroika, Gorbachev had wanted to improve the existing Marxist-Leninist system but ultimately ended up destroying it. In this, he brought an end to state socialism in the Soviet Union and paved the way for a transition to liberal democracy. Taubman nevertheless thought Gorbachev remained a socialist.

While not an ideology per se, Stalinism refers to the thoughts and policies of Stalin Stalinism, while not an ideology per se, refers to Stalin's thoughts and policies. Stalin's introduction of the concept "Socialism in One Country" in 1924 was a major turning point in Soviet ideological discourse. The Soviet Union did not need a socialist world revolution to construct a socialist society, Stalin claimed. Four years later, Stalin initiated his "Second Revolution" with the introduction of state socialism and central planning.

As for socialism, especially state socialism, Rothbard argued that it was not the opposite of libertarianism, but rather that it pursued liberal ends through conservative means, putting it in the political center.Murray N. Rothbard, "Left and Right: The Prospects for Liberty," Left and Right: A Journal of Libertarian Thought 1.1 (Spring 1965): 4-22.Roderick T. Long, "Rothbard's 'Left and Right': Forty Years Later" (Rothbard Memorial Lecture, Austrian Scholars Conference 2006). By the time of his death in 1995,Raimondo, Enemy 295-9.

In the early 1960s, Czechoslovakia underwent an economic downturn, and in 1968, the KSČ was taken over by reformers led by Alexander Dubček. He started a period of liberalization known as the Prague Spring in which he attempted to implement "socialism with a human face". The Soviet Union believed the process of liberalization would end state socialism in the country and on 21 August 1968, Warsaw Pact forces invaded. Subsequently, the Soviet justification for the invasion would become known as the Brezhnev Doctrine.

The flag of the British Union of Fascists, which is also the symbol of the Friends of Oswald Mosley. The Friends of Oswald Mosley (FOM) is the last vestige of Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists (BUF) and its successors, the Union Movement and the Action Party. Their motto is "The spirit lives ... the rest will follow". The group is not politically active but has described itself as "pro-Arab, pro-EU, against US global supremacy, anti-capitalist, anti-state socialism, pro-syndicalism".

Kagawa's economic theory, as expressed in the book Brotherhood Economics, advocated that the Christian Church, the cooperative movement, and the peace movement unite in a 'powerful working synthesis' to provide a workable alternative to capitalism, state socialism, and fascism. Kagawa's work in the co-operative movement consisted of founding several consumer co-operatives in 1921, including the Co-op Kobe, Nada Consumer Co-operative (later merged with Co-op Kobe), the Kyoto Consumer Co- operative, Tokyo Student's Consumer Co-operative and Tokyo Iryou (Medical) Consumer Co-operative.

Many Christian thinkers have sought an accommodation with socialism and its program to end poverty and oppression. For those espousing a Christian Marxism this means a Marxism emptied of everything: atheism, materialism, collectivization or one- party rule. In the US John A. Ryan proposed a Catholic alternative to state socialism that inspired a Bishops’ "Program for Social Reconstruction" in 1919 that came close to FDR's New Deal. More recently, Catholic bishops have moved decisively against capitalism, helping the poor with statist programs, rather like secular socialists.

Schapiro and Efim Iarchuk, another former editor of Golos Truda, represented the Russian syndicalist movement. Reflections on the Russian Revolution played a central role in the deliberations, as the Russian experience demonstrated the fundamental differences between syndicalism and state socialism, according to the delegates. Rocker pointed to the Bolshevik government's treatment of Schapiro in making the case against participation in the RILU and for the formation of a syndicalist international. Schapiro himself argued that participation in the RILU would be incompatible with syndicalist principles.

State Socialism () was a set of social programmes implemented in the German Empire that were initiated by Otto von Bismarck in 1883 as remedial measures to appease the working class and detract support for socialism and the Social Democratic Party of Germany following earlier attempts to achieve the same objective through Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws.Bismarck, Otto (15 March 1884). "Bismarck's Reichstag Speech on the Law for Workers' Compensation". German History in Documents and Images. Retrieved 27 December 2019.Gregory, Paul R.; Stuart, Robert C. (2003).

From the late 19th century until the mid- to late 20th century, there was greater public confidence in the idea of a state-managed economy that was a major pillar of both proponents of communism and social democracy and even to a substantial degree by conservatives and left-liberals. Aside from anarchists and other libertarian socialists, there was confidence amongst socialists in the concept of state socialism as being the most effective form of socialism. Some early British social democrats in the 19th century and 20th century such as the Fabians claimed that British society was already mostly socialist and that the economy was significantly socialist through government-run enterprises created by conservative and liberal governments which could be run for the interests of the people through their representatives' influence, an argument reinvoked by some socialists in post-war Britain. Advents in economics and observation of the failure of state socialism in the Eastern Bloc countries and in the Western world with the crisis and stagflation of the 1970s, combined with the neoliberal rebuke of state interventionism, resulted in socialists re-evaluating and redesigning socialism.

Anthony Giddens, a prominent proponent and ideologue of the Third Way that arose in the 1990s Prominent Third Way proponent Anthony Giddens views conventional socialism as essentially having become obsolete. However, Giddens claims that a viable form of socialism was advocated by Anthony Crosland in his major work The Future of Socialism (1956). He has complimented Crosland as well as Thomas Humphrey Marshall for promoting a viable form of socialism. Giddens views what he considers the conventional form of socialism that defines socialism as a theory of economic management—state socialism—as no longer viable.

Besier's publications have focused on church history, including church history during the Third Reich and the German Democratic Republic,Putting old wine into new bottles: the East German Protestant Church's desire to reform state socialism, 1989-90, Journal of Church and State, 22 Sep 2001 and religious freedom issues in contemporary society. His views on religious freedom follow the libertarian American model, a stance which has made him controversial in Germany.Staff (2009-06-16). "Offener, als ich vermutet habe", taz. Retrieved on 2009-06-29. Güntner, Joachim (2004-06-30).

It cut off the easiest source of credit, armaments, and diplomatic support to the anti-western Arab regimes, weakening their position. It opened up the prospect of cheap oil from Russia, driving down the price of oil and reducing the west's dependence on oil from the Arab states. It discredited the model of development through authoritarian state socialism, which Egypt (under Nasser), Algeria, Syria, and Iraq had followed since the 1960s, leaving these regimes politically and economically stranded. Rulers such as Iraq's Saddam Hussein increasingly relied on Arab nationalism as a substitute for socialism.

According to anarchists such as the authors of An Anarchist FAQ, forms of socialism from above such as authoritarian socialism or state socialism are the real oxymorons and the libertarian socialism from below represents true socialism. For anarchists and other anti-authoritarian socialists, socialism "can only mean a classless and anti-authoritarian (i.e. libertarian) society in which people manage their own affairs, either as individuals or as part of a group (depending on the situation). In other words, it implies self- management in all aspects of life", including at the workplace.

Hayek argued that both fascism and socialism are based in central economic planning and value the state over the individual. According to Hayek, it is in this way that it becomes possible for totalitarian leaders to rise to power as happened in the years following World War I. Austrian School economists such as Hayek and his mentor Ludwig Mises also used the word socialism as a synonym for authoritarian socialism, central planning and state socialism, falsely linking it to fascism,Mises, Ludwig (1936) [1922]. Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis. London: Jonathan Cape. .

475 of the Collected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels: Volume 30. Marx in 1882 During the last decade of his life, Marx's health declined and he became incapable of the sustained effort that had characterised his previous work. He did manage to comment substantially on contemporary politics, particularly in Germany and Russia. His Critique of the Gotha Programme opposed the tendency of his followers Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel to compromise with the state socialism of Ferdinand Lassalle in the interests of a united socialist party.

Peter Kropotkin, main theorist of anarcho-communism Seventeen years (1857) after Proudhon first called himself an anarchist (1840), anarcho-communist Joseph Déjacque was the first person to describe himself as a libertarian.Joseph Déjacque, "De l'être-humain mâle et femelle–Lettre à P.J. Proudhon" (1857). Outside the United States, the term libertarian generally refers to anti-authoritarian anti-capitalist ideologies. Libertarian socialism has its roots in both classical liberalism and socialism, though it is often in conflict with liberalism (especially neoliberalism and right- libertarianism) and authoritarian state socialism simultaneously.

State socialism was traditionally advocated as a means for achieving public ownership of the means of production through nationalization of industry. This was intended to be a transitional phase in the process of building a socialist economy. The goals of nationalization were to dispossess large capitalists and consolidate industry so that profit would go toward public finance rather than private fortune. Nationalization would be the first step in a long-term process of socializing production, introducing employee management and reorganizing production to directly produce for use rather than profit.

A variety of predominantly Trotskyist and anarchist thinkers argue that class conflict existed in Soviet- style societies. Their arguments describe as a class the bureaucratic stratum formed by the ruling political party (known as the nomenklatura in the Soviet Union), sometimes termed a "new class", that controls and guides the means of production. This ruling class is viewed to be in opposition to the remainder of society, generally considered the proletariat. This type of system is referred by them as state socialism, state capitalism, bureaucratic collectivism or new class societies.

Owing to the many anarchist schools of thought, anarchism can be divided into two or more categories, the most used being that of individualist anarchism and social anarchism. Other categorizations may include green anarchism and/or left anarchism and right anarchism. Terms such as anarcho-socialism or socialist anarchism are rejected by most anarchists since they generally consider themselves socialists of the libertarian tradition and are seen as unnecessary and confusing when not used as synonymous with libertarian or stateless socialism and contrasted with authoritarian or state socialism,Iverson, Stan. (1968). "Sex and Anarcho-socialism".

Instead, each person possesses a means of production, either individually or collectively, with trade representing equivalent amounts of labor in the free market. Benjamin Tucker wrote of Proudhon that "though opposed to socializing the ownership of capital, he aimed nevertheless to socialize its effects by making its use beneficial to all instead of a means of impoverishing the many to enrich the few [...] by subjecting capital to the natural law of competition, thus bringing the price of its own use down to cost".Tucker, Benjamin (1886). State Socialism and Anarchism.

Ferriter, Diarmaid: pp.62-64, p.159 O'Brien saying that the Labourers Acts – "were scarcely less wonderworking than the abolition of landlordism itself". In 1904 Davitt going so far as to declare that the Labourers Acts constituted – "a rational principle of state Socialism". In the next five years the programme produced a complete 'municipalisation' of over 40,000 additional commodious working-class dwellings dotting the rural Irish countryside, the proportionally larger number of 7,560 cottages erected in County Cork in co-ordination with Sheehan and the ILLA branches became known locally as "Sheehans' cottages".

Sumner was a staunch advocate of laissez-faire economics, as well as "a forthright proponent of free trade and the gold standard and a foe of socialism."Raico, Ralph (2011-03-29) Neither the Wars Nor the Leaders Were Great, Mises Institute Sumner was active in the intellectual promotion of free-trade classical liberalism. He heavily criticized state socialism/state communism. One adversary he mentioned by name was Edward Bellamy, whose national variant of socialism was set forth in Looking Backward, published in 1888, and the sequel Equality.

With many of his closest advisers urging him to do so, Nixon decided in early October to seek the Senate seat. He hired a professional campaign manager, Murray Chotiner, who had helped to run successful campaigns for both Governor Warren and Senator Knowland and had played a limited role in Nixon's first congressional race. Nixon announced his candidacy in a radio broadcast on November 3, painting the race as a choice between a free society and state socialism. Chotiner's philosophy for the primary campaign was to focus on Nixon and ignore the opposition.

The film is mixture of documentary and fiction examining the new god of capitalism offered to the Serbs with the ending of state socialism. The story's background are a number of strikes in Belgrade during the late 2000s and these introduce us to a number of characters who play themselves. Explosive situations result with employees dressed in American football helmets and pads square up with employers' heavies in their bullet-proof vests. A visit from the Russian tycoon's representative and vice president Joe Biden's arrival complicate the proceedings further.

Bismarck's government had to submit three draft bills before it could get one passed by the Reichstag in 1884. Bismarck had originally proposed that the federal government pay a portion of the accident insurance contribution. Bismarck wanted to demonstrate the willingness of the German government to reduce the hardship experienced by the German workers so as to wean them away from supporting the various left- wing parties, most importantly the Social Democrats. The National Liberals took this program to be an expression of State Socialism, against which they were dead set.

Proponents assume that the state, as the representative of the public interest, would manage resources and production for the benefit of the public. As a form of social ownership, state ownership may be contrasted with cooperatives and common ownership. Socialist theories and political ideologies that favor state ownership of the means of production may be labelled state socialism. State ownership was recognized by Friedrich Engels in Socialism: Utopian and Scientific as, by itself, not doing away with capitalism, including the process of capital accumulation and structure of wage labor.

Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BaKSAL) ( "Bangladesh Worker-Peasant's People's League"; বাকশাল) was a political front comprising Bangladesh Awami League, Communist Party of Bangladesh, National Awami Party (Mozaffar) and Jatiyo League. Following the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution of Bangladesh, enacted on 25 January 1975, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman formed BaKSAL on 24 February. In addition, with the presidential order, all other political parties were outlawed with the formation of BaKSAL. The party advocated state socialism as a part of the group of reforms under the theory of the Second Revolution.

Rosa Luxemburg Council communism is a movement originating in Germany and the Netherlands in the 1920s, whose primary organization was the Communist Workers Party of Germany. Council communism continues today as a theoretical and activist position within both libertarian Marxism and libertarian socialism. The core principle of council communism is that the government and the economy should be managed by Workers' councils which are composed of delegates elected at workplaces and recallable at any moment. As such, council communists oppose state-run authoritarian state socialism and state capitalism.

When food stocks slumped after poor harvests in 1972, the government made it a point to use foreign exchange to buy US wheat commercially rather than seek resumption of food aid. The period of 1967–75 was characterised by socialist ascendency in India, which culminated in 1976 with the official declaration of state socialism. Gandhi not only abandoned the short-lived liberalisation programme but also aggressively expanded the public sector with new licensing requirements and other restrictions for industry. She began a new course by launching the Fourth Five-Year Plan in 1969.

He recognized that union activity was not a long-term solution to poverty across society and suggested that forming co-operatives therefore might be the best solution. In Chavez's view, workers' cooperatives offered a middle ground economic choice between capitalism and the state socialism of Marxist-Leninist countries. He also embraced ideals about communal living, and saw the La Paz commune he established in California as a model for others to follow. Chavez kept a large portrait of Gandhi in his office, alongside another of Martin Luther King and busts of both John F. Kennedy and Abraham Lincoln.

Outside of party politics once more, Kōtoku worked with others to translate and publish Kropotkin's anarcho-communist book The Conquest of Bread, alongside an American anarcho-syndicalist pamphlet The Social General Strike. Unions were banned due to a 1900 law, however, and much anarchist discussion was highly theoretical rather than practical. Nevertheless, Kōtoku was strongly critical of Keir Hardie when he visited Japan, decrying "Hardie's State Socialism". Despite being ideologically opposed to hierarchy, Kōtoku was seen as an 'authority' by many younger anarchists due to Japanese cultural norms, and he himself referred to Kropotkin as sensei (teacher).

Her book, В помощ на жената (To Help Women), written in 1908, became foundational to the ideology of the Bulgarian Women's Union, laying out reforms needed to adapt policies affecting women and children. When the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom was founded in 1915, she became a prominent member of the pacifist movement. In 1944, when state socialism was established in Bulgaria, women gained the right to vote, but it was among many grassroots organizations that were abolished. When Pateva asked for permission to open a cultural and educational society in 1945, she was branded an enemy of the people.

University of California Press. p. 1. . The authoritarian–libertarian struggles and disputes within the socialist movement go back to the First International and the expulsion in 1872 of the anarchists, who went on to lead the Anti-authoritarian International and then founded their own libertarian international, the Anarchist St. Imier International.Hahnel, Robin (2005). Economic Justice and Democracy. Routledge Press. p. 138. . In 1888, the individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker, who proclaimed himself to be an anarchistic socialist and libertarian socialist in opposition to the authoritarian state socialism and the compulsory communism, included the full text of a "Socialistic Letter" by Ernest LesigneLesigne (1887).

Aside from anarchists and other libertarian socialists, there was confidence amongst socialists in the concept of state socialism as being the most effective form of socialism. Some early social democrats in the late 19th century and early 20th century such as the Fabians claimed that British society was already mostly socialist and that the economy was significantly socialist through government-run enterprises created by conservative and liberal governments which could be run for the interests of the people through their representatives' influence, an argument reinvoked by some socialists in post-war Britain.Eatwell, Roger; Wright, Anthony (1999). Contemporary Political Ideologies (2nd ed.).

Democratic socialism is defined as having a socialist economy in which the means of production are socially and collectively owned or controlled, alongside a democratic political system of government. Democratic socialists reject most self-described socialist states and Marxism–Leninism. British Labour Party politician Peter Hain classifies democratic socialism along with libertarian socialism as a form of anti-authoritarian socialism from below (using the concept popularised by American socialist activist Hal Draper) in contrast to authoritarian socialism and state socialism. For Hain, this authoritarian and democratic divide is more important than that between reformists and revolutionaries.

A 19th-century proponent of individualist anarchism which he called "unterrified Jeffersonianism",McCarthy, Daniel (January 1, 2010) A Fistful of Dynamite , The American Conservative. Tucker was the editor and publisher of the American individualist anarchist periodical Liberty (1881–1908) as well as a member of the socialist First International. Tucker harshly opposed state socialism and was a supporter of libertarian socialism which he termed anarchist or anarchistic socialism as well as a follower of mutualism. He connected the classical economics of Adam Smith and the Ricardian socialists as well as that of Josiah Warren, Karl Marx and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon to socialism.

Council communism, or councilism, is a current of libertarian Marxism that emerged from the November Revolution in the 1920s, characterized by its opposition to state capitalism/state socialism as well as its advocacy of workers' councils as the basis for workers' democracy. Originally affiliated with the Communist Workers Party of Germany (KAPD), council communism continues today as a theoretical and activist position within the greater libertarian socialism movement. Chief among the tenets of council communism is its opposition to the party vanguardismAnton Pannekoek (1936) Workers’ Councils and democratic centralismPannekoek, Anton. State Capitalism and Dictatorship International Council Correspondence, Vol.

The principal elements of the old Soviet political system were Communist Party dominance, the hierarchy of soviets, state socialism, and ethnic federalism. Gorbachev's programs of perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (openness) produced radical unforeseen effects that brought that system down. As a means of reviving the Soviet state, Gorbachev repeatedly attempted to build a coalition of political leaders supportive of reform and created new arenas and bases of power. He implemented these measures because he wanted to resolve serious economic problems and political inertia that clearly threatened to put the Soviet Union into a state of long-term stagnation.

Drawing upon Michel Foucault but also W. V. O. Quine and Ludwig Wittgenstein, he criticised essentialism, epistemological discourses and the possibility of any general theory, in a move against careless sociological constructionist imperialism. In his work on democratic governance, he turned towards the ideas of the English political pluralists: John Neville Figgis, G. D. H. Cole, and Harold Laski. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, Hirst developed a theory of associationalism which attempted to revive social democracy by providing an alternative to state socialism and free-market liberalism. He also made important contributions to critical legal theory.

Labourers Act cottages The Second Phase of the Labourers Acts (1906–1914) began after the 1906 Labourers Housing Act, long demanded by the ILLA, was implemented, for which both the Redmondite and O'Brienite factions were zealous in claiming credit. The labourer-owned cottages erected by the Local County Councils brought about a major socio-economic transformation, by simultaneously erasing the previous inhuman habitations. O'Brien saying that the Labourers Acts – "were scarcely less wonderworking than the abolition of landlordism itself". In 1904 Davitt going so far as to declare the foreseen Labourers Act constituted – "a rational principle of state Socialism".

The main Marxist–Leninist thesis is that big business, having achieved a monopoly or cartel position in most markets of importance, fuses with the government apparatus. A kind of financial oligarchy or conglomerate therefore results, whereby government officials aim to provide the social and legal framework within which giant corporations can operate most effectively. This is a close partnership between big business and government, and it is argued that the aim is to integrate labor-unions completely in that partnership. Lenin insists in The State and Revolution (1917) that state monopoly capitalism should not be confused with state socialism.

In Germany, chancellor Otto von Bismarck created the first comprehensive welfare state in modern industrial society. To curb the influence of socialism and to appease the working-class population, Bismarck employed State Socialism and implemented a series of laws during the 1880s and 1890s. These included the Workers Protection Act, the Health Insurance Bill, the Accident Insurance Bill and the Old Age and Disability Insurance Bill, all designed to increase the welfare of the newly create German nation state. Progressive economic policies in terms of the welfare state expanded significantly across Europe in the post-World War II period.

Church attendance in all denominations declined after the First World War. Reasons that have been suggested for this change include the growing power of the nation state, socialism, and scientific rationalism, which provided alternatives to the social and intellectual aspects of religion. By the 1920s roughly half the population had a relationship with one of the Christian denominations. This level was maintained until the 1940s when it dipped to 40 per cent during Second World War, but it increased in the 1950s as a result of revivalist preaching campaigns, particularly the 1955 tour by Billy Graham, and returned to almost pre-war levels.

Max Schippel (6 Dec 1859, Chemnitz – 6 June 1928 Dresden) was German Social Democrat journalist and writer. Schippel was the son of a school teacher. In the early 1880s he went to Berlin to study political economy under Adolph Wagner and fell under the influence of "State Socialism" ("Staatssozialismus") also being influenced by Albert Schäffle and Eugen Dühring. However he was later to embrace Marxism and joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), even though he always maintained a level of independence, sometimes trying to reconcile his prior views with the dominant themes of Marxism.

"The Paris Commune and the Idea of the State". In a series of powerful pamphlets, he defended the Paris Commune and the International against the Italian nationalist Giuseppe Mazzini, thereby winning over many Italian republicans to the International and the cause of revolutionary socialism. The collectivist anarchists at first used the term collectivism to distinguish themselves from the mutualism of the followers of Proudhon and the state socialists associated with Karl Marx. In his 1867 essay "Federalism, Socialism, and Anti-Theologism", Bakunin wrote that "we shall always protest against anything that may in any way resemble communism or state socialism" which Bakunin regarded as fundamentally authoritarian.

Another important Fabian figure who joined the ILP was Robert Blatchford who wrote the work Merrie England (1894) that endorsed municipal socialism. Merrie England was a major publication that sold 750,000 copies within one year. In Merrie England, Blatchford distinguished two types of socialism, namely an ideal socialism and a practical socialism. Blatchford's practical socialism was a state socialism that identified existing state enterprise such as the Post Office run by the municipalities as a demonstration of practical socialism in action while claiming that practical socialism should involve the extension of state enterprise to the means of production as common property of the people.

In Western Europe, the prominent Italian Communist Party transformed itself into the post-communist Democratic Party of the Left in 1991. Bill Clinton and Tony Blair, supporters of the Third Way In the 1990s, the ideology of the Third Way developed and many social democrats became adherents of it. The Third Way has been advocated by its proponents as an alternative to capitalism and what it regards as the traditional forms of socialism (Marxian socialism and state socialism) which Third Way social democrats reject. It officially advocates ethical socialism, reformism and gradualism which includes advocating a humanized version of capitalism, a mixed economy, political pluralism and liberal democracy.

The Myth of the Plan: Lessons of Soviet Planning Experience is a critical analysis of the Soviet economic planning system. Although the system's end is not predicted or even hinted at, the book's historical value lies in providing the modern reader with the west's contemporary understanding of the Soviet phenomenon and its weaknesses just as the latter was on the verge of disintegrating. The first chapters serve to briefly cover some theoretical debates concerning the feasibility of state socialism and its comparison to free markets. The core of the book however is in later chapters, which deal with an analysis of the Soviet economic system in action.

When food stocks slumped after poor harvests in 1972, the government made it a point to use foreign exchange to buy US wheat commercially rather than seek resumption of food aid. Indira Gandhi meeting President Lyndon B. Johnson in the Oval Office on 28 March 1966 The period of 1967–75 was characterized by socialist ascendency in India which culminated in 1976 with the official declaration of state socialism. Gandhi not only abandoned the short lived liberalization programme but also aggressively expanded the public sector with new licensing requirements and other restrictions for industry. She began a new course by launching the Fourth Five-Year Plan in 1969.

The Austrian and Chicagoan concept of authoritarian socialism has been criticised. In particular, it has been criticised for conflating social democracy and other forms of reformist and democratic socialism with authoritarian and state socialism. In the United Kingdom, British Conservative politicians such as Margaret Thatcher "loosely labelled socialism" and conflated what "others would call social democracy, corporatism, Keynesianism or the mixed economy" with authoritarian socialism, defined as "[g]overnment support for inefficient industries, punitive taxation, regulation of the labour market, price controls – everything that interfered with the functioning of the free economy".Campbell, John (2012) [2009]. The Iron Lady: Margaret Thatcher: From Grocer’s Daughter to Iron Lady.

Social Darwinism has many definitions, and some of them are incompatible with each other. As such, social Darwinism has been criticized for being an inconsistent philosophy, which does not lead to any clear political conclusions. For example, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics states: > Part of the difficulty in establishing sensible and consistent usage is that > commitment to the biology of natural selection and to 'survival of the > fittest' entailed nothing uniform either for sociological method or for > political doctrine. A 'social Darwinist' could just as well be a defender of > laissez-faire as a defender of state socialism, just as much an imperialist > as a domestic eugenist.

Decree on Peace title page The Bolshevik Initial Decrees (the 'Decrees') were announced as soon as the Bolsheviks declared their success in the October Revolution (October 26, 1917). The Decrees seemed to conform to the popular Bolshevik slogan "Peace, Land and Bread", taken up by the masses during the July Days (July 1917), an uprising of workers and military forces. The slogan succinctly articulated the grievances of the Russian peasantry, armed forces and proletariat (the working-class sections of Russian society). As revisionist historian Christopher Read suggests, "The Bolsheviks were successful in uniting the diverse revolutionary movements and directing them towards one goal", namely the establishment of state-socialism.

Classical and orthodox Marxists also view state socialism as an oxymoron, arguing that while an association for managing production and economic affairs would exist in socialism, it would no longer be a state in the Marxist definition which is based on domination by one class. Preceding the Bolshevik- led revolution in Russia, many socialist groups—including reformists, orthodox Marxist currents such as council communism and the Mensheviks as well as anarchists and other libertarian socialists—criticized the idea of using the state to conduct planning and nationalization of the means of production as a way to establish socialism. Lenin himself acknowledged his policies as state capitalism.

After the deposition of Shishakli, Azm again lost to Kuwatli in the presidential election of 1955. He retired briefly, then reemerged in November 1956 to enter the cabinet of Prime Minister Sabri al-Assali as minister of defense. Azm played a key role in achieving an alliance with the USSR, and traveled there repeatedly to arrange loans, economic pacts and arm sales, angering the United States, where he was nicknamed the "Red Millionaire". This name was even adopted by the Syria Press in the 1950s, although he was not a socialist, and in fact opposed the pre-eminent advocate of state socialism in the Arab World, Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser.

The Second Secretary has been José Ramón Machado Ventura. After taking power in Cuba in 1959, the party began gradually to introduce Marxism–Leninism, a fusion of the original ideas of German philosopher and economic theorist Karl Marx, and Lenin, guided by Joseph Stalin became formalized as the party's guiding ideology and would remain so to this day. The party pursued state socialism, under which all industries were nationalized, and a command economy was implemented throughout Cuba despite the long-term embargo by the United States. The PCC also supports Castroism and Guevarism and is a member of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties.

Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, Peter Mandelson, Anthony Giddens and Alastair Campbell are most commonly cited as the creators and architects of "New Labour". Blair proposed a rewrite of Clause IV of the party constitution, abandoning the party's commitments and what Blair referred to as "state socialism" (as opposed to ethical socialism). The party became an advocate of the shift in European social democracy during the 1990s, known as the "Third Way". Although this policy was advantageous to the Labour Party in the eyes of the British electorate, it alienated many grassroots members by distancing itself from the ideals of socialism in favour of free market policy decisions.

For example, production and investment decisions may be semi-planned by the state, but distribution of output may be determined by the market mechanism. State-directed socialism can also refer to technocratic socialism—economic systems that rely on technocratic management and technocratic planning mechanisms, along with public ownership of the means of production. A forerunner of this concept was Henri de Saint-Simon, who understood the state would undergo a transformation in a socialist system and change its role from one of "political administration of men, to the administration of things". Elements of state-directed socialist economies include dirigisme, economic planning, state socialism and technocracy.

Classical and orthodox Marxists also view state socialism as an oxymoron, arguing that while an association for managing production and economic affairs would exist in socialism, it would no longer be a state in the Marxist definition which is based on domination by one class. Preceding the Bolshevik-led revolution in Russia, many socialist groups—including reformists, orthodox Marxist currents such as council communism and the Mensheviks as well as anarchists and other libertarian socialists—criticized the idea of using the state to conduct planning and nationalization of the means of production as a way to establish socialism. Lenin himself acknowledged his policies as state capitalism.

Proudhon's followers, the mutualists, opposed Marx's state socialism, advocating political abstentionism and small property holdings. The anti-authoritarian sections of the First International were the precursors of the anarcho-syndicalists, seeking to "replace the privilege and authority of the State" with the "free and spontaneous organisation of labour".Resolutions from the St. Imier Congress, in Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas, Vol. 1, p. 100 In 1907, the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam gathered delegates from 14 different countries, among which important figures of the anarchist movement, including Errico Malatesta, Pierre Monatte, Luigi Fabbri, Benoît Broutchoux, Emma Goldman, Rudolf Rocker, and Christiaan Cornelissen.

At the same time, Rosselli appreciated socialism as an ideology, but he was also deeply disappointed with conventional socialism as a system. In response to his disappointment with conventional socialism in practice, Roselli declared: "The recent experiences, all the experiences of the past thirty years, have hopelessly condemned the primitive programs of the socialists. State socialism especially—collectivist, centralising socialism—has been defeated". Rosselli's liberal socialism was partly based upon his study and admiration of British political themes of the Fabian Society and John Stuart Mill (he was able to read the English versions of Mill's work On Liberty prior to its availability in Italian that began in 1925).

One after another, Arato examined the best of neo-Marxist analyses of state socialism written by such authors as Herbert Marcuse, Cornelius Castoriadis, Rudolf Bahro, Habermas, and Iván Szelényi. He critically assessed the adequacy of their efforts to analyze the social dynamics, stratification, crisis potentiality and legitimating ideology of state socialist societies. In all this, Arato sought to model himself on Marx by analyzing and criticizing the exploitative, hierarchical dimensions of the social formation. He recognized, however, that the theoretical tools offered by Marx himself – that is, historical materialism – were often used by state socialist societies to veil their politically based class inequalities, not expose them.

The main tenet was the party's status as the sole ruling party. The 1977 Constitution referred to the party as "The leading and guiding force of Soviet society, and the nucleus of its political system, of all state and public organizations, is the Communist Party of the Soviet Union". State socialism was essential and from Stalin until Gorbachev, official discourse considered that private social and economic activity retarding the development of collective consciousness and the economy. Gorbachev supported privatization to a degree but based his policies on Lenin's and Bukharin's opinions of the New Economic Policy of the 1920s, and supported complete state ownership over the commanding heights of the economy.

The events caught many by surprise. Predictions of the Soviet Union's impending demise had been often dismissed. Bartlomiej Kaminski's book The Collapse of State Socialism argued that the state Socialist system has a lethal paradox, saying that "policy actions designed to improve performance only accelerate its decay".. By the end of 1989, revolts had spread from one capital to another, ousting the regimes imposed on Central, South-East and Eastern Europe after World War II. Even the isolationist Stalinist regime in Albania was unable to stem the tide. Gorbachev's abrogation of the Brezhnev Doctrine was perhaps the key factor that enabled the popular uprisings to succeed.

Bismarck's government had to submit three draft bills before it could get one passed by the Reichstag in 1884. Bismarck had originally proposed that the federal government should pay a portion of the accident insurance contribution to show the willingness of the German government to lessen the hardship experienced by the German workers as a means of weaning them away from the various left-wing parties, most importantly the Social Democrats. The National Liberals took this program to be an expression of state socialism which they were strongly against. The Centre Party was afraid of the expansion of federal power at the expense of states' rights.

After the majority of the CHP chose him Mustafa Kemal said, "the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress". On 17 November 1924, the breakaway group officially established the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) with 29 deputies and the first multi-party system began. The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to the state socialism of CHP, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to the modernism of CHP. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of secularism.

Specializations within social anthropology shift as its objects of study are transformed and as new intellectual paradigms appear; musicology and medical anthropology are examples of current, well-defined specialities. More recent and currently cognitive development; social and ethical understandings of novel technologies; emergent forms of "the family" and other new socialities modelled on kinship; the ongoing social fall-out of the demise of state socialism; the politics of resurgent religiosity; and analysis of audit cultures and accountability. The subject has been enlivened by, and has contributed to, approaches from other disciplines, such as philosophy (ethics, phenomenology, logic), the history of science, psychoanalysis, and linguistics.

The Act was criticised by Lord Wemyss and his Liberty and Property Defence League as "class legislation" and Wemyss asked whether the government would now house the police and Foreign Office clerks. He further claimed that the Act would be "strangling the spirit of independence and the self-reliance of the people, and destroying the moral fibre of our race in the anaconda coils of state socialism". Salisbury responded: "Do not imagine that by merely affixing to it the reproach of Socialism you can seriously affect the progress of any great legislative movement, or destroy those high arguments which are derived from the noblest principles of philanthropy and religion".

Graham Stevenson, "Cook Dave", Compendium of Communist Biography The GSN was not merely a socialist grouping as its members accepted that the old Soviet style system of industrialised state socialism had failed in many respects. The GSN adopted a programme entitled "Towards Green Socialism", which proposed linking socialism with environmental sustainability and which argued that these two developments were both essential for human survival and development and that each required the other. The GSN Programme "Towards Green Socialism" has been largely incorporated into AGS policy documents but is still available on request from the AGS, Freepost NEA 5794, Leeds LS7 3YY. E-mail requests to [email protected].

State Socialism and Anarchism: How Far They Agree and Wherein They Differ. As an anti-capitalist and libertarian socialist philosophy, anarchism is placed on the far-left of the political spectrum and much of its economics and legal philosophy reflect anti-authoritarian interpretations of left-wing politics such as communism, collectivism, syndicalism, mutualism, or participatory economics. As anarchism does not offer a fixed body of doctrine from a single particular worldview, many anarchist types and traditions exist and varieties of anarchy diverge widely. As a result, anarchist schools of thought can differ fundamentally yet maintain the common tenets of anarchism, supporting anything from extreme individualism to complete collectivism.

The Socialist League and their ideas were influential within the 1890 Maritime strike and the 1891 Australian shearers' strike. In March 1888 the party sought to establish a Labor Party within New South Wales with the policies of the "nationalization of land and resumption of all monopolies". The League supported the Trades & Labor Council's decision in 1891 to establish the Labor Electoral League of New South Wales, and actively campaigned and ran candidates within the party due to a belief the party would eventually establish the League's policies of state socialism. During the 1891 New South Wales election, in some regions nearly half of all the Labor candidates were League members.

Although endorsing state socialism, Blatchford's Merrie England and his other writings were nonetheless influenced by anarcho-communist William Morris—as Blatchford himself attested to—and Morris' anarcho-communist themes are present in Merrie England. Shaw published the Report on Fabian Policy (1896) that declared: "The Fabian Society does not suggest that the State should monopolize industry as against private enterprise or individual initiative". Major developments in social democracy as a whole emerged with the ascendance of Eduard Bernstein as a proponent of reformist socialism and an adherent of Marxism. Bernstein had resided in Britain in the 1880s at the time when Fabianism was arising and is believed to have been strongly influenced by Fabianism.

Her home was a gathering place for prominent Bulgarian public figures and intellectuals, including , Adriana Budevska, , , Aleksandar Stamboliyski, , and Asen Zlatarov. In 1944, a second coup d'état brought in a communist regime, which implemented state socialism, giving women the vote, yet simultaneously abolishing women's and other grassroots organizations. In 1945, Pateva approached the Minister of National Education and Culture asking for permission to form the Свободно народно прогресивно културно огнище Самосъзнание (Free People's Progressive Cultural Center of Self-Knowledge). She stated that the intent of the self-supporting organization would be to provide women and youth opportunities to improve their talents and develop skills to engage in cultural activities that would benefit the Bulgarian people.

Market structure refers to features of a market, including the number of firms in the market, the distribution of market shares between them, product uniformity across firms, how easy it is for firms to enter and exit the market, and forms of competition in the market. A market structure can have several types of interacting market systems. Different forms of markets are a feature of capitalism and market socialism, with advocates of state socialism often criticizing markets and aiming to substitute or replace markets with varying degrees of government-directed economic planning. Competition acts as a regulatory mechanism for market systems, with government providing regulations where the market cannot be expected to regulate itself.

The concepts of "socialism with Chinese characteristics" and "the primary stage of socialism" were credited to the theory. Deng Xiaoping Theory can be defined as a belief that state socialism and state planning is not by definition communist, and that market mechanisms are class neutral. In addition, the party needs to react to the changing situation dynamically; to know if a certain policy is obsolete or not, the party had to "seek truth from facts" and follow the slogan "practice is the sole criterion for the truth". At the 14th National Congress, Jiang reiterated Deng's mantra that it was unnecessary to ask if something was socialist or capitalist, since the important factor was whether it worked.

The economic model adopted in the former Soviet Union, Eastern Bloc and other communist states is often described as a form of state socialism. The ideological basis for this system was the Marxist–Leninist theory of socialism in one country. The system that emerged in the 1930s in the Soviet Union was based on state ownership of the means of production and centralized planning, along with bureaucratic management of the workplace by state officials that were ultimately subordinate to the all-encompassing communist party. Rather than the producers controlling and managing production, the party controlled both the government machinery which directed the national economy on behalf of the communist party and planned the production and distribution of capital goods.

Postmodernism is associated with the decline of the left's credibility, specifically in the failure of state socialism to offer an attractive and, later, even a viable alternative to Western capitalism. Both Marxism and socialism derived their philosophical foundation from the Enlightenment. Postmodernism is a critique of the Enlightenment and of scientific positivism which has argued that the world can be understood and both "truth" and "justice" can be discovered by applying the universal linear principle of reason (see Milovanovic, who describes the shift from Hegelian to Nietzschean and Lacanian thought). The idea that the application of scientific principles to social life will uncover the laws of society, making human life predictable and social engineering practical and possible, is discounted.

The economy of the 3rd century BCE Mauryan Empire of India has been described by some as "a socialized monarchy" and "a sort of state socialism". Aristophanes in his play, Ecclesiazusae, parodies the society of Classical Athens in a way that could be described as socialist and feminist. In it, Athenian women are depicted as seizing control of Athenian government and banning all private property, as the character Praxagora puts it "I shall begin by making land, money, everything that is private property, common to all."Aristophanes, "Ecclesiazusal" 392 B.C accessible via download Mazdak (died c. 524 or 528 CE) preached and instituted a religion-based socialist or proto-socialist system in the Zoroastrian context of Sassanian Persia.

The main economic failure was that the political leadership did not pursue any reforms to tackle the economic malaise that had taken hold, dismissing certain techniques as capitalist, and never disentangling the planned economy from socialism. Xu Zhixin from the CASS Institute of Eastern Europe, Russia, and Central Asia, argued that Soviet planners laid too much emphasis on heavy industry, which led to shortages of consumer goods. Unlike his counterparts, Xu argued that the shortages of consumer goods were not an error but "was a consciously planned feature of the system". Other CPSU failures were pursuing the policy of state socialism, the high spending on the military-industrial complex, a low tax base, and the subsidizing of the economy.

The main tenet was the party's status as sole ruling party. The 1977 Constitution referred to the party as the "leading and guiding force of Soviet society, and the nucleus of its political system, of all state and public organizations, is the Communist Party of the Soviet Union." State socialism was essential, and from Joseph Stalin until Mikhail Gorbachev official discourse considered private social and economic activity as retarding the development of collective consciousness and of the economy. Gorbachev supported privatization to a degree, but based his policies on Vladimir Lenin's and Nikolai Bukharin's view on the New Economic Policy of the 1920s, and supported complete state ownership over the commanding heights of the economy.

C. P. M. Romme, which shared with him the same Catholic socio-economic ideas. Similar ideas were also the teaching of the Jesuit priest and economist Heinrich PeschPesch, Heinrich, Teaching Guide to Economics (Lehrbuch der Nationalökonomie) (10 volumes), translated by Rupert J. Ederer, Edwin Mellen Press (2003)–review; and, Storck, Thomas, "A Giant Among Catholic Economists", New Oxford Review (February 2005) (1854-1926) and are also contained in the papal encyclical letter Quadragesimo anno (1931). Cobbenhagen and his fellow intellectuals advocated solidarism as a socio economic planning principle to overcome both individualist capitalism and state socialism, and a view of society as a community having an organic and hierarchical order and organized according to the principle of subsidiarity.

High Tories prefer the values of the historical landed gentry and aristocracy, with their noblesse oblige and their self-imposed sense of duty and responsibility to all of society, including the lower classes. Whilst not against private enterprise, they do however reject the values of the modern commercial business class which they see as a pursuit of individualistic, unchecked greed that destroys a sense of community and holds no regard for religious or high cultural values. Their focus is on maintaining a traditional, rooted society and way of life, which is often as much threatened by modern capitalism as by state socialism. A High Tory also favours a strong organic community, in contrast to Whig, liberal and neoconservative individualism.

Conservatives feared the New Deal meant socialism and Roosevelt privately noted in 1934 that the "old line press harps increasingly on state socialism and demands the return to the good old days". In his 1936 Madison Square Garden speech, Roosevelt pledged to continue the New Deal and criticized those who were putting their greed, personal gain and politics over national economic recovery from the Great Depression. In the speech, Roosevelt also described forces which he labeled as "the old enemies of peace: business and financial monopoly, speculation, reckless banking, class antagonism, sectionalism, war profiteering" and went on to claim that these forces were united against his candidacy, that "[t]hey are unanimous in their hate for me — and I welcome their hatred".

203 Her son, writing much later in the foreword to an edition of "Bertholds neue Welt", another book of hers that was published only posthumously, identified the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary as a turning point in his mother's ideological position, although her analytical mindset ensured that even before this she was unable to be as uncritical of Soviet-style state "socialism" as her husband. In January 1960 the Humboldt gave her a lectureship and in October 1960 a professorship in Ancient History. A year later she became the head of the Ancient History department at the Humboldt's General Historical Institute. In June 1964 she became the first woman to be elected a full member of the German Academy of Sciences.

Lassalle considered the state to be an entity independent of class allegiances and as an instrument of justice that would therefore be essential for the achievement of socialism. Early concepts of state socialism were articulated by anarchist and libertarian philosophers who opposed the concept of the state. In Statism and Anarchy, Mikhail Bakunin identified a statist tendency within the Marxist movement which he contrasted to libertarian socialism and attributed to Marx's philosophy. Bakunin predicted that Marx's theory of transition from capitalism to socialism involving the working class seizing state power in a dictatorship of the proletariat would eventually lead to an usurpation of power by the state apparatus acting in its own self-interest, ushering in a new form of capitalism rather than establishing socialism.

It may be a very broad or more limited concept, referring to all forms of socialism that are democratic and reject an authoritarian Marxist–Leninist state. Democratic socialism is a broad label and movement that include forms of libertarian socialism, market socialism, reformist socialism and revolutionary socialism as well as ethical socialism, liberal socialism, social democracy and some forms of state socialism and utopian socialism. Democratic socialism is contrasted to Marxism–Leninism which those socialists perceive as being authoritarian or undemocratic in practice. Democratic socialists oppose the Stalinist political system and the Soviet-type economic system, rejecting the perceived authoritarian form of governance and the centralised administrative command economy that took form in the Soviet Union and other Marxist–Leninist states during the 20th century.

Mikhail Bakunin, who opposed the Marxist aim of dictatorship of the proletariat and allied himself with the federalists in the First International before his expulsion by the Marxists Drawing from mutualism, Mikhail Bakunin founded collectivist anarchism and entered the International Workingmen's Association, a class worker union later known as the First International that formed in 1864 to unite diverse revolutionary currents. The International became a significant political force, with Karl Marx being a leading figure and a member of its General Council. Bakunin's faction (the Jura Federation) and Proudhon's followers (the mutualists) opposed state socialism, advocating political abstentionism and small property holdings. After bitter disputes, the Bakuninists were expelled from the International by the Marxists at the 1872 Hague Congress.

The party pursued state socialism, under which all industries were nationalized, and a command economy was implemented. After recovering from the Second World War, reforms were implemented which decentralized economic planning and liberalized Soviet society in general under Nikita Khrushchev. By 1980, various factors, including the continuing Cold War, and ongoing nuclear arms race with the United States and other Western European powers and unaddressed inefficiencies in the economy, led to stagnant economic growth under Alexei Kosygin, and further with Leonid Brezhnev and growing disillusionment. After the younger, vigorous Mikhail Gorbachev assumed leadership in 1985 (following two short-term elderly leaders who quickly died in succession), rapid steps were taken to transform the tottering Soviet economic system in the direction of a market economy once again.

Alperovitz's work as a political economist has centered on theoretical and practical alternatives to both corporate capitalism and traditional state socialism. He holds that the architecture of both suffers from centralized power that fails to support liberty, equality, ecological sustainability, genuine participatory democracy, and community. Challenging both theories of reform and of revolution, he emphasizes a model based on the evolutionary reconstruction of economic institutions, communities, and the nation as a whole. In American Beyond Capitalism and other books and essays, Alperovitz offers an integrated systemic model for a pluralist commonwealth based on democratizing ownership of economic institutions at all levels, a regional decentralization of economic and political power, and the building of forms of community wealth- holding and a culture of participatory democracy.

Because the Central Committee met twice a year, most day-to-day duties and responsibilities were vested in the Politburo. The party leader was the head of government and held the office of either General Secretary, Premier or head of state, or some of the three offices concurrently, but never all three at the same time. The Party was committed to communism and held Marxism–Leninism, a fusion of the original ideas of German philosopher and economic theorist Karl Marx, and Lenin, introduced by Joseph Stalin in 1929, became formalized as the party's guiding ideology and would remain so throughout the rest of its existence. The party pursued state socialism, under which all industries were nationalized, and a command economy was implemented.

The National Peasants' Party (also known as the National Peasant Party or National Farmers' Party; , or Partidul Național-Țărănist, PNȚ) was an agrarian political party in the Kingdom of Romania. It was formed in 1926 through the fusion of the Romanian National Party (PNR), a conservative-regionalist group centered on Transylvania, and the Peasants' Party (PȚ), which had coalesced the left-leaning agrarian movement in the Old Kingdom and Bessarabia. The definitive PNR–PȚ merger came after a decade-long rapprochement, producing a credible contender to the dominant National Liberal Party (PNL). National Peasantists agreed on the concept of a "peasant state", which defended smallholding against state capitalism or state socialism, proposing voluntary cooperative farming as the basis for economic policy.

The aims of the MG could be inferred indirectly from its critique of the states promoting "real socialism." The MG accused these states of not having consistently overcome commodity production and money in favor of a planned production of use-values, but instead invented the nonsense of planning with the help of commodity-money "levers" (a term popular in Soviet economics textbooks); the contradiction between planning and the acceptance of commodity-money relations was the cause of the inconsistencies and malfunctions in the economies of state socialism. It can be concluded that the MG assumed that after a revolution based on a correct understanding of Marxist theory and the abolishment of money, supplying the population with use-values could be managed simply through a division of labor.

The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to the state socialism of the CHP, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to the modernism of the CHP. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of secularism.Weiker, Book Review of Zürcher's "Political Opposition in the Early Turkish Republic: The Progressive Republican Party, 1924–1925", 297–298 The PRP was not against Atatürk's main positions as declared in its program; they supported establishing secularism in the country and the civil law, or as stated, "the needs of the age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).Mango, Atatürk, 419 These principles were set by the leaders at the onset.

The Abolition of Work, Bob Black's most widely read essay, draws upon the ideas of Charles Fourier, William Morris, Herbert Marcuse, Paul Goodman, and Marshall Sahlins. In it he argues for the abolition of the producer- and consumer-based society, where, Black contends, all of life is devoted to the production and consumption of commodities. Attacking Marxist state socialism as much as market capitalism, Black argues that the only way for humans to be free is to reclaim their time from jobs and employment, instead turning necessary subsistence tasks into free play done voluntarily – an approach referred to as "ludic". The essay argues that "no- one should ever work", because work – defined as compulsory productive activity enforced by economic or political means – is the source of most of the misery in the world.

Contrasted to the anti- authoritarian, anti-statist and libertarian wing of the socialist movement, authoritarian socialism encompasses some forms of African, Arab and Latin American socialism. Although considered an authoritarian or illiberal form of state socialism, often referred to and conflated as socialism by right-wing critics and argued as a form of state capitalism by left-wing critics, those states were ideologically Marxist–Leninist and declared themselves to be workers' and peasants' or people's democracies. Academics, political commentators and other scholars tend to distinguish between authoritarian socialist and democratic socialist states, with the first representing the Soviet Bloc and the latter representing Western Bloc countries which have been democratically governed by socialist parties such as Britain, France, Sweden and Western social-democracies in general, among others.Barrett, William, ed.

Many pre-Marx socialists and proto-socialists were fervent anti-capitalists just as they were supporters of the free market, including the British philosopher Thomas Hodgskin, the French mutualist thinker and anarchist philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the American philosophers Benjamin Tucker and Lysander Spooner, among others. Although capitalism has been commonly conflated with the free market, there is a similar laissez-faire economic theory and system associated with socialism called left-wing laissez-faire to distinguish it from laissez-faire capitalism. One example of this democratic market socialist tendency is mutualism, a democratic and libertarian socialist theory developed by Proudhon in the 18th century, from which individualist anarchism emerged. Benjamin Tucker is one eminent American individualist anarchist, who adopted a laissez-faire socialist system he termed anarchistic socialism as opposed to state socialism.

19th century general and politician Simón Bolívar provided a basis for Chávez's political ideas Chávez propagated what he called "socialism for the 21st century", but according to the pro-Chavez academic Gregory Wilpert, "Chávez has not clearly defined twenty-first century socialism, other than to say that it is about establishing liberty, equality, social justice, and solidarity. He has also indicated that it is distinctly different from state socialism", as implemented by the governments of the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China.Wilpert 2007 p. 07. As a part of his socialist ideas, he emphasised the role of so-called "participatory democracy", which he claimed increased democratic participation, and was implemented through the foundation of the Venezuelan Communal Councils and Bolivarian Circles which he cited as examples of grassroots and participatory democracy.

Tucker held a labor theory of value and thought that in a free market people would be paid in proportion to how much labor they exerted and that exploitation or usury was taking place if they were not. As Tucker explained in State Socialism and Anarchism, his theory was that unregulated banking would cause more money to be available and that this would allow proliferation of new businesses which would in turn raise demand for labor. This led Tucker to believe that the labor theory of value would be vindicated and equal amounts of labor would receive equal pay. As an Austrian School economist, Rothbard did not agree with the labor theory and believed that prices of goods and services are proportional to marginal utility rather than to labor amounts in the free market.

Kokumin Dōmei meeting, 1933 was a Japanese fascist political party in Japan active in the 1930s. In 1931, Home Minister Adachi Kenzō spoke out strongly in support of the Imperial Japanese Army’s unauthorized incursions into Manchuria and against the diplomatic policies pursued by Kijūrō Shidehara, and was expelled from the ranks of the Rikken Minseitō. Joining together with Nakano Seigō, Akira Kazami, and others, Adachi formed the right-wing political organization Kokumin Dōmei in December 1932 The Kokumin Dōmei advocated a form of state socialism or corporatism with government control of strategic industries and financial institutions, and the creation of a Japan-Manchukuo economic union. The new party consisted mainly of defectors from the Minseitō, and had an original strength of 32 seats in the Diet of Japan.

An Orange Order march in Glasgow Church attendance in all denominations declined after World War I. Reasons that have been suggested for this change include the growing power of the nation state, socialism and scientific rationalism, which provided alternatives to the social and intellectual aspects of religion. By the 1920s roughly half the population had a relationship with one of the Christian denominations. This level was maintained until the 1940s when it dipped to 40 per cent during World War II, but it increased in the 1950s as a result of revivalist preaching campaigns, particularly the 1955 tour by Billy Graham, and returned to almost pre-war levels. From this point there was a steady decline that accelerated in the 1960s. By the 1980s it was just over 30 per cent.

The main objectives of the left- liberal parties—the German Progress Party and its successors—were free speech, freedom of assembly, representative government, secret and equal but obligation tied suffrage, protection of private property while they were strongly opposed to the creation of a welfare state, which they called state socialism. The main differences between the left-liberal parties were the national ambitions, the different substate people's goals, free trade against Schutzzollpolitik and the building of the national economy. In 1893, the term social liberalism was used first by the historian and social reformer Ignaz Jastrow, who also joined the German Economic Association. He published the socialist democratic manifesto "Social-liberal: Tasks for Liberalism in Prussia" to create an "action group" for general people's welfare in the Social Democratic Party of Germany, which they rejected.

Plenge argued: "under the necessity of war socialist ideas have been driven into German economic life, its organisation has grown together into a new spirit, and so the assertion of our nation for mankind has given birth to the idea of 1914, the idea of German organisation, the national unity of state socialism".Hew Strachan, The First World War: Volume I: To Arms (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 1131-1132. To Plenge, as for many other German nationalists and socialists, organization meant socialism and a planned economy (central direction). He regarded the war between Germany and England as a war between opposite principles, and believed that the "struggle for victory were new forces born out of the advanced economic life of the nineteenth century: socialism and organization".

In 1910, fear of the Yellow Peril prompted the nativist Australian Natives' Association to create the White Australia badge, with which the wearer could identify his or her racial loyaltySee Museum Victoria description Although his efforts were primarily directed towards the non-fictional, Lane was an avid author whose works deeply reflected his political philosophy, as short as his bibliography is. The Workingman's Paradise, an allegorical novel written in sympathy with those involved in the 1891 shearers' strike, was published under his pseudonym John Miller in early 1892. In the novel Lane articulated the belief that anarchism is the noblest social philosophy of all. Through the novel's philosopher and main protagonist he relates his belief that society may have to experience a period of state socialism to achieve the ideal of anarcho- communism.

The Subversion of Politics: European Autonomous Social Movements and the Decolonization of Everyday Life. AK Press. 2006. pg. 6 This has involved a call for the independence of social movements from political partiesGeorge Katsiaficas. The Subversion of Politics: European Autonomous Social Movements and the Decolonization of Everyday Life. AK Press. 2006. pg. 7 in a revolutionary perspective which seeks to create a practical political alternative to both authoritarian/state socialism and contemporary representative democracy.Georgy Katsiaficas. The Subversion of Politics: European Autonomous Social Movements and the Decolonization of Everyday Life. AK Press. 2006. pg. 8 Autonomism influenced the German and Dutch Autonomen, the worldwide social centre movement and today is influential in Italy, France and to a lesser extent the English-speaking countries. Those who describe themselves as autonomists now vary from Marxists to anarchists.

Due to his success in that office, two years later Walton was elected as the mayor of Oklahoma City, a post he served in until 1923. Before his term as mayor ended, Walton entered his name in the Democratic primary as a candidate for Governor of Oklahoma to succeed James B. A. Robertson. After winning the Democratic nomination Walton travelled around the state giving the most colorful and liveliest speeches and campaign platforms in Oklahoma's history until that point. In the general election, Walton was successful in his bid (despite an advertising campaign by conservative Democrats accusing him of "Sovietism" and "state Socialism"),"A Democratic Vote For Fields Is A Protest —Against 'The March of the Iron Battalions of Sovietism'" full-page advertisement The Morning Tulsa Daily World, November 05, 1922, Society Section p.

Murray Rothbard, who advanced a right- libertarian analysis of state capitalism Murray Rothbard, an anarcho- capitalist philosopher, used the term state capitalism interchangeably with the term state monopoly capitalism and used it to describe a partnership of government and big business in which the state intervenes on behalf of large capitalists against the interests of consumers. Ludwig von Mises, who described state capitalism as a form of state socialism Rothbard distinguished it from laissez-faire capitalism, where big business is not protected from market forces. This usage dates from the 1960s, when Harry Elmer Barnes described the post-New Deal economy of the United States as "state capitalism". More recently, Andrei Illarionov, former economic adviser to Russian President Vladimir Putin, resigned in December 2005, protesting Russia's "embracement of state capitalism".

In the late 1950s, the Party-state gradually developed the danwei system as a way to organize and control urban areas. Some scholars believe that the social, economic, and political functions of the danwei could be traced back to the pre-communist financial institutions in the 1930s, the labor movement between the 1920s and 1940s, and the rural revolutionary models of organization in the Yan'an period. In addition, some scholars propose that Chinese state planners borrowed heavily from the Soviet model of development, or state socialism, in the design of party and state organs as well as the management of state enterprises. To accelerate the pace of industrialization and to create a new urban working class, the Chinese Communist Party looked up to the Soviet experience and translated thousands of Soviet enterprise management literature.

This National Socialism was a form of state socialism that rejected the "idea of boundless freedom" and promoted an economy that would serve the whole of Germany under the leadership of the state. This National Socialism was opposed to capitalism due to the components that were against "the national interest" of Germany, but insisted that National Socialism would strive for greater efficiency in the economy. Plenge advocated an authoritarian, rational ruling elite to develop National Socialism through a hierarchical technocratic state, and his ideas were part of the basis of Nazism. Oswald Spengler, a philosopher of history Oswald Spengler, a German cultural philosopher, was a major influence on Nazism, although after 1933 he became alienated from Nazism and was later condemned by the Nazis for criticising Adolf Hitler.

The Friends also organise dinners, reunions, social events and film-shows of speeches by Oswald Mosley and BUF rallies, which are attended by veteran former members of Mosley's post-war Union Movement and younger sympathisers. Diana Mitford, Mosley's second wife was associated with FOM and spoke at a number of their functions in London. In a 2016 article on the British far right published by The Guardian, a spokesperson described the group's views as "...pro-Islam, pro-EU, against US global supremacy, anti-capitalist, anti-state socialism, [and] pro- syndicalism". However, FOM spokesperson, Gordon Beckwell subsequently stated on the Stormfront Britain forum claiming that he actually said to the Guardian reporter at the time that FOM was "pro-Arab" and therefore sympathetic to the Palestinians not specifically "pro-Islam" per se.

Social-democratic policies were first adopted in the German Empire between the 1880s and 1890s, when the conservative Chancellor Otto von Bismarck put in place many social welfare proposals initially suggested by the Social Democrats to hinder their electoral success after he instituted the Anti-Socialist Laws, laying the ground of the first modern welfare state. Those policies were dubbed as State Socialism by the liberal opposition, but the term was later accepted and re- appropriated by Bismarck. It was a set of social programs implemented in Germany that were initiated by Bismarck in 1883 as remedial measures to appease the working class and reduce support for socialism and the Social Democrats following earlier attempts to achieve the same objective through Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws. This did not prevent the Social Democrats to become the biggest party in parliament by 1912.

In a communist society, the social classes would disappear and the means of production would have no single owner, hence such a stateless society will no longer require law and stateless communist society will develop. The concept of the withering away of the state differentiates traditional Marxism from state socialism (which accepted the retention of the institution of the state) and anti-statist anarchism (which demanded the immediate abolition of the state with no perceived need for any "temporary" post-revolutionary institution of the state). In the Soviet Marxism of the Soviet Union, Lenin supported the idea of the withering away of the state as seen in his The State and Revolution (1917). Joseph Stalin's government mentioned it occasionally, but did not believe the world was yet in the advanced stage of development where the state could wither away.

Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism. [...] Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her. These three phases of opposition to Liberty are met in almost every sphere of thought and human activity.

When campaigning began in early 1996, Yeltsin's popularity was close to being non-existent.CNN, Russian presidential candidate profiles, 1906 Meanwhile, the opposition Communist Party had already gained ground in parliamentary voting on 17 December 1995, and its candidate, Gennady Zyuganov, had a strong grassroots organisation, especially in the rural areas and small towns, and appealed effectively to memories of the old days of Soviet prestige on the international stage and the domestic order under state socialism. Panic struck the Yeltsin team when opinion polls suggested that the ailing president could not win; some members of his entourage urged him to cancel the presidential elections and effectively rule as a dictator from then on.Россия Ельцина // The Wall Street Journal, 24 апреля 2007 Instead, Yeltsin changed his campaign team, assigning a key role to his daughter, Tatyana Dyachenko, and appointing Chubais as campaign manager.

Latham reiterates his belief, expounded in earlier books such as Civilising Global Capital (1998) that the ALP should reject many of its traditional policies, such as protectionism and the welfare state, and should instead focus on the expansion of social capital. These views and Latham's frustrations with the development of Labor party policy over time, are shown in his entry for August 12, 1999: :The horse bolted in the first half of the [20th] century when Labor abandoned its mutualist traditions--socialism in the relationship between people--and embraced the welfare state--socialism in the relationship between government and its citizens. We can talk about the Third Way, a fourth way, a fifth way. In practice, it will take a miracle for the control freaks and power junkies of the Labor movement to reform their ways.

Kastanienallee Squat in 1990 In the interim between the peaceful revolution that brought down the wall in 1989 and the consolidation of a united Germany that began a year later, as many as 39 Wilhelmine apartment houses were squatted in Prenzlauer Berg alone.Berlin Besetzt - Historical interactive map of Berlin squats in German and English Focal points were the areas around Kastanienallee, Teutoburger Platz and Helmholtzplatz (locally known as "LSD- Borough" for the initials of its three main thoroughfares Lychener- Schliemann- and Dunckerstraße). The first ones to move in were young grassroots activists from Prenzlauer Berg in search of radical democratic alternatives to the state-socialism of the GDR. They were soon joined by young anarchists from West-Berlin and other parts of Germany and set up countless collective projects ranging from bicycle workshops to community soup kitchens.

Article 88(h) of the Cuban constitution, adopted in 1976, provides for citizen proposals of law, prerequisite that the proposal be made by at least 10,000 citizens who are eligible to vote. In 2002 supporters of a movement known as the Varela Project submitted a citizen proposal of law with 11,000 signatures calling for a national referendum on political and economic reforms. The Cuban National Assembly Constitution and Legal Affairs Committee tabled the Varela Project citizens' initiative and responded with a counter initiative, the petition for which collected 8.1 million signatures, to request that Cuba's National Assembly amend the constitution to state "Socialism and the revolutionary political and social system...are irrevocable; and Cuba will never again return to capitalism." At the same time, millions of Cubans took to the street in support of the government.

Under Lon Nol's direction, Phnom Penh limited the control and the authority of the state export-import agency (Société nationale d'exportation et d'importation—SONEXIM), which had been established in 1964 to administer foreign trade, to denationalize banks and industries, to encourage private foreign investments, and to allow greater private participation in the economy. The new economic policies of the Khmer Republic gradually reversed the pattern of state socialism that had formed the keystone of Sihanouk's domestic policies. On October 29, 1971, the government implemented a comprehensive program of reforms to stabilize the economy. These reforms included increased import taxes on all nonessential commodities; increased interest rates on bank deposits and on commercial loans; elimination of credit to state enterprises and to public utilities; introduction of a flexible currency exchange system; and simplification of the import system to facilitate the movement of goods.

The government introduced a new economic program based on large-scale loans from western creditors, which resulted in a rise in living standards and expectations, but the program meant growing integration of Poland's economy with the world economy and it faltered after the 1973 oil crisis. In 1976, the government of Edward Gierek was forced to raise prices again which led to the June 1976 protests. This cycle of repression and reform and the economic- political struggle acquired new characteristics with the 1978 election of Karol Wojtyła as Pope John Paul II. Wojtyła's unexpected elevation strengthened the opposition to the authoritarian and ineffective system of nomenklatura-run state socialism, especially with the pope's first visit to Poland in 1979. In early August 1980, a new wave of strikes resulted in the founding of the independent trade union "Solidarity" (Solidarność) led by Lech Wałęsa.

Wagner is the main protagonist of a specific school of economics and social policy, called "State Socialism" ("Staatssozialismus"), which is a specific form of Kathedersozialismus. (Albert Schäffle (1831–1903), Lujo Brentano (1844–1931), Gustav von Schmoller (1838–1917) and Karl Rodbertus(-Jagetzow) (1805–1875) were important protagonists of that thought as well.) He was a member of the Historical school of economics, as his general review essay on Marshall's Principles of Economics so clearly demonstrates. However, he did fundamentally differentiate himself from what he called the 'younger' and more 'extreme' members of the German historical school such as Gustav von Schmoller who, according to Wagner, tended to dismiss too hastily what the latter terms the more deductive work of English writers (in short, those in the tradition of classical economics, including the famous contemporary Cambridge University Professor Alfred Marshall whose book he was reviewing).

Labour Party minister Peter Hain"Rediscovering our libertarian roots" by Peter Hain has written in support of libertarian socialism, identifying an axis involving a "bottom-up vision of socialism, with anarchists at the revolutionary end and democratic socialists [such as himself] at its reformist end" as opposed to the axis of state socialism with Marxist–Leninists at the revolutionary end and social democrats at the reformist end. Another recent mainstream Labour politician who has been described as a libertarian socialist is Robin Cook.Chris Smith said in 2005 that in recent years Cook had been setting out a vision of "libertarian, democratic socialism that was beginning to break the sometimes sterile boundaries of 'old' and 'New' Labour labels.". Defined in this way, libertarian socialism in the contemporary political mainstream is distinguished from modern social democracy and democratic socialism principally by its political decentralism rather than by its economics.

Retrieved 4 October2020. Writing for Quillette, Ben Burgis criticized Peterson for having only re-read The Communist Manifesto and not other works by Marx, for equating Marxism with Stalinism and equality of outcome, for having ignored that Marx cited the Paris Commune (a radical democratic experiment) as an example of dictatorship of the proletariat and that it is Communist China, described as "full of private businesses these days, but the state continues to play an outsized role in shaping the Chinese economy", which has driven the most in global poverty reduction Peterson attributes to free-market capitalism, asking: "If one of the primary drivers of the global decline of extreme poverty is its decline in the People's Republic, is this a success story for 'free market' capitalism or for a modified and liberalized form of state socialism?"Burgis, Ben (24 April 2019). "Marx Deserves Better Critics". Quillette.

Arato's essays were collected in the 1993 volume From Neo-Marxism to Democratic Theory: Essays on the Critical Theory of Soviet-Type Societies. Despite the richness of his efforts, Arato saw little connection between his exercises in social system analysis and active social movements aiming to transform state socialism. Indeed, he noted that his type of structural analysis blocked perception of what was new about the rising social movements in Eastern Europe and most especially Poland's Solidarność, which emerged in 1980.Arato, “Marxism in Eastern Europe,” 357 In the late 1980s, Arato “disengaged” with his project of developing a critical theory of authoritarian socialism for a theory that seemed to better capture what was new and essential about the rising social movements and oppositions in Eastern Europe, while also offering a powerful tool to criticize the inadequacies of Western capitalist democracies, that is, the theory of civil society.

Labor politicians regarded State enterprise as "State capitalism" rather than "State socialism". In 1915 cattle-raising was one of the principal economic activities of Queensland. Believing that all Queenslanders should have access to meat at fair prices, and needing to maintain a regular supply of cheap meat to the Allied fighting forces, the Ryan government introduced a State-wide system of State-owned butcher's shops which proved to be among the more successful of the numerous State enterprises. The first State butcher's shop was opened in Roma Street, Brisbane, on 12 November 1915, and soon other shops were established in Brisbane suburbs and in regional centres such as Rockhampton, Gympie, Townsville, Charters Towers, and Mount Morgan, following the railway lines via which frozen meat was distributed to the State butcheries. From 1915 to 1929, 90 State butcher's shops operated in Queensland for various periods, mostly in leased or purchased premises.

1930 print from the Soviet Bezbozhnik u Stanka magazine showing a lynched Black American hanging from the Statue of Liberty "And you are lynching Negroes" (, ) (which also means "Yet, in your [country], [they] lynch Negroes") and the later "And you are hanging blacks" are catchphrases that describe or satirize Soviet Union response to United States criticisms of Soviet human rights violations. The Soviet media frequently covered racial discrimination, financial crises, and unemployment in the United States, which were identified as failings of the capitalist system that had been erased by state socialism. Lynchings of African Americans were brought up as an embarrassing skeleton in the closet for the U.S., which the Soviets used as a form of rhetorical ammunition when reproached for their own perceived economic and social failings. After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the phrase became widespread as a reference to Russian information-warfare tactics.

Based on his studies of the workplace he has looked into the nature of postcolonialism, the organization of state socialism, and the problems in the transition from socialism. In more recent times, Burawoy has moved away from observing factories to looking at his own place of work—the university—to consider the way sociology is taught to students and how it is put into the public domain. His work on public sociology is most prominently shown in his presidential address to the American Sociological Association in 2004, where he divides sociology into four separate (yet overlapping) categories: public sociology, policy sociology (which has an extra-academic audience), professional sociology (which addresses an academic audience familiar with theoretical and methodological frameworks common to the discipline of sociology), and lastly critical sociology which, like public sociology, produces reflexive knowledge but which is only available to an academic audience, like professional sociology.

Attacking Marxist state socialism as much as market capitalism, Black argues that the only way for humans to be free is to reclaim their time from jobs and employment, instead turning necessary subsistence tasks into free play done voluntarily—an approach referred to as "ludic". The essay argues that "no-one should ever work", because work—defined as compulsory productive activity enforced by economic or political means—is the source of most of the misery in the world. Most workers, he states, are dissatisfied with work (as evidenced by petty deviance on the job), so that what he says should be uncontroversial, but it is controversial only because people are too close to the work-system to see its flaws. Bob Black, writer of the essay The Abolition of Work In contrast, play is not necessarily rule-governed and is performed voluntarily in complete freedom as a gift economy.

University Press of America. p. 57. Those anarchists held that there were "two schools of Socialistic thought, [...] State Socialism and Anarchism" and "liberty insists on Socialism [...] — true Socialism, Anarchistic Socialism: the prevalence on earth of Liberty, Equality, and Solidarity". Individualist anarchists followed Proudhon and other anarchists that "exploitation of man by man and the domination of man over man are inseparable, and each is the condition of the other", that "the bottom claim of Socialism" was "that labour should be put in possession of its own", that "the natural wage of labour is its product" in an "effort to abolish the exploitation of labour by capital" and that anarchists "do not admit the government of man by man any more than the exploitation of man by man", advocating "the complete destruction of the domination and exploitation of man by man". Within anarchism, individualist anarchism is primarily a literary phenomenonSkirda, Alexandre (2002).

According to its supporters, this would result in the society as advocated by democratic socialists, when socialism is not understood as state socialism and conflated with self-described socialist states and the free market and laissez-faire are understood to mean as being free from all forms of economic privilege, monopolies and artificial scarcities. This is consistent with the classical economics view that economic rents, i.e. profits generated from a lack of perfect competition, must be reduced or eliminated as much as possible through free competition rather than free from regulation. David McNally, a professor at the University of Houston, has argued in the Marxist tradition that the logic of the market inherently produces social inequality and leads to unequal exchanges, writing that Adam Smith's moral intent and moral philosophy espousing equal exchange was undermined by the practice of the free market he championed as the development of the market economy involved coercion, exploitation and violence that Smith's moral philosophy could not counteract.

The Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 is a book by Eric Hobsbawm, published in 1994. In it, Hobsbawm comments on what he sees as the disastrous failures of state socialism, capitalism, and nationalism; he offers an equally skeptical take on the progress of the arts and changes in society in the latter half of the twentieth century. Hobsbawm calls the period from the start of World War I to the fall of the so-called Soviet bloc "the short twentieth century", to follow on "the long 19th century", the period from the start of the French Revolution in 1789 to the start of World War I in 1914, which he covered in an earlier trilogy of histories (The Age of Revolution: Europe, 1789-1848, The Age of Capital: 1848–1875, The Age of Empire: 1875–1914). In the United States, the book was published with the subtitle A History of the World, 1914–1991 ().

He was vilified by most of the press while his opponents implied and stated that a Benn-led Labour Government would implement a type of Eastern European state socialism, with Edward Heath referring to Benn as "Commissar Benn" and others referring to Benn as a "Bollinger Bolshevik". Despite this, Benn was overwhelmingly popular with Labour activists in the constituencies: a survey of delegates at the Labour Party Conference in 1978 found that by large margins they supported Benn for the leadership, as well as many Bennite policies. He publicly supported Sinn Féin and the unification of Ireland, although in 2005 he suggested to Sinn Féin leaders that it abandon its long-standing policy of not taking seats at Westminster (abstentionism). Sinn Féin in turn argued that to do so would recognise Britain's claim over Northern Ireland, and the Sinn Féin constitution prevented its elected members from taking their seats in any British-created institution.

The Workers' Solidarity Alliance website states that the WSA believes "that working people can build a new society and a better world based on the principles of solidarity and self-management", and "that such a society will be brought about only by working people building their own self-managed mass organizations from the ground up". WSA argues that the fight against gender inequality, structural racism and the oppression of LGBT people are also part of the larger struggle for social liberation and self-management. WSA believes that both capitalism and state socialism are based on the submission and exploitation of the working class. They argue that for the liberation of the workers, it would be necessary for the working class to take control of the industries in which it works, dismantle corporate hierarchies from top to bottom and create new institutions of popular power, based on the Participatory democracy of workplace and neighborhood assemblies, and dismantle state hierarchies, so that most people take control over public affairs.

Free Trade Unions of the Coast (, WZZW, also translated as the Committee for Independent Trade Unions for the Coast) were a government-independent trade union in the People's Republic of Poland. This trade union was founded in Gdańsk on 29 April 1978 by Andrzej Gwiazda, Krzysztof Wyszkowski and Antoni Sokołowski. The choice of the date was not accidental: the founders issued a declaration that "today, on the eve of the May Day, the holiday symbolizing for more than eighty years the struggle for workers' rights, we constitute the Initiating Committee of the Free Trading Unions (Komitet Założycielski Wolnych Związków Zawodowych)".Jan Kubik, The Power of Symbols Against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland, Penn State Press, 1994, Google Print, p.162 The founders also condemned official, state-subordinated trade unions as a "subordinated instrument for the organized exploitation of all social groups".

Peter Kropotkin, main theorist of anarcho-communism Anarcho-communism is a libertarian theory of anarchism and communism which advocates the abolition of the state, private property and capitalism in favor of common ownership of the means of production; direct democracy; and a horizontal network of voluntary associations and workers' councils with production and consumption based on the guiding principle "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need". Anarcho-communism differs from Marxism in that it rejects its view about the need for a state socialism phase prior to establishing communism. Peter Kropotkin, the main theorist of anarcho-communism, argued that a revolutionary society should "transform itself immediately into a communist society", that it should go immediately into what Marx had regarded as the "more advanced, completed, phase of communism". In this way, it tries to avoid the reappearance of "class divisions and the need for a state to oversee everything".

"Anarchism and Authority: A Philosophical Introduction to Classical Anarchism by Paul McLaughlin. AshGate. 2007. p. 1Individualist anarchist Benjamin Tucker defined anarchism as opposition to authority as follows "They found that they must turn either to the right or to the left, — follow either the path of Authority or the path of Liberty. Marx went one way; Warren and Proudhon the other. Thus were born State Socialism and Anarchism...Authority, takes many shapes, but, broadly speaking, her enemies divide themselves into three classes: first, those who abhor her both as a means and as an end of progress, opposing her openly, avowedly, sincerely, consistently, universally; second, those who profess to believe in her as a means of progress, but who accept her only so far as they think she will subserve their own selfish interests, denying her and her blessings to the rest of the world; third, those who distrust her as a means of progress, believing in her only as an end to be obtained by first trampling upon, violating, and outraging her.

"The Age of Extremes, p.103 "As it happened, the regimes most deeply committed to laissez-faire economics were also sometimes, and notably in the case of Reagan's United States and Thatcher's Britain, profoundly and viscerally nationalist and distrustful of the outside world. The historian cannot but note that the two attitudes are contradictory."The Age of Extremes, p.412 He points up the irony that "[T]he most dynamic and rapidly growing economy of the globe after the fall of Soviet socialism was that of Communist China, leading Western business-school lectures and the authors of management manuals, a flourishing genre of literature, to scan the teachings of Confucius for the secrets of entrepreneurial success."The Age of Extremes, pp.412-413 Ultimately, in world terms, he sees capitalism being just as much of a failure as state socialism: "The belief, following neoclassical economics, that unrestricted international trade would allow the poorer countries to come closer to the rich, runs counter to historical experience as well as common sense.

The English edition The Open Door (El bab el maftuh) is a 1960 novel by Egyptian writer Latifa al-Zayyat. It won the inaugural Naguib Mahfouz Medal for Literature. The novel, written in colloquial Egyptian Arabic explores a middle-class Egyptian girl's coming of age, against the background of the growing Egyptian nationalist movement before the 1952 Egypt revolution. The book was made into a 1963 Egyptian film directed by Henry Barakat with Faten Hamama, Mahmoud Moursy, and Saleh Selim. Revolutionary Womanhood: Feminisms, Modernity, and the State in ... =0804774390 Laura Bier - 2011 CONCLUSION The Legacies of State Feminism in an interview conducted a few years before her death in 1996, Latifa al-Zayyat told her interviewer that her landmark novel, The Open Door, hailed by critics as a poignant expression of the hopes and aspirations of a revolutionary generation, is now “an impossibility.”1 Over the last three decades, Nasserist narratives of modernity have been challenged by the failures of state socialism, the policy of infitah (open door policy) that began ...

Sir Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine of Wembley, (22 August 1887 – 22 January 1983) was one of the leading British and international trade unionists of the twentieth century and a notable public figure. Yet, apart from his renowned guide to the conduct of meetings, ABC of Chairmanship, he has been little spoken of in the history of the labour movement.Dictionary of Labour Biography, when edited by G. D. H. Cole or John Saville, did not include an entry for Citrine, but current editor, Keith Gildart has done so. More recently, labour historians have begun to re-assess Citrine's role.Moher "Walter Citrine: A union pioneer of industrial cooperation, 2016 in Alternatives to State-Socialism in Britain,(editors, Peter Ackers & Alastair J. Reid)."Neil Riddell, "Walter Citrine and the British Labour Movement, 1925–1935," History (2000) 85#273 pp 285–306R. Taylor, "The TUC:From the General Strike to New Unionism, (2000), 20–75" By redefining the role of the Trades Union Congress (TUC), whose General Secretary he was from 1926 until 1946, he helped create a far more coherent and effective union force. This, in turn, transformed the Labour Party into a substantial social democratic force for government from 1939.

These activities were part of a broader, pragmatic Labor platform which advocated State intervention in the private sector to protect individuals against capitalist exploitation, not as a means of involving workers in the control of production, or of raising wage levels. Labor politicians regarded State enterprise as "State capitalism" rather than "State socialism". Interior of the State butchers shop in Roma Street, Brisbane, circa 1917 In 1915 cattle raising was one of the principal economic activities of the State, and meat was considered a staple food. Believing that all Queenslanders should have access to meat at fair prices, and needing to maintain a regular supply of cheap meat to the Allied fighting forces, the Ryan government introduced a Statewide system of State-owned butcher's shops which proved to be among the more successful of the numerous State enterprises. The first State butcher's shop was opened in Roma Street, Brisbane, on 12 November 1915, and soon other shops were established in Brisbane suburbs and in regional centres such as Rockhampton, Gympie, Townsville, Charters Towers, and Mount Morgan, following the railway lines via which frozen meat was distributed to the State butcheries.

While socialism is frequently used to describe socialist states and Soviet-style economies, especially in the United States due to the First and Second Red Scares, democratic socialists use socialism to refer to their own tendency that rejects the ideas of authoritarian socialism and state socialism as socialism, regarding them as a form of state capitalism in which the state undertakes commercial economic activity and where the means of production are organised and managed as state-owned enterprises, including the processes of capital accumulation, centralised management and wage labour. Democratic socialists include those socialists who are opposed to Marxism–Leninism and social democrats who are committed to the abolishment of capitalism in favour of socialism and the institution of a post-capitalist economy. According to Andrew Lipow, thus wrote in 1847 the editors of the Journal of the Communist League, directly influenced by Marx and Friedrich Engels, whom Lipow describes as "the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism": Theoretically and philosophically, socialism itself is democratic, seen as the highest democratic form by its proponents and at one point being one and the same with democracy. Some argue that socialism implies democracy and that democratic socialism is a redundant term.

Another similar case, though disputed by anarcho-syndicalism or even anarchism, was the Spanish Revolution of 1936 (often missed or unmentioned by official historiography), during which much of Spain's economy in most of Republican areas, some of which enjoyed a practical absence of state, was put under workers' direct collective control. In addition to this, the term communism (as well as socialism) is often used to refer to those political and economic systems and states dominated by a political, bureaucratic class, typically attached to one single Communist party that follow Marxist-Leninist doctrines and often claim to represent the dictatorship of the proletariat in a non-democratic fashion, described by critics as in a totalitarian and bureaucratic. These systems are also often called Stalinism, state capitalism, state communism or state socialism. With the Soviet Union's creation after the end of Russian Civil War that followed to initial success of Red October Revolution in Russia, other socialist parties in other countries and the Bolshevik party itself became Communist parties, owing allegiance of varying degrees to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (see Communist International).