984 Sentences With "Bolshevism" | Random Sentence Generator

Grand schemes to remake society were tainted by Nazism and Bolshevism.

S. Department of Justice Urges Americans to Guard Against Bolshevism Menace.

"Human emotions had always been at the heart of Bolshevism," Slezkine says.

Mussolini called Bolshevism a "gangrene" or "cancer" that had to be excised.

"His mind was a remarkable instrument," wrote Winston Churchill, no admirer of Bolshevism.

Fear of bolshevism blended with a long-standing hostility toward certain classes of immigrants.

Fears of disorder, civil war and Bolshevism remained and fueled the rise of fascism.

The conditions under which the czars forced Russians to live gave rise to Bolshevism.

German paramilitaries — the Freikorps — rampaged through the Baltic States under the pretext of fighting Bolshevism.

He saw how the czarist state and its practices, far from being destroyed, had infected Bolshevism.

Why does it matter that Bolshevism and Nazism both have certain structural and psychological resemblances to Christianity?

Among the authoritarian socialisms of the twentieth century, the Bolshevism of Lenin is, perhaps, the most obvious precursor.

Bolshevism was a mind-set, an idiosyncratic culture with an intolerant paranoid wordview obsessed with abstruse Marxist ideology.

Does this kind of zealotry help explain things like the French revolution, the rise of Bolshevism and Nazism?

Among the more fervent Cold Warriors, Canada was often seen as a weak link in the battle against Bolshevism.

He uses terminology and concepts once used by Hitler himself, including racial suicide, a "decaying state'' and "cultural Bolshevism.

Mr Kagan tells of the chaos after the first world war and the rise of Bolshevism and fascism it engendered.

They warned of creeping "Bolshevism" and imminent revolution under programs like the Tennessee Valley Authority and the Works Progress Administration.

Successive Republican administrations in the United States deployed fears of Bolshevism as anti-American and kept labor's causes at bay.

This slow-roll strategy designed to do to the United States incrementally what Russian Bolshevism did to Russia in 1917 abruptly.

A militant far right had emerged, who blamed the 1918 defeat on "backstabbing" generals, the influence of Bolshevism (Russian communism), and Jews.

"Hitler referred to 'cultural Bolshevism' as a disease that would weaken the Germans and leave them prey to the Jews," Bendersky writes.

The masses are no better than animals, you understand, and you can't expect them not to become infected with the virus of bolshevism.

In the letter, Zinoviev appeared to urge Labour voters to agitate for revolution and prepare the way for bolshevism in the United Kingdom.

Li was one of the earliest and most enthusiastic promoters of Bolshevism and its calls to combat imperialism and topple capitalism through revolution.

Despite Churchill's hatred of Bolshevism, the British owe a huge debt of gratitude to the Soviets, without whom they might be speaking German today.

It's not easy rewriting history to create a new Russian identity out of the contradictory narratives of czarism, Bolshevism and the post-Communist travails.

Whatever hopes Goldman had held for Bolshevism had died when she watched the violent suppression by the Bolsheviks of the Kronstadt rebellion in March 1921.

Churchill also believed that the rise of Bolshevism — the precursor to Soviet Communism — needed to be halted, and if possible destroyed, before it swamped Western Europe.

"Even if Bolshevism is suppressed and Fascism held at bay, the crisis of contemporary parliamentarism would not be overcome in the least," he wrote in 1926.

Instead, having seen how the chaos of the 1920s and 1930s bred fascism and Bolshevism, its post-war statesmen concluded that a leaderless world was a threat.

For Churchill, what he termed the "bacillus" of Bolshevism needed to be combated everywhere, including in Russia itself, despite the war-weariness of the British people and government.

" In fact, the term "cultural Marxism" is descended from actual Nazi propaganda — a distrust of modernism and the spread of non-Germanic culture that Hitler called "cultural Bolshevism.

Yehuda Klausner, a staunchly secular academic and right-wing nationalist, chose to send him to the religious school, reckoning that the important thing was that Mr Oz shun Bolshevism.

Religions are still thriving, as are wars between them, and secular regimes have wrought as much, if not more, havoc under the auspices of Jacobinism, Bolshevism, Nazism, and Maoism.

Bolshevism — and Marxism in general — had a remarkably flat conception of human nature: A revolution in property relations was the only necessary condition for a revolution in human hearts.

Quoting an unnamed commentator, Representative George Huddleston, of Alabama, said that some of the supposedly dangerous "Reds" targeted for expulsion probably didn't know the difference between bolshevism and rheumatism.

Despite his early socialist views, Cahan swiftly turned on Bolshevism; he visited the Soviet Union in 1927 and found life there even worse than it had been under the tsars.

His book "The Socialist Phenomenon" traced the history of socialism to the Sumerian, Egyptian and other ancient empires and described it as deadly in all its forms, not least Bolshevism.

This reading sees Bolshevism not as a strand of European socialist internationalism, but as a top-down perversion of Marxism that would lead inexorably to a "coup" and to Stalinist totalitarianism.

He is the author of "Anatomy of a Bolshevik" and "Liberal Bolshevism: America Did Not Defeat Communism, She Adopted It." He has also written for the New York Daily News, RedState, and WorldNetDaily.

In recent interviews, conservative voters said they felt assaulted by what they said was a kind of moral Bolshevism—the belief that the liberal vision for the country was the only right one.

Ernst Nolte, a German revisionist historian who broke academic taboos by equating Nazism with Bolshevism and who was denounced as an apologist for Hitler and even the Holocaust, died on Thursday in Berlin.

In recent interviews, conservative voters said they felt assaulted by what they said was a kind of moral Bolshevism — the belief that the liberal vision for the country was the only right one.

The "cultural Marxist" conspiracy has a slippery genealogy through the American right, beginning with its coinage by Lyndon Larouche in the early 1990s (although Hitler had warned of "cultural Bolshevism" during the 1920s).

" The disputed passage in Hlond&aposs letter reads: "It is a fact that the Jews are fighting against the Catholic Church, persisting in free thinking, and are the vanguard of godlessness, Bolshevism and subversion.

Bolshevism was not the antithesis of freedom and democracy, but their radical potential made real in a way more horrifying to Russian liberals, like liberals throughout the century up to the present, than military dictatorship.

Alex Markovsky is a senior fellow at the London Center for Policy Research and author of "Anatomy of a Bolshevik" and "Liberal Bolshevism: America Did Not Defeat Communism, She Adopted It." View the discussion thread.

" Nolte portrayed Nazism as a reaction to the "existential threat" posed by Bolshevism and suggested Bolshevik "class murder" was comparable to the Holocaust, calling it the "logical and factual predecessor to the Nazi 'racial murder.

At the start of the 20th century, Isadora Duncan (born in California) dared to dance with a heroically scaled vocabulary of barefoot, natural human movement, and to align herself with both free love and Bolshevism.

Formal recognition is further made possible by Mr. O'Grady's statements that the Soviet Government will not conduct a war of conquest for bolshevism, and that it is anxious to take its place among the nations.

President Trump is some ways the personification of a new Bolshevism of the right where the ends justify the means and acceptable tactics include lies and smears, and the exploitation of what Lenin called useful idiots.

Despite meandering, he makes certain arguments clearly: Bolshevism was a millenarian sect with an insatiable desire for utopia struggling to reconcile predestination with free will — that is, working ceaselessly to bring about what was supposedly inevitable.

"Today is the 69th anniversary of an abominable judicial murder (of Tiso) who is rightly seen by every patriot as a martyr of Slovakia's sovereignty and a defender of Christianity against Bolshevism," People's Party-Our Slovakia said.

In "Ill Fares the Land", written in 21967 as he lay dying, the British historian Tony Judt described how post-war democracies were transfixed by the fear that fascism or Bolshevism could once again spellbind the masses.

As Mr. Erdogan grew more popular, winning broad pluralities and even majorities in each successive election, he began to behave with a kind of Bolshevism, believing that he was the very embodiment of the people, former officials said.

Christianity has, after all, had benign as well as malign consequences; and the murderousness of Nazism and Bolshevism surely had far more to do with both societies' history of absolutism than with those ideologies' prophetic and millenarian character.

The Nazis cast "Jewish Bolshevism" as a single scourge, and the return this decade of the far right has also witnessed a hideous return of anti-Semitism, not just in Europe but in the United States as well.

Kotkin proposes a series of interlocking arguments to explain the Stalinist outcome: the conspiratorial rigidity of Bolshevism; the state's total domination of life in the absence of private property; the peculiar personality of Stalin; and the pressures of geopolitics.

Her father was a Nazi sympathizer who acquired property taken from Jews in Germany, supported a French fascist organization in the 1930s that met at L'Oréal's Paris headquarters, and founded a wartime movement against Bolshevism, Judaism and the Freemasons.

It was the fifth-biggest city on Earth, a babel of tongues, and a sanctuary for White Russian beauties who preferred prostitution to Bolshevism, Englishmen who had failed at home, American grifters, and Jews from central European shtetls fleeing anti-Semitism.

In what became known as the Historikerstreit ("Historians' Dispute"), right-wing scholars in Germany proposed that the nation end its ritual self-flagellation: they reframed Nazism as a reaction to Bolshevism and recast the Holocaust as one genocide among many.

" After "confirming" that Bolshevism was a "conspiracy of international Jews" in 85033, a group of U.S. military attaches demanded that Congress stop the immigration of a "herd" of "inferior" Jews which constituted "a decided menace to the future welfare of our country.

Unfortunately, these efforts issued in the racist pseudo-science of Voltaire and Hume (or so Gray claims), while all attempts to inaugurate the rule of reason have resulted in bloody fanaticisms, from Jacobinism to Bolshevism, that equaled the worst atrocities attributable to believers.

From 1921 to 1934, 29,000 homes were constructed in Becontree as part of a housing program designed to reward soldiers returning from the First World War and stave off the threat of Bolshevism, which was a pressing concern for the inter-war British elite.

" The news of her grave illness makes the papers, and the displaced persons' crowd, which has nothing to occupy it but the fruitless wait for the death of Bolshevism, decides to assemble at Teffi's bedside: "From morning until night my room was crowded with people.

When Franklin Roosevelt ran for re-election in 1936 his most vehement opponent was not the Republican nominee Alf Landon but Al Smith, the 1928 Democratic nominee who considered parts of the New Deal to be as dangerous as Bolshevism and antithetical to his party's historic values.

Across a wide spectrum—from anti-Semitic fascists to liberal intellectuals to even non-communist leftists—the narrative set in that Bolshevism, the ideology of the victors of October 1917, was radically alien to European thought and politics—a pathology born of Russian barbarism, a threat to Western civilization.

As a British historian, Alan Milward, has argued, to be legitimate in this fractured world the state had to strive to bring prosperity, employment and welfare to new voters—factory workers if they were not to be tempted by Bolshevism, and farm workers if they were not to be tempted by Fascism, as they had been when agricultural wages collapsed in the 363s.

In chronicling Eastman (19933-1969), a son of Congregationalist ministers who gained prominence as a writer, editor, philosopher and political activist, Professor O'Neill charts an Odyssean intellectual transformation in which his subject embraced free love, feminism and socialism, then defected from Bolshevism and defended Senator Joseph R. McCarthy's hunt for Communists; he later became an outspoken foe of the war in Vietnam.

Alexander G. Markovsky is a senior fellow at the London Center for Policy Research, a conservative think hosted at King's College, New York City, which examines national security, energy, risk-analysis and other public policy issues, He is the author of "Anatomy of a Bolshevik" and "Liberal Bolshevism: America Did Not Defeat Communism, She Adopted It." He is the owner and CEO of Litwin Management Services, LLC.

Concerned about how to achieve long-term peace in Europe, and watchful about the threat of Bolshevism, he argued that the terms imposed on Germany by the Treaty of Versailles were overly harsh: The same spirit of magnanimity — or "appeasement," in Smuts's words — that had achieved a workable peace between Britons and Boers ought now to be demonstrated in the case of German reparations.

His view broke with the more conventional conclusion by other historians that the collapse of the short-lived German democracy had been the inevitable result of immutable forces, like the country's natural tilt toward authoritarianism, or of the harsh terms of the Treaty of Versailles, or of a capitalist conspiracy, or of fears of Bolshevism, which, to some, made National Socialism simply the lesser of two totalitarian evils.

Still, to find out just how far from a class-based civil war we really are, I spoke to some experts: Anna Geifman, a Russian-born American scholar of Bolshevism and political extremism and professor emerita at Boston University; Charles Post, a sociologist and historian of class conflict in the US at Manhattan Community College; and Marc Scarcelli, a political scientist at Cal Poly-Pomona whose research focuses on modern civil wars and matters of extreme poverty.

Volume 45. Pages 389 But on the other hand, a number of scientists are of the opinion that Bolshevism has undergone changes over time, and as a phenomenon, it ended only in the early 1990s.Heinrich Ioffe. The Rise and Fall of Bolshevism Some modern scholars agree that Bolshevism... In Western political science, some authors analyze Bolshevism from the standpoint of similarities and differences with fascism and Nazism.

Their beliefs and practices were often referred to as Bolshevism.

The affair resulted in Harris complaining about what he called "bolshevism" influencing cricket.

Dust jacket of the first edition of Hanson's 1920 book, Americanism versus Bolshevism.

Dan continued to denounce the curtailment of political freedoms, linking Bolshevism with Bakuninism.

Crypto-communism is a secret support for, or admiration of, communism. An individual or group keeps this support or admiration hidden to avoid political persecution or political suicide. Crypto-Bolshevism is a prominent form of crypto-communism, asserting secret Bolshevism.

The 9th Division was filled with 6,000 soldiers dedicated to the cause of Bolshevism.

Because some of the leading Bolsheviks were Ethnic Jews, and Bolshevism supports a policy of promoting international proletarian revolution—most notably in the case of Leon Trotsky—many enemies of Bolshevism, as well as contemporary antisemites, draw a picture of Communism as a political slur at Jews and accuse Jews of pursuing Bolshevism to benefit Jewish interests, reflected in the terms Jewish Bolshevism or Judeo-Bolshevism. The original atheistic and internationalistic ideology of the Bolsheviks (See proletarian internationalism, bourgeois nationalism) was incompatible with Jewish traditionalism. Bolsheviks such as Trotsky echoed sentiments dismissing Jewish heritage in place of "internationalism". Soon after seizing power, the Bolsheviks established the Yevsektsiya, the Jewish section of the Communist party in order to destroy the rival Bund and Zionist parties, suppress Judaism and replace traditional Jewish culture with "proletarian culture".

Antisemitism in the United States reached its peak during the interwar period. The rise of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s, the antisemitic works of newspapers and radio speeches in the late 1930s indicated the strength of attacks on the Jewish community. One element in American antisemitism during the 1920s was the identification of Jews with Bolshevism where the concept of Bolshevism was used pejoratively in the country. (see article on "Jewish Bolshevism").

Today, there is neither. Bolshevism > has taken their place. I consider that to be a weakness since I never > believed that this idea means anything to the bulk of the Russian people. > That is why I do not believe that the people will be carried away by > Bolshevism.

257 Hitler asserted that the "three vices" of "Jewish Marxism" were democracy, pacifism and internationalism,Kershaw, p.303 and that the Jews were behind Bolshevism, communism and Marxism.Kershaw, p.259 Joseph Goebbels in 1937 The Great Anti- Bolshevist Exhibition declared that Bolshevism and Jewry were one and the same.

Bolshevism was criticized by the Social Democrats. Thus, the famous Social Democrat Alexander Parvus wrote in 1918: > If Marxism is a reflection of the social history of Western Europe, > refracted through the prism of German philosophy, then Bolshevism is > Marxism, emasculated by amateurs and refracted through the prism of Russian > ignorance.

The debate had been started by a footnote in Furet's Le passé d'une illusion criticising Nolte's views over the relationship between Bolshevism and fascism, leading Nolte to write a letter of protest. Furet defended his view about totalitarian twins sharing the same origins while Nolte argued that fascism was a response to Bolshevism.

It is a known fact that Bolshevism has unmistakable characteristics of apocalyptic chiliasm, albeit misinterpreted in a physical, earthly way.

The film had a special showing for government officials and political leaders at the National Press Club in Washington, D.C. on July 4, 1919 several weeks in advance of its release. utopian vision (Bolshevism on Trial).Hanson, 86 The advertising for Bolshevism on Trial called it "the timeliest picture ever filmed" and reviews were good.

Later, many of the impoverished or déclassé Polish and Georgian nobles became leaders of nationalist and radical political movements, including Bolshevism.

1, and "The War Against Bolshevism and the Military Factors Represented by the Subjugated Nations", p. 6. Accessed 06 August 2014.

He is known for promoting the antisemitic conspiracy theory Judeo-Bolshevism, which claims that Jews were responsible for the Russian Revolution.

Dan was arrested in 1921 and after a year in prison was sent into exile. When the Soviet Union was attacked in 1941, Dan gave his support to the regime. In his book The Origins of Bolshevism (1943) he argued that Bolshevism was the carrier of socialism, whilst still arguing for political liberalisation in the Soviet Union.

Broido, Vera. 1987. Lenin and the Mensheviks: The persecution of Socialists Under Bolshevism. Gower.Ascher, Abraham. 1976. The Mensheviks in the Russian Revolution.

In 1922, as younger converts to Bolshevism were becoming impatient, Yamakawa along with Sakai and Arahata agreed to found an illegal Communist Party.

While there is no doubt that White emigres were instrumental in reinforcing the idea of 'Jewish Bolshevism' among Nazis, the concept is also found in many German early post–World War I documents. Also, Germany had its own share of Jewish Communists "to provide fodder for the paranoid fantasies of German antisemites" without Russian Bolsheviks. During the 1920s, Hitler declared that the mission of the Nazi movement was to destroy "Jewish Bolshevism". Hitler asserted that the "three vices" of "Jewish Marxism" were democracy, pacifism and internationalism, and that the Jews were behind Bolshevism, communism and Marxism.

Rühle, Otto. 1939. "The Struggle Against Fascism: Begins with the Struggle Against Bolshevism." Living Marxism 4(8). yet the Italian communist left remained Leninist.

Shortly thereafter, he endured yet another round of criticism in being accused of separatism, bolshevism, immorality, crimes, and bad influence on society at large.

Nikolay Vasilyevich Ustryalov (; November 25, 1890 – September 14, 1937) was a leading pioneer of Russian National Bolshevism. His great-uncle was Nikolay Gerasimovich Ustryalov.

Kramář saw Bolshevism as a dangerous German creation and believed that they would remain loyal to Germany. He also consistently rejected the idea of centralised production and the utopian vision of a classless society. Still, Kramář doubted the long-term viability of Bolshevism, which he thought was unpopular and maintained only through terror. He sincerely hoped that the Soviet Union would collapse during his lifetime.

"He is to blame for this war!" by Hans Schweitzer Adolf Hitler and Nazi propagandists played on widespread and long-established German anti-Semitism. The Jews were blamed for things such as robbing the German people of their hard work while themselves avoiding physical labour. Hitler declared that the mission of the Nazi movement was to annihilate "Jewish Bolshevism", which was also called "Cultural Bolshevism".Kershaw, p.

Members of the Russian National Bolshevik Party in 2006 National Bolshevism (, ), whose supporters are known as National Bolsheviks () or Nazbols (), is a political movement that combines elements of fascism and Bolshevism. Notable proponents of National Bolshevism in Germany included Ernst Niekisch (1889–1967), Heinrich Laufenberg (1872–1932), and Karl Otto Paetel (1906–1975). In Russia, Nikolay Ustryalov (1890–1937) and his followers, the Smenovekhovtsy used the term. Notable modern advocates of the movement include Aleksandr Dugin and Eduard Limonov, who led the unregistered and banned National Bolshevik Party (NBP) in the Russian Federation"Court Upholds Registration Ban Against National Bolshevik Party" as well as the Nazbol Party of the USNR.

In Nazi Germany, this concept of Jewish Bolshevism reflected a common perception that Communism was a Jewish-inspired and Jewish- led movement seeking world domination from its origin. The term was popularized in print in German journalist Dietrich Eckhart's 1924 pamphlet "" ("Bolshevism from Moses to Lenin") which depicted Moses and Lenin as both being Communists and Jews. This was followed by Alfred Rosenberg's 1923 edition of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and Hitler's Mein Kampf in 1925, which saw Bolshevism as "Jewry's twentieth century effort to take world dominion unto itself". According to French spymaster and writer Henri Rollin, "Hitlerism" was based on "anti-Soviet counter-revolution" promoting the "myth of a mysterious Jewish–Masonic–Bolshevik plot", entailing that the First World War had been instigated by a vast Jewish–Masonic conspiracy to topple the Russian, German, and Austro-Hungarian Empires and implement Bolshevism by fomenting liberal ideas.

In later years he publicly advocated against Bolshevism. After his retirement in 1973, he served as vice president of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty for several years.

Fostoy & Podlubny, pp. 19–20; Meltyukhov, p. 60 Davidoglu also announced the swift and exemplary execution of a man from Lipcani "who incited the soldiers to Bolshevism".

In the early 1920s, a leading British antisemite, Henry Hamilton Beamish, stated that Bolshevism was the same thing as Judaism. In the same decade, future wartime Prime Minister Winston Churchill penned an editorial entitled "Zionism versus Bolshevism", which was published in the Illustrated Sunday Herald. In the article, which asserted that Zionism and Bolshevism were engaged in a "struggle for the soul of the Jewish people", he called on Jews to repudiate "the Bolshevik conspiracy" and make clear that "the Bolshevik movement is not a Jewish movement" but stated that: > [Bolshevism] among the Jews is nothing new. From the days of Spartacus- > Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, and down to Trotsky (Russia), Bela Kun > (Hungary), Rosa Luxemburg (Germany), and Emma Goldman (United States), this > world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilisation and for the > reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious > malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing.

Mussolini declared his opposition to Bolshevism because "Bolshevism has ruined the economic life of Russia" and because he claimed that Bolshevism was incompatible with Western civilization; he said that "we declare war against socialism, not because it is socialism, but because it has opposed nationalism", that "we intend to be an active minority, to attract the proletariat away from the official Socialist party" and that "we go halfway toward meeting the workers"; and he declared that "we favor national syndicalism and reject state intervention whenever it aims at throttling the creation of wealth."Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present. Oxford, England, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

Buchanan even claims a moral equivalence between Churchill and Hitler. Buchanan suggests that there was no moral difference between Churchill's support for the compulsory sterilisation and segregation of the mentally-unfit before 1914 and the German Action T4 program. Likewise, Buchanan argues that the views that Churchill expressed about Judeo-Bolshevism in his 1920 article "Zionism and Bolshevism" seem not very different from Hitler's views about "Judeo- Bolshevism" in Mein Kampf. Buchanan attacks Churchill as the man who brought in the Ten Year Rule in 1919, which based British defence spending on the assumption that there would be no major war for the next ten years, and claims that made Churchill the man who disarmed Britain in the 1920s.

Following the invasion, Goebbels instructed that Nazi propaganda use the slogan "European crusade against Bolshevism" to describe the war; subsequently thousands of volunteers and conscripts joined the Waffen-SS.

Raymond Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism. London: Croom Helm, 1977; pg. 12. Many of these branches failed to pay their subscription to the organization, however, with the dues of a penny per member per month paid to the central office irregularly. One historian has estimated the actual strength of the organization in 1900 at approximately 50 functioning branches with an active membership of around 1,000.Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism, pg. 12.

Further, for many Poles Jews were associated with Bolshevism, and the Endeks in particular promoted the stereotype of Jewish Bolshevism. Likewise, according to Joanna Michlic, some perpetrators of anti-Jewish violence legitimized their actions in the name of national self defense. Officers and soldiers in the Blue Army expressed these tendencies, and often treated all Jews as communists, despite the traditional religious character and political diversity of Jewish communities.Joanna B. Michlic. (2006).

In June 2020, Polish president Andrzej Duda of PiS drew attention when he called LGBT an "ideology" and a form of "neo- Bolshevism", ahead of the 2020 Polish presidential election.

Running from 13 November 2017 until 5 January 2018, Series 12 returns to Tyneside. Its focus is on fears around Bolshevism and strike action by the munitionettes, female factory workers.

The Octopus is a 256-page book self-published in 1940 by Elizabeth Dilling under the pseudonym "Rev. Frank Woodruff Johnson". In it she describes her theories of Jewish Bolshevism.

Socially his superior, she was well educated for a Georgian woman and had taken an active interest in Bolshevism, organising fundraisers for the Social Democrats and helping tend to wounded revolutionaries.

Shortly in the wake of the Commissar Order, a directive pursuant to the German invasion of the Soviet Union, SS Deputy Reinhard Heydrich informed the SS of Hitler's geopolitical philosophy which conflated Bolshevism and Jews, writing that "eastern Jewry is the intellectual reservoir of Bolshevism and in the Führer's view must therefore be annihilated".[DNA Nuremberg NO-4145/2 (deposition of Walter Blume 29 VI 47)]. Cited from: Binion (1991). Hitler among the Germans, p. 61.

His book Red Dusk and the Morrow chronicles the rise and fall of Bolshevism and he toured the world extensively giving lectures pertaining to this subject. Dukes' other books are listed below.

Thus, in 1942 Catelli was brought to Kazan. During the interrogations, Emanoil Catelli said that he did not regret the actions he had taken earlier, and that he would always resist Bolshevism.

572 Historian Niall Barr has stated that the movement was intended to "form a buttress against Bolshevism": its leader, Conservative Party MP Wilfrid Ashley was also secretary of the Anti-Socialist Union.

Ernst Niekisch (23 May 1889 - 23 May 1967) was a German writer and politician. Initially a member of the Social Democratic Party (SPD), he later became a prominent exponent of National Bolshevism.

340–341; Bucur (2004), p.178; Deletant, pp.270–271 while certain sections of the public opinion revived the notion of "Jewish Bolshevism", accusing Jews of having brought communism to Romania.Boia, p.

Rogovin writes there are basically two diametrically opposed approaches. The first one is that Stalinism with its terror was a logical, unavoidable evolution of Marxism- Leninism within Bolshevism from the Socialist revolution. Another approach is to consider that Stalinism was a historically accidental development and that there was an alternative movement within Bolshevism (Trotskyism), and the major function of Stalinist terror was to suppress this movement. Rogovin suggests that the first approach has become dominant in historical research for two major reasons.

He saw in a revival of National Bolshevism a way to "remove the capitalist isolation" of the Soviet Union. During the 1920s, a number of German intellectuals began a dialogue which created a synthesis between radical nationalism (typically referencing Prussianism) and Bolshevism as it existed in the Soviet Union. The main figure in this was Ernst Niekisch of the Old Social Democratic Party of Germany, who edited the Widerstand journal.Martin A. Lee, The Beast Reawakens, Warner Books, 1998, p. 315.

Jewish Studies at the CEU: Yearbook 1996–1999. Central European University. A Polish language term for "Jewish Bolshevism" or more literally, "Jewish communism", Żydokomuna is related to the "Jewish world conspiracy" myth.Gerrits, André (1995).

The film's working title was Americanism (Versus Bolshevism), which was the title of a pamphlet published by Ole Hanson, the mayor of Seattle who claimed to have broken the Seattle General Strike in 1919.

Fritz Wolffheim (30 October 1888 – 17 March 1942) was a German communist politician and writer. He was a leading figure in the National Bolshevism tendency that was briefly influential in Germany after World War I.

In June 1941, the Nazis launched their attack on the Soviet Union which solidified the support of the episcopate for the struggle against Bolshevism and in one instance earned the praise of Reinhard Heydrich.Lewy, 1964, p. 230. The confiscation of Church bells as part of the war effort was met by Faulhaber with: "for the dear fatherland we will make also this sacrifice if now it has become necessary for a successful end of the war and for the defeat of Bolshevism."Lewy, 1964, p. 231.

Other consequences included the formation of the Rowlatt Committee to investigate sedition in India as influenced by Germany and Bolshevism, and changes in the Raj's approach to the Indian independence movement immediately after World War I.

Sometime later, the young couple and their baby are now living in Manchukuo, the "New Earth", working on a farm under the benevolent gaze of a vigilant soldier guarding against the ever-present threat of Bolshevism.

Towards the end of World War I, two pamphlets by Van de Water, entitled Women and Bolshevism and What the Victory or Defeat of Germany Means to Every American, were published by the National Security League.

Hugenberg's main line of attack on the NSDAP in the fall of 1932 was that Germany's chief danger was "Bolshevism" and there was no difference between the "red Bolshevism" of the KPD and the "brown Bolshevism" of the NSDAP.Kershaw, Ian Hitler Hubris, New York: Norton, 1998 pages 390-391 In October 1932, the NSDAP had lost some middle-class backing when it came out in support of a strike by transport workers in Berlin, during which the NSDAP co-operated with the KPD. Most of the disillusioned middle- class and rural Nazi voters then voted for the DNVP in protest against the Nazi-Communist co-operation. In the election on 6 November 1932, the DNVP made a small improvement over its dismal showing in July, winning 8.3% of the vote, a gain made entirely at the expense of the NSDAP.

Jewish Bolshevism, also Judeo–Bolshevism, is an anti-communist and antisemitic canard, which alleges that the Jews were the originators of the Russian Revolution in 1917, and that they held primary power among the Bolsheviks who led the revolution. Similarly, the conspiracy theory of Jewish Communism alleges that Jews have dominated the Communist movements in the world, and is related to The Zionist Occupation Government conspiracy theory (ZOG), which alleges that Jews control world politics. In 1917, after the Russian Revolution, the antisemitic canard was the title of the pamphlet, The Jewish Bolshevism, which featured in the racist propaganda of the anti-communist White movement forces during the Russian Civil War (1918–1922). During the 1930s, the Nazi Party in Germany and the German American Bund in the United States propagated the antisemitic theory to their followers, sympathisers, and fellow travellers.

The Open Society Foundations, created by investor George Soros, were inspired in name and purpose by Popper's book. The philosopher Joseph Agassi credits Popper with showing that historicism is a factor common to both fascism and Bolshevism.

Leslie Stowe (November 1867 – July 16, 1949) was an American actor. He appeared on stage and screen. He played the evil Herman Wolff character in Bolshevism on Trial. Anthony Slide praised his performance as the film's villain.

She had been reluctant to follow through with the marriage, as she had aspirations of opening a children's vocal school in America. However, Boris informed her of the United States’ widespread fear of Bolshevism, anarchism and communism.

Comprising about 550 men, the battalion was raised from recruits mobilised from the 1905–1915 year groups. They were led by career police professionals, steeped in the ideology of Nazism, driven by anti-semitism and anti-Bolshevism.

At this stage, Cromie, Boyce, Reilly, Lockhart, and other Allied agents allegedly planned a full- scale coup against the Bolshevik government and drew up a list of Soviet military leaders ready to assume responsibilities on its demise. Their objective was to capture or kill Lenin and Trotsky, to establish a provisional government, and to extinguish Bolshevism. Lenin and Trotsky, they reasoned, "were Bolshevism", and nothing else in their movement had "substance or permanence". Consequently, "if he could get them into [their] hands there would be nothing of consequence left of Sovietism".

On 20 June 1923, Karl Radek gave a speech before the Comintern in which he proposed a common front with the Nazis in Germany. However, the two radicalisms were mutually exclusive and they later become profound enemies. While fascism is opposed to Bolshevism, both Bolshevism and fascism promote the one-party state and the use of political party militias. Fascists and communists also agree on the need for violent revolution to forge a new era, and they hold common positions in their opposition to liberalism, capitalism, individualism and parliamentarism.

Two of his speeches were independently published: The International Political Position of Croatia (Međunarodni politički položaj Hrvatske; 1942) and The Croatian Struggle Against Bolshevism (Hrvatska u borbi protiv boljševizma; 1944). The latter was published in German in 1944.

Utechin, Russian Political Thought, p. 255. Indeed, it has been argued that National Bolshevism was the main impetus for the revival of patriotism as an official part of state ideology in the 1930s.Utechin, Russian Political Thought, p. 241.

In 1944, in the General Government, Germany attempted to recruit 12,000 Polish volunteers to "join the fight against Bolshevism". The campaign failed; only 699 men were recruited, 209 of whom either deserted or were disqualified for health reasons.

Pp. 93. Italy's Fascist regime considered the threat of Bolshevism a real risk with the arrival of volunteers from the Soviet Union who were fighting for the Republicans.Michael Alpert. A New International History of the Spanish Civil War.

Stalin detested many of the Mensheviks in Georgia and aligned himself with the Bolsheviks. Although Stalin established a Bolshevik stronghold in the mining town of Chiatura, Bolshevism remained a minority force in the Menshevik-dominated Georgian revolutionary scene.

Empirical comparative studies are a thorough approach if one wants to understand the specific traits of Fascist or Stalinist bureaucracy.Alfred Diamant. “[Review of] Bolshevism. An Introduction to Soviet Communism. By Waldemar Gurian”, in: Political Research Quarterly, vol. 6, no.

As well as in government Sicard's standing within the PPF also grew as the war went on. He was part of the directorate that ran the party during Jacques Doriot's service with the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism.

Cardinal Faulhaber had preached against communism in 1930 and from 1935 until about late 1941, but was silent on the topic from late 1942 until 1945; after the end of the war, he continued his public attacks against "Bolshevism".

Paperback edition. Hampshire and London, England, UK: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1997; New York, New York, USA: St. Martin's Press Ltd, 1997. Pp. 35. Italy justified its intervention as an action intended to prevent the rise of Bolshevism in Spain.

Russian Views of Bolshevism, 1917–1922, pp. 108–110. New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989. Like Serge, he felt emotional about the demise of "this peasant Party of significance", his intervention ensuring that no SRs were executed.Weissman, p.

After a short professional career in banking and industry, he studied economics in Paris, Vienna and Tübingen, where he finished his studies and wrote a thesis about Bolshevism in 1919. In the same year, he moved to the Netherlands.

More categories are listed in the article "Enemy of the people". "Down with the Bolshevism!", Nazi propaganda poster in Russian for occupied Soviet territories. Anti-Soviet rally in Lithuania of about 300,000 people in 1988, condemning the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact.

The Overman Committee's hearings on Bolshevism lasted from February 11 to March 10, 1919.Clark, p. 15 More than two dozen witnesses were interviewed.Hagedorn, p. 147 About two-thirds were violently anti-Bolshevik and advocated for military intervention in Russia.

Louis Dupeux (28 July 1931 – 20 May 2002) was a French historian and a specialist of the Conservative Revolution and National Bolshevism during the Weimar Republic.Manfred Gangl/Hélène Roussel, Les intellectuels et l'État sous la République de Weimar, Editions MSH, 1993, .

Locally, the Unionist aligned paper the Irish Times decried the Cork Harbour Soviet as an outbreak of "Irish Bolshevism" and fearfully pondered of the possibility of a civil war between Nationalists and Socialists breaking out if Ireland achieved independence from Britain.

In reality, the connection between the modernism and Bolshevism was extremely tenuous, and primarily a matter of both existing at the same unsettled time in European history. Still, some artists in Western Europe drew inspiration from revolutionary ideals, to the extent that Dadaist Richard Huelsenbeck confidently declared in 1920 that Dada was a "German Bolshevist affair". One of the first writers outside of Germany to associate Bolshevism as an art movement, a link to what would become Cultural Marxism in the late 1990s, was Julius Evola. Evola was a dadaist painter after the first World War, something which was considered decadent and subversive.

When the timetable for this announcement fell through – suppressed for its reference to state violations against the Reich-Vatican Concordat – Faulhaber set to work on another draft that he submitted to the German bishops. On 24 December 1936, the German joint hierarchy ordered its priests to read the pastoral letter entitled On the Defense against Bolshevism, from all their pulpits on 3 January 1937. The letter pointed out that the Church's support for the Nazi battle against Bolshevism would be more effective if the Church were to enjoy the freedoms guaranteed by divine law and the Concordat.

There was open hostility between Solzhenitsyn and Eduard Limonov, the head of Russia's unregistered National Bolshevik Party. Solzhenitsyn had described Limonov as "a little insect who writes pornography" and Limonov described Solzhenitsyn as a traitor to his homeland who contributed to the downfall of the Soviet Union. In The Oak and the Calf, Solzhenitsyn openly attacked the notions that the Russians were "the noblest in the world" and that "tsarism and Bolshevism [...] [were] equally irreproachable", defining this as the core of the National Bolshevism to which he was opposed.A. Solzhenitsyn, The Oak and the Calf, 1975, pp. 119–129.

In June 1920, as part of the efforts by the Sinn Féin leadership to obtain international recognition of the Irish Republic, a "Draft Treaty between the new Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and the Republic of Ireland" was circulated in Dublin. E. H. Carr, the historian of early Bolshevism, considered that ".. the negotiations were not taken very seriously on either side."Carr, EH The Bolshevik Revolution 1917-23, vol 3, Penguin Books, London, 4th reprint (1983), pp. 257–258. The draft treaty was published for propaganda purposes in the 1921 British document Intercourse between Bolshevism and Sinn Féin (Cmd 1326).

By 1939 he was a major, based at Septfonds in the south-west of France, and as a result did not see action during the German invasion of 1940. Following the French defeat in 1940, he served in the much-reduced "Armistice Army" in Vichy France. Following the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, Puaud accepted the collaborationist argument that "Bolshevism" was a greater threat to French interests than the Germans. In October 1941, he joined the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (Legion des Volontaires Français Contre le Bolchevisme, LVF) as a battalion commander.

However, others (both Stalin's contemporaries and later) do not confuse "Bolshevism" and "Stalinism" proper, considering them to be multidirectional (revolutionary and thermidorian) phenomena.See various works by Trotsky, Martemyan Ryutin (Stalin and the Crisis of the Proletarian Dictatorship), Fyodor Raskolnikov (An Open Letter to Stalin), Boris Kagarlitsky, Alexander Tarasov The expression "Bolshevism", as well as "communism" later, has become established in Western historiography in the sense of a certain set of features of Soviet power in a certain political period. At present, the very name "Bolsheviks" is actively used by various groups of Marxist-Leninists and Trotskyists.

60 According to various published interviews, of that time Țuțea felt democracy would have not guaranteed the sovereignty of the Romanian people. He also noted that many Romanian intellectuals had supported the Legionnaires, because "their radical position against the harmful influence of Russian Bolshevism", which he considered to be "controlled by Jews" (see Judeo-Bolshevism). Speaking of the Iron Guard, he noted the main difference between this organization and Fascism or National Socialism was its avowed Christian character. Between 1936 and 1939, he was a director in the Ministry of Trade and Industry, in charge of the Office of Economics Publications and Propaganda.

Though wary of communist Jews, Churchill strongly supported Zionism and described Jews as "the most formidable and the most remarkable race", whose "first loyalty will always be towards [Jews]". Churchill had some sympathy for the "Jewish Bolshevism" conspiracy theory, and stated in his 1920 article "Zionism versus Bolshevism" that communism, which he considered a "worldwide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilization and for the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality", had been established in Russia by Jews: > There is no need to exaggerate the part played in the creation of Bolshevism > and in the actual bringing about of the Russian Revolution, by these > international and for the most part atheistical Jews; it is certainly a very > great one; it probably outweighs all others. With the notable exception of > Lenin, the majority of the leading figures are Jews. Moreover, the principal > inspiration and driving power comes from the Jewish leaders.

"Powerful, well-knit with indubitably true and biting satire," said Photoplay.Hagedorn, 178 As a promotion device, the April 15, 1919, issue of Moving Picture World suggested staging a mock radical demonstration by hanging red flags around town and then have actors in military uniforms storm in to tear them down. The promoter was then to distribute handbills to the confused and curious crowds to reassure them that Bolshevism on Trial takes a stand against Bolshevism and "you will not only clean up but will profit by future business."Hagedorn, 175, 180 When this publicity technique came to the attention of U.S. Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson, he expressed his dismay to the press: "This publication proposes by deceptive methods of advertising to stir every community in the United States into riotous demonstrations for the purpose of making profits for the moving picture business ..." He hoped to ban movies treating Bolshevism and Socialism.

One may speak of a red, black, or brown 'soviet state', as well as of > red, black or brown fascism.Rühle, Otto (1939). "The Struggle Against > Fascism Begins with the Struggle Against Bolshevism". First appeared in the > American Councilist journal Living Marxism (4: 8).

The ABC of Communism: can socialism work?. Socialist Worker, 17 July 2007. Retrieved 4 November 2008. It became the best known and most widely circulated of all pre-Stalinist expositions of Bolshevism and the most widely read political work in Soviet Russia.

Vishniak wrote prolifically on the history of the Russian Revolution, Bolshevism and Soviet policy, his memoirs, the Jewish community, etc. His memoirs include A Tribute to the Past (1954) and Years of Emigration, 1919-1969. He died in New York in 1977.

Economic Justice and Democracy. Routledge Press. p. 138. . On the other hand, a libertarian trend also developed within Marxism which gained visibility around the late 1910s mainly in reaction against Bolshevism and Leninism rising to power and establishing the Soviet Union.Draper, Hal (1971).

Russian Scouts fleeing Bolshevism followed White Russian émigrés from 1917 to 1922 through Vladivostok to the east into Manchuria and south into central China, where very large groups of Russian Scouts came into being in cities such as Harbin, Tientsin and Shanghai.

After 4229 signatures were collected in October 2008, Captain Nugiseks was awarded the Medal of Gratitude by the people of Estonia for his part in the fight against Bolshevism. Revered and honoured by his community, a bust was posthumously installed at his school.

Avrich 1967, pp. 239-240, Thorpe 1989, pp. 244-247, 251, 256, 259, 265-267. Schapiro considered the IWMA more important than did the other members of the secretariat who mainly thought of it as a response to both Bolshevism and reformism.

In the early twentieth century. immigration from Eastern Europe had greatly expanded the number of British Jews. These new immigrants became the targets of anti-immigrant hostility and allegations of sympathy to Bolshevism. This put the Anglo-Jewish community under considerable pressure.

The Origins of the Russian Civil War. Routledge, 2013. Churchill, the loudest voice in favour of action, was a vehement anti- socialist and saw Bolshevism as socialism's worst form. As a result, he attempted to gain Allied support for intervention on ideological grounds.

However Ahimeir grew disillusioned with Russian Bolshevism which he began to see as a Russian nationalist movement rather than a movement to promote international class struggle.Shindler, Colin. The Triumph of Military Zionism: Nationalism and the Origins of the Israeli Right. I.B.Tauris, 2006. p156.

Daisy Sylvan (July 12, 1874 - Unknown), born Elena Mazzantini, was an Italian film studio owner, producer, director, and actress in the silent era. She was the founder of Daisy Film, which produced ...Bolscevismo?? (...Bolshevism, 1922) and Sovrana (Sovereign, 1923), both considered lost films.

The history of socialist thought includes a long associational and anti-statist tradition prior to the political victory of the Bolshevism in the east and varieties of Fabianism in the west.El- Ojeili, Chamsi (2015). Beyond post-socialism. Dialogues with the far-left.

Hans von Hentig was instrumental in the setting up of a short-lived Bavarian Soviet Republic in 1919. During the 1920s he was a prominent exponent of National Bolshevism. He emigrated to United States in 1935. Hans von Hentig worked on Yale University.

" He set about making his SS the focus of a "cult of the Teutons". Goebbels noted the mood of Hitler in his diary on 25 October 1936: "Trials against the Catholic Church temporarily stopped. Possibly wants peace, at least temporarily. Now a battle with Bolshevism.

Retrieved 24 April 2013. In 1920 he criticised Bolshevism as 'a recrudescence of Blanquism' in an article for Labour Leader,Ian Bullock, Labour Leader and the Bolsheviks, 2005. Retrieved 24 April 2013. and published a translation of Karl Kautsky's The Dictatorship of the Proletariat.

In 1914 and 1920 Churchill had been accused of Jew bating. After World War I, Churchill believed communism to be under the control of "international Jewry", which was "a world-wide conspiracy" dedicated to "the overthrow of civilization and the reconstruction of society". He expressed this in a 1920 Illustrated Sunday Herald article entitled "Zionism versus Bolshevism: A struggle for the soul of the Jewish people", which pitted good, Zionist Jews against the evil of Jewish controlled Bolshevism. In the article he cited favourably Nesta Helen Webster, the right-wing, antisemitic conspiracy theorist and was 'tainted heavily with imagery' from the antisemitic fabricated text The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.

That is the real truth". Yet, within a few weeks, he contradicted himself with the remark "Bolshevism is not, as people believe, a Jewish phenomenon. The truth is that Bolshevism is leading to the utter ruin of the Jews of Eastern Europe". In the early 1920s, Mussolini stated that Fascism would never raise a "Jewish Question" and in an article he wrote he stated "Italy knows no antisemitism and we believe that it will never know it," and then elaborated, "let us hope that Italian Jews will continue to be sensible enough so as not to give rise to antisemitism in the only country where it has never existed.

Anarchists are committed against coercive authority in all forms, namely "all centralized and hierarchical forms of government (e.g., monarchy, representative democracy, state socialism, etc.), economic class systems (e.g., capitalism, Bolshevism, feudalism, slavery, etc.), autocratic religions (e.g., fundamentalist Islam, Roman Catholicism, etc.), patriarchy, heterosexism, white supremacy, and imperialism".

Raymond Péricat (23 January 1873 – 13 July 1958) was a militant French trade unionist and communist. During World War I (1914–18) he took an internationalist and pacifist position. After the war he tried to establish a radical Communist party that blended Bolshevism with anarchist concepts.

Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All, A History of the Industrial Workers of the World, University of Illinois Press Abridged, 2000, pages 264-265 But Bolshevism was only a complicating factor. The centralist-decentralist split would play the decisive role in the future of the IWW.

Anarchists are committed against coercive authority in all forms, namely "all centralized and hierarchical forms of government (e.g., monarchy, representative democracy, state socialism, etc.), economic class systems (e.g., capitalism, Bolshevism, feudalism, slavery, etc.), autocratic religions (e.g., fundamentalist Islam, Roman Catholicism, etc.), patriarchy, heterosexism, white supremacy, and imperialism".

Vielleicht Erkämpfung neuer Export-Mögl., vielleicht – und wohl besser – Eroberung neuen Lebensraumes im Osten u. dessen rücksichtslose Germanisierung.“ The USSR was the country to provide sufficient for the Germans, because it possessed much agricultural land, and was inhabited by Slavic (sub-humans) ruled by Jewish Bolshevism.

Not only was democracy antithetical to their social-Darwinist abstractions, but its international-capitalist framework was considered an exclusively Jewish-derived conception.Gellately (2007). Lenin, Stalin, and Hitler: The Age of Social Catastrophe, p. 13. Hitler also thought democracy was nothing more than a preliminary stage of Bolshevism.

While corporations still could earn profits, Italian Fascism supported criminalization of strikes by employees and lockouts by employers as illegal acts it deemed as prejudicial to the national community as a whole.George Sylvester Counts. Bolshevism, fascism, and capitalism: an account of the three economic systems. 3rd edition.

Essentially they are > alike. One may speak of a red, black, or brown 'soviet state', as well as of > red, black or brown fascism.Otto Rühle, "The Struggle Against Fascism Begins > with the Struggle Against Bolshevism", the American Councillist journal > Living Marxism, 1939, Vol. 4, No. 8.

A new, more ethnic, strident, nationalism, defined as throwing off both German and Russian influences, accompanied the turn against Bolshevism. It did not, however, target the Latvian Russian population, nor did it target the influx of Russians who fled to Latvia after 1917 to escape the Soviet Russia.

At the outbreak of the October Revolution, the Sinistra aligned itself with Lenin and his ideology of Leninism, the first sign of what they thought would be an international revolution. “Bolshevism, A Plant for Every Clime”, a piece written by party ideologist Bordiga, favorably spoke of the revolution.

Manchukuo received the invitation on 16 January and the accession protocol was signed in Changchun on 24 February. The entry of Hungary and Manchukuo was celebrated by the German state- controlled Völkischer Beobachter as the growth of the front against bolshevism and the consolidation of a world order.

Russia, Bolshevism, and the Versailles Peace is a book by the American historian John M. Thompson (1926–2017) that discusses the impact of events in Russia on the activities of the Paris Peace Conference of 1919—1920; the work was first published by Princeton University Press in 1966.

Western Ukraine in Conflict with Poland and Bolshevism, 1918–1923. Toronto: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press at the University of Toronto, pp. 241–242 The successful Chortkiv offensive halted primarily because of a lack of arms – there were only 5–10 bullets for each Ukrainian soldier.Subtelny, op. cit.

Newton, Gerald, 2003, "Deutsche Schrift: The Demise and Rise of German Black Letter", German Life and Letters, 56:2 (abstract). Modern sans-serif typefaces were condemned as cultural Bolshevism, although Futura continued to be used owing to its practicality.Hollis 2001, pp. 66-67 Imagery frequently drew on heroic realism.

Cruceanu, p.178-179 On the right, George Grigorovici also reacted to Cristescu's Bolshevism by reestablishing the Bukovina Social Democratic Party. Accused by the communists of playing into the hands of the political establishment, S., "Nouvelles internationales. Le Congrès du Parti roumain", in L'Humanité, November 7, 1922, p.

He was born 5 March 1889 in Foussemagne, Territoire de Belfort, France. His father was a saddlemaker who was dedicated to his son's education and success in life.Albert S. Lindemann, The "Red Years": European Socialism Versus Bolshevism, 1919-1921. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1974; p. 153.

Eastasia consists of China, Japan, Tibet and some Manchurian/Mongolian regions. Eurasia comprises Russia and mainland Europe, stretching, says Winston, "from Portugal to the Bering Strait". The ideology of Eurasia is Neo-Bolshevism, and that of Eastasia is called Death-Worship. These states' populations also primarily consist of Proles.

Michel is a supporter of National Bolshevism and has described himself as a "national communist".Lee, p. 319 He has created a number of peridocials that stress opposition to Zionism and the United States.Pierre-André Taguieff, La Judéophobie des Modernes: Des Lumières au Jihad mondial, Odile Jacob, 2008, p.

During the 1905 Russian Revolution Chiatura was the only Bolshevik stronghold in mostly Menshevik Georgia. 3,700 miners worked 18 hours a day sleeping in the mines, always covered in soot. They didn't even have baths. Joseph Stalin persuaded them to back Bolshevism during a debate with the Mensheviks.

The publication of the antisemitic forgery The Protocols of the Elders of Zion led Webster to believe that Jews were the driving force behind an international conspiracy, which in World Revolution: the Plot Against Civilization she developed into a "Judeo-Masonic" conspiracy behind international finance and responsible for the Bolshevik revolution. Following this, she became the leading writer of The Patriot, an antisemitic] paper financed by Alan Percy., page 30 Winston Churchill praised her in a 1920 article entitled "Zionism versus Bolshevism: A Struggle for the Soul of the Jewish People,"Churchill, Winston S. "Zionism versus Bolshevism: A Struggle for the Soul of the Jewish People," Illustrated Sunday Herald (London), 8 February, pg. 5, 1920.

Vlasov begins his letter with the commitment to "give an honest answer" to the question, why he "is stepping up against Bolshevism". Vlasov explains, that he fought in the ranks of the Soviet army because he believed that "the revolution would give the Russian people land, freedom and happiness", but he "realized that the victory of the Bolsheviks had brought the Russian people none of the things it had fought for during the Civil War years". Criticizing Stalin, Vlasov expresses his opposition to collectivization, political commissars and the purge of the Soviet army command in the 1930s. In Vlasov's opinion, "Bolshevism has fenced off the Russian people from Europe by an impenetrable wall".

In April 1919, ten prominent members of the League wrote a letter to the London Morning Post titled "Bolshevism and Jewry: a Repudiation." The letter denounced Bolshevism and criticized articles in unnamed Jewish newspapers that "can have no other effect than to encourage the adoption of the theoretic principles of foreign Bolsheviks among foreign Jews who have sought and found a refuge in England." The letter endorsed a call by the Post for British Jews to "dissociate themselves from a cause which is doing the Jewish people harm all over the world." The letter was signed by Rothschild, Magnus, Montagu, Marcus Samuel, Harry S. Samuel, Leonard L. Cohen, I. Gollancz, John Monash, Claude G. Montefiore and Isidore Spielman.

After less than a year as head of government, he resigned, and was succeeded by the veteran Giolitti on 16 June 1920. In social policy, Nitti’s government passed a law setting up compulsory insurance for unemployment, invalidity, and old age.Democracy and Social Policy by Yusuf Bangura Still a member of the Italian parliament, Nitti offered resistance to the nascent power of fascism, and openly despised Benito Mussolini. In his 1927 book entitled Bolshevism, Fascism and Democracy, he correlated Italian Fascism with communism, writing: “There is little difference between the two, and in certain respects, Fascism and Bolshevism are the same.” In 1924 Nitti decided to emigrate, but after the Second World War he returned to Italy.

Many of Harbin's Jews (13,000 in 1929) fled after the Japanese occupation as the Japanese associated closely with militant anti-Soviet Russian Fascists, whose ideology of anti-Bolshevism and nationalism was laced with virulent anti-Semitism.Stephan, John J. 1978. The Russian Fascists: Tragedy and Farce in Exile 192545. London: Hamish Hamilton.

Bolshevism and anarchism during the First Red Scare. The Mundt–Nixon Bill, named after Karl E. Mundt and Richard Nixon, formally the Subversive Activities Control Act, was a proposed law in 1948 that would have required all members of the Communist Party of the United States register with the Attorney General.

This therefore made Bolshevism become the lesser evil or even a strong ally against the Whites. The originally reluctant support of the Bolsheviks soon became firm after the Whites began committing massacres against Chechen villages.Dunlop. Russia confronts Chechnya. Tapa Chermoev became the ruler of the Chechen constituent to the "Mountain Republic".

In addition, the Poles were able to skillfully buy time and wait for reinforcements through the arrangement of cease-fires with the Ukrainians.Vasyl Kuchabsky, Gus Fagan. (2009). Western Ukraine in Conflict with Poland and Bolshevism, 1918–1923. Toronto: Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies Press at the University of Toronto, pp.

He interpreted Bolshevism as a "Jacobin" experiment in state control; he still believed in the regime's inevitable failure, and in the reemergence of democratic Russia.Dmitry Shlapentokh, "Thermidor or Mongol Empire. History as Political Model in Russian Émigré Thought", in Cahiers du Monde Russe et Soviétique, Vol. 32, Issue 3, 1991, pp.

The term Forest Brothers first came into use in the Baltic region during the chaotic Russian Revolution of 1905. Varying sources refer to forest brothers of this era either as peasants revoltingWoods, Alan. Bolshevism: The Road to Revolution , Wellred Publications, London, 1999. or as schoolteachers seeking refuge in the forest.

Krukenberg was promoted three more times, obtaining the rank of Brigadeführer in 1944. A fluent French speaker, he was officially appointed the commander of the SS Division Charlemagne in February 1945. The division was formed out of the remnants of the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (LVF) and French Sturmbrigade.

Division's soldiers at the Siege of Leningrad in 1943 On 31 July, after taking the Hitler oath,Arnold Krammer. Spanish Volunteers against Bolshevism: The Blue Division. Russian Review, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Oct., 1973), pp. 388–402 the Blue Division was formally incorporated into the German Wehrmacht as the 250th Division.

The battalions were led by career police professionals, steeped in the ideology of Nazism, driven by anti-semitism and anti-Bolshevism. When it crossed the German-Soviet border the regiment came under the control of Friedrich Jeckeln, the Higher SS and Police Leader (HSS- PF) for Army Group South in Ukraine.

Máté Zalka (April 23, 1896 – June 11, 1937) was a Hungarian writer, soldier and revolutionary. His real name was Béla Frankl. He fought in the Hungarian Army during the First World War and was captured by the Russians. Subsequently, he came under the influence of Bolshevism and fought during the Russian Civil War.

Blet, 1999, p. 255. Weizsäcker reported to Berlin after his first meeting with Pius XII that "hostility to Bolshevism is, in fact, the most stable component of Vatican foreign policy" and that the Vatican "detested" the link between the US and Soviet Russia--a message echoed by the departed Bergen.Phayer, 2000, p. 59.

11 February 1922. p. 38. Before she left, she gave a lecture on "Futuristic art in its relation to Bolshevism" at the Socialist Hall in Melbourne, calling futurism "the sweeping away of every canon of art in the academic sense in order to destroy the vices into which modern art had fallen".

Goebbels noted Hitler's mood in his 25 October 1936 diary entry: "Trials against the Catholic Church temporarily stopped. Possibly wants peace, at least temporarily. Now a battle with Bolshevism. Wants to speak with Faulhaber".Richard Bonney Confronting the Nazi War on Christianity: the Kulturkampf Newsletters, 1936–1939; International Academic Publishers; Bern; 2009 ; p.

George Henry Lane-Fox Pitt-Rivers (22 May 1890 – 17 June 1966) was a British anthropologist and eugenicist who was one of the wealthiest men in England in the interwar period. He embraced anti-Bolshevism and anti-Semitism, and was interned by the British government for two years during World War II.

As the talks progressed, Neubacher met with Stott to discuss possible Anglo-German co- operation in the Balkans, which might led to Britain switching sides to ally herself with Germany against the Soviet Union. Stott told Neubacher: "This war should end in the common struggle by the Allies and German forces against Bolshevism".

He wrote about it in his 1939 book My Fight to Rearm Britain. He seemed to regard the Fascist movement chiefly as a bulwark against Bolshevism, while apparently remaining blind to some of the movement's dangers. Numerous secret British MI5 papers relating to the war years were declassified and released in 2005.

Also on the list are two leftist Socialist Revolutionaries whose rejection of Bolshevism is not indicated at all: People's Commissar of Justice Isaac Steinberg (referred to as "I. Steinberg") and People's Commissar of Posts and Telegraphs Prosh Proshyan, referred to as "Protian – Agriculture". Both politicians reacted extremely negatively to post-October Bolshevik politics.

Unfortunately the memoirs of "true" Trotskyists (as opposed to the ones falsely accused of Trotskyism during Soviet repressions), are close to none, because all these real political opponents were physically eliminated. Fortunately the policy of glasnost had led to the opening of numerous archives, which make it possible to better trace the evolution towards Stalinism. Rogovin writes that the treatise did not consider the debunking of various misconceptions, in order not to unnecessarily disrupt the harmony of the exposition of the second alternative mentioned above: to demonstrate that Stalinism was not the only logical possibility of the evolution of the principles of Bolshevism. With the above purpose in mind, the major focus of the treatise was necessarily Trotskyism and the Left Opposition movement within Bolshevism.

295, Penguin, 2009, On 22 July 1933 von Papen attended a meeting of the Catholic Academic Union, during which he first made the connection between the dissolution of the Centre Party and the concordat. He said the Pope was particularly pleased at the promised destruction of Bolshevism and that Pius XI had agreed to the treaty "in the recognition that the new Germany had fought a decisive battle against Bolshevism and the atheist movement."Carroll, p. 520 Papen noted that there was "an undeniable inner connection between the dissolution of the German Center party that has just taken place and the conclusion of the Concordat" and ended his speech with a call for German Catholicism to put away former resentments and to help build the Third Reich.

Russia thereby became the center from which a global danger radiated, particularly threatening to the Aryan race and its German core. To Hitler, Bolshevism meant the consummate rule of Jewry, while democracy – as it had developed in Western Europe and Weimar Germany – represented a preliminary stage of Bolshevism, since the Jews there won a leading, if not yet a dominant, influence. This racist component of Hitler's thought was so closely interwoven with the central political element of his program, the conquest of European Russia, that Russia's defeat and the extermination of the Jews were – in theory as later in practice – inseparable for him. To the aim of expansion per se, however, Hitler gave not racial, but political, strategic, economic and demographic underpinnings.

The term "Third Position" was coined in Europe and the main precursors of Third Position politics were National Bolshevism (a synthesis of far-right ultranationalism and far-left Bolshevism) and Strasserism (a radical, mass-action, worker-based, socialist form of Nazism, advocated by the "left-wing" of the Nazi Party by brothers Otto and Gregor Strasser, until it was crushed in the Night of the Long Knives in 1934). Neo-fascist, Neo-Nazi author Francis Parker Yockey had proposed an alliance between communists and fascists called Red-Brown Alliance (Red being the color of communism and Brown being the color of Nazism) which would have been anti-Semitic, anti-American, and anti-Zionist in nature. Yockey lent support to Third World liberation movements as well.

According to William L. Shirer (The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich). 13 pages Document from Berlin presented at the Nuremberg trails showed that Otto Bräutigam wrote several requests to integrate the local factions into the Wehrmacht. Starting by avoiding unnecessary cruelty against the local population. Brautigam said:” when we came to the east we found the people of east Europe, ready to be our partners in destroying Bolshevism we need to re- place our cards. Promise them something that guarantee their future…due to our cruel policies the Russian nationalist are uniting with the Bolsheviks against us”. “It did not take the population of the east long to recognize that, we are not there to destroy Bolshevism, but we are there to replace it”.

Hatta was an archetypal pure anarchist, seeking particularly to eliminate the influences of capitalism and bolshevism. He interpreted the two as being essentially similar, as Bolshevik industrialisation in Russia involved the same exploitative elements that capitalism did, namely the division of labour and a failure to focus on the livelihood of the people. In much the same way as he found fault in bolshevism, he opposed anarcho-syndicalism due to the fact that it incorporated labour unions, and was therefore a mirror image of the capitalist division of labour. Instead, Hatta advocated for a decentralised society in which local communes engaged mainly in agriculture and small-scale industry, which he perceived as the only way in which unequal distribution of power could be avoided.

He emphasized the Russian rather than the Marxian roots of Bolshevism. He highlighted the differences between Lenin's one-party dictatorship and Stalin's one-man dictatorship. He illuminated the similarities between tsarist and Stalinist state-building and social engineering. He elucidated the domestic and international politics of de-Stalinization in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia.

The committee's final report was released in June 1919. It reported on German propaganda, Bolshevism, and other "un-American activities" in the United States and on likely effects of communism's implementation in the United States. It described German, but not communist, propaganda efforts. The committee's report and hearings were instrumental in fostering anti-Bolshevik opinion.

The Germans rolled into the city on . They overlooked the Soviet killings of Poles and Jews. But the killings of Ukrainians were documented, and, by the Nazi ideology of Judeo-Bolshevism, the Jews were to be held responsible for what the Soviets did. The Ukrainian People's Militia vented their rage by organizing a pogrom.

After the collapse of the Soviet Republic, Admiral Miklós Horthy entered Budapest at the head of the National Army on 16 November 1919. He was greeted by the recurrent Bódy and other city officials in front of the Hotel Gellért. In a fiery speech horthy accused the capital's citizens of betraying Hungary by supporting Bolshevism.

33, No. 3 (Jul., 1981), 252. Peasants and nomads, long opposed to Russian colonial rule, reacted with hostility to anti-Islamic policies and Soviet requisitioning of food and livestock. The fact that Bolshevism in Turkestan was dominated by Russian colonists in TashkentRichard Lorenz, Economic Bases of the Basmachi Movement in the Ferghana Valley, 289.

Laufenberg went on to become a founder member of the Communist Workers Party of Germany (KAPD), joining Wolffheim at the Heidelberg conference establishing the party.Harman, The Lost Revolution, p. 193 By 1920 however he had been expelled from the party, with his national Bolshevism the official reason for his departure.Harman, The Lost Revolution, p.

He succeeded in defending the Perekop Isthmus from the Red Army in late December 1919 and prevented the Bolsheviks from penetrating the Crimea. Slashchov and his aide Sharov were notorious for their cruelty against the Jews and looting the population (often against Wrangel's orders).Mikhail Agursky. The Third Rome: National Bolshevism in the USSR.

In 1926 Uncle Şäfiğulla he criticized the dogmatism and fanaticism of the Bolshevism. This satiric novel was published only in 1991. Ämirxan was a follower of realism and upheld national character in literature. Fatix Ämirxan explored the heritage of Tatar enlighteners, such as Qayum Nasíri, wrote articles on the works of Ğäliäsğar Kamal, Ğafur Qoläxmätov.

In Poland, "Żydokomuna" was a term for the antisemitic opinion that the Jews had a disproportionately high influence in the administration of the Communist Poland. In far-right politics, the antisemitic canards of "Jewish Bolshevism", "Jewish Communism", and the "Zionist Occupation Government" (ZOG) conspiracy theory are catchwords falsely asserting that Communism is a Jewish conspiracy.

Hitler's War Aims: the Establishment of the New Order (1974), pp. 276–77. W.W. Norton & Co: New York. The Ustaše believed that a government must naturally be strong and authoritarian. The movement opposed parliamentary democracy for being "corrupt" and Marxism and Bolshevism for interfering in family life and the economy and for their materialism.

388–389 According to Harvey, the Iași pogrom made the Germans "evidently willing to accept that organized Christianity in Romania was very different from what it was in Germany". Antonescu was a firm believer in the conspiracy theory of "Jewish Bolshevism", according to which all Jews were supporters of communism and the Soviet Union.

22 July 1993. When Nazi Germany came into being after the failures of the Weimar government, the Nazis used the term "sexual Bolshevism" to refer to perceived sexual degeneracy, in particular homosexuality.Gert Hekma, Harry Oosterhuis, James D. Steakley. Gay Men and the Sexual History of the Political Left, Volume 29, Issues 2-3, Psychology Press, 1995.

All three, based upon historical documents, portrayed Bolshevism as a doctrine of ruthlessness, amorality and political voluntarism. He authored several plays on the life of Russians in emigration, among them Who's Afraid of Ray Bradbury? (Кто боится Рэя Брэдбери?, 1988), Berlin at the Night's End (Берлин на исходе ночи, 1991) and There, Over the River... (Там, за рекой, 1991).

Their ideological training focused on exploiting hatred for "Judeo-Bolshevism". Germans also fanned independence aspirations of the peoples from Caucasus and Central Asia. Prisoners of conflicting political beliefs, for example Ukrainian nationalists and Russian nationalists of the Russian Liberation Army, were kept separate. The recruits wore German uniforms and their living conditions were comparable to those of German soldiers.

The National Bolshevik Party (NBP; , also known as the Nazbols; ) operated from 1993 to 2007 as a Russian political party with a political program of National Bolshevism. The NBP became a prominent member of The Other Russia coalition of opposition parties.Stolyarova, Galina (6 March 2007) Thousands Take to City Streets for Protest. Sptimesrussia.com. Retrieved on 23 February 2014.

Valkyrien's last film is probably her most remembered, although she had only a secondary role. Bolshevism on Trial was an anti- Marxist melodrama about a wealthy father who purchases an island off the coast of Florida and establishes a commune for his son in order to prove to the idealistic young man that communism can't work.

Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism, pg. 23. Others, tending to be based in London, left to form the Socialist Party of Great Britain in 1904. The departing left wing particularly faulted the SDF's perceived failure to concentrate on work to radicalise the nation's trade unions, which was envisioned as being the key to the revolutionary transformation of society.

The book received critical praise for its epic scope and storytelling from several outlets, including The New Yorker and The Washington Times. The New York Times and the London Review of Books, while concurring on praise for its exploration of the house's inhabitants, questioned some of Slezkine's conclusions, and The Guardian criticized the book's interpretation of Bolshevism.

Ehrenreich (2007), p.10 Hitler viewed the Slavs as "a mass of born slaves who feel the need of a master". Nazi propaganda portrayed the Germanic peoples as "heroes" in contrast to the Jewish and Slavic "sub-humans". Nazi propaganda depicted Eastern Europe as racially mixed "Asiatic" that was dominated by the Jews with the aid of Bolshevism.

Also then, he depicted fascism as "more redolent of Bolshevism than of the conservative doctrine", and rejected all violent solution to the "Jewish Question". He demanded that the state allocate its resources to combating fascism and defending the Jews."Intrunirea partidului conservator. D. Gr. Filipescu despre problema succesiunii și despre pericolul mișcărilor extremiste", in Adevărul, October 26, 1937, p.

David Seed, Science Fiction: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford University Press, p. 104. In later editions, Rupert adapted his theory to accommodate world events. In the third edition, published after the Russian Revolution, Rupert identified the rise of Bolshevism and the expansion of communism as the beginning of a process that would lead to the fulfilment of his predictions.

He had served as Inspector- General of the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism, which had served with the Nazis on the Eastern Front. He was later pardoned. He died during a dinner in Paris that he was attending that was sponsored by a group of flying veterans. He was buried in Ceyzériat, Department of Ain.

Paris lost its avant-garde status in European art and culture. The media were tightly controlled and stressed virulent anti-Semitism, and, after June 1941, anti-Bolshevism. Hans Petter Graver says Vichy "is notorious for its enactment of anti-Semitic laws and decrees, and these were all loyally enforced by the judiciary".Hans Petter Graver, "The Opposition".

Sosin, pp. 87–88 Also in 1960, he collected and edited for print selections from Mikhail Zoshchenko's satires (as Izbrannoe). In parallel, he arranged for print the diaries of Leonid Andreyev. That project was put on hold by son Vadim Andreyev, for fear that disclosing his father's opinions on Bolshevism would make the ban on his work permanent.

In that context, its antisemitism also became more radical, integrating notions about "Jewish Bolshevism", and dropping ethical distinctions between assimilated and non-assimilated Jews,Aschheim, pp. 233, 300 although Cossmann remained rather critical of such analogies.Cahnman, p. 108 In February 1919, it became the first mainstream publication to host an article by Müller's brother-in-law Gottfried Feder.

It published the movement's central texts, most prominently Henk Canne Meijer's "The Rise of a New Labour Movement" and Helmut Wagner's "Theses on Bolshevism".Van der Linden 2004, p. 31. Council communists popped up in several other countries. The German emigrant Paul Mattick brought it to the United States where he published the International Council Correspondence.

Kavtaradze first met his fellow Georgian Joseph Stalin early in his youth, and became his collaborator.Michael Parrish, The Lesser Terror: Soviet State Security, 1939-1953, Praeger/Greenwood, Westport, 1996, p.40. Amy Knight, Beria: Stalin's First Lieutenant, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1995, p.247. Boris Souvarine, Stalin: A Critical Survey of Bolshevism, Kessinger Publishing, Kila, 2005, p.492.

The concept of Żydokomuna was widely illustrated in Polish interwar politics, including publications by the National Democrats and the Catholic Church that expressed anti-Jewish views. During World War II, the term Żydokomuna was made to resemble the Jewish- Bolshevism rhetoric of Nazi Germany, wartime Romania and other war-torn countries of Central and Eastern Europe.

Since 1954 Yuri Belov has participated in Art Exhibitions. He painted portraits, still lifes, landscapes, genre scenes and historical paintings. Yuri Belov most famous for his historical paintings devoted to image of Lenin, the history of Bolshevism and Revolution movement in Russia. His personal exhibitions were in Leningrad, Moscow, Pskov, Lvov, Novgorod, Saint Petersburg, and others.

Fall of Odessa and the "Crusade against Bolshevism". Until 26 July 1941, the Romanian Army had pushed the Soviet Army out of Bessarabia, the territory of Romania occupied by the Soviet Union in June 1940. Nazi Germany wanted Romania as an ally in the war against the Soviet Union. However, Romania was complacent about recovering its own territory.

The most well-known were De nieuwe tijd breekt baan (A New Order Arises, 1941), Met Duitschland tegen het Bolsjewisme (With Germany against Bolshevism, 1941) and Werkt in Duitschland (Work in Germany, 1942). After 1943, this funding came to an end, due to internal struggles within the Dutch Kultuurkamer and the lack of money of the occupational government.

Harding was born in New York City. His work was often politically conservative by the standards of his day. He took a leading role in opposition to what some New Yorkers considered to be a threat from Bolshevism in the late 1910s, during the so-called First Red Scare. His cartoons portrayed political radicals as bomb-throwers and terrorists.

In the clashes between the Bolshevik–Polish–Latvian and the Menshevik–Bundist sides, Trotsky (who had escaped from captivity) acted as an intermediary (attending as a non-voting delegate). Having adopted a 'centrist' position, he was the sole person at the Congress who could mediate between the two sides.Souvarine, Boris. Stalin: a Critical Survey of Bolshevism.

Retrieved 21 February 2013. Detweiler also concluded that there was little evidence of sympathy for bolshevism or socialism in the African-American press at the time. According to Shirley E. Thompson, Detweiler's study was "ultimately a vindication of the protest role of the black press", a role that was "reassuringly American in tone".Thompson, Shirley E. (2008).

The doorway of the newspaper "La Clarté", weekly French-language newspaper of the Communist Party of Canada, padlocked by the police in Montreal in 1937. The Act to Protect the Province Against Communistic Propaganda (), commonly known as the "Padlock Law" or "Padlock Act" (), was a law in the province of Quebec, Canada that allowed the Attorney General of Quebec to close off access to property suspected of being used to propagate or disseminate communist propaganda. The law was introduced by the Union Nationale government of Maurice Duplessis and made it illegal to "use [a house] or allow any person to make use of it to propagate Communism or Bolshevism by any means whatsoever". This included printing, publishing or distributing of "any newspaper, periodical, pamphlet, circular, document or writing, propagating Communism or Bolshevism".

Together with many smaller donations that he received from the public as part of a fund drive to support D'Annunzio, this helped to build up the Fascist movement and transform it from a small group based around Milan to a national political force. Mussolini organized his own militia, known as the "blackshirts," which started a campaign of violence against Communists, Socialists, trade unions and co- operatives under the pretense of "saving the country from bolshevism" and preserving order and internal peace in Italy. Some of the blackshirts also engaged in armed attacks against the Church, "where several priests were assassinated and churches burned by the Fascists".Maurice Parmelle, Bolshevism, Fascism, and the Liberal-Democratic State, London: UK; Chapman and Hill, LTD, New York: NY, John Wiley and Son, Inc.

Ancel, Jean The History of the Holocaust in Romania, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2011 page 436. The propaganda of the Antonescu regime demonized everything Jewish as Antonescu believed that Communism was invented by the Jews, and all of the Soviet leaders were really Jews.Ancel, Jean The History of the Holocaust in Romania, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2011, page 437. Reflecting Antonescu's anti-Slavic feelings, despite the fact that the war was billed as a "crusade" in defence of Orthodoxy against "Judeo-Bolshevism", the war was not presented as a struggle to liberate the Orthodox Russians and Ukrainians from Communism; instead rule by "Judeo-Bolshevism" was portrayed as something brought about the innate moral inferiority of the Slavs, who thus needed to be ruled by the Germans and the Romanians.

Members of the SS were encouraged to fight against the "Jewish Bolshevik sub- humans". In the pamphlet The SS as an Anti-Bolshevist Fighting Organization, published in 1936, Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler wrote: In his speech to the Reichstag justifying Operation Barbarossa in 1941, Hitler said: Field- Marshal Wilhelm Keitel gave an order on 12 September 1941 which declared: "the struggle against Bolshevism demands ruthless and energetic, rigorous action above all against the Jews, the main carriers of Bolshevism". Historian Richard J. Evans wrote that Wehrmacht officers regarded the Russians as "sub- human", and were from the time of the invasion of Poland in 1939 telling their troops the war was caused by "Jewish vermin", explaining to the troops that the war against the Soviet Union was a war to wipe out what were variously described as "Jewish Bolshevik subhumans", the "Mongol hordes", the "Asiatic flood" and the "red beast", language clearly intended to produce war crimes by reducing the enemy to something less than human. Joseph Goebbels published an article in 1942 called "the so-called Russian soul" in which he claimed that Bolshevism was exploiting the Slavs and that the battle of the Soviet Union determined whether Europe would become under complete control by international Jewry.

Loder then made several visits to Bolshevik Russia, writing another book entitled: Bolshevism in Perspective (1931). In 1931 he returned to the House of Commons as member for Lewes, and represented this constituency until succeeding his father on his death as the second Baron Wakehurst in 1936, who had been raised to peerage in 1934. Loder then entered the House of Lords.

They were led by career police professionals, steeped in the ideology of Nazism, driven by anti- semitism and anti-Bolshevism. The regiment was placed under the command of , a career policeman. When it crossed the German-Soviet border, the regiment came under the control of Erich von dem Bach-Zelewski, the Higher SS and Police Leader (HSS-PF) for Army Group Centre.

They were led by career police professionals, steeped in the ideology of Nazism, driven by anti-semitism and anti-Bolshevism. The regiment was placed under the command of , a career policeman. When it crossed the German- Soviet border, the regiment came under the control of Erich von dem Bach- Zelewski, the Higher SS and Police Leader (HSS-PF) for Army Group Centre.

They were led by career police professionals, steeped in the ideology of Nazism, driven by anti- semitism and anti-Bolshevism. The regiment was placed under the command of , a career policeman. When it crossed the German-Soviet border, the regiment came under the control of Erich von dem Bach-Zelewski, the Higher SS and Police Leader (HSS-PF) for Army Group Centre.

The President fell to the floor. He was rushed to the Beaujon Hospital in Paris but died the next day. One of the authors at the exhibition, Claude Farrère, managed to wrestle with Gorguloff until the police arrived. Gorguloff's motive for the murder was that he believed that France had failed to support the White Movement in Russia against Bolshevism.

Webster became involved in several far-right groups including the British Fascists,Thomas Linehan, British Fascism 1918-39: Parties, Ideology and Culture, Manchester University Press, 2000, p. 46 the Anti-Socialist Union, The Link, and the British Union of Fascists., page 176 In her books, Webster argued that Bolshevism was part of a much older and more secret, self-perpetuating conspiracy.

During that time, Heiden served in a Freikorps unit. Also in 1919, a small right-wing political party known as the German Workers' Party (DAP) was created and seated in Munich. In 1920, it changed its name to the National Socialist German Workers' Party (Nazi Party; NSDAP). It rejected the terms of the Treaty of Versailles and advocated antisemitism and anti-Bolshevism.

Rakhmetov was variously regarded as a saint, holy fool or just an eccentric. He inspired the founders of Russian Nihilism and Bolshevism. Vladimir Lenin imitated Rakhmetov with daily weight lifting,Orlando Figes, The People's Tragedy ,page 389 while Sergei Nechayev copied him by sleeping on a wooden bed and living on black bread. Nikolai Ishutin copied the character's boat hauling feats.

When Dobbs proposes that they abscond with Howard's share, Curtin flatly vetoes the notion. Dobbs reacts to his comrade's defense of Howard as a symptom of Bolshevism. Curtin does not deny being a socialist, but emphatically refuses to betray the old man. Though not above some unscrupulousness himself, his actions are directed toward those who have power and wealth, not against his companions.

Yamakawa resumed writing in 1916. The Russian Revolution caught him and most Japanese socialists by surprise, he did however gradually convert from anarchism to Bolshevism. When agents of the Comintern tried to establish relations with Japanese socialists, Yamakawa was one of the first ones contacted. He was however initially reluctant to establish relations which could land him back in prison.

Rallies were employed by both candidates in the run-up to the election. On 1 October, Đukanović spoke to supporters in Podgorica, telling them, "we will win because we cannot allow national-Bolshevism to become the official ideology of Montenegro. We will not allow the newly-formed Šešelj-Bulatović coalition to tear apart and spoil Yugoslavia." Milica Pejanović-Đurišić participated in Đukanović's campaign.

163-164 The national score was still unusually low for a Romanian party in government, and Averescu still found it very hard to stabilize his popularity.Drăghicescu, p.63-64; Ivan, p.4, 9, 19, 20, 30, 31 Like his PNL competitors and the king himself, Averescu was preoccupied with the menace of Bolshevism, and suspicious of the Socialist Party's radicalization.

In 1919, the anti-war socialists were heavily defeated in elections by the National Bloc coalition which played on the middle-classes' fear of Bolshevism (posters with a Bolshevik with a knife between his teeth were used to discredit the socialist movement). The National Bloc won 70% of the seats, forming what became known as the Chambre bleue horizon (Blue Horizon Chamber).

Gehlen's cadre of FHO intelligence-officers produced accurate field-intelligence about the Red Army that contradicted rear-echelon perceptions of the Eastern battle front, which Hitler dismissed as defeatism, philosophically harmful to the Nazi cause against "Judeo-Bolshevism" in Russia. In April 1945, despite the accurate military intelligence, Hitler dismissed Gehlen, soon after his promotion to major general.Höhne & Zolling, p. 44.

Kirchheimer attended school in Heilbronn and Heidelberg from 1912 to 1924. He then studied law and sociology in Munich, Cologne, Berlin and Bonn. In 1928 he completed his studies with a doctorate (Dr. jur., magna cum laude) from the University of Bonn for a thesis titled Zur Staatslehre des Sozialismus und Bolschewismus (On the State Theory of Socialism and Bolshevism).

The establishment of the IWMA finalized the international syndicalist movement's break with Bolshevism. Berlin was selected as the seat of the IWMA. Schapiro, Souchy, and Rocker were elected to its secretariat. Within a few years, the IWMA consisted of union federations in Germany, Italy, Sweden, Spain, Norway, Portugal, the Netherlands, France, Argentina, and Mexico as well as minor affiliates in numerous other countries.

Bogdanov dates his support for Bolshevism from autumn of 1903. Early in 1904, Martyn Liadov was sent by the Bolsheviks in Geneva to seek out supporters in Russia. He found a sympathetic group of revolutionaries in Tver. Bogdanov was then sent by the Tver Committee to Geneva, where he was greatly impressed by Lenin's One Step Forward, Two Steps Back.

On December 27, bolstered by peasant troops sent to Galicia from Eastern Ukraine in the hopes that the Western Ukrainians would be able to form a disciplined force out of them, a general Ukrainian offensive against Lviv began. Lviv's defences held, and the eastern Ukrainian troops mutinied.Vasyl Kuchabsky, Gus Fagan. (2009). Western Ukraine in Conflict with Poland and Bolshevism, 1918–1923.

Brown, Weimar Radicals, p. 134. Although members of the NSDAP under Adolf Hitler did not take part in Niekisch's National Bolshevik project and usually presented Bolshevism in exclusively negative terms as a Jewish conspiracy, in the early 1930s there was a parallel tendency within the NSDAP which advocated similar views. This was represented by what has come to be known as Strasserism.

The traditional accusations and motifs include such phrases as Jewish occupation, international Jewish conspiracy, Jewish responsibility for the Treaty of Trianon, Judeo-Bolshevism, as well as blood libels against Jews. Nevertheless, the past few years have seen the reemergence of the blood libel and an increase in Holocaust relativization and denial, while the monetary crisis has revived references to the "Jewish banker class".

It influenced the Kalmyk Project of nascent Bolshevik Russia to propagate socialist revolution in Asia, with one goal being the overthrow of the British Raj. Other consequences included the formation of the Rowlatt Committee to investigate sedition in India as influenced by Germany and Bolshevism, and changes in the Raj's approach to the Indian independence movement immediately after World War I.

Outside powers acted on entirely different visions for Ukraine. The British ridiculed the pretensions of the new nation. White Russians, united only by their opposition to Bolshevism, wanted to restore Ukraine as a Russian province. Russian Bolsheviks did not believe in nationalism and twice invaded Ukraine and failed efforts to seize control and collectivize the farms; they succeeded the third time in 1920.

As a member of the Reichstag, Eltzbacher argued in April 1919 for complete state ownership without compensation. The Deutsche Tageszeitung newspaper dubbed Eltzbacher's new theory as "National Bolshevism". Eltzbacher was a brother of the author Ellis Barker, who emigrated to Britain and gained fame and influence as one of the most active haters of his German homeland. He died in Berlin, aged 60.

Vasilyev's art is widely celebrated within the Rodnover community. Ivanov, who declared himself a Zoroastrian and subscribed to "Arism" or "Slavism", published a fervently anti-Christian pamphlet entitled "The Christian Plague" (Khristianskaya chuma). Throughout the 1970s, the nationalist dissident movement split into two branches, an Orthodox Christian one and another one that developed National Bolshevism, which eventually continued to harbour Pagan traditionalists.

Before the invasion of the Soviet Union, three million soldiers destined for the front received a key order. It was titled "Guidelines for the Conduct of the Troops in Russia". The language was determined by Halder. It described Bolshevism as the "mortal enemy of the National Socialist German people" and urged German forces to "crack down hard" and "eliminate all resistance".

" Libertarian socialism opposes both authoritarian and vanguardist Bolshevism/Leninism and reformist Fabianism/social democracy.O'Neil, John (1998). The Market: Ethics, Knowledge and Politics. Routledge. p. 3. "It is forgotten that the early defenders of commercial society like [Adam] Smith were as much concerned with criticising the associational blocks to mobile labour represented by guilds as they were to the activities of the state.

Winston Churchill declared that Bolshevism must be "strangled in its cradle".Cover Story: Churchill's Greatness. Interview with Jeffrey Wallin. (The Churchill Centre) The Russian Civil War was a multi-party war that occurred within the former Russian Empire after the Russian provisional government collapsed and the Soviets under the domination of the Bolshevik party assumed power, first in Petrograd (St.

Even before 1932, Renner made his opposition to the Nazis very clear, notably in his book “Kulturbolschewismus?” (Cultural Bolshevism?). He was unable to find a German publisher, so it was published by his Swiss friend Eugen Rentsch. After the Nazis seized power in March 1933, Paul was arrested and dismissed from his post in Munich in 1933, and subsequently emigrated to Switzerland.

He became a leading figure in the Vichy French organization ' (French Legion of Veterans) and recruited troopers for the fight against "Bolshevism". The next year, he founded the collaborationist militia, Service d'ordre légionnaire (SOL), that supported Philippe Pétain and Vichy France. He offered his help against the French Resistance. On 1 January 1943 he transformed the organization into the Milice.

In addition to the PCR, these included the Ploughmen's Front and the Socialist Peasants' Party (Cioroianu, pp.55, 126–127, 132, 151–154). Speaking shortly before the invasion of the Soviet Union, and adopting the "Jewish Bolshevism" position, Antonescu ordered authorities to compile lists comprising "the names of all Jewish and communist agents", who were to be kept under close surveillance.

Merezkovsky, Gippius, Filosofov and Zlobin headed first for Minsk, then Vilno, staying in both cities to give newspaper interviews and public lectures. Speaking to a Vilno correspondent, Merezhkovsky commented: > The whole question of Russia's existence as such — and it's non-existent at > the moment, as far as I am concerned, — depends on Europe's recognizing at > last the true nature of Bolshevism. Europe has to open its eyes to the fact > that Bolshevism uses the Socialist banner only as a camouflage; that what it > does in effect is defile high Socialist ideals; that it is a global threat, > not just local Russian disease. ...There is not a trace in Russia at the > moment of either Socialism or even the [proclaimed] dictatorship of > proletariat; the only dictatorship that's there is that of the two people: > Lenin and Trotsky.

The "Guidelines for the Conduct of the Troops in Russia" issued by the OKW on 19 May 1941 declared "Judeo-Bolshevism" to be the most deadly enemy of the German nation, and that "It is against this destructive ideology and its adherents that Germany is waging war". The guidelines went on to demand "ruthless and vigorous measures against Bolshevik inciters, guerrillas, saboteurs, Jews, and the complete elimination of all active and passive resistance." Influenced by the guidelines, in a directive sent out to the troops under his command, General Erich Hoepner of the Panzer Group 4 stated: > The war against Russia is an important chapter in the German nation's > struggle for existence. It is the old battle of the Germanic against the > Slavic people, of the defence of European culture against Muscovite-Asiatic > inundation and of the repulse of Jewish Bolshevism.

Upon abandoning this stance due to opposition to it, Mussolini no longer said his previous assertion that Bolshevism was Jewish, but warned that due to the large numbers of Jews in the Bolshevik movement the rise of Bolshevism in Russia would result in a ferocious wave of antisemitism in Russia. He then claimed that "antisemitism is foreign to the Italian people", but warned Zionists that they should be careful not to stir up antisemitism in "the only country where it has not existed". Margherita Sarfatti was an influential Jewish member of the PNF whom Mussolini had known since he and her had been members of the PSI and she had been his mistress and helped write Dux (1926), a biography of Mussolini.Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and the Resistance in Italy: 1919 To the Present.

He was a contributor to L'Émancipation nationale ([The National Emancipation]), and Le Cri du peuple. When the PPF Congress met in Villeurbanne in July 1941 he was appointed secretary general of both zones. He participated in the creation of the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism, of which he was member of the Central Committee. On 6 August 1944, Barthélemy fled Paris ahead of the Allies' advance.

During the Russian Civil War, Masonry was perceived to be allied with the White movement and Kerensky as a figure, thus Bolshevism was hostile to it. At the 4th World Congress of the Communist International held at Moscow in 1922, all Communist Party members were officially ordered to sever any connection to Freemasonry in general, with it being resolved that the two were not compatible.

As the Daily Mail took a strong position against Bolshevism in Russia, MacKenzie preferred not to be a correspondent of them for that research. Instead, he contacted with Edward Price Bell of the Chicago Daily News, and Lord Beaverbrook and R. D. Blurnfeld of the Daily Express. This partnership allows him to visit Moscow for the winter, and he stayed there for many years.

A few weeks earlier he had given a speech to new American citizens decrying Bolshevism and anarchism's threat to American institutions. He supported the suppression of functionally violent radical speech, and incitement to commit violent acts.Ehrmann, 460Young and Kaiser, 21–3Russell, Resolved, 111 He was known to dislike foreigners but was considered to be a fair judge. The trial began on June 22, 1920.

Daiches wrote many articles arguing the identical nature of Bolshevism and Fascism.The Times House of Commons 1950 He was Liberal candidate for the Edinburgh South division at the 1950 General Election. It was not a promising seat and no Liberal had contested the division since 1929. In a difficult election year for the Liberals, he came third; He did not stand for parliament again.

It was described as "The most feared black publication" during its reigning era from 1917 until 1928. Randolph and his wife Lucille ran for secretary of state and the state legislature of New York on the Socialist ticket in 1917. The January issue of 1918 supported Bolshevism in Russia after its revolution. The Messenger became a voice for those who were oppressed socially and economically.

In 1917, a smaller number of Latvian Riflemen, mostly officers, sided against the Bolsheviks. Officers such as Kārlis Goppers and Frīdrihs Briedis tried to prevent Bolshevik ideas from spreading among the Latvian soldiers. The bloody Christmas and January battles impeded their efforts to fight against Bolshevik ideology. Opponents of Bolshevism either left or were forced to leave military service or joined the White forces.

Raymond Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism. London: Croom Helm, 1977; pg. 25. Whereas the American SLP strongly opposed advancing ameliorative "immediate demands," the new British organisation did not follow, instead initially choosing to adopt a programme of immediate demands matching those of the SDF from whence it sprung.The list of palliative demands was later dropped in accordance with the rather doctrinaire ideological tenets of the party.

Inevitably, Americans became concerned about Bolshevism in the United States. Many viewed labor unions as the primary method by which radicals acted in American society. Cries for action against such radicals reached their peak after Attorney-General A. Mitchell Palmer's home was bombed and numerous bombs intended for other government officials were intercepted. Terror and outrage, remembered as the Red Scare, swept the country.

In addition, the newly arriving immigrants were either apolitical or conservative, associating any left-wing activity with the brutality of Stalinism and the Finnish Winter War. This was despite the fact that the Finnish Wobblies in Canada and the U.S. had actively supported and aided Finland in the war against the Soviet Union and denounced Bolshevism, from a libertarian socialist perspective, since the Kronstadt uprising.

Marxism, Bolshevism, and communism were interchangeable terms for Hitler as evidenced by their use in Mein Kampf: Later in his seminal tome, Hitler advocated for "the destruction of Marxism in all its shapes and forms".Hitler (1939). Mein Kampf, p. 419. According to Hitler, Marxism was a Jewish strategy to subjugate Germany and the world and saw Marxism as a mental and political form of slavery.

The red flag was one of first anarchist symbols and it was widely used in late 19th century by anarchists worldwide. Peter Kropotkin preferred the use of the red flag. Use of the red flag by anarchists disappeared after the October Revolution, when red flags started to be associated only with Bolshevism and communist parties and authoritarian, bureaucratic and reformist social democracy, or authoritarian socialism.

A first detailed secret Gestapo report about The Oxford Group or Movement was published in November 1936 warning that 'it had turned into a dangerous opponent of National Socialism'.Leitheft Die Oxford- oder Gruppenbewegung, herausgegeben vom Sicherheitshauptamt, November 1936. Geheim, Numeriertes Exemplar No. 1 The Nazis also classified the Stalinist version of Bolshevism and non-Nazi, right- wing groups such as Catholic Action as dangerous to Nazism.

Riazanov returned to Russia following the February Revolution in 1917. There he was active in the growing trade union movement, helping to form the Russian Railway Union.Boris Souvarine, Stalin: A Critical Survey of Bolshevism. C.L.R. James, trans. New York: Alliance Book Corporation, 1939; pp. 191-192. Together with the rest of the Mezhraiontsy, Riazanov joined the Bolshevik Party headed by V.I. Lenin in August 1917.

The topic of Communism was clearly important for the IWW. The first, pro-Communist editor of the Industrial Pioneer published articles by Communists like Solomon Lozovsky and Karl Radek, but was not simply preaching Bolshevism. While he is uncritical of Communist tactics in Russia, he makes clear that purely economic action is called for in the United States."Introduction by the Editor," Industrial Pioneer, Series 1, Vol.

Andrew Bonnell et al. (New York: Peter Lang, 1996), pp. 107–21 c Three major ghettos in Lithuania were established: Vilnius ghetto (with a population of about 20,000), Kaunas Ghetto (17,500) and the Shavli Ghetto (5,000); there were also a number of smaller ghettos and labor camps. d The propaganda line of Jewish Bolshevism was used intensively by Nazis in instigating antisemitic feelings among Lithuanians.

Goldstein was born in Shumen, a city in the eastern part of the Principality of Bulgaria, to a Jewish family. He was a member of the Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers' Party (Narrow Socialists) from 1906 to 1913. In 1913 he left Bulgaria for France, where he joined the French Section of the Workers' International. While working in the Renault factories, Goldstein became acquainted with Bolshevism.

746 In 1937, with an obituary piece to the "martyr" Stere, he defended Poporanism from accusations of "Bolshevik" subservience. Bolshevism, he argued, was impossible in Romania.M. Lovinescu, pp. 74, 396 However, he had a working relationship with the PCdR, whose leaders were also interested in other PNȚ antifascists (one of them was the White Lily's Pandrea, who had since joined the National Peasantist left current).

Clarke also became a socialist, and joined the Socialist Labour Party. He edited the party newspaper, The Socialist, from 1913 to 1914, and again for a period during the First World War,Raymond Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism, p.111 while also contributing to journals such as Forward and Plebs. Clarke opposed the First World War, and wrote articles and poems decrying it.

According to his own words, he was "full of sympathy for Bolshevism, but not a communist". However, he criticized the Soviet regime for its bureaucracy and for keeping "the bulk of its population in misery"; Jacques Sadoul and Pierre Pascal were dismissive of such observations.Ludovic- Oscar Frossard, "Dix anées de crise socialiste. L'Envers du décor, XIII", in Le Cri du Peuple, April 19, 1930, p.

The novella has been interpreted both as a satire on the Bolshevism and as a criticism of eugenics.New York Times review Stage: Heart of a Dog, 1988-02-01.Bulgakov's biography at SovLit.net One commonly accepted interpretation is that Bulgakov was trying to show all the inconsistencies of the system in which Sharikov, a man with a dog's intelligence, could become an important part.

With attitudes towards National Bolshevism having thawed under Stalin, Ustryalov was able to return to the Soviet Union in 1935.Jochen Hellbeck, Revolution on my Mind: Writing a Diary under Stalin, Harvard University Press, 2006, p. 64 Ustryalov's past as a White counted against him, however, and he struggled to find employment or even acceptance as a Soviet citizen in Moscow.Hellbeck, Revolution on my Mind, p.

263) Following the Russian Revolution, Atherton developed a hostility to Communism.Kirsten Marie Delegard, Battling Miss Bolsheviki: The Origins of Female Conservatism in the United States. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012. (p. 229) In 1919, Atherton wrote an article for The New York Times, (entitled "Time as a cure for Bolshevism") which condemned both the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and the Americans who sympathized with it.

New York: Howard Fertig, p. 378. However, "The aggressive spread of atheism in the Soviet Union alarmed many German Christians", wrote Geoffrey Blainey and Hitler saw Christianity as a "temporary ally" against Bolshevism, and courted and benefited from fear among German Christians of militant Communist atheism. In that same year the regime banned most atheistic and freethinking groups in Germany—other than those that supported the Nazis.

Left Bolshevism emerged in 1907 as the Vpered group challenged Vladimir Lenin's perceived authoritarianism and parliamentarianism. The group included Alexander Bogdanov, Maxim Gorky, Anatoly Lunacharsky, Mikhail Pokrovsky, Grigory Aleksinsky, Stanislav Volski and Martyn Liadov. The Otzovists, or Recallists, advocated the recall of RSDLP representatives from the Third Duma. Bogdanov and his allies accused Lenin and his partisans of promoting liberal democracy through "parliamentarism at any price".

The TKRP had very little support from the ethnic Polish population and recruited its supporters mostly from the ranks of minorities, primarily Jews. At the height of the Polish–Soviet conflict, Jews had been subject to anti-semitic violence by Polish forces, who considered Jews a potential threat, and who often accused Jews as being the masterminds of Russian Bolshevism;David S. Wyman, Charles H. Rosenzveig.

Wingfield, N., Bucur, M. _Gender and war in twentieth-century Eastern Europe_. Indiana University Press, 2006 Legion command emphasized that the Latvians were fighting against Soviet re-occupation. Conscripts promised in the name of God to be subservient to the German military and its commander Adolf Hitler, to be courageous and to be prepared to give up their life "in the fight against Bolshevism".

As many of the demoralized German soldiers were being withdrawn from Latvia, Major Josef Bischoff, an experienced German officer, formed a Freikorps unit called the Eiserne Brigade (translated: "Iron Brigade"). This unit was deployed to Riga and used to delay the Red Army advance. Meanwhile, volunteers were recruited from Germany, with promises of land, a chance to fight Bolshevism, and other enticements of dubious veracity.Waite, p.

Unlike the Lithuanian Territorial Defense Force, which shared the same goals, TAR was not controlled by the Germans. For example, the oath, which had to be signed by each TAR recruit, mentioned only defending the fatherland and combating Bolshevism making no mention of the Third Reich. Lithuanian historians consider TAR as one of the attempts to reestablish the Lithuanian Army and fight for Lithuania's independence.

392, 402. See also Butaru, p.272 The decision to close down the publications was accompanied by a nationalization of their assets, which reportedly included a large part of Iosif Berman's negatives. In one of the paper's last issues, Teodorescu-Braniște warned against the identification of democracy "within the limits of constitutional monarchy" with Bolshevism, noting that Adevăruls enemies had willingly introduced such a confusion.

David Petrovsky was aware of the danger emerging in the Soviet Union following the murder of Sergei Kirov in 1934, the assassination that functioned as the catalyst for the Great Purge.Joshua Meyers, “A Portrait of Transition: From the Bund to Bolshevism in the Russian Revolution,” Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society n.s. 24, no. 2 (Winter 2019): 107–134. Copyright © 2019 The Trustees of Indiana University.

This attitude was heavily informed by the corporatist system that had been introduced in Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy. A number of senior members, including Griffin and John Bean, had anti-capitalist leanings, having been influenced by Strasserism and National Bolshevism. Under Griffin's leadership, the BNP promoted economic protectionism and opposed globalisation. Its economic policies reflect a vague commitment to distributist economics, ethno- socialism, and national autarky.

As mayor of the city at that time he also managed to prevent a planned multi-day pogrom in Berdichev that saved thousands of lives. He was bitterly disappointed in the policy of the Ukrainian People's Republic Government, that encouraged Jewish pogroms.Joshua Meyers, “A Portrait of Transition: From the Bund to Bolshevism in the Russian Revolution,” Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society n.s. 24, no.

David Petrovsky (a prison photo), 1937 Rose Cohen David Petrovsky was aware of the danger emerging in the Soviet Union following the murder of Sergei Kirov in 1934, the assassination that functioned as the catalyst for the Great Purge.Joshua Meyers, “A Portrait of Transition: From the Bund to Bolshevism in the Russian Revolution,” Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society n.s. 24, no. 2 (Winter 2019): 107–134.

Tarnopol was occupied by the Wehrmacht on . Several hundred Jews followed the Soviets in their hasty retreat to the east. Immediately afterwards, up to 1,000 dead bodies of political prisoners murdered by the NKVD were discovered at the Tarnopol prison and 1,000 more in nearby towns. In accordance with the Nazi Judeo-Bolshevism canard, the Germans declared the Jews responsible for the Soviet atrocities.

"Murray, 97 The occasional testimony by some who viewed the Bolshevik Revolution favorably lacked the punch of its critics. One extended headline in February read:New York Times: "Bolshevism Bared by R.E. Simmons," February 18, 1919. Retrieved February 7, 2010. On the release of the final report, newspapers printed sensational articles with headlines in capital letters: "Red Peril Here", "Plan Bloody Revolution", and "Want Washington Government Overturned.

There they have nothing. Many houses are > empty of people already dead,' they cried. This report was unwelcome in a great many of the newspapers, as some elements of the intelligentsia of the time were still in sympathy with Bolshevism. On 31 March, The New York Times published a denial of Jones's statement by Walter Duranty under the headline "Russians Hungry, But Not Starving".

Exactly how and why did Merezhkovsky found himself on the German radio in June 1941 nobody was quite sure of. Gippius (according to Yury Terapiano who was quoting Nina Berberova) blamed her own secretary Vladimir Zlobin who, using his German connections, allegedly persuaded the elderly man to come to the studio in the early days of the Nazi invasion of the USSR. In his speech (if its printed version entitled "Bolshevism and Humanity" is to be believed) Merezhkovsky, comparing Hitler to Joan of Arc, called for an anti-Bolshevik crusade, reiterating, among other things, what he was saying all through the 1920s and 1930s: > Bolshevism will never change its nature... because right from the start it's > been not a national, but international phenomenon. From the very first day > Russia has been – and remains to this very day – only a means to the end: > that of its conquering the whole world.

Karl Löwith, Mein Leben in > Deutschland vor und nach 1933 (Stuttgart: Metzler Verlag, 1986), translated > by Richard Wolin. pp. 56–58. Heidegger commented on the Nazi identification of Judaism and Communism in 1936, writing that: > The final form of Marxism [...] has essentially nothing to do with either > Judaism or even with Russia; if somewhere a non-developed spiritualism is > still slumbering, it is in the Russian people; Bolshevism is originally > Western; it is a European possibility: the emergence of the masses, > industry, technology, the extinction of Christianity; but inasmuch as the > dominance of reason as an equalizing of everyone is but the consequence of > Christianity and as the latter is fundamentally of Jewish origin (cf. > Nietzsche's thought on the slave revolt with respect to morality), > Bolshevism is in fact Jewish; but then Christianity is also fundamentally > Bolshevist!Beiträge zur Philosophie (vom Ereignis) (1936–1938), GA 65 S. 54.

On May 19, 1941, the OKW issued the "Guidelines for the Conduct of the Troops in Russia", which began by declaring that "Judeo-Bolshevism" to be the most deadly enemy of the German nation and that "It is against this destructive ideology and its adherents that Germany is waging war". The "Guidelines" urged "ruthless and vigorous measures against Bolshevik inciters, guerrillas, saboteurs, Jews and the complete elimination of all active and passive resistance". Reflecting the influence of the guidelines, in a directive sent out to the troops under his command, General Erich Hoepner of the Panzer Group 4 proclaimed: > The war against Russia is an important chapter in the German nation's > struggle for existence. It is the old battle of the Germanic against the > Slavic people, of the defense of European culture against Muscovite-Asiatic > inundation and of the repluse [sic] of Jewish Bolshevism.

Their instructions also included, as Daluege stated, the "combat of criminal elements, above all political elements". Along with Police Battalion 45 and 303, Police Battalion 314 was assigned to Police Regiment South. Comprising about 550 men, the battalion was raised from recruits mobilised from the 1905–1915 year groups. They were led by career police professionals, steeped in the ideology of Nazism, driven by anti-semitism and anti-Bolshevism.

Their instructions also included, as Daluege stated, the "combat of criminal elements, above all political elements". Along with Police Battalion 45 and 314, Police Battalion 303 was assigned to Police Regiment South. Comprising about 550 men, the battalion was raised from recruits mobilised from the 1905–1915 year groups. They were led by career police professionals, steeped in the ideology of Nazism and driven by anti- semitism and anti-Bolshevism.

A split in the RNP came after the Eastern Front opened up in July 1941, and the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism was formed. Another frontman in the RNP was Marcel Déat, who had the confidence of Laval. When he found out that Deloncle was plotting against him, he had him and his faction removed from the RNP. Deloncle also took many member of the RNP's paramilitary wing with him.

These were matters for the post-war era, however. While the fighting continued the Women's Party demanded no compromise in the defeat of Germany; the removal from government of anyone with family ties to Germany or pacifist attitudes; and shorter work hours to forestall labour strikes. This last plank in the party's platform was meant to discourage potential interest in Bolshevism, about which Pankhurst was increasingly anxious.Purvis 2002, pp.

The term Bocci Bocci is an Italian linguistic corruption of the word Bolshevism, meaning to "Break everything", used particularly in Florence and Tuscancy during the Biennio Rosso, in which there was a number of mass strikes against high costs of living, self-management experiments towards autarky through land and factory occupation, and in Turin and Milan, workers councils were formed with factory occupation under the leadership of anarcho- syndicalists.

As the momentum behind Korean independence movements in Manchuria increased, Japanese consular police chief Suematsu Kichiji became increasingly concerned about increasing radical Bolshevism among Koreans. To try and suppress these movements, he ordered numerous illegal police raids on suspected radical Jiandao base camps, which were protested by local Chinese leaders.Erik W. Esselstrom, 2005, Rethinking the Colonial Conquest of Manchuria: The Japanese Consular Police in Jiandao, Modern Asian Studies 39, (February) vol.

He later engaged in a long public dispute with Franklin Delano Roosevelt early in the future president's career. He cut a large figure in the world of journalism and as a conservative spokesman on such issues as anti-Bolshevism and the League of Nations. Time magazine described him as a firm believer in the old newspaper saying, "Raise hell and sell papers."TIME: "The Press: John R. Rathom," Dec.

British historian Richard J. Evans wrote that junior officers tended to be especially zealous National Socialists with a third of them being Nazi Party members in 1941. The Wehrmacht did not just obey Hitler's criminal orders for Barbarossa because of obedience, but rather because they shared Hitler's belief that the Soviet Union was run by Jews, and that it was necessary for Germany to completely destroy "Judeo-Bolshevism".

As Poland regained its independence after the Polish-Soviet War in 1920, and Russia, including Kiev, fell under Bolshevism, he emigrated to Warsaw. In Poland, Horodecki headed an American Project Bureau, "Henry Ulan & Co." Some of his designs were built including a water tower and trade rows in Piotrków Trybunalski (today in Lodz Voivodeship), a meat factory in Lublin, a bath house in Zgierz, and a casino building in Otwock.

At MI5, Gregory mainly compiled dossiers on suspected foreign spies living in London. Later, Sidney Reilly allegedly recruited Gregory for the recently formed MI6. Gregory referred to his alleged time at MI5 and MI6 when he asserted that he had raised funds for the fight against Bolshevism. Official records verify that Gregory served as a private in the Irish Guards, but do not verify his time at MI5 or MI6.

Workers would then be actual partners with owners—and capitalists themselves. Owners intended these programs to ward off the threat of "Bolshevism" and undermine the appeal of unions. The least popular of the welfare capitalism programs were the company unions created to stave off labor activism. By offering employees a say in company policies and practices and a means for appealing disputes internally, employers hoped to reduce the lure of unions.

By April the delegation put forward its requests for international help for the Kuban as an independent state to be defended from Bolshevism and announced its break from Denikin and refusal to further cooperate in the White Movement. None of this satisfied the Triple Entente. The Kuban People's Republic was, however, de jure recognized by the Ukrainian People's Republic, Azerbaijan Democratic RepublicAs stated by Khoyski, Official Azerbaijan Archives, folio.895, list.

A house-commune in Saint Petersburg, Russia A house-commune () was an architectural and social movement in early Soviet Union of 1920–1930s. The purpose of the house-communes was to get rid of "the yoke of the household economy".Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930, 1978, , p. 409 The idea of a house- commune is borrowed from phalanstères of utopian socialists.

These rallies soon became massive displays of Nazi paramilitary power and attracted many recruits. The Nazis' strongest appeal was to the lower middle- classes—farmers, public servants, teachers and small businessmen—who had suffered most from the inflation of the 1920s, so who feared Bolshevism more than anything else. The small business class was receptive to Hitler's antisemitism, since it blamed Jewish big business for its economic problems.

After this point, he limited his opinions to the area of civil rights with respect to commercial law. However, it is for his earlier writings upon the subject of anarchism that he is known today. After World War I, Eltzbacher was an adherent to Bolshevism. He suggested in his work Der Bolschewismus und die deutsche Zukunft (1919) that Germany's interests would be best served by adopting a Bolshevik regime.

He befriended their spokesman, Alexander Gay, who told him that Bolshevism was being infected by "impure and dangerous elements", and, Sadoul claims, plotted his very own anarchist revolt.Victor Serge, Year One of the Russian Revolution. The Famine and the Czechoslovak Intervention, Marxists Internet Archive (originally published in 1930) Sadoul's letters to Thomas soon doubled as protests against the Allied (including French) intervention in support of the anti-Bolshevik White movement.Shlapentokh, p.

In 1936 General de Castelnau, leader of the FNC, described Henriot as "an ardent defender of religion, the family and society."Chadwick, p. 224. At the beginning of World War II, he was strongly anti-German. However, in 1941 Henriot began to support Nazi Germany after it invaded the Soviet Union in Operation Barbarossa, as he hoped for the defeat of Communism, believing that Bolshevism was the enemy of Christianity.

Pântea and the others persuaded them to leave, but afterward centered their attention on an urgent plan to topple and arrest Cătărău. Seeking approval from the Bolsheviks, Cătărău formed a new soviet, "of the peasants". Its leadership also included Filip Levenzon (Levinsohn), a Russian Army deserter. He also published a letter of affiliation to Russian and Ukrainian Bolshevism, condemning Romanian nationalism as the cause of "great landowners and capitalists".

On 17 February 1943 the special People's Court delivered its verdict. In the main trial he had taken the opportunity to declare that he had seen it as his duty to help put an end to the war against the Soviet Union as soon as possible. He had become convinced that Germany would never succeed in a war against Bolshevism. The defendant was an uncommonly dangerous enemy of the state.

George Ginsburgs, Alvin Z. Rubinstein, Russia and America: From Rivalry to Reconciliation, M.E. Sharpe, 1993, p. 45 He started out as a supporter of the "Whites" in the Russian Civil War and saw service under the command of Aleksandr Kolchak. However Ustrialov changed his views towards a fusion of nationalism with Bolshevism, with the new communism presented as the best hope for re- establishing Russia as an international power.

Collaborationists were fascists and Nazi sympathisers who collaborated for ideological reasons, unlike "collaborators", people who cooperated out of self-interest. A principal motivation and ideological foundation among collaborationists was anti-communism. Examples of these are PPF leader Jacques Doriot, writer Robert Brasillach and Marcel Déat (founder of the RNP). Some Frenchmen also volunteered to fight for Germany or against Bolsheviks, such as the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism.

Mirsky was a founding member of the Eurasia Movement and the chief editor of the periodical Eurasia, his own views gradually evolving toward Marxism. He also is usually credited with coining the term National Bolshevism. In 1931, he joined the Communist Party of Great Britain and asked Maxim Gorky if he could procure his pardon by Soviet authorities. The permission to return to the USSR was granted him in 1932.

During his time in Hitler's cabinet Hugenberg did not stand in the way of Hitler's efforts to make himself a dictator. As mentioned above, many prominent DNVP members had long favoured scrapping Weimar's democracy in favour of an authoritarian system. After the Reichstag fire, Hugenberg gave a speech that spoke of the necessity for "draconic measures" and of "exterminating the hotbeds in which Bolshevism can flourish".Leopold, pp. 143-144.

P. 466. Mussolini came to believe rumours that Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin was of Jewish descent. In an article in Il Popolo d'Italia in June 1919, Mussolini wrote a highly antisemitic analysis on the situation in Europe involving Bolshevism following the October Revolution, the Russian Civil War and war in Hungary involving the Hungarian Soviet Republic:Wiley Feinstein. The Civilization of the Holocaust in Italy: Poets, Artists, Saints, Anti-Semites.

While unsuccessful, the June Uprising demonstrated that many Lithuanians were determined to be independent. Lithuania would become disillusioned with the Nazi regime and organize resistance, notably the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania, but the Soviet Union remained "Public Enemy Number One."Vardys (1997), p. 57 A Lithuanian perception that Jewish Bolshevism was involved in the occupation strengthened antisemitic attitudes and contributed to Lithuanian participation in the Holocaust.

The Spanish Civil War exposed political divisions across Europe. The right and the Catholics supported the Nationalists to stop the spread of Bolshevism. On the left, including labour unions, students and intellectuals, the war represented a necessary battle to stop the spread of fascism. Anti-war and pacifist sentiment was strong in many countries, leading to warnings that the Civil War could escalate into a second world war.

From 1922, Lalayants works in the Main Political Administration of the People's Commissariat for Education. In the last years of his life he writes his memoirs of Lenin and the party, from the very beginning of the birth of Bolshevism, to the struggle of Lenin's leadership for the creation and consolidation of party organisations. He retired in 1929. Isaak Khristoforovich Lalayants died on 14 July 1933 after a long illness.

It seems that David and Rosa hoped to use their travels as an opportunity to leave almost simultaneously from the country and be saved. However, they had failed to acquire an exit visa for their son, and unwilling to leave without him, they remained in the Soviet Union.Joshua Meyers, “A Portrait of Transition: From the Bund to Bolshevism in the Russian Revolution,” Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society n.s. 24, no.

118, 206 After the Battle of Stalingrad, he encouraged the army commanders to resist the counteroffensive, as otherwise the Soviets "will bring Bolshevism to the country, wipe out the entire leadership stratum, impose the Jews on us, and deport masses of our people."Ancel (2005 b), p.234 Ion Antonescu's antiziganism manifested itself as the claim that some or all Romani people, specifically nomadic ones, were given to criminal behavior.

The Fall of the Hetman. Petliurism. Bolshevism.. Peter Arshinov, History of the Makhnovist Movement (1918-1921), 1923. Black & Red, 1974 On December 26, Makhno's detachments together with the armed detachments of the Yekaterinoslav Provincial Committee of the Bolshevik Party kicked the Petliurists out of Yekaterinoslav. However, taking advantage of the carelessness of the rebel command, the Petliurites returned, and after two or three days expelled the Makhnovists from the city.

James J. Barnes & Patience P. Barnes, Nazis in Pre-War London, 1930-1939: The Fate and Role of German Party Members and British Sympathizers, Sussex Academic Press, 2010, p.199ff. He was active as an anti-Semitic propagandist,Jeffrey Herf, The Jewish enemy: Nazi propaganda during World War II and the Holocaust, p.224ff. characterising Bolshevism and 'Rooseveltism' as two aspects of 'international Jewry'.'Die jüdische Feind', Völkischer Beobachter, 12 November 1941.

In her later years, she became concerned with what she perceived as the menace posed by Bolshevism and joined the Conservative Party. She was selected as the Conservative candidate for Whitechapel and St Georges in 1927.Purvis 2002, p. 248. She died on 14 June 1928, only weeks before the Conservative government's Representation of the People (Equal Franchise) Act 1928 extended the vote to all women over 21 years of age on 2 July 1928.

Oliynyk, p. 139 In Dunaivtsi Raion, veterans of the Khotin Uprising formed a Bessarabian Brigade, which restated its alliance with Russia and commitment to Bolshevism. It nevertheless refused to do battle against the UNR, and was disarmed by envoys from Husiatyn in early April.Oliynyk, p. 136 As many as 50,000 peasants from around Khotin, and some 4,000 to 10,000 armed rebels, crossed the Dniester, settling in either UNR or Soviet territories.Potylchak, pp. 209–210.

In 1921 a VSP member who had moved to Sydney, Bill Earsman, was one of the founders of the Communist Party of Australia. Many VSP members joined the new party, but the majority, led by Ross, remained aloof. "The labour movement's championing of democratic rights and improved standards of life has so altered the Australian environment as to make Bolshevism inapplicable," he wrote. Ross's two sons, Lloyd RossStephen Holt (1996), A Veritable Dynamo.

"It is forgotten that the early defenders of commercial society like [Adam] Smith were as much concerned with criticising the associational blocks to mobile labour represented by guilds as they were to the activities of the state. The history of socialist thought includes a long associational and anti-statist tradition prior to the political victory of the Bolshevism in the east and varieties of Fabianism in the west."El-Ojeili, Chamsi (2015).

She accompanied him in 1880 when he left Russia for Switzerland on what was originally intended as a brief stay. It would be 37 years before he was able to return again to his native land. During the next three years, Plekhanov read extensively on political economy, gradually coming to question his faith in the revolutionary potential of the traditional village commune.Haimson, The Russian Marxists and the Origins of Bolshevism, pg. 42.

In 1848, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels released The Communist Manifesto, which outlined a political and economic critique of capitalism based on the philosophy of historical materialism. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, a contemporary of Marx, was another notable critic of capitalism and was one of the first to call himself an anarchist. By the early 20th century, myriad socialist tendencies (e.g. anarcho-syndicalism, social democracy and Bolshevism) had arisen based on different interpretations of current events.

Another piece of work was the Crimes of the Bolsheviki: Dedicated to the Interests of the International Proletariat. Riebe wrote and illustrated the forty-seven page booklet, which was published in 1919. Half of the book consists of original illustrations and captions by Riebe, and the other half contains a reproduction of the Constitution of the Soviet Union. The booklet was written in a tongue-in-cheek manner to show the merits of Bolshevism.

Hitler also hoped China and Japan could co-operate and that he could mediate any disputes between these two countries, as he mediated the disputes between Italy and Yugoslavia. Hitler also told Kung that Germany would not invade other countries but was not afraid of foreign invasion. If the Soviet Union dared to invade Germany, one German division could defeat two Soviet corps. The only thing Hitler worried about was Bolshevism in Eastern Europe.

However, the demand that they withdraw from the KAPD would probably have happened anyway. Radek had dismissed the pair as National Bolsheviks, the first recorded use of the term in a German context.Timothy S. Brown, Weimar Radicals: Nazis and Communists Between Authenticity and Performance, Berghahn Books, 2009, p. 95. Radek subsequently courted some of the radical nationalists he had met in prison to unite with the Bolsheviks in the name of National Bolshevism.

Eugene Vaulot was born in Paris in 1923. He trained to be a "plumber-heating" technician, then volunteered to join the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (LVF) in 1941 and fought on the Eastern Front. In 1942–43, he served with the 1st company. He was awarded the Iron Cross 2nd Class before being partially disabled from wounds which forced him to leave the L.V.F. in 1943 with the rank of Obergefreiter.

Despite its small size, the party nevertheless managed to exert a degree of influence within the national Miners' and Seamen's Unions. The party did not operate in a vacuum but was rather the object of official scrutiny from the start with the New Zealand Police and New Zealand Army both engaged in the systematic monitoring of radical activists, including those suspected of "using their influence to establish Bolshevism."Taylor, "'Our Motto, No Compromise,'" p. 172.

Corrado Pallenberg, p. 71 McGoldrick (2012) concludes that during the war: > Pius XII had genuine affection for Germany, though not the criminal element > into whose hands it had fallen; he feared Bolshevism, an ideology dedicated > to the annihilation of the church of which he was head, but his sympathies > lay with the Allies and the democracies, especially the United States, into > whose war economy he had transferred and invested the Vatican's considerable > assets.

The Holocaust perpetrated by the Third Reich in the territory of Byelorussia began in the summer of 1941, during Operation Barbarossa, the invasion of the Soviet Union. Minsk was bombed and taken over by the Wehrmacht on 28 June 1941. In Hitler's view, Operation Barbarossa was Germany's war against "Jewish Bolshevism". On 3 July 1941, during the first "selection" in Minsk 2,000 Jewish members of the intelligentsia were marched off to a forest and massacred.

Noam Chomsky has referred to the "more or less Hegelian roots" of fascism and Bolshevism in many interviews. See Class Warfare. Pluto Press, 1996. p. 23. "Every individual," Bakunin writes, "inherits at birth, in different degrees, not ideas and innate sentiments, as the idealists claim, but only the capacity to feel, to will, to think, and to speak," a set of "rudimentary faculties without any content" which are filled through concrete experience.

After the war, he became increasingly involved in communist activities, joining the French Section of the Workers' International. In 1921, he went to Moscow to attend the third meeting of the Comintern, where he met Victor Serge. Nevertheless, he remained at odds with the Bolshevik dictatorship and was especially disturbed by the Kronstadt Rebellion and its aftermath. He eventually drifted away from Bolshevism and became associated with the syndicalist movement of Pierre Monatte.

In the early 1920s, anarchists were somewhat willing to cooperate with the bolshevik faction, due to an (albeit limited) ideological affinity. Kanson Arahata was among those anarcho-syndicalists who had turned to bolshevism after 1917, and was later personally involved in the 1922 founding of the Japanese Communist Party. These connections enabled joint projects between the two factions, such as a joint labour union alliance and joint demonstrations on May Day 1920.

He fought with distinction during the 1940 Alpine Line campaign against the Italians, most notably in the Vésubie. During this campaign he fought alongside the famous Jean Bassompierre, who, after the campaign against the Italians, enlisted in the Wehrmacht to fight Bolshevism. Michel Mohrt gave him recognition in his work Tombeau de La Rouërie (). He was a long-time editor at Éditions Gallimard, where he was a specialist in North American literature.

This ideology was explicitly antisemitic. As early as 1920, the party was raising money by selling a tobacco called Anti- Semit. From the outset, the DAP was opposed to non-nationalist political movements, especially on the left, including the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). Members of the DAP saw themselves as fighting against "Bolshevism" and anyone considered a part of or aiding so-called "international Jewry".

The main spokesman for antisemitic sentiment was Charles Coughlin, a Catholic priest whose weekly radio program drew between 5 and 12 million listeners in the late 1930s. Coughlin's newspaper, Social Justice, reached a circulation of 800,000 at its peak in 1937. After the 1936 election, Coughlin increasingly expressed sympathy for the fascist policies of Hitler and Mussolini, as an antidote to Bolshevism. His weekly radio broadcasts became suffused with themes regarded as overtly antisemitic.

A memorial plaque was unveiled on the Bauska Castle mound with the inscription: "The Germans and Latvians united under the rule of Adolf Adolf Hitler in the fight against Bolshevism celebrated the 500th anniversary of Bauska Castle. 20.6.1943." An art exhibition was opened in the city. At 5:00 p.m., the outdoor play "Wedding at John's Father's Court" began between the hospital and Corfu Garden, and was attended by about 10,000 people.

Some of these troops treated all Jews as Bolsheviks. According to some sources, anti-Communist sentiment was implicated in anti-Jewish violence and killings in a number of towns, including the Pinsk massacre, in which 35 Jews, taken as hostages, were murdered. During the Lwów pogrom during the Polish–Ukrainian War, 72 Jews were killed. Occasional instances of Jewish support for Bolshevism during the Polish–Soviet War served to heighten anti-Jewish sentiment.

Labour Anti- Bolshevism in 1919 Lee stepped down from his editorial post in 1923,Tamiment Institute, Labour History but remained on the national executive of the associated group, now again known as the "Social Democratic Federation".Nesta Helen Webster, The Socialist Network He spent his last years working at the headquarters of the Trades Union Congress. In 1935, Lee's Social-Democracy in Britain, a history of the movement to date, was published.

Guttenplan argued that the Nazi theories about "Judo-Bolshevism" made for a more complex explanation for the Holocaust than the Goldhagen thesis about an "elminationist anti-Semitic" culture. Goldhagen has said that there is no racist or ethnic argument about Germans in his text. Some of his critics have agreed with him that his thesis is "not intrinsically racist or otherwise illegitimate", including Ruth Bettina Birn and Norman Finkelstein (A Nation on Trial)..

While involved in the Vichy Government during World War II, Massis refused to collaborate with the Nazi movement. After the war, he was placed in an internment camp for only one month, and then released. Massis worked for Plon after the war, and his writings reflected his disdain of Nazism in Germany, and Bolshevism in Russia. Massis was elected to the Académie française in 1960 and died in Paris on 16 April 1970.

A small number objected to carrying out war work but the majority were found by the Germans to be willing and efficient workers. Légion des Volontaires fighting with the Axis on the Russian front. French volunteers formed the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (LVF), Legion Imperiale, SS-Sturmbrigade Frankreich and finally in 1945 the 33rd Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS Charlemagne (1st French), which was among the final defenders of Berlin.

These battalions were raised from recruits mobilised from the 1905–1915 year groups. They were led by career police professionals, steeped in the ideology of Nazism, driven anti-semitism and anti-Bolshevism. The unit was placed under the command of , a career policeman. When it crossed the German-Soviet border, the regiment came under the control of Erich von dem Bach-Zelewski, the Higher SS and Police Leader (HSS-PF) for Army Group Centre.

Paul Mattick Sr. (March 13, 1904 – February 7, 1981) was a Marxist political writer and social revolutionary, whose thought can be placed within the council communist and left communist traditions. Throughout his life, Mattick continually criticised Bolshevism, Vladimir Lenin and Leninist organisational methods, describing their political legacy as "serving as a mere ideology to justify the rise of modified capitalist (state-capitalist) systems, which were [...] controlled by way of an authoritarian state".

His speeches were dominated mostly by denouncements of Bolshevism, and promotion of immigration. He was scornful of the Prohibition movement, and created a political storm by addressing a licensed victualler's dinner, entertaining them with G. K. Chesterton drinking songs and other hilarious prohibition stories. Bridges became frustrated with the Labor ministries of 1924–27. He was particularly angered by Premier John Gunn's publishing of a secret memorandum of a former premier to the governor.

This collapsed in the face of opposition from those in the Reichswehr, including Franz von Epp and the militant Bund Overland. In August 1922, Pittinger and several other right-wing leaders met at a huge rally in Munich. The rally was entitled For Germany - Against Berlin, and was resolved to defeat "Jewish Bolshevism" seemingly being protected by the government. Among those present was Adolf Hitler, the recently appointed chairman of the quickly growing NSDAP.

Nazi propaganda presented Barbarossa as an ideological-racial war between German National Socialism and "Judeo-Bolshevism", dehumanising the Soviet enemy as a force of Slavic Untermensch (sub-humans) and "Asiatic" savages engaging in "barbaric Asiatic fighting methods" commanded by evil Jewish commissars whom German troops were to grant no mercy. The vast majority of the Wehrmacht officers and soldiers tended to regard the war in Nazi terms, seeing their Soviet opponents as sub-human.

Otto Rühle, a German left communist, wrote that "the struggle against fascism must begin with the struggle against bolshevism", noting the possible influence the Leninist state had on fascist states by serving as a model. In 1939, Rühle further professed: > Russia was the example for fascism. [...] Whether party 'communists' like it > or not, the fact remains that the state order and rule in Russia are > indistinguishable from those in Italy and Germany.

St. Martin's Press (2003), p. 60. . It also appeared in 1919 in the Public Ledger as a pair of serialized newspaper articles. But all references to "Jews" were replaced with references to Bolsheviki as an exposé by the journalist—and subsequently highly respected Columbia University School of Journalism dean—Carl W. Ackerman. Shortly thereafter it was adapted as "The International Jew" series in The Dearborn Independent, establishing the myth of Jewish Bolshevism.

The new 28th SS Volunteer Grenadier Division "Wallonia" (28. SS-Freiwilligen-Grenadier-Division Wallonien) was created in October 1944. It numbered fewer than 4,000 men, making it considerably understrength, and French and Spanish soldiers from the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (LVF) and Blue Legion were folded into the unit to increase its numbers. During the retreat, Walloon soldiers participated in the massacre of 6,000 Jewish female prisoners of Stutthof concentration camp in January 1945.

In 1922, he moved to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as the head of all White Russian refugees. He arguably was considered the most prominent of all White émigrés. In 1924, in the Serbian town of Sremski Karlovci, he established the Russian All-Military Union, a civilian organisation that was designed to embrace all Russian military émigrés all over the world.Wrangel, Petr Nikolaevich, Baron He tried to preserve a Russian military organisation for another fight against Bolshevism.

Prior to the German attack on the Soviet Union, the USSR was treated with hostility, such as when a paper explained that Tchaikovsky was a product of Tsarist, not Bolshevist, Russia. This treatment became more favourable after Germany's attack. The Battle of Stalingrad received particular attention as a great victory. The British Ministry of Information put out a booklet on countering ideological fears of Bolshevism, including claims that the Red Terror was a figment of Nazi imagination.

Her dissertation focused on the bank savings of workers in the coal and steel industries in Poland.(de) Natalie Moszkowska, , Stuttgart, J.H.W. Dietz, 1917 Her research used Russian documents, accessed while in the Kingdom of Poland in 1911. At the end of 1918, after the October Revolution in 1917, and during the November Revolution in Germany, the Swiss authorities suspected Moszkowska of supporting Bolshevism.(de) Peter Goller, , Angerberg, Wilfried Bader Druck und Verlag, 2007, 20 p.

Some Left Communists such as Paul Mattick claim that the October Revolution was totalitarian from the start and therefore Trotskyism has no real differences from Stalinism either in practice or theory.Mattick, Paul (1947). "Bolshevism and Stalinism". In the United States, Dwight Macdonald broke with Trotsky and left the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party by raising the question of the Kronstadt rebellion, which Trotsky as leader of the Soviet Red Army and the other Bolsheviks had brutally repressed.

349–350 He viewed government credit policies as "economic Bolshevism"; with Aurel Vlad, he established an "Anti-Bolshevik Front", which toured Romanian cities to explain why relief was disastrous.Ioachim Tolciu, "Legea Bancară și soartea băncilor românești din Ardeal și Banat", in Revista Economică, Nr. 33–34/1935, p. 247 The PC formed a cartel with the PP during the December 1933 election, but registered dismal results."Insemnări. Decesul partidului conservator", in Țara Noastră, Nr. 5/1938, pp.

Overman chaired the Overman Committee, a subcommittee that investigated foreign propaganda and Bolshevism in the United States during the first Red Scare from 1919 to 1921.He was chosen to head the commission called the Overman Committee by President Woodrow Wilson. After the war the senator was active in the investigation of German and Bolshevik propaganda and played a role in bringing on the so-called Red Scare that plagued American politics in 1919 and 1920 (Beaver).

The Latvian Riflemen were particularly active and instrumental, assisting in organizing urban workers and rural peasants, in confiscating estates, and in setting up soviets in place of former local councils. This, however, presented a new issue for the Latvian nationalists. Based on the historical special status the Baltics had enjoyed since Peter I, they had hoped for more autonomy, yet not seceding from Russia. Bolshevism now threatened to swallow up nationalism and thus became the new enemy.

Contacts with Sweden's Conservative Foreign Minister Günther showed an enthusiasm unusual for the Swedes for the anticipated "Crusade against Bolshevism". After the successful occupation of Yugoslavia and Greece by the spring of 1941, the German army's standing was at its zenith, and its victory in the war seemed more than likely. The envoy of the German Foreign Ministry, Karl Schnurre, visited Finland May 20–24, and invited one or more staff officers to negotiations in Salzburg.

While the pact had no basis in ideological sympathy (as evidenced by Nazi propaganda about "Jewish Bolshevism"), Germany's occupation of Western Poland was a disaster for Eastern European Jews. Evidence suggests that some, at least, of the Jews in the eastern Soviet zone of occupation welcomed the Russians as having a more liberated policy towards their civil rights than the preceding antisemitic Polish regime.Saul Friedlander (2008) The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews 1939–1945.

The monument depicts a soldier in a military uniform, with a German helmet, Estonian flag on the wrist and the "hand with a sword" symbol from the Cross of Liberty on the collar. There are no Nazi symbols on the monument. It consists of a bronze bas-relief and a dedication tablet mounted on a vertical granite slab. The tablet reads: "To Estonian men who fought in 1940-1945 against Bolshevism and for the restoration of Estonian independence".

Desperate for better wages, he joins a rigging crew as a roughneck, run by American contractor Pat McCormick. A shrewd bidder on lucrative drilling projects, McCormick has a reputation for fast-paced operations and high productivity. He postures as an anti-capitalist and comrade to revolutionaries so as to win the loyalty of his newly arrived European laborers, who are sympathetic to Bolshevism. Americans are wise to his phony appeals to worker solidarity and McCormick avoids hiring them.

160,000 Latvian inhabitants took refuge from the Soviet army by fleeing to Germany and Sweden. On the other side, many Latvians who had previously supported Bolshevism had chosen to remain in Soviet Russia, where they wielded disproportionate influence in the party. Latvian theatres, Latvian publishing houses, Latvian clubs, were all present in Soviet Russia, a whole culture all wiped out from 1937 onwards when, accused of fascist, nationalist or counter- revolutionary sympathies, Latvians were purged in their thousands.

Between Ideology and Realpolitik: Woodrow Wilson and the Russian Revolution, 1917-1921, Contributions to the Study of World History, ISSN 0885-9159, no. 51, Greenwood Press, Westport, CT, 1995, p. 111. Both Kolchak and the leader of the White Movement in the South of Russia, General Anton Denikin, officially subscribed to the principle of "non- predetermination", i.e. they refused to determine what kind of social or political system Russia would have until after Bolshevism was defeated.

4, p. 366. > In this erupting of the social divide in the very lap of bourgeois society, > in this international deepening and heightening of class antagonism lies the > historical merit of Bolshevism, and with this feat – as always in large > historic connections – the particular mistakes and errors of the Bolsheviks > disappear without trace. After the October Revolution, it becomes the "historic responsibility" of the German workers to carry out a revolution for themselves and thereby end the war.Luxemburg, Rosa.

The Expressionist gallery was closed in October 1936, after the Berlin Olympics had ended, as a "hotbed of cultural Bolshevism".Petropoulos, Art as Politics, pp. 60-61."Magere Schultern", Der Spiegel, 9 September 1968 Mortimer G. Davidson, Kunst in Deutschland, 1933-1945: eine wissenschaftliche Enzyklopädie der Kunst im Dritten Reich Volume 1 Skulpturen, Tübingen: Grabert, 1988, , p. 15 In the 1937 Nazi operation against Entartete Kunst (degenerate art), the National Gallery lost a total of 435 works.

Remarks which have not been challenged include "Christianity is the prototype of Bolshevism: the mobillization by the Jew of the masses of slaves with the object of undermining society". The Table Talk also attributes to Hitler a confidence in science over religion: "Science cannot lie, for it's always striving, according to the momentary state of knowledge, to deduce what is true. When it makes a mistake, it does so in good faith. It's Christianity that's the liar".

A number of Ilyin's works (including those written after the German defeat in 1945) advocated fascism. Ilyin saw Hitler as a defender of civilization from Bolshevism and approved the way Hitler had, in his view, derived his antisemitism from the ideology of the Russian Whites.Snyder, Timothy The road to unfreedom : Russia, Europe, America, p. 20 Although Ilyin was related by marriage to several prominent Jewish families he was accused of antisemitism by Roman Gul, a fellow émigré writer.

Alfred-Henri-Marie Baudrillart, Orat. (6 January 1859 – 19 May 1942) was a French prelate of the Catholic Church, who became a Cardinal in 1935. An historian and writer, he served as Rector of the Institut Catholique de Paris from 1907 until his death. He campaigned to rouse international support for France during the First World War, while in the Second World War he supported the Vichy regime and backed the Germans for leading the international struggle against bolshevism.

His ideas fitted in with left-wing politics current at the time in Berlin. However idealistic Huelsenbeck and his companions were, their challenge 'Dada is German Bolshevism' had unfortunate repercussions later, when the National Socialists denounced all aspects of modern art as Kunstbolschewismus. Beginning in 1933, Huelsenbeck was repeatedly investigated by the Nazi authorities. He was forbidden to write and rather than remaining in 'internal exile', he managed to get an immigration visa to the United States in 1936.

Nouvelle Résistance (NR) was a French far-right group created in August 1991 by Christian Bouchet as an offshoot of Troisième Voie (Third Way), which was headed by Bouchet. Dissolved in 1997, NR described themselves as "national revolutionary" and part of the National Bolshevism international movement. It succeeded to the Troisième voie and Jeune Europe, a movement created in the 1960s by Jean-François Thiriart. NR was both anti-Communist and anti- capitalist as well as ecofascist.

Winston Churchill declared that Bolshevism must be "strangled in its cradle".Cover Story: Churchill's Greatness. Interview with Jeffrey Wallin. (The Churchill Centre) The invasion of Russia by the Allies, their trade embargo and backing for the White forces fighting against the Red Army in the civil war in the Soviet Union was cited by Aneurin Bevan, the leader of the left-wing in the Labour Party, as one of the causes of the Russian revolution's degeneration into dictatorship.

Mirkina attended the philological department of Moscow University from 1943 to 1948. She wrote her thesis but was unable to write the state examinations on account of a debilitating illness that made her bedridden for five years and left her partially blind. Though she had grown up in an ardent Communist family, she experienced a spiritual split between the historical optimism of Bolshevism and an understanding of life's essential tragedy. Mirkina was married to the philosopher Grigory Pomerants.

Smyslovsky was born in Terijoki, Grand Duchy of Finland (today Zelenogorsk, Saint Petersburg, Russia), and later joined the Russian Imperial Army where he advanced to the rank of captain in the Imperial Guards. During the Russian Civil War he fought against the Bolsheviks in the White army and then moved to Poland, later to Germany. There he attended the Prussian Military Academy. His view was that foreign intervention and help was needed to free Russia from Bolshevism.

215 He then switched over to the National Popular Rally and formed part of the five man directorate, chaired by Marcel Déat, that led the group.Littlejohn, The Patriotic Traitors, p. 213 During this period Fontenoy became fixated with the notion that Doriot was plotting to kill him, despite a lack of evidence. This played a role in his next move when he enrolled in the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (LVF) and was sent to the Eastern Front.

Volya Rossii stated its support for "moral socialism", relying on "the spontaneous activity and creativity of the masses." While the group rallied around Slonim's ideas about Russian organicism and post-imperial federalism, it also firmly rejected expressions of Russian nationalism, envisioning a Russia that rejected "all differences of faith, race or religion".White, pp. 87–88 Slonim himself was a noted adversary of Eurasianism and theories of Russian exceptionalism, which understood Bolshevism as compatible with nationalist ideas.

There is an opinion that the Bolsheviks strove for revolution, regardless of the political situation and historical realities. This is how the famous Social Democrat Alexander Parvus wrote in 1918: > The essence of Bolshevism is simple – to ignite the revolution everywhere, > not choosing the time, regardless of the political situation and other > historical realities. Whoever is against is the enemy, and the conversation > with the enemies is short – they are subject to urgent and unconditional > destruction.

After the invasion of Poland in 1939, Heinrich Himmler, the head of the SS, sought to expand the Waffen-SS with foreign military volunteers for the Nazi "crusade against Bolshevism". The enrollment began in April 1940 with the creation of two regiments: the Waffen-SS Regiment Nordland (for Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish volunteers), and the Waffen-SS Regiment Westland (for Dutch and Flemish volunteers).McNab, pp. 167, 178 The Nordic formation, originally organised as the Nordische Division (Nr.

Prepeluh wrote many political treatises. His first major work was Občina in socializem (The Commune and Socialism, 1903), in which he articulated an autonomist vision of socialism. Influenced by Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, he wrote the essay Problemi malega naroda (Problems of a Small Nation). In the book Idejni predhodniki današnjega socijalizma in komunizma (Ideological Precursors of Contemporary Socialism and Communism, 1925), he stressed the difference between the democratic and emancipatory versions of socialism and totalitarian Bolshevism.

Brown became the organising secretary of the Brisbane branch of the Socialist Party, and was a regular contributor to The International Socialist. By 1917 he was involved with the Industrial Workers of the World, travelling around Queensland giving speeches. His activities drew the attention of the Commonwealth Investigation Branch, which reported that he was involved with "the worst revolutionary elements of Brisbane". He applied for a passport to travel to Russia and study Bolshevism, but was refused.

Revue often published right-wing antisemitic canards from Russian, such as hoaxes about blood libel, and claims that Bolshevism was a Judeo- Masonic plot. Describing the Protocols, Jouin wrote: "From the triple viewpoint of race, of nationality, and of religion, the Jew has become the enemy of humanity." Pope Benedict XV made Jouin an Honorary Prelate. Pope Pius XI praised Jouin for "combating our mortal [Jewish] enemy" and appointed him to high papal office as a protonotary apostolic.

The Majority Labor Party, sometimes called the Majority Australian Labor Party, was an Australian political party formed by federal Australian Labor Party MP James Catts in 1922. It did not win any seats in parliament. Catts resigned from the Labor Party in 1922, blaming the loss of the 1922 state election on Irishism, Bolshevism and Tammanyism within the party. It was also associated with the recently elected state member for Newcastle, Walter Skelton, and his Protestant Labor Party.

Strike focuses on Mike Sokolowski, a Ukrainian immigrant from Galicia who was killed by Royal Northwest Mounted Police on "Bloody Saturday", 21 June 1919. The account of his life is heavily fictionalized, and is character is composited with another Ukrainian-Canadian labourer. Sokolowski begins the play as an anti-Semite who loathes so-called Jewish Bolshevism, but learns better due in part to a romantic sub-plot involving his godson Stefan (originally Myron) and his Jewish neighbour Rebecca.

Vlasov (left) and Gen. Shilenkov (center) meeting Joseph Goebbels (February 1945) While in prison, Vlasov met Captain Wilfried Strik- Strikfeldt, a Baltic German who was attempting to foster a Russian Liberation Movement. Strik-Strikfeldt had circulated memos to this effect in the Wehrmacht. Strik-Strikfeldt, who had been a participant in the White movement during the Russian Civil War, persuaded Vlasov to become involved in aiding the German advance against the rule of Joseph Stalin and Bolshevism.

The Lithuanian alliance with the Bolsheviks was somewhat countered by Latvia, which unlike her neighbour decided to join forces with Poland in the fight against the Soviets. American volunteer pilots, Merian C. Cooper and Cedric Fauntleroy, fought in the Kościuszko Squadron of the Polish Air Force. Polish allies were few. France, continuing her policy of countering Bolshevism, now that the Whites in Russia proper had been almost completely defeated, sent in 1919 a small advisory group to Poland's aid.

Already on the evening of 22 June 1941, day of German invasion of USSR, the Spanish Foreign Minister offered the German Ambassador in Madrid volunteers to fight “against Bolshevism”. Spanish volunteers formed the so-called Blue Division, 250 I.D. (Infantry Division) of the Wehrmacht and the Escuadrilla Azul, a fighter squadron, the first of five units, that flew mostly Bf 109s. The 1.ª Escuadrilla de Caza left the Spanish capital already on 25 June 1941, with 17 pilots.

The October Revolution did little to clarify Kuprin's political position. In the articles he contributed to various papers till mid-1918 – Petrogradskoe Ekho (Petrograd Echo), Vecherneye Slovo (Evening Word), and Zaria (Dawn) among them, – his attitude to the new regime remained ambivalent. He recognized the historical significance of the Bolshevik Revolution and admired Lenin as "an honest and courageous man," stating that "Bolshevism constitutes a great, pure, disinterested doctrine that is inevitable for mankind."Kuleshov, p. 478.

The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978), 181. Statistical data from the beginning of the 20th century suggest that the strict laws were rarely enforced. For instance, figures for sentences pronounced during the years before the First World War include: 20 (1910), 28 (1911), 31 (1912), and 60 (1914). In the late Russian Empire, doctors and jurists began to advocate for relaxed abortion laws and increased contraception.

The Making of Three Russian Revolutionaries, Cambridge University Press, 1987, , p.461 The future founder of Menshevism Juliy Martov and the future founder of Bolshevism Vladimir Lenin were among its leaders in 1895-1896.See Israel Getzler. Martov: A Political Biography of a Russian Social Democrat, Cambridge University Press, 1967, pp.18-20 Although one of the oldest in the Empire, this group could not play a significant role since it had been recently weakened by arrests.

Its rattachist campaigns also made it an adversary of the Rexist Party in occupied Belgium. With several other French parties, the PFNC helped organize the Legion of French Volunteers against Bolshevism, which fought on the Eastern Front against the Soviet Union. This activity consumed Clémenti, leaving his party in disarray. The PFNC absorbed Robert Hersant's Jeune Front, but thereafter was exposed to power struggles between Hersant and other party militants, involving the German authorities as arbiters.

Both Adevărul and Dimineața were noted for their rejection of interwar antisemitism, and for condemning the far right and fascist segment of the political spectrum. Romanian fascism was at the time grouped around the National-Christian Defense League (LANC), presided upon by Adevăruls old adversary A. C. Cuza. During 1921, the liberal Fagure ridiculed the supposed threat of Jewish communization in newly acquired Bessarabia, countering the supposed threat of Jewish Bolshevism (officially endorsed and publicized by Universul).Livezeanu, p.

Sir Basil Home Thomson, (21 April 1861 – 26 March 1939) was a British colonial administrator and prison governor, who was Head of the CID during World War I. This gave him a key role in arresting wartime spies, and he was closely involved in the prosecution of Mata Hari, Sir Roger Casement and many Irish and Indian nationalists. His equating of Jews with Bolshevism led to accusations of anti-semitism. Thomson was also a successful novelist.

While Bogdanov and Lunacharsky had become disenchanted with party politics and sought to focus on education and proletarian culture, Alexinsky saw Vpered as perpetuating the "illegals" tradition which sought to use traditional means of subversion. Joined by Pokrovsky and Vyacheslav Menzhinsky, this redefined group gained control of the editorial board of Proletarii and disassociated it from "proletarian culture and science".Biggart J. "Alexander Bogdanov, Left-Bolshevism and the Proletkult 1904 - 1932." University of East Anglia 1989 p150.

The kaiser gave in, superfluously because in Berlin Prince Max had already publicly announced his abdication, his own resignation, and that the Social Democrat leader Friedrich Ebert was now chancellor. Democracy came abruptly and almost bloodlessly. That evening Groener telephoned Ebert, who he knew and trusted, to tell him that if the new government would fight Bolshevism and support the Army then the field marshal would lead a disciplined army home.Wheeler-Bennett, 1935, pp. 207–08.

During World War II, Rodzaevsky tried to launch an open struggle against Bolshevism, but Japanese authorities limited the RFP’s activities to acts of sabotage in the Soviet Union. A notorious anti-Semite, Rodzaevsky published numerous articles in the party newspapers Our way and The Nation; he was also the author of the brochure "Judas’ End"Judas End and the book "Contemporary Judaisation of the World or the Jewish Question in the 20th Century".Contemporary Judaisation of the World or the Jewish Question in the 20th Century At the end of the war, perhaps as a desperate attempt to avoid execution in case that he would be captured by the advancing Red Army, Rodzaevsky began to state that the Soviet regime under Joseph Stalin was evolving into a nationalist one. He gave himself up to Soviet authorities in Harbin in 1945, with a letter that shows striking similarities with the doctrines of National Bolshevism: He returned to Russia, where he was promised freedom and a job in one of the Soviet newspapers.

Immediately after the Germans took control, Rösener suggested to Rupnik that he organise a new anti-Partisan force in the province. On 24 September, Rupnik issued a call for volunteers, published in main Slovene Catholic newspaper, Slovenec, thus describing the goals of the Slovene Home Guard: > "Our beloved Slovenian homeland was to be handed over to Bolshevism with the > help of the Anglo-American plutocracy. ... a tragedy that has plunged our > good, hardworking and pious people into suffering, violence, famine, robbery > and murder by ungodly and heartless servants as well as dishonorable aides > working to benefit Jewish world tyranny. To prevent this, a Great German war > force has come to us at the command of the Führer to protect us ... Under > the leadership of Germany, the young nations of Europe will defeat > Bolshevism and capitalism" Members of three former MVAC units that had escaped destruction in the aftermath of the Italian surrender came forward, and by 1 October, 1,000 troops were enrolled in the new Slovene Home Guard (, SD).

The advance of doctors, psychologists and social workers into the arena of human sexuality during the Weimar era (as well as the feminist movement) threw up a variety of conspiracy theories, especially amongst more conservative aspects of society, regarding communism and homosexuality. Any form of sexual revolution was derided as promiscuity and leading to a rise in sexually transmitted infections. The response of those who opposed "sexual Bolshevism" was to promote eugenics and family values. There are specific events which glbtq.

Many Cossack prisoners of war joined Nazi Germany who promised to free their lands from Bolshevism. Terek Cossacks made up the Vth regiment of the 2nd Brigade of the 1st Cossack Division. Soon the war came to Cossack lands themselves, in 1942 the Nazi offensive Case Blue, and by autumn, the western regions of the former Terek Cossack Hosts were occupied. By November, the Battle of the Caucasus reached North Ossetia, and Germans were already making plans to lease the oilfields in Grozny.

Germany attacked Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941, occupied it and partitioned it. A collaborationist government, headed by Milan Aćimović, was installed in occupied Serbia. Though retired for several years, Kumanudi signed the Appeal to the Serbian Nation. The Appeal, published on 13 August 1941, though appeared to be gathering the population against the Bolshevism and Communism, actually was calling not to oppose the German occupation and to collaborate with the quisling governments of Aćimović and his successor Milan Nedić (Government of National Salvation).

The latter claimed that his occupation papers had more freedom than the local German press, and that they often got in trouble with Goebbels and Dietrich. The general news consisted accordingly often of front propaganda and other well known elements of the Nazi propaganda like agitations against Bolshevism and alleged World Jewry. To the Dutch people the DZN took up the opposite stance and presented itself in an advertising tone. Its aim was to suggest a return to normality under the new order.

He warned that the French and Americans "are not capable of making a serious offensive now. The British alone might bring the enemy to his knees. But why expend more British lives – and for what?" (Herbert Lawrence had also advised Haig it was in Britain's interests for the war to end on lenient terms) and that prolonged fighting would increase the influence of the USA, and that harsh terms might encourage Germany to turn either to Bolshevism or else back to military rule.

In 1930, MacKenzie published a book about religious persecution during the Bolshevism in Russia. In the preface of the book, he pointed out that the book was "a record, a protest, and an appeal". The book is mainly based on the personal experiences of the author, who was in the Soviet State from 1921 until 1924. After that, he was established in Stockholm and he visited frequently Finland, Estonia, and Latvia, trying to keep in touch with the Russian situation.

Hitler and the Nazis also despised German leftists because of their resistance to Nazi racism. Many German leftist leaders were Jews who had been prominent in the 1919 Spartacist uprising. Hitler referred to Marxism and "Bolshevism" as means for "the international Jew" to undermine "racial purity", stir up class tension and mobilize trade unions against the government and business. When the Nazis occupied a territory, communists, socialists and anarchists were usually among the first to be repressed; this included summary executions.

Radical Irish labour leader James Connolly was an important figure in the formation of the British SLP. Radical Irish nationalist and trade union leader James Connolly attempted to play a vital role in the British SLP's formative days, energetically traveling back and forth across Scotland, addressing dozens of meetings on behalf of the organisation. His efforts were largely ineffectual, however, as no major influx of Scottish workers into the SLP's ranks was forthcoming.Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism, pg. 24.

The Russian Revolution also brought class conflict and other social issues to the forefront. As Lithuanians organized the first societies for workers (e.g. Workers' Society of St. Joseph founded by Konstantinas Olšauskas or Society of Saint Zita), the magazine published articles debating the role of the Catholic Church, charities, mutual aid societies in addressing social issues, discussing socialism and bolshevism as well as broader concepts of sociology, eugenics, political economy, addressing more specific issues of Lithuanian emigration to United States or teetotalism.

He called this merger "National Bolshevism". The Chancellor, General Kurt von Schleicher, pursued a strategy of demerging the left (Strasserist) wing of the Nazi Party as a way of gaining Adolf Hitler's support for his government.Turner, Henry Ashby Hitler's Thirty Days to Power, New York: Addison-Wesley, 1996 pages 24-27. Schleicher's idea was to threaten the merger of the left-leaning Nazis and the trade unions as way of forcing Hitler to support his government, but his plan failed.

The Hutterites in North America (illustrated ed.). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 17. . Other scholars have used the term religious communism to describe a communist social movement that developed in Paris in the 1840s which was organized by "foreign-born, primarily German-speaking, journeyman-artisans who had settled there". In the early 20th century, prior to the rise of Bolshevism in Russia, some intellectuals advocated for the implementation of a form of communism that incorporated Christian ideology "as an alternative to Marxism".

Launched in the wake of the Russian collapse and revolution of 1917, the purposes of Operation Red Trek were to stop the rise of Bolshevism, to support the new independent Baltic states,Kinvig, p. 135 to protect Britain's interests, and to extend the freedom of the seas. The situation in the Baltic states in the aftermath of World War I was chaotic. The Russian Empire had collapsed and Bolshevik Red Army, pro-independence, and pro-German forces were fighting across the region.

From 1926 to 1930 he was a member of the Wayland school committee and 1926 to 1939 he was town moderator. In 1919, Bishop was the Democratic nominee for the Massachusetts Senate seat in the 5th Middlesex District. However, on October 30, 1919, he left the race and the Democratic party stating "I refuse to be in partnership with Bolshevism and anarchy, and for that reason I shall cast my vote...for the one great, true, patriotic manly man...Calvin Coolidge".

Liberalism gained momentum in the beginning of the 20th century. The bastion of autocracy, the Russian Tsar, was overthrown in the first phase of the Russian Revolution in 1917, but liberalism lasted only a matter of months before Bolshevism triumphed. The Allied victory in World War I and the collapse of four empires seemed to mark the triumph of liberalism across the European continent, including Germany and the newly created states of Eastern Europe. Militarism, as typified by Germany, was defeated and discredited.

While Sima and his team took flight, Antonescu remained the uncontested Conducător. At that stage, Sfarmă-Piatră was mainly used for disseminating Antonescu's official policies, in general repressive and in particular antisemitic (see Romania during World War II, Holocaust in Romania).Final Report, pp. 92, 96; Voicu, pp. 216, 230 It soon began giving credence to the "Judeo-Bolshevism" conspiracy theory, and was especially vocal on this topic once Romania joined in the German-led attack on the Soviet Union.

On the left, the Socialist Revolutionary Party (SRs) incorporated the Narodnik tradition and advocated the distribution of land among those who actually worked it — the peasants. Another radical group was the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, exponents of Marxism in Russia. The Social Democrats differed from the SRs in that they believed a revolution must rely on urban workers, not the peasantry.Oliver H. Radkey, "An Alternative to Bolshevism: The Program of Russian Social Revolutionism." Journal of Modern History 25#1 (1953): 25–39.

IV, Issue 1, January 1921, p. 6 and two memoirs: La rivoluzione russa ("The Russian Revolution"), and Il bolscevismo visto da un russo ("Bolshevism as Seen by a Russian"). The latter was translated into French the following year, as Le Bolchévisme vu par un russe. La Revue Critique des Idées et des Livres described it as "abundant in little facts from experience", a fresco "of the general misery, terror and fright that have been reigning in Russia for these past three years."J.

In 1929, Stalin politically controlled the party and the Soviet Union by way of deception and administrative acumen. In that time, Stalin's centralised, socialism in one country régime had negatively associated Lenin's revolutionary Bolshevism with Stalinism, i.e. government by command-policy to realise projects such as the rapid industrialisation of cities and the collectivisation of agriculture. Such Stalinism also subordinated the interests (political, national and ideological) of Asian and European communist parties to the geopolitical interests of the Soviet Union.

But shortly after this success the Nazis denounced him with the expression "Music Bolshevism" and he was excluded from the Reichsmusikkammer. With this exclusion Richard Mohaupt could not work in Germany anymore and so emigrated to the US in 1939 and settled in New York. In the US, Mohaupt did not compose musical theatre anymore because symphonic music sold much better. That led to the composition of his most famous work, the Town Piper Music, which was performed worldwide in the 1950s.

During World War I anti-Russian sentiment was temporarily supplanted by anti-German sentiment for evident reasons; however, soon after the Russian Revolution of 1917, the fear of Marxism and Bolshevism revived Russophobia in the form of "Red Scare". Notably, local Russians had no issues with Russophobia. By late 1920s pragmatism moderated anti-Russian sentiment in official circles, especially during the Great Depression. Sympathetic views were propagated by visitors to the Soviet Union, such as George Bernard Shaw, impressed by Soviet propaganda.

A member of the Hamburg National Club since its founding in 1919, Toepfer was introduced to Ernst Niekisch, who published the magazine Resistance, focused on nationalism and revolution. Toepfer between 1928 and 1931 supported the magazine financially several times despite his opposition to National Bolshevism and the policies of the Soviet Union which at that time were creating a catastrophic humanitarian situation known as the Holodomor. He was also introduced to work of Ernst Jünger and his brother Friedrich Georg Jünger.

" Richard Evans also reiterated the view that Nazism was secular, scientific and anti-religious in outlook in the last volume of his trilogy on Nazi Germany: "Hitler's hostility to Christianity reached new heights, or depths, during the war;" his source for this was the 1953 English translation of Table Talk. Table Talk has the dictator often voicing stridently negative views of Christianity, such as: "The heaviest blow that ever struck humanity was the coming of Christianity. Bolshevism is Christianity's illegitimate child.

The roots of anti-Soviet sentiment in Imperialist Japan began before the foundation of the Soviet Union. Eager to further limit Russian influence in East Asia after the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05) and contain the spread of Bolshevism, the Japanese deployed some 70,000 troops into Siberia from 1918 to 1922 as part of the Siberian Intervention on the side of the White Movement, occupying Vladivostok and many key points in Far Eastern Russia east of Lake Baikal.Humphreys p. 25JSOM vol.

Polish allies were few. France, continuing its policy of countering Bolshevism now that the Whites in Russia proper had been almost completely defeated, sent a 400-strong advisory group to Poland's aid in 1919. It consisted mostly of French officers, although it also included a few British advisers led by Lieutenant- General Sir Adrian Carton De Wiart. The French officers included a future President of France, Charles de Gaulle; during the war he won Poland's highest military decoration, the Virtuti Militari.

Hanson, July 1, 1919 Immediately following the general strike's end, thirty- nine IWW members were arrested as "ringleaders of anarchy" despite their playing a marginal role in the development of events. Seattle Mayor Ole Hanson took credit for ending the strike and was hailed by some of the press. He resigned a few months later and toured the country giving lectures on the dangers of "domestic Bolshevism." He earned $38,000 in seven months, five times his annual salary as mayor.

He was controversial in the mid-to-late 1980s when he satirized the Soviet system and developed a gritty Siberian punk sound. After the fall of the Soviet Union, during the 1993 Russian constitutional crisis, Letov developed a fan base among nationalists and communists due to his strong opposition of Yeltsin's government. Letov was one of the founders and the first member of the National Bolshevik Party.Punk and national-bolshevism He ceased contact with the party around 1999 and distanced himself from politics.

While ready to work through legal or semi-legal methods, it was not above using lobbying tactics or even blackmail. Likewise, while it held nationalist views, it likewise attempted to maintain some of the history and tradition of old Bavaria. This included the restoration of the Bavarian monarchy, and hence they were loyal to the House of Wittelsbach. Over time, many within Bayern und Reich began to push for a separation of Bavaria from Germany until Bolshevism could be countered.

White movement propaganda poster from the Russian Civil War era (1919), a caricature of Leon Trotsky, who was viewed as a symbol of Jewish Bolshevism. The conflation of Jews and revolution emerged in the atmosphere of destruction of Russia during World War I. When the revolutions of 1917 crippled Russia's war effort, conspiracy theories developed far from Berlin and Petrograd. Many Britons for example ascribed the Russian Revolution to an "apparent conjunction of Bolsheviks, Germans and Jews".Fromkin (2009) pp. 247–248.

284 The Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle (June 1919) of the PFR presented the politico-philosophic tenets of Fascism. The manifesto was authored by national syndicalist Alceste De Ambris and Futurist movement leader Filippo Tommaso Marinetti. The manifesto was divided into four sections, describing the movement's objectives in political, social, military and financial fields. Mussolini and the Fascist paramilitary Blackshirts' March on Rome in October 1922 By the early 1920s, popular support for the Fascist movement's fight against Bolshevism numbered some 250,000 people.

The eagle symbol of National Bolshevism In the 1920s, he stressed the importance of nationalism and attempted to turn the SPD in that direction. He was so vehemently opposed to the Dawes Plan, the Locarno Treaties and the general pacifism of the SPD that he was expelled from the party in 1926. Upon his expulsion, Niekisch joined the Old Social Democratic Party of Saxony, which he influenced to his own nationalist form of socialism. He launched his own journal Widerstand (Resistance).

100–101; Ornea, pp.393–394 Often discussed as a prelude to the Holocaust in Romania and in connection with Antonescu's views on "Jewish Bolshevism", the Iași pogrom occurred just days after the start of Operation Barbarossa, and was partly instigated, partly tolerated by the authorities in Bucharest. For a while before the massacre, these issued propaganda claiming that the Jews in Iași, whose numbers had been increased by forced evictions from smaller localities,Final Report, pp.120, 243; Ancel (2005 a), pp.

Sobran considered communism to be at least in part a Jewish phenomenon, writing: > Christians knew that Communism – often called "Jewish Bolshevism" – would > bring awful persecution with the ultimate goal of the annihilation of > Christianity. While the atheistic Soviet regime made war on Christians, > murdering tens of thousands of Orthodox priests, it also showed its true > colors by making anti-Semitism a capital crime. Countless Jews around the > world remained pro-Communist even after Stalin had purged most Jews from > positions of power in the Soviet Union.

Of these, the 1921 Le Couteau entre les dents (The Knife Between My Teeth) marks Barbusse's siding with Bolshevism and the October Revolution. Barbusse characterized the birth of Soviet Russia as "the greatest and most beautiful phenomenon in world history." The book Light from the Abyss (1919) and the collection of articles Words of a Fighting Man (1920) contain calls for the overthrow of capitalism. In 1925, Barbusse published Chains, showing history as the unbroken chain of suffering of people and their struggle for freedom and justice.

A copy of the Overman Committee's final report reproduced by The New York Times on June 15, 1919 The committee's final report detailed its investigations into German propaganda, Bolshevism, and other "un-American activities" in the United States and predicted effects of communism's implementation in the United States. It was endorsed unanimously. Released in June 1919, it was over 35,000 words long, and was compiled by Major Edwin Lowry Humes. The Committee did little to demonstrate the extent of communist activity in the United States.

In 1920, he demanded a Party agreement on its position towards the October Revolution and Bolshevism. In the 1921 Congress, the PS voted to join the Comintern, and turned itself into the Communist Party of Uruguay (PCU); Frugoni refused to adhere to the party line, and refounded the PS as a non-communist group. In the 1928 elections, the PCU obtained 3,911 votes, and the PS 2,931. He became an opponent of authoritarian President Gabriel Terra in the 1930s, and was imprisoned, then exiled.

They advocated broad coalitions of oppressed groups, and ushered in an era of 'identity politics'. (Indeed, much of Hall's subsequent work was concerned with questions of identity.) NT repudiated the project of abolishing capitalism, ascribing the failure of Bolshevism to 'voluntarism.' NT held instead to a decidedly reformist project: the left should adapt to the world, rather than seeking to change it. During the Marxism Today discussion, A Sivinandan published a critique in Race & Class in which he argued that class struggle was still central to capitalism.

According to John O'Neil, "[i]t is forgotten that the early defenders of commercial society like [Adam] Smith were as much concerned with criticising the associational blocks to mobile labour represented by guilds as they were to the activities of the state. The history of socialist thought includes a long associational and anti-statist tradition prior to the political victory of the Bolshevism in the east and varieties of Fabianism in the west".O'Neil, John (1998). The Market: Ethics, Knowledge and Politics. Routledge. p. 3.

Kluge commanded the 4th Army at the opening of Operation Barbarossa as part of Army Group Centre. In addition to his command, the army group included a field army, the 9th Army, and two mobile formations, the 2nd (Heinz Guderian) and the 3rd Panzer Groups (Hermann Hoth). On 29 June, Kluge ordered that women in uniform were to be shot, in line with the Nazi ideological worldview. It considered female combatants to be yet another manifestation of "barbaric" Bolshevism where natural gender roles were upended.

He did not note the white perpetrators of violence, whose activities local authorities documented. As chief of the Radical Division within the U.S. Department of Justice, Hoover began an investigation of "negro activities" and targeted Marcus Garvey because he thought his newspaper Negro World preached Bolshevism. He authorized the hiring of black undercover agents to spy on black organizations and publications in Harlem. On November 17, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer reported to Congress on the threat that anarchists and Bolsheviks posed to the government.

Jackson and his then friend Ben M. Bogard claimed that the Darwinian theory of evolution had contributed to the moral decline of the United States and caused discouraged persons to embrace atheism and Bolshevism. Accordingly, in 1926, Bogard and Jackson joined to pen Evolution: Unscientific and Unscriptural. Bogard and Jackson subsequently broke fellowship when C. A. Gilbert, the chairman of the Missionary Baptist Sunday School Committee, was blamed for a deficit. For a decade Bogard tried to remove Jackson's father-in-law as the committee chairman.

He studied art history for two months, but was then arrested for violating the expulsion order. He was imprisoned without trial for more than a year in wartime concentration camps at Fleury (described by e.e. cummings in The Enormous Room) and at Précigné, where he engaged in political discussions with fellow prisoners and first learned about Bolshevism. In October 1918, the Danish Red Cross intervened, arranging for Serge and other revolutionaries to be exchanged for Bruce Lockhart and other anti-Bolsheviks who had been imprisoned in Russia.

The controversy between narodnik and Marxist economists in the 1880s and 1890s was crucial in the formulation of Russian "orthodox" Marxism, and hence in the ideology that subsequently influenced the ideologies of Menshevism and Bolshevism and its derivatives. In January 1894, at an underground meeting in the City of St Petersburg, V. P. Vorontsov faced off against V. I. Lenin in a debate which attracted the attention of spies. Vorontsov sympathised with the February Revolution of 1917 but opposed the October Revolution. Nevertheless, he remained in Russia.

Yagi Akiko (1895–1983) was an anarchist writer and activist. She wrote for anarchist women's arts journals Fujin Sensen (The Women's Front) and Nyonin Geijutsu (Women's Arts) on topics including bolshevism, the commercial commodification of women, and the imperial founding of Manchukuo, a puppet state that she described as a slave, having traded one imperial ruler for another. Her travelogue "Letters from a Trip to Kyushu", written with Fumiko Hayashi, tells of their drinking and meeting men, as two modern women outré for the time period.

After the world championship match, Alekhine returned to Paris and spoke against Bolshevism. Afterwards, Nikolai Krylenko, president of the Soviet Chess Federation, published an official memorandum stating that Alekhine should be regarded as an enemy of the Soviets. The Soviet Chess Federation broke all contact with Alekhine until the end of the 1930s. His older brother Alexei, with whom Alexander Alekhine had had a very close relationship, publicly repudiated him and his anti-Soviet utterances shortly after, but Alexei may have had little choice about this decision.

Richard Flanagan, "Parish-fed Bastards": A History of the Politics of the Unemployed in Britain, 1884-1939, pp.105, 126 In 1919, police claimed that he had given a seditious speech, advocating using machine guns to start a revolution.National Archives, "Soviet agents and suspected agents", March 2005 Ramsay denied the details, claiming that words had been added to his speech, but was jailed for five months.Raymond Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism Ramsay supported the October Revolution, and became the treasurer of the Hands off Russia movement.

Hitler discussed with Faulhaber tensions between the Church and Party: :Think about all this, Cardinal, and consult with other leaders of the Church how you can support the great undertaking of National Socialism to prevent the victory of Bolshevism and how you can achieve a peaceful relationship to the state. Either National Socialism and the church are both victorious or they perish together. Rest assured, I shall do away with all these small things that stand in the way of a harmonious co-operation.

Similar ideas were expressed by the Evraziitsi party and the pro-monarchist Mladorossi. Joseph Stalin's idea of socialism in one country was interpreted as a victory by the National Bolsheviks. Vladimir Lenin, who did not use the term National Bolshevism, identified the Smenovekhovtsy as a tendency of the old Constitutional Democratic Party who saw Russian communism as just an evolution in the process of Russian aggrandisement. He further added that they were a class enemy and warned against communists believing them to be allies.

After World War I (1914–1918), many Germans did not accept that their country had been defeated, which gave birth to the stab-in-the-back myth. This insinuated that it was disloyal politicians, chiefly Jews and communists, who had orchestrated Germany's surrender. Inflaming the anti- Jewish sentiment was the apparent over-representation of Jews in the leadership of communist revolutionary governments in Europe, such as Ernst Toller, head of a short-lived revolutionary government in Bavaria. This perception contributed to the canard of Jewish Bolshevism.

Hitler told Faulhaber that the radical Nazis could not be contained until there was peace with the church and that either the Nazis and the church would fight Bolshevism together, or there would be war against the church. Kershaw cites the meeting as an example of Hitler's ability to "pull the wool over the eyes even of hardened critics" for "Faulhaber – a man of sharp acumen, who had often courageously criticized the Nazi attacks on the Catholic Church – went away convinced that Hitler was deeply religious".

German hopes of recruiting significant numbers of POHG men into the Waffen-SS for deployment on the approaching Eastern Front never materialized. Slovak propaganda claimed the overall Hlinka Guard as superior to the regular armed forces, emphasizing the POHG's loyalty to the regime and glossing over their military failure. The Slovak Army's loyalty to the Slovak people was brought into question due to their support for the uprising, and it was accused of being a hotbed of "Bolshevism", which had no basis in fact.

He soon began publishing major books and articles on philosophy from a Marxist perspective. He then wrote "Filosofiia Makha" (Machist Philosophy), published in Golos sotst'aldemokrata, in April 1908. Here he characterised Bolshevism as a political manifestation of the 'subjectivism' and 'voluntarism' inherent in Machism, and that their "tacticians and practical people" were unwitting Machists and idealists. Lenin was one of the practical people who despite his rejection of "machism" had abided by a truce within the Bolshevik faction whereby they agreed not to politicise such philosophical issues.

In the Ideology of the National Socialists a distinction was made between German and national art on the one hand and "cultural Bolshevism" and "degenerate art" on the other. Content-related and stylistic arguments were increasingly replaced by racist statements.The National Socialists tried to promote the Gleichschaltung of art through special events and festivals and to make it accessible to the population as "German". These included the Reich Music Days, which were opened in Düsseldorf on 22 May 1938, the 125th birthday of Richard Wagner.

The grave of Sergey Sazonov Early in 1917, Sazonov was appointed ambassador in Great Britain, but found it necessary to remain in Russia, where he witnessed the February Revolution. He was opposed to Bolshevism, advised Anton Denikin on international affairs, and was foreign minister in the anti-Bolshevik government of Admiral Kolchak. In 1919 he represented the Provisional All- Russian Government, the Allied recognized government of Russia, at the Paris Peace Conference. Sazonov spent his last years in France writing a book of memoirs.

Klenau's role under National Socialism has been the subject of discussion. Fred Prieberg characterizes Klenau's relationship with the Nazis as one of mutual opportunism: for the régime, he could be useful as a campaigner for cultural ties between Germany and Denmark; for Klenau this attitude opened doors that remained closed to others. By way of example, Prieberg cites the seemingly unproblematic premiere of Klenau's three twelve- tone operas in a time when twelve-tone techniques were condemned as "cultural Bolshevism".Fred K. Prieberg, Musik im NS-Staat.

He was also secretary in the editorial committee of the Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, Land- en Volkenkunde. Van Dillen was a socialist, but a social democrat who rejected bolshevism. Nevertheless, when Nicolaas Wilhelmus Posthumus left a chair at the Nederlandsche Handels-Hoogeschool in Rotterdam for a chair in Amsterdam and recommended van Dillen as his successor, the school considered him "too red". After downcuts had forced him out of the RGP in 1933, he managed to get a position teaching at the University of Utrecht.

By July 1940 Hitler was turning his mind to the invasion of the Soviet Union, commissioning General Erich Marcks to prepare preliminary plans. Although the Hitler-Stalin pact had served Germany's interests well, both strategically and economically, his whole career had been based on anti-communism and the belief that "Jewish Bolshevism" was the main threat to Germany and the Aryan race.Kershaw, Hitler, pp. 334–36 In December Hitler made a firm decision for an attack on the Soviets the following spring, codenamed Operation Barbarossa.

He established a center of free antenatal care, a tuberculosis clinic, a counseling center against sexually transmitted diseases, and the public bathhouse. He built the sports park and restored the buildings of the town hall. True to the ideology of Freethought, his municipal socialism provided grants to secular works and municipal organizations. At SFIO's 1920 Tours Congress, he decided to join the PCF, but was expelled two years later, along with E. Soutif, as Nadi was repelled by Bolshevism and its requirement to denounce Freemasonry.

On February 15, 2007, Riigikogu approved the Law on Forbidden Structures by 46 votes to 44. This would have banned the public display of monuments that glorify the Soviet Union or Estonia's fifty years of Bolshevism. The monument itself was specifically mentioned, to be relocated within 30 days of the President signing this into law. However, President Toomas Hendrik Ilves vetoed the law, arguing that it did not comply with the constitution of Estonia (the only legal basis for a presidential veto under Estonian constitution).

Ziegler played a leading role in promoting the Nazi vision of culture, particularly with regards to "degenerate" music. He was a strong critic of atonality, dismissing it as decadent "cultural Bolshevism".Celia Applegate, Pamela Potter, Music and German National Identity, University of Chicago Press, 2002, p. 208 In may 1938 he curated the Entartete Musik exhibition in Düsseldorf, with Arnold Schoenberg, Alban Berg, Walter Braunfels, Karol Rathaus and Wilhelm Grosz amongst those receiving the strongest condemnation in the pamphlet he wrote to accompany the exhibition.

Massis converted to Catholicism in 1913 and, following World War I, called for a revival of the French spirit and Catholicism. Starting in 1920, he served as editor for the newly formed Revue Universelle and worked to spread Christian political philosophy. He published two volumes of Jugements that critically analysed the moral teachings of numerous writers such as Ernest Renan and André Gide. Massis' political writings expressed his concerns over what he viewed as a threat to postwar French society, including Bolshevism and Oriental mysticism.

Vidnes stepped down from the central committee, and from the positions as chairman of Socialdemokratiske Presseforening and chief editor of Social-Demokraten. In a piece called Arbeiderpartiet gaar helt over til bolsjevismen published in the right-wing newspaper Tidens Tegn in May 1919 he denounced the "Bolshevism" in the Labour Party. In 1919 he was chosen by the Norwegian government as advisor at a League of Nations conference. The next year he was hired as head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs press office.

Heart of a Dog (, Sobachye serdtse) is a novella by Russian author Mikhail Bulgakov. A biting satire of Bolshevism, it was written in 1925 at the height of the NEP period, when communism appeared to be relaxing in the Soviet Union. It is generally interpreted as an allegory of the Communist revolution and "the revolution's misguided attempt to radically transform mankind." Its publication was initially prohibited in the Soviet Union, but it circulated in samizdat until it was officially released in the country in 1987.

The exact origins of the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (Légion des volontaires français contre le Bolchévisme, LVF) are unclear. However, it is generally believed that Doriot was first to suggest a French unit for the Eastern Front days after the invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941. Rather than looking for Vichy support, he reached out to the German ambassador Otto Abetz. Adolf Hitler approved the unit's creation on 5 July 1941 but mandated that it be organised privately and limited to 10,000 men.

Principally the American Red Cross enhanced America's image abroad while also disseminating American practices and values throughout Europe. It intervened in European health and welfare practices by introducing American methods. Moreover, after the Bolsheviks seized power in Russia President Wilson used the American Red Cross as a diplomacy tool to aid the White forces. Wilson believed that food was the "real thing" to combat Bolshevism and ordered the American Red Cross to distribute food and material relief to Bolshevik opponents in the Russian civil war.

After the Germans conquered France, some EMPs armed the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism, which eventually became part of the SS Charlemagne division. This division was practically destroyed in February 1945 in Eastern Prussia, now part of Poland. Numerous EMPs have been found in the last-stand battlefields of the SS Charlemagne division; most of these guns lack any German military stamps or marks.The Erma EMP submachine guns – Translation to English of text from Martin Helebrant's Samopal MP38 a MP40, Nakladatelstvi Elka Press, at mp40.

It seems that Rosa and David hoped to use their travels as an opportunity to leave almost simultaneously from the country and be saved. However, they had failed to acquire an exit visa for their son, and unwilling to leave without him, they remained in the Soviet Union.Joshua Meyers, “A Portrait of Transition: From the Bund to Bolshevism in the Russian Revolution,” Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society n.s. 24, no. 2 (Winter 2019): 107–134. Copyright © 2019 The Trustees of Indiana University.

Burcea, p.372-373 Gheorghe was scheduled to be executed on February 8, 1943. As the minutes of his execution show, he yelled "Down with war", "Long live Free Romania" and obscene words addressed to the Germans.Burcea, p.376 He was then blindfolded and shot by an execution squad. According to an eyewitness, Gheorghe and Atanasoff were laid in coffins prepared beforehand, and buried under headstones which carried the text: "Executed as communists fighting against our fatherland in the interest of Bolshevism".Burcea, p.

For example, its leader was instrumental in making The Protocols of The Elders of Zion available in German language. He argues that early Hitler was rather philosemitic, and became rabidly antisemitic since 1919 under the influence of the White émigré convictions about the conspiracy of the Jews, an unseen unity from financial capitalists to Bolsheviks, to conquer the world. Therefore, his conclusion is that White émigrés were at the source of the Nazi concept of Jewish Bolshevism. Annemarie Sammartino argues that this view is contestable.

More controversially, the large number of Jews among the Bolsheviks before Stalin's purges led some to think he equated Bolshevism with Jews. He wrote anti- Semiticly shaded articles for a newspaper, the Whitechapel Gazette, owned by the highly questionable social figure Maundy Gregory. He burlesqued such views in his 1925 Sherlock Holmes spoof, "Mr Pepper Investigates", especially in Chapter 6, 'Blackmailers'. Thomson was appointed Companion of the Order of the Bath (CB) in 1916 and Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB) in 1919.

"Editorial: The Russian Betrayal", The New York Times, September 18, 1939. The editorial further opined: > The world will now understand that the only real 'ideological' issue is one > between democracy, liberty and peace on the one hand and despotism, terror > and war on the other. During the period while the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact was in force, Benito Mussolini positively reviewed Stalinism as having transformed Soviet Bolshevism into a Slavic fascism.MacGregor Knox, Mussolini Unleashed, 1939-1941: Politics and Strategy in Italy's Last War, pp. 63–64.

Antonescu had been made aware of the plan by German envoys, and supported it enthusiastically even before Hitler extended Romania an offer to participate.Deletant, pp.78–80, 83 On 18 June 1941, Antonescu gave orders to his generals about "cleansing the ground" of Jews when Romanian forces entered Bessarabia and Bukovina. Right from the start, Antonescu proclaimed the war against the Soviet Union to be a "holy war", a "crusade" in the name of Eastern Orthodox faith and the Romanian race against the forces of "Judeo- Bolshevism".

But he was > not powerful enough to ever publicly equate Bolshevism and Christianity, as > he often did in his dinner conversations. He also not powerful enough to > publicly demand or to justify, as Himmler often did in his circle of friends > and associates, the murder of women and children. That, of course, is not > proof of Hitler’s "humanity", but rather of the remnants of the liberal > system. The "extermination of the bourgeoisie" and the "liquidation of the > kulaks" were, in contrast proclaimed quite publicly.

For the 1936 May Day celebrations, the Communist Party of Spain worked hard to convey a perception that they were one of the dominant political groups in the country by turning out party members in Madrid. They successfully organized hundred of Communist and Socialist women to participate in a march, where they chanted "Children yes, husbands no!" () with their fists clenched in the air behind huge Lenin and Stalin banners. The party the year was also successful in convincing many socialist women to embrace Bolshevism.

The formation of electoral lists needed to take into account of three factors: on one hand, the tendency of the opinion to think that the Union sacrée needed to be prolonged in peacetime in order to solve the new problems of France of the post-war period; on the other hand, the refusal of the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), then in crisis, to discuss the question of the Bolshevism. To preserve their unity, the Socialists decided in April 1919 not to conclude any agreement ahead of the legislative elections. This decision isolated the radicals, forced to give up a new alliance of the left, and allowed an aggressive campaign of the right and centre directed against the SFIO, accused of Bolshevism; finally, the persistence of partisan divisions within the right. The monarchists of Action française were isolated, but the nationalists, the Catholics, and the "progressives" (who are in fact the moderate republicans from the pre-war period) brought together the moderate republicans of the center-right, gathered in several small organizations, all members of Democratic Alliance, but rejected any possibility of an agreement with the radicals.

1 First parliament meeting Furthermore, in the House of Commons the [British] Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Greenwood, was asked on what date recognition had been extended to Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia, and whether "in accordance with such recognition, official representatives have been exchanged, and the boundaries of the Transcaucasian Republics defined", Mr. Greenwood replied: The Allies recognized the Transcaucasian Republics partly because of their fear of Bolshevism, but their activities directed against Bolshevism, at least in Transcaucasia, did not go much beyond words, the strongest of which was status quo, recognition, demarche, and a list of standard diplomatic remonstrances. After the Azerbaijani delegation successfully completed its mission at the Paris Peace Conference, the parliament adopted a law on the establishment of diplomatic missions in France, Great Britain, Italy, the United States, and Poland. In addition, the consulates of Azerbaijan started operating in Tabriz, Khoy, Anzali, Rasht, Ahar, Mashhad, Batumi, Kiev, Crimea, Ashgabat, and elsewhere. Baku, Georgia, Armenia, Iran, Belgium, the Netherlands, Greece, Denmark, Italy, France, Sweden, Switzerland, England, USA, Ukraine, Lithuania, Poland, Finland, and other countries have official representations at different levels.

Reunited with Doriot under the Vichy regime, he served as Minister of Information from 1941 to 1944. His power grew as he was elected to the controlling committee of the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism and, along with Jacques Benoist-Méchin, pushed to Pierre Laval the idea that the group should become an official arm of the Vichy government.David Littlejohn, The Patriotic Traitors, London: Heinemann, 1972, p. 249 In his government office he also helped to create an Association of Friends of the Waffen SS, which played a central role in recruitment.

The Russian Consulate in Khüree played a central role in Choibalsan's early development. Sükhbaatar (left) with Choibalsan in the early 1920s Choibalsan and fellow Mongolian students in Russia were called back to Khüree by the Bogd Khaan government following the 1917 October Revolution. Exposed to Bolshevism while living among Irkutsk's radicalized student population, Choibalsan joined the revolutionary Consular Hill or Konsulyn Denj (Консулын дэнж) group, heavily influenced by Bolshevist philosophy and established to resist the Chinese occupation of Outer Mongolia after 1919. Original members of the group also included Dambyn Chagdarjav and Darizavyn Losol.

Hitler's faith: The debate over Nazism and religion; Samuel Koehne; ABC Religion and Ethics; 18 Apr 2012 Hitler made various comments against "atheistic" movements. He associated atheism with Bolshevism, Communism and Jewish materialism.Norman H. Baynes, ed., The Speeches of Adolf Hitler, April 1922-August 1939. Vol. 1. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1942, pp. 240, 378, 386. In 1933, the regime banned most atheistic and freethinking groups in Germany—other than those that supported the Nazis. The regime strongly opposed "godless communism" and most of Germany's freethinking (freigeist), atheist and largely left-wing organizations were banned.

His intentions were to gently poke fun at the "Little Englanders", but audiences thought that he was sympathising with Nazism. His jocular view that a defeat for Hitler would mean a victory for bolshevism was highlighted in a series of controversial interviews, which caused him much embarrassment when challenged and which he regretted afterwards. His views became known in the press as "Robeyisms", which drew increasing criticism, but his Prime Minister of Mirth remained popular, and he used the character to divert the negative publicity.Cotes, pp. 163–164.

In 2002, the Estonian government forced the removal of a monument to Estonian soldiers erected in the Estonian city of Pärnu. The inscription To Estonian men who fought in 1940-1945 against Bolshevism and for the restoration of Estonian independence was the cause of the controversy. The monument was rededicated in Lihula in 2004 but was soon removed because the Estonian government opposed the opening. On 15 October 2005 the monument was finally moved to the grounds of the Museum of Fight for Estonia's Freedom in Lagedi near the Estonian capital, Tallinn.

In 1920, after the pullout of the last of the Romanian occupation forces, the Kingdom of Hungary was restored. After the collapse of a short-lived Communist regime, according to historian István Deák: :Between 1919 and 1944 Hungary was a rightist country. Forged out of a counter-revolutionary heritage, its governments advocated a “nationalist Christian” policy; they extolled heroism, faith, and unity; they despised the French Revolution, and they spurned the liberal and socialist ideologies of the 19th century. The governments saw Hungary as a bulwark against bolshevism and bolshevism’s instruments: socialism, cosmopolitanism, and Freemasonry.

The government eventually collapsed over arguments about a budget deficit amidst refusals by a significant minority of ministers to enact cuts in unemployment benefit.Robert Skidelsky, Politicians and the Slump: The Labour Government of 1929-1931 (1967) Snowden retained the position of Chancellor during the National Government of 1931. As a consequence he was expelled from the party, along with MacDonald and Jimmy Thomas. In a BBC radio broadcast on 16 October 1931, he called Labour's policies "Bolshevism run mad" and contrasted them unfavourably with his own "sane and evolutionary Socialism".

Three of Haggard's novels were written in collaboration with his friend Andrew Lang who shared his interest in the spiritual realm and paranormal phenomena. Haggard also wrote about agricultural and social reform, in part inspired by his experiences in Africa, but also based on what he saw in Europe. At the end of his life, he was a staunch opponent of Bolshevism, a position that he shared with his friend Rudyard Kipling. The two had bonded upon Kipling's arrival at London in 1889, largely on the strength of their shared opinions, and remained lifelong friends.

General Lavr Kornilov, commander of the Petrograd military district, wished to suppress the disorders, but premier Georgy Lvov refused to resort to violence. The Provisional Government accepted the resignation of Foreign Minister Milyukov and War Minister Guchkov and made a proposal to the Petrograd Soviet to form a coalition government. As a result of negotiations, on 22 April 1917 agreement was reached and 6 socialist ministers joined the cabinet. During this period the Provisional Government merely reflected the will of the Soviet, where left tendencies (Bolshevism) were gaining ground.

The Report was submitted in August 1920, though never published, and was critical of both sides. The report blamed the Zionists, 'whose impatience to achieve their ultimate goal and indiscretion are largely responsible for this unhappy state of feeling’Sahar Huneidi,A Broken Trust: Herbert Samuel, Zionism and the Palestinians 1920-1925, I.B.Taurus, 2001 p.35 and singled out Amin al-Husayni and Ze'ev Jabotinsky in particular. The latter, however, was not, as the Court believed, an exponent of 'Bolshevism', which it thought 'flowed in Zionism's inner heart', but rather fiercely anti-Socialist.

The goals of the police battalions were to secure the rear by eliminating the remnants of the enemy forces, guarding the prisoners of war, and protecting the lines of communications and captured industrial facilities. Their instructions also included, as Daluege stated, the "combat of criminal elements, above all political elements". Comprising about 550 men each, the 300-numbered battalions were raised from recruits mobilised from the 1905–1915 year groups. They were led by career police professionals, steeped in the ideology of Nazism, driven by anti-semitism and anti-Bolshevism.

A graduate from the corps became a junker and had prime candidacy for a military career. During the October Revolution and the 1917-1923 Russian Civil War, cadets and junkers largely supported the anti- bolshevik White movement. (Distinguish the military cadets of this era from the members of the Constitutional Democratic Party, known from its initials (KD) as Kadets. The Constitutional Democratic Party also opposed Bolshevism.) A small portion of cadets succeeded in evacuating with the White Army towards the end of Russian Civil War to western countries.

De Haan worked against the mass imprisonment of Jews in Czarist Russia, who were suspected of Bolshevism. His work for Russian Jews lasted two years and made him keenly aware of the evils of anti-Semitism. In 1912 de Haan made some trips to Russia, and he visited a number of prisons there, in order to study the situation of political prisoners in Russia. According to historical records, de Haan went to Russia armed with a letter of recommendation from the Queen of the Netherlands and was able to negotiate leniency for his Jewish clients.

Controversy surrounds the date of Ossetian arrival in Transcaucasia. According to one theory, they first migrated there during the 13th and 14th centuries AD, and resided alongside the Georgians peacefully for hundreds of years. In 1918, conflict began between the landless Ossetian peasants living in Shida Kartli, who were affected by Bolshevism and demanded ownership of the lands they worked, and the Menshevik government backed ethnic Georgian nobility, who were legal owners. Although the Ossetians were initially discontented with the economic stance of Tbilisi authorities, the tension shortly transformed into ethnic conflict.

He then stood in the 1907 Kingston-upon-Hull West by-election for the renamed Labour Party, where he took third place with 29.1%, then finally he contested the 1912 Crewe by-election, where he took only 17.7%. Holmes was strongly supportive of Britain's role in World War I and spoke at recruitment meetings, although he opposed conscription. He left the Labour Party and, although he was active in supporting the railway strike of 1919, he was keen to emphasis his opposition to Bolshevism. He retired in 1922 and died twelve years later.

In 1926, Bogard joined with Doss Nathan Jackson to write Evolution: Unscientific and Unscriptural, which claims that Darwin's's theory causes discouraged persons to turn to atheism and Bolshevism. Bogard and Jackson subsequently broke fellowship when Jackson's father-in-law, C. A. Gilbert, the chairman of the Missionary Baptist Sunday School Committee, was blamed for a deficit. For a decade Bogard tried to remove Gilbert as the committee chairman. In 1950, Jackson left the Missionary Baptist denomination and started the Baptist Missionary Association of America, formerly the North American Baptist Association.

During the party's years of underground activity, he helped orient it toward Bolshevism (specifically Stalinism). He shunned real intellectual problems and the debates of the Marxist left, instead idolizing Joseph Stalin. He was most influenced by the latter's The Problems of Leninism, a sort of thumbnail sketch of revolutionary theory; once he had read the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) Short Course, with its blatant falsifications, he looked no further than Stalin for ideological guidance. A devoted Comintern man, he was unconcerned with Romania's cultural and political history and context.

In August 1941, as a fervent anti-communist, endorsed the formation of the creation of a Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism to fight alongside the Germans. He was a member of the Legion's Honorary Committee of Sponsors, and his views, according to his diary, were influenced by meetings with , an Austrian Catholic, German officer, and Nazi counter-intelligence agent. His endorsement of the Legion said: Baudrillart died in Paris on 19 May 1942 at the age of 83. He was interred in the Église des Carmes at the Institut Catholique.

The support of the local Catholic authorities for a return also helped, as did concerns about Bolshevism, against which Hitler was seen as a bulwark.Kershaw, Ian, Hitler: 1889-1936: Hubris (1998) pp.546-547 With a voter participation of 98%, the result of the plebiscite was that the overwhelming majority, 90.8%, voted to re-join the German Reich, with only 8.8% wanting to retain the status quo, primarily as they did not wish to be ruled by Nazis. A third option of joining France received 0.4% of the vote.

First page of the Commissar Order, dated 6 June 1941 The Commissar Order () was an order issued by the German High Command (OKW) on 6 June 1941 before Operation Barbarossa. Its official name was Guidelines for the Treatment of Political Commissars (Richtlinien für die Behandlung politischer Kommissare). It instructed the Wehrmacht that any Soviet political commissar identified among captured troops be summarily executed as a purported enforcer of the "Judeo-Bolshevism" ideology in military forces. It is one of a series of criminal orders issued by the leadership.

Some liberal critics in the Russian emigre community have accused NTS of having a fascist ideology. For instance, Dr. Marc Raeff wrote in the Slavic Review (Summer, 1989, 48(2), pp. 305–306) that, > They [the NTS] rejected both Bolshevism and liberal capitalism and embraced > Russian patriotism and the priority of national solidarity based on > productive labor contributed by all societal sectors. They displayed a > predisposition for a corporatist organization of society and a willingness > to accept a temporary dictatorship in order to bring about the nation's > moral and spiritual regeneration.

A 1937 anti-Bolshevik Nazi propaganda poster. The translated caption: "Bolshevism without a mask – large anti-Bolshevik exhibition of the NSDAP Gauleitung Berlin from November 6, 1937 to December 19, 1937 in the Reichstag building". On 13 March 1933, the Third Reich established a Ministry of Propaganda, appointing Joseph Goebbels as its Minister. Its goals were to establish enemies in the public mind: the external enemies which had imposed the Treaty of Versailles on Germany, and internal enemies such as Jews, Romani, homosexuals, Bolsheviks, and cultural trends including "degenerate art".

At the 1935 Nazi party congress rally at Nuremberg, Goebbels declared that "Bolshevism is the declaration of war by Jewish-led international subhumans against culture itself."Goebbels speech at the 1935 Nuremberg Rally Der Stürmer, a Nazi propaganda newspaper, told Germans that Jews kidnapped small children before Passover because "Jews need the blood of a Christian child, maybe, to mix in with their Matzah." Posters, films, cartoons, and fliers were seen throughout Germany which attacked the Jewish community. One of the most infamous such films was The Eternal Jew directed by Fritz Hippler.

Furet was especially critical of the "Marxist line" of Albert Soboul which Furet maintained was actually more Jacobin than Marxist. Furet argued that Karl Marx was not especially interested in the Revolution and that most of the views credited to him were really the recycling of Jacobinism. Furet considered Bolshevism and fascism were totalitarian twins in terms of violence and repression. From 1995 until his death on 12 July 1997 in Figeac, Furet’s views about totalitarianism led to a debate via a series of letters with the German philosopher Ernst Nolte.

Lewy, 1964, p. 210. Lewy asserts that the letter fulfilled the bishops' share of the bargain made with Hitler by declaring their support for Hitler's foreign policy and by encouraging the Catholic laity to have confidence in Hitlers leadership. However, Hitler never kept his part of the "quid pro quo" as the Nazis were unsympathetic to the Church's desire for Catholic organisations and schools outside the direct control of the Nazis. "The pastoral letter's text revealed the capitulation of Faulhaber to Hitler's wishes : "Bolshevism has begun its march from Russia to the countries of Europe.

As the Russian Civil War dragged on, a number of prominent Whites switched to the Bolshevik side because they saw it as the only hope for restoring greatness to Russia. Amongst these was Professor Nikolai Ustrialov, initially an anti- communist, who came to believe that Bolshevism could be modified to serve nationalistic purposes. His followers, the Smenovekhovtsy (named after a series of articles he published in 1921) Smena vekh (Russian: change of milestones), came to regard themselves as National Bolsheviks, borrowing the term from Niekisch.Lee, The Beast Reawakens, p. 316.

The Tsarist Government drove the Jews out of Russia, but gave them exceptional advantages in Poland. During and after the war the hostility to the Jews was increased by the fact that in the German occupation the Jew was the willing tool of the invader and by the close connection between the Jews and Bolshevism. The hostility to the Jew was marked in 1918 and 1919 by excesses in which some 200 or 300 have in fact been killed, but which have been enormously exaggerated by the Jewish Press.

In September 1944, the Waffen-Grenadier-Brigade der SS "Charlemagne", was formed. It was formed from the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism or LVF and the SS Volunteer Sturmbrigade France. Joining them were French collaborators fleeing the Allied advance in the west, as well as Frenchmen from the German Navy, the NSKK, the Organisation Todt and the detested Milice security police. In February 1945, the Waffen-Grenadier- Brigade der SS "Charlemagne" was officially upgraded to a division and became known as the 33rd Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS Charlemagne (1st French).

They advocated the establishment of a dictatorship, with a dictator-for-life who would name his own successor, along with a strong centralized government and "the incorporation of the proletariat into society through the end of bourgeois privileges." Positivism shared many features with later Bolshevism, Marxism and Leninism. However, and remarkably, the Positivists wanted Pedro II to assume the first dictatorship, and hoped to use him to smooth the transition from monarchy towards their new republic. One of the most influential Positivists in Brazil was Lieutenant-colonel Benjamim Constant, a professor in the Military Academy.

Faced with resistance even among the representatives of "theoretical", "scientific" Bolshevism, Lenin managed to overcome it, relying on the support of the lower classes – local party organizations, adherents of immediate practical action.Stéphane Courtois, Nicolas Werth, Jean–Louis Pannet, Andrzej Paczkowski, Karel Bartoszek, Jean–Louis Margolen, With the Participation of Remy Coffer, Pierre Rigulo, Pascal Fontaine, Yves Santamaria, Sylvain Buluc, "The Black Book of Communism: Crime, Terror, Repression", Three Centuries of History, Moscow, 1999, Translated Under the Direction of Evgeny Khramov. Part 1. "The State Against Its People". Chapter 1.

After the political trials of the 1930s, most of the "Leninist Guards" were repressed. Proceeding from this, there is an opinion that Bolshevism as a phenomenon has left the historical scene: > ...[Stalin] managed to destroy almost all of Lenin's comrades–in–arms in > Russia, becoming by 1928–1939 "the Russian Bonaparte–Robespierre" in the > country, "especially double types of cultures of the pre–bourgeois order, > that is, the cultures of the bureaucratic, serfdom" (and terrorist – we > add), which Lenin feared so much, grew up in the country.Vladimir Lenin. > Full Composition of Writings.

Joseph Stalin, Vladimir Lenin and Mikhail Kalinin in 1919 In the establishment of socialism in the former Russian Empire, Bolshevism was the ideological basis for the Soviet Union. As the vanguard party that guided the establishment and development of socialism, the communist party represented its policies as correct.Sakwa, p. 206. Because Leninism was the revolutionary means to achieving socialism in the praxis of government, the relationship between ideology and decision-making inclined to pragmatism and most policy decisions were taken in light of the continual and permanent development of Marxist–Leninist ideology, i.e.

In July Himmler told an SS gathering: "This nation [Russia] has been united by the Jews in a religion, a world-view, called Bolshevism." From the beginning, therefore, the Einsatzgruppen mostly killed Jews: initially only adult males, but after a few months indiscriminately. By December 1941, when Rundstedt was dismissed as commander of Army Group South, Einsatzgruppen C and D had killed between 100,000 and 150,000 people. In addition, various units participated in killing 33,000 Kyiv Jews at Babi Yar in September 1941, only days after the city was occupied by the Army.

Periodically Diterikhs figured in the negotiations between the Provisional Priamurye Government and other White forces. On June 8, 1922, Diterikhs returned to take over the Army of Verzhbitski as well as the civil administration. Based in the Amur Krai, Diterikhs proceeded to reorganize the army and civil government, much in the way General Pyotr Wrangel had done in the Crimea two years earlier. Taking a hands-on approach, Diterikhs made efforts to enlist the support of the local population for his cause, calling his battle a religious crusade against Bolshevism.

After the occupation of France by German troops, he was released on 10 July 1940. In mid-1941, he became a member of the Central Committee of the Legion of French Volunteers against Bolshevism and lead its recruitment campaign. In contrast to Marcel Déat, Jacques Doriot, or Eugène Deloncle, Boissel took a secondary role in the collaboration. He chaired a collaborationist splinter groupuscule, l'Union des forces françaises (the Union of French Forces), which organized a "pilgrimage" to the grave of anti-Semitic polemicist Édouard Drumont in February 1943.

Newman participated in attempts to restore Archduke Otto von Habsburg to the position of emperor of Austria and Bohemia. In recognition of his efforts he was granted the honour "prince of the Holy Roman Empire" by the Archduke's mother the Empress Zita, and also the title "Baron Willmott" of Hungary, and "Duke of Saxe-Noricum". In 1929, Newman co- founded the Royalist International with Herbert Vivian. The aims of the Royalist International were notionally to campaign against bolshevism and restore monarchy in all nations; however, it was actually a fascist organisation.

Opposition to Leninism and to the person of Lenin can be traced back to the split in the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party into the Menshevik and Bolshevik factions at the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. Bolshevik opposition to Lenin arose with the emergence of the Otzovists (or Recallists), who opposed participation in parliament. They included Alexander Bogdanov, Mikhail Pokrovsky, Anatoly Lunacharsky and Andrei Bubnov. Menshevik opposition to Leninism and Bolshevism was essentially based on what they saw as Lenin's authoritarian nature and methods for achieving a Marxist state.

Propaganda is made to serve an immediate purpose. The books published by Nibelungen Verlag between 1935 and 1941 were all designed to establish a Feindbild (an image of the enemy or bogeyman) of Bolshevism. These tests become interesting when placed in the context of the history of propaganda and German- Russian relations. They provide evidence of the discursive entanglements between National socialist in Germany and the USSR, demonstrate what one regime wrote about the other, and show how the propaganda methods and narratives of one side influenced the other.

Again appointed the Secretary, he held the post for only two years, in 1913 taking over from Harry Quelch as editor of Justice. Lee supported British involvement World War I, alongside such prominent party members as H. M. Hyndman and Will Thorne. However, this proved to be a minority position in the party, and Lee was a member of the right-wing split of 1916 which founded the National Socialist Party. This group opposed the October Revolution, and Lee wrote a pamphlet entitled "Bolshevism: A Curse and Danger to the Workers".

Beck, p. 227 Later in 1918, when the New York city police came to the library to inquire about possible suspicious activity by library employees, Lydenberg readily offered Hasse up to them, claiming she had ties to Jews, Marxism, Trotskyism, and Bolshevism because of a thank you note she had written to him regarding a "Marx book" a patron had requested.Beck, p. 252 Also in 1918, Anderson and Lydenberg hired Edith Clarke, Hasse's colleague from the GPO, who eagerly "came out against Hasse's work" and agreed that she was difficult to work with.

In 1906-14 he lectured at Warsaw's Flying University, and in 1920-32, as a professor he conducted courses in philosophy and pedagogy at Stefan Batory University in Vilnius, then part of the Second Polish Republic; in these, he focused on epistemology and aesthetics. He became dean of the Humanities Department there. His writings included a collection of philosophical essays, and Polish translations of Western philosophers such as Immanuel Kant, Émile Tardieu and Schopenhauer. Ośrodek Myśli Politycznej (Center for Political Thought), 1998; Marian Massonius (1862-1945) with selected fragments from his essay "On Bolshevism".

313 Laufenberg became persona non grata in German communist circles and Radek, who had earlier been a critic, was accused of following his ways when he made a speech praising Albert Leo Schlageter in 1923.Harman, The Lost Revolution, pp. 250-252 Unlike his ally Wolffheim, who became involved in groups on the fringes of the Nazi Party, he retired from politics and in 1932 was mourned as a pioneer of National Bolshevism by Ernst Niekisch who wrote that "in 1919 Laufenberg already thought in terms of continents".

As its primary audience was young Catholics, the periodical frequently aired grievances related to professors and the Slovak language in education. Viewing itself as part of a "fascist new order" in Europe, Nástup advocated for a racial or ethnic definition for the Slovak nation and "cleansing" of minority groups, especially Jews. Nástup promoted antisemitism, and "blamed Jews for everything", including the French Revolution, liberalism, immoral capitalism, socialism, and an alleged global moral decline. Nástup also blamed Jews for the Russian Revolution and Soviet communism, according to the conspiracy theory Judeo-Bolshevism.

Originally a philo-Semite in the mold of Edward Hine, Sawyer's views shifted profoundly to the opinion that one could distinguish between the true Israelites, from whom the Anglo-Saxons were descended, and "false" Jews. Under the influence of the publication of a series of anti- Semitic articles The International Jew, in the Dearborn Independent, a weekly newspaper published by Henry Ford and edited by William J. Cameron, Sawyer began to identify the "false" Jews with un-American objectives and Bolshevism. He applied this particularly to Jews of Ashkenazic and Eastern European origin.

National Bolshevik Front (NBF) has been used as a name for three separate strands of National Bolshevism. The name initially applied to the Russian National Bolshevik Party (NBP) of Eduard Limonov when it was founded in 1993. The group soon changed its name as it emerged as a political party. Although abandoned by the Russian group as a name, the term is still used to refer to a loose federation of National Bolshevik organisations that spreads across much of Europe and even has branches in Venezuela and Bolivia.

The economic situation was poor and many strikes occurred, reaching their apogee with the Swiss general strike from 11 November to 14 November 1918. In a note dated 10 November 1918, Wille announced his concern for the rise of Bolshevism and the internal disorders to come in the country: But he added that it was necessary to avoid violence: Meanwhile, Wille had to manage the pandemic of the Spanish influenza, which affected the troops and the recruit schools. In order to combat the spread of the epidemic, enlistment of new recruits was delayed.

In addition to his political treatises, when he was still in Paris, in 1930, he published the Georgian epic poem by Shota Rustaveli, "The Knight in the Panther's Skin". By 1933 he had published 12 other books, some of which were "Combating Problems" (), "We and They" (), "Soviet System" (), "True and False Communism" (), "Politics" (), "Bolshevism" (), "Our Differences" (), and "Democracy" (). In Paris he founded the Georgian Social-Democratic journal "Battle" () and the newspaper "Battle Cry" (). Until the 1990s the journal he founded, "Our Flag" (), was active, and later edited by his son-in-law, Levan Paghava.

She also wrote a book advocating her ideas about the Bolshevik Revolution titled Bolshevism: Its Cure in 1919. She also came to believe that it was important for her to evangelize for the Roman Catholic Church. In 1916, with her friend David Goldstein, she founded the Catholic Truth Guild, which over the years became the largest lay apostolate in the history of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States. She continued to serve as a staunch advocate of labor reform and Catholicism until her death in 1929 of arteriosclerosis.

Eggebrecht grew up in bourgeois surroundings in Leipzig until 1917 when he volunteered to serve in the First World War where he received a serious wound, the effects of which he would continue to feel for his entire life. Indecisive politically, he alternated between right and left. After the war he was a member of nationalist organizations. From 1920-1925 he was a member of the KPD (Communist Party of Germany), travelling twice to the Soviet Union in 1923 and 1924, but he returned to Berlin disappointed in Bolshevism.

Despite ideological differences, Adolf Hitler admired Stalin and his politics and believed that Stalin was in effect transforming Soviet Bolshevism into a form of Nazism.François Furet, Passing of an Illusion: The Idea of Communism in the Twentieth Century, Chicago, Illinois; London, England, University of Chicago Press, 1999, pp. 191–192, . After being opponents for most of the 1930s, the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in 1939 and remained aligned for the first two years of World War II, until Hitler broke it by invading the USSR in 1941.

Paul Vigouroux (1919–1980), also known as Mathieu Laurier, was a French political activist and anti-communist. He was a member of the Jeunesses Patriotes, La Cagoule, and was secretary general of the Parti français national-collectiviste (PFNC), a political party that was one of the forerunners of the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism. After the French Occupation by Germany in 1941, he volunteered to fight against the USSR in the Eastern Front with the Legion of French Volunteers. In 1942 he joined Franc-Garde, the armed wing of the paramilitary force Milice.

On the other hand, "Moscow" in the title was unmistakably associated not with the western allies, but with uncompromising Bolshevism. People, in whole, were indifferent to the news and did not support any anti-Hitler opposition groups. During 1943–1944 the number of arrests increased, but 80% of arrested were foreign workers, whose number was 140 thousand in Vienna alone. During 1944, as the military and economical landscape got worse, dissatisfaction increased among Austrians too, but not with the Hitler regime, but with the stream of refugees, especially Protestants, "from the North".

Baldwin in Baldwin (1990) p. 5 Nolte labeled the Holocaust an "überschießende Reaktion" (overshooting reaction) to Bolshevik crimes, and to alleged Jewish actions in support of Germany's enemies. In Nolte's opinion, the essence of National Socialism was anti-Communism, and anti-Semitism was only a subordinate element to anti-Bolshevism in Nazi ideology. Nolte argued that because "the mighty shadow of events in Russia fell most powerfully" on Germany, that the most extreme reaction to the Russian Revolution took place there, thus establishing the "causal nexus" between Communism and fascism.

A declared follower of Mihail Eminescu's nationalism and an unreserved admirer of A. C. Cuza, he proudly called himself a "hooligan", praised Hitlerism and stood beside Ion Antonescu during World War II, backing racial laws and deportation of the Jews.Leon Volovici, Ideologia naționalistǎ și "problema Evreiascǎ", p. 178. Bucharest: Editura Humanitas, 1995. Brătescu-Voinești was friends with Antonescu, who in March 1943 granted him an interview in which he thanked Germany for supporting his efforts to rid the country of parasites and internal enemies, and pledged to continue the fight until Jewish Bolshevism was eradicated.

The New York Times, June 15, 1919New York Times: "Senators Tell What Bolshevism in America Means," June 15, 1919. Retrieved February 7, 2010. The Overman Committee was a special five-man subcommittee of the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary chaired by North Carolina Democrat Lee Slater Overman. First charged with investigating German subversion during World War I, its mandate was extended on February 4, 1919, just a day after the announcement of the Seattle General Strike, to study "any efforts being made to propagate in this country the principles of any party exercising or claiming to exercise any authority in Russia" and "any effort to incite the overthrow of the Government of this country."United States Congress, Bolshevik Propaganda, 6; Hagedorn, 55; Murray, 94; New York Times: "Senate Orders Reds Here Investigated,", February 5, 1919. Retrieved February 2, 2010. The Committee's hearings into Bolshevik propaganda, conducted from February 11 to March 10, 1919, developed an alarming image of Bolshevism as an imminent threat to the U.S. government and American values. The Committee's final report appeared in June 1919. Archibald E. Stevenson, a New York attorney with ties to the Justice Department, probably as a "volunteer spy",Hagedorn, 54, 58 testified on January 22, 1919, during the German phase of the subcommittee's work.

A deadlock formed in the Northern Caucasus. On one hand, the Cossacks were very adverse to Bolshevism, and the latter responded with a Decossackization policy. On the other hand, many mountainous peoples were hostile to any Russian rule, Red or White (most originally looked to the Reds as a force also fighting against their foes, the Cossacks, but after the Reds began adopting similar policies as their Tzarist predecessors, resentment resurfaced), and continued fighting Russian/Cossack populations. In the end, the Red Army had to use Cossack tactics and hire local population to police the region.

The NBP believes in the National Bolshevik ideas that arose during the Russian Civil War, such as those from Professor Nikolai Ustryalov, who came to believe that Bolshevism could be modified to serve nationalistic purposes. His followers, the Smenovekhovtsy, who then came to regard themselves as National Bolsheviks, borrowed the term from Ernst Niekisch, who was a German politician initially associated with left-wing politics and later, the National Bolshevik ideology. Limonov and Dugin sought to unite far-left and far-right radicals on the same platform. With Dugin viewing national Bolsheviks as a point between Communist ideas and Fascists.

Noam Chomsky is critical of Marxism's dogmatic strains and the idea of Marxism itself, but still appreciates Marx's contributions to political thought. Unlike some anarchists, Chomsky does not consider Bolshevism "Marxism in practice", but he does recognize that Marx was a complicated figure who had conflicting ideas. While acknowledging the latent authoritarianism in Marx, Chomsky also points to the libertarian strains that developed into the council communism of Rosa Luxemburg and Anton Pannekoek. However, his commitment to libertarian socialism has led him to characterize himself as an anarchist with radical Marxist leanings (see the political positions of Noam Chomsky).

After the February Revolution, Larisa began to write for Maxim Gorky's paper Novaya Zhizn (New Life).Porter, C. (1988) Larissa Reisner, London: Virago pg.41 She also took part in the Provisional Government's spelling reform programme, teaching at workers' and sailors' clubs in Petrograd.Porter, C. (1988) Larissa Reisner, London: Virago pg.42 A week after the Bolshevik Revolution, Reisner helped the newly appointed People's Commissar Anatoly Lunacharsky to issue an appeal to Petrograd's artists and cultural workers to assemble at an evening meeting in the Smolny Institute, where the Bolshevism had their headquarters, to show support for the regime.

Hyndman's personalistic leadership and the policies of the organisation generated proved to be an ongoing inspiration for a river of internal criticism. One major source of contention surrounded the attitude of Hyndman and other party leaders towards the Boer War of 1899–1902. While the party adopted an anti-war stance, the rhetoric of the leadership seemed to these members to be far removed from a principled socialist opposition to the conflict, with Hyndman going so far as to declare in July 1901 that further anti-war agitation was "a waste of time and money."Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism, pg. 14.

A staunch anti-Communist, he came to embrace the National Socialist doctrines of Germany on the grounds that they were the only alternative to Bolshevism. He left Britain permanently to live in France after being declared bankrupt in 1936. In Paris, he met the French fascist leader Jacques Doriot, with whom he travelled to Austria, Italy, and Germany to witness the effects of fascism in those countries. Amery told his family he had joined Francisco Franco's Nationalists during the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and was awarded a medal of honour while serving as an intelligence officer with Italian volunteer forces.

When in the summer of 1932 Giles announced his conversion to Bolshevism, Esmond records his family's shocked reaction (and "Uncle Winston"'s considerable amusement), but at the time he took no specific steps to embrace communism as a personal creed. This followed some nine months later, during the 1933 Easter holidays spent as usual in Dieppe. Before leaving for France, Esmond had acquired a copy of the Daily Worker, and had arranged for further copies to be delivered to Dieppe. Through this clandestine reading, Esmond made contact with groups of communists in London, and arranged to meet them on his return to England.

Hitler and Reichenau in September 1941 Generalfeldmarschall Reichenau's uncle was an ardent Nazi and introduced him to Adolf Hitler in April 1932. Reichenau joined the Nazi Party, although doing so was a violation of the army regulations laid down by Seeckt to insulate the army from national politics. Reichenau was an anti-Semite who equated Jewry with Bolshevism and a perceived Asian threat to Europe. Having died in 1942, Reichenau was never convicted of war crimes, but he was part of the German General Staff and High Command of the Armed Forces collectively indicted at Nuremberg.

The daily remained strongly monarchical, though with less clear dynastical allegiances. Disseminated what it perceived traditional Spanish values. In the 20th century the paper led the venomous campaign against the Jews and the freemasonry, claiming that Judaism is the head and the Freemasonry is the arms of the satanic monster; the Jews were alternately accused of alliance with the Russian Bolshevism or with the capitalist plutocracy. In 1930s El Siglo was a fairly typical Spanish party paper, excelling in bombastic, hyperbolical, inflammatory, intransigent, sectarian phraseology – very much like the republican or socialist press, let alone the anarchist or communist papers.

Péricat's position after the war has been called "Ultra-Left", a blend of Bolshevism with syndicalist anarchism. He founded and became editor of the newspaper L'Internationale. In the first edition, published on 15 February 1919, he disparaged the Second International and called for a true International to be established. On 8 May 1919 the Committee for Resumption, the Committee of Syndicalist Defense and other anarchist elements decided to combine into the Committee for the Third International (Comité pour la 3e Internationale.) The secretaries of the committee were Alfred Rosmer, Péricat, Loriot and Saumoneau, all Anarcho-Syndicalists.

129 Before this election, the PȚB had incorporated into its ranks an anticommunist group, the Bessarabian League against Bolshevism, whose founder, General Alexandru Anastasiu, ran on Peasantist lists for the Senate. However, according to the Romanian historian (and PNL politico) Gheorghe Brătianu, the Bessarabian votes were mainly drawn by the party's "far-left", reflecting the Bessarabian's public's rejection of the Romanian establishment.Brătianu, p. 69 In Lăpușna County, the PȚB received backing from left-wing Jews, including formal pledges of support by the General Bund; the old leftist Zamfir Arbore successfully ran on the PȚB list for a Senate seat at Chișinău.

However, according to Charles Higham's book Trading with the Enemy, Sosthenes Behn of ITT arranged the trip and persuaded Torkild Rieber, CEO of Texaco, to look after Westrick's local needs. Rieber arranged for offices in New York, a house in Westchester County, New York, and a Buick. Westrick found support among American business leaders who were hostile to Bolshevism and to President Franklin D. Roosevelt and were interested in continuing to do business in Europe. Westrick represented many American companies in Germany, including ITT, Ford, General Motors, Standard Oil, the Texas Company, Sterling Products, and the Davis Oil Company.

Richard Thomas Stites (December 2, 1931 – March 7, 2010) was a historian of Russian culture and professor of history at Georgetown University.William Grimes, "Richard Stites, Historian of Russian Culture, Dies at 78", The New York Times, March 12, 2010, available online. He received his PhD from Harvard where his advisor was Richard Pipes.N. G. O. Pereira, "Revisiting the Revisionists and Their Critics," Historian (2010) 72#1 pp 23-37 at p 28 In 1978 he published The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism and Bolshevism, 1860-1930, a book that opened up a new area of Russian studies.

Jeffreys, p. 137 Mann's membership had lapsed after a year although he quickly renewed his subscription as soon as Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany.Jeffreys, p. 146 Following the Nazi seizure of power Mann penned a letter which he sent out to 75 of IG Farben's leading international sales representatives across the world. In the letter Mann told the executives that the Nazis had "won a victory against Bolshevism, the enemy of the entire world" and instructed them to tell their clients in their host countries that stories circulating about Nazi repression contained "not a true word".Jeffreys, p.

Hitler told Faulhaber that religion was critical to the state, and his goal was to protect the German people from "congenitally afflicted criminals such as now wreak havoc in Spain". Faulhaber replied that the church would "not refuse the state the right to keep these pests away from the national community within the framework of moral law."Antisemitism, Christian Ambivalence and the Holocaust, p. 129 Hitler argued that the radical Nazis could not be contained until there was peace with the church; either the Nazis and the church would fight Bolshevism together, or there would be war on the church.

Pius XI announced the following day that communism had moved to the head of the list of "errors", and a clear statement was needed. On 25 November, Faulhaber told the Bavarian bishops that he promised Hitler that the bishops would issue a pastoral letter condemning "Bolshevism, which represents the greatest danger for the peace of Europe and the Christian civilization of our country". He said that the letter "will once again affirm our loyalty and positive attitude, demanded by the Fourth Commandment, toward today's form of government and the Führer".Antisemitism, Christian Ambivalence and the Holocaust, p.

Following the Russian revolution, the area of modern South Ossetia became part of the Democratic Republic of Georgia. In 1918, conflict began between the landless Ossetian peasants living in Shida Kartli (Interior Georgia), who were influenced by Bolshevism and demanded ownership of the lands they worked, and the Menshevik government backed ethnic Georgian aristocrats, who were legal owners. Although the Ossetians were initially discontented with the economic policies of the central government, the tension soon transformed into ethnic conflict. The first Ossetian rebellion began February 1, 1918, when three Georgian princes were killed and their land was seized by the Ossetians.

Chkheidze in June 1917 From 1907 to 1917, Chkheidze was a member of Tiflis Gubernyia in the Russian State Duma and gained popularity as a spokesman for the Menshevik faction within the Russian Social Democratic Party. He was an active member of the irregular freemasonic lodge, the Grand Orient of Russia’s Peoples.. In 1917, the year of the Russian Revolution, Chkheidze became Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet. He failed to prevent the rise of radical Bolshevism and refused a post in the Russian Provisional Government. However, he did support its policies and advocated revolutionary oboronchestvo (defencism).

As Irene Gammel writes in a review of the English translation of the book in The Globe and Mail: "The three decades covered by the 230 letters in this collection provide the context for her major contributions as a political activist, socialist theorist and writer". Her reputation was tarnished by Joseph Stalin's cynicism in Questions Concerning the History of Bolshevism. In his rewriting of Russian events, he placed the blame for the theory of permanent revolution on Luxemburg's shoulders, with faint praise for her attacks on Karl Kautsky which she commenced in 1910.Waters, p. 20.

In brief, the Freikorps were too violent, too small, and too independent of the Bavarian state. The Civil Guards, or Einwohnerwehr, was formed in an attempt to resolve these deficiencies.. In March 1920, Kahr succeeded Hoffmann as prime minister of Bavaria. He came into office under military influences as a secondary result of the Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch of 13 March in Berlin. The most powerful party in Bavaria, the BVP, was then in a state of much anxiety as a result of the experiences of Bolshevism, chaos, and violence through which Munich had passed in the spring of 1919.

Many politicians and government officials, together with much of the press and the public, feared an imminent attempt to overthrow the U.S. government to create a new regime modeled on that of the Soviets. Authorities viewed with alarm African-Americans' advocacy of racial equality, labor rights, and the rights of victims of mobs to defend themselves. In a private conversation in March 1919, President Woodrow Wilson said that "the American Negro returning from abroad would be our greatest medium in conveying Bolshevism to America." Other whites expressed a wide range of opinions, some anticipating unsettled times and others seeing no signs of tension.

In 1941 Rørdam published the poem "Then came the day that we have long awaited", in which he praised Adolf Hitler's efforts to eradicate bolshevism. Having tried in vain to have the poem published in the newspaper Politiken, he published it in the Nazi student magazine "Akademisk Aktion". The poem was not well received in German occupied Denmark, and Rørdam became a pariah. The fact that he later wrote a tribute to Christian Frederik von Schalburg, the leader of the Danish Nazi volunteer corps who fell on the eastern front in German service, did not ameliorate matters.

Lukács attempts a philosophical justification of Bolshevism, stressing the distinction between actual class consciousness and "ascribed" class consciousness, the attitudes the proletariat would have if they were aware of all of the facts. Marx's idea of class consciousness is seen as a thought which directly intervenes into social being. Claiming to return to Marx's methodology, Lukács re-emphasizes the philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel's influence on the philosopher Karl Marx, emphasizes dialectics over materialism, makes concepts such as alienation and reification central to his theory, and argues for the primacy of the concept of totality. Lukács depicts Marx as an eschatological thinker.

In April 1951 the Technischer Dienst (technical service), a secret subsection of the BDJ, was founded on the programmatic basis of the partisan writings by Paul Lüth with the aim in mind, to form an armed resistance movement against "Bolshevism". The operation ran under the name LCPROWL BDJ Apparat. As of 1951 the budget for one year was $125.000. The group was allegedly founded as part of the CIAs program of creating guerrilla and stay-behind groups in Germany and Western Europe that would fight the Soviets should they occupy Western Europe during a future confrontation.

The English playwright Henry Arthur Jones was taken with the idea of Aristopia, and used it in his own polemical writings, as in his "The Tax-Wise Men of Aristopia"Henry Arthur Jones, "The Tax-Wise Men of Aristopia," The World's Work: A History of Our Time, Vol. 41 (November 1920-April 1921), p. 240. and his My Dear Wells.Henry Arthur Jones, My Dear Wells: Being a Series of Letters Addressed by Arthur Henry Jones to Mr. H. G. Wells, Upon Bolshevism, Collectivism, Internationalism, and the Distribution of Wealth, New York, E. P. Dutton, 1921; p. 242.

In 1920, Vivian met Benito Mussolini and Gabriele D'Annunzio in Italy and became an admirer of fascism, particularly Italian Fascism. In 1926, he wrote about his visits to Mussolini's Italy: > I find most useful, instead of a passport, is a copy of the first Fascist > newspaper, for which I wrote an article in 1920... These fascist syndicates > everywhere are not unlike the Soviets, and Fascism is very like Bolshevism > in many ways. Except that one means well, and the other not. Fascism is > certainly succeeding... All the public services go like clockwork, trains > arrive to the tick.

Many later Marxists, in particular Karl Kautsky, criticized Bolshevik leaders for terrorism tactics. He stated that "among the phenomena for which Bolshevism has been responsible, Terrorism, which begins with the abolition of every form of freedom of the Press, and ends in a system of wholesale execution, is certainly the most striking and the most repellent of all". Kautsky argued that that Red Terror represented a variety of terrorism because it was indiscriminate, intended to frighten the civilian population and included taking and executing hostages. People were executed simply for who they were, not for their deeds.

Following the period rapid social change saw a worker's uprising turn to a full scale revolution in Russia in 1917 taken over by Bolsheviks along anarchist bombings of 1919 by foreigners encroached a large fear over many citizens of a possible Bolshevism revolt to overthrow values which the United States holds up to mainly capitalism. It saw persecutions of many ideals of the progressive era seeing raids, arrests, and persecutions taken place. Such as the period saw supporters such as worker unions, socialist, and others faced similar prosecutions. Along these convicted were foreigners, African Americans, Jews, Catholics, etc.

After the suppression of the uprisings, the organization actually broke up. It had branches in Moscow, Rybinsk, Yaroslavl, Murom, Kazan and other cities. In January 1921, it was reinstated at a meeting of Russian emigrants in Warsaw under the name People's Union for the Defense of the Motherland and Freedom. During 1921–23, the organization made attempts to fight and subversive against the Bolshevik regime: volunteers from the People's Union were sent to the Soviet Union to organize military units and underground groups in order to counter Bolshevik power, recruit supporters and conduct attempts to raise a popular uprising to overthrow Bolshevism.

For example, considerable embarrassment resulted when the Ark Royal proved to have survived an attack that German propaganda had hyped. Goebbels instructed Nazi propagandists to describe the invasion of the Soviet Union (Operation Barbarossa) as the “European crusade against Bolshevism” and the Nazis then formed different units of the Waffen-SS consisting of mainly volunteers and conscripts. After Stalingrad, the main theme changed to Germany as the sole defender of what they called "Western European culture" against the "Bolshevist hordes". The introduction of the V-1 and V-2 "vengeance weapons" was emphasized to convince Britons of the hopelessness of defeating Germany.

Rădăceanu, in Scurtu Equally opposed to Bolshevism, he wrote several analytical articles which criticized Stalinism and the Soviet Union. In 1935, he expressed his views on the risks of the Popular Front tactic as proposed by the Soviets: > The will communism has to collaborate cannot be sincere, as long as -- > instead of collaborating with the Russian Social-Democrats -- they torture > them in prisons.Rădăceanu, Lumea Nouă, February 17, 1935, in Frunză, p.83 However, he was staunchly opposed to the authorities' crackdown on the outlawed Romanian Communist Party (PCR), and wrote pieces in defence of communist activists prosecuted for their activities.

Shklovsky returned to St. Petersburg in early 1918, after the October Revolution. He opposed bolshevism and took part in an anti-bolshevik plot organised by members of the Socialist- Revolutionary Party. After the conspiracy was discovered by the Cheka, Shklovsky went into hiding, traveling in Russia and the Ukraine, but was eventually pardoned in 1919 due to his connections with Maxim Gorky, and decided to abstain from political activity. His two brothers were executed by the Soviet regime (one in 1918, the other in 1937) and his sister died from hunger in St. Petersburg in 1919.

Its release shortly preceded the signing of the armistice that ended World War I. This film and other film successes during that year supplied Perret with enough money to start his own production company: Perret Pictures, Inc., which was affiliated with the distributor Pathé Exchange. With this new company, he produced and directed a series of films including La 13ème chaise based on the play by Bayard Veiller and Twin Pawns starring the Hollywood celebrity Mae Murray. His 1920 film, The Lifting Shadows, strongly criticized the newly ascended powers in Russia and revealed Léonce's prejudices towards Bolshevism.

First page "Why Have I Taken Up the Struggle Against Bolshevism" () is a two- page open letter by the Russian lieutenant general and the commander of the Russian Liberation Army Andrey Vlasov. After the twenty-three years' service in the Soviet military, Vlasov changed the allegiance during World War II to collaborate with Nazi Germany. According to Robert Service, Vlasov was outraged when Joseph Stalin denied him permission to retreat in time from an unavoidable encirclement of the 2nd Shock Army. In June 1942 Vlasov refused to be airlifted for evacuation to the rear and chose to stay with his men.

In the six years that followed he wrote a biography of the German preacher and radical theologian Thomas Müntzer and the German sculptor and woodcarver Tilman Riemenschneider. In 1929, Küchenmeister and his wife Annie moved to Berlin with their son Rainer and where their second son Claus Küchenmeister was born. In Berlin he collaborated with the political journalist Karl Otto Paetel and National Bolshevism group. Between 1933 and 1934 Küchenmeister was twice jailed, including a 9-month jail sentence spent in Sonnenburg concentration camp where he was infected by a stomach ulcer and tuberculosis being released early as an invalid.

The Dutch Catholic newspaper "Der Deutsche Weg" expressed disappointment of the pastoral letter: "We find it hard to understand that despite the events of 30 June [i.e. Night of the Long Knives], despite the inhuman brutalities perpetrated in concentration camps, despite the currency and defamation trials, despite the personal insults against individual princes of the Church, against the Holy Father [i.e., the Pope] and the entire Church, and in spite of all the hostile measures amounting to another Kulturkampf, ... the bishops find words of appreciation for what (next to Bolshevism) is their worst enemy."Lewy, 1964, p. 211.

The Front experienced decline as fascism came to be characterised in the media as decidedly "un-Swiss" and there was a popular backlash against the movement. In the Berne Trial, the party faced charges that The Protocols of the Elders of Zion violated Swiss law against obscene publications. Despite these setbacks the National Front reacted by hardening their approach further, establishing a militia group and taking more directly from Nazism as an ideology. Their 26-point programme, published in 1935, underlined the party's fascist credential, calling for the corporate state and containing strong attacks on Bolshevism, socialism, Jewry, Freemasonry and the media.

Born in Bucharest, he lived for part of his childhood at the family manor in Botoşani, where, at age 11, he witnessed first-hand the 1907 peasants' uprisings (which, as he later admitted, contributed to his left-wing sympathies).Chiva & Şchiop; Lăcustă, p.25 As a youth, he read Russian anarchist books, while studying in Paris during World War I, joined anarchist circles.Chiva & Şchiop While travelling through Finland in 1917, Callimachi attended a public meeting at which Vladimir Lenin gave a speech, and consequently adopted Bolshevism. After his return to Romania, Callimachi edited a short-lived magazine in Botoşani (1924–1925),Grigorescu, p.

Regarding Ukrainians, he favoured setting up a buffer state to ease pressure on the German eastern frontier, while agreeing with the notion of the exploitation of Russia for the benefit of Germany.Andreyev, Caterine (1990) Vlasov and the Russian Liberation Movement: Soviet Reality and Émigré Theories London: Cambridge University Press. p.30. During the war, Rosenberg was in favour of collaboration with the East Slavs against Bolshevism and offering them national independence unlike other Nazis such as Hitler and Himmler who dismissed such ideas.Herbert, Ulrich (1997) Hitler's Foreign Workers: Enforced Foreign Labor in Germany Under the Third Reich London: Cambridge University Press. pp.

Emma Goldman was imprisoned for two years after opposing conscription in the US during World War I. Refusal to stand during the national anthem became a widespread form of protest during World War I. In some cases, this was related to protest of conscription. Newspapers at the time associated the protests with support for Socialism, Bolshevism, or Communism. In one case, supporters of anarchist Emma Goldman refused to stand for the National Anthem. The act of protest was very controversial, and many people were highly offended, so that even accidentally remaining seated could result in violence.

Slonim explained that he would never write for the right-wing press; in a later reply, Mussolini insisted that his budding fascist movement was not in fact reactionary. Another work, tracing the historical background of Bolshevism and the Esers, appeared in 1921 as Da Pietro il Grande a Lenin: Storia del movimento rivoluzionario in Russia ("From Peter the Great to Lenin: History of the Revolutionary Movement in Russia"); a French edition came out in 1933, at Éditions Gallimard.Livak (2010), p. 383 Slonim followed up with an essay on Bolshevik Proletkult and Futurism, taken up by Henri Grégoire's monthly, Le Flambeau (October 1921).

In 1956 von Mende increasingly became hostile toward the CIA following the creation of their front-group which would rival his RSEE, the American Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism. This group employed former Muslim Nazi Ibrahim Gacaoglu, who would also work for Radio Free Europe. von Mende however resented foreign interference with West German residents and believed that Muslims living in West Germany should be aligned with their operations. He brought in former Muslim S.S. officer Nurredin Nakibhodscha Namangani to be established as the Hauptimam of West Germany's Muslims, working on the payroll of the West German government.

After the Russian Revolution of 1917, followed by the Russian Civil War, the majority of the Polish population saw cooperation with the Bolshevik forces as betrayal and treachery to Polish national interests.J. M. Kupczak "Stosunek władz bolszewickich do polskiej ludności na Ukrainie (1921–1939), Wrocławskie Studia Wschodnie 1 (1997) Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 1997 page 47–62" IPN Bulletin 11(34) 2003. Polish writer and philosopher Stanisław Ignacy Witkiewicz lived through the Russian Revolution while in St. Petersburg. What he saw, had a profound effect on his works, many of which display themes of the horrors of Bolshevism he witnessed.

Cross also passed the Conspiracy, and Protection of Property Act in the same year which enshrined the worker's right to strike by ensuring that acts carried out by a workers' group could not be indicted as conspiracy. By the end of the 19th century, the Conservatives had moved away from their one-nation ideology and were increasingly supportive of unrestricted capitalism and free enterprise. During the interwar period between 1919 and 1939, public fear of Bolshevism restored the Conservative Party to one-nationism. It defined itself as the party of national unity and began to support moderate reform.

World War: Lowlands of 1941 Time, 20 January 1941. Retrieved 14 April 2010. Despite this alliance, and the German presence in Sofia and along the railway line which passed through the Bulgarian capital to Greece, Boris was not willing to provide full and unconditional cooperation with Germany. He refused to send regular Bulgarian troops to fight the Soviet Union on the Eastern Front alongside Germany and the other Axis belligerents, and also refused to allow unofficial volunteers (such as Spain's Blue Division) to participate, although the German legation in Sofia received 1,500 requests from young Bulgarian men who wanted to fight against Bolshevism.

Begin was a keen critic of Mapai, accusing it of coercive Bolshevism and deep- rooted institutional corruption. Drawing on his training as a lawyer in Poland, he preferred wearing a formal suit and tie and evincing the dry demeanor of a legislator to the socialist informality of Mapai, as a means of accentuating their differences. One of the fiercest confrontations between Begin and Ben-Gurion revolved around the Reparations Agreement between Israel and West Germany, signed in 1952. Begin vehemently opposed the agreement, claiming that it was tantamount to a pardon of Nazi crimes against the Jewish people.

The resulting manifestation of German anti-Bolshevism and an increase in Soviet foreign debts caused a dramatic decline in German–Soviet trade. Imports of Soviet goods to Germany fell to 223 million Reichsmarks in 1934 by the more isolationist Stalinist regime asserting power and by the abandonment of postwar Treaty of Versailles military controls, both of which decreased Germany's reliance on Soviet imports. In 1936, Germany and Fascist Italy supported the Spanish Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War, but the Soviets supported the Spanish Republic. Thus, the Spanish Civil War became a proxy war between Germany and the Soviet Union.

Utilizing marches, religious processions, patriotic and partisan hymns and anthems, along with volunteer work and charitable campaigns in rural areas, in support of anti-communism, the League presented itself as an alternative to corrupt parties. Initially, the Iron Guard hoped to encompass any political faction, regardless of its position on the political spectrum, that wished to combat the rise of communism in the USSR. The Iron Guard was purposely anti-semitic, promoting the idea that "Rabbinical aggression against the Christian world" in "unexpected 'protean forms': Freemasonry, Freudianism, homosexuality, atheism, Marxism, Bolshevism, and the civil war in Spain", were undermining society.Volovici, Nationalist Ideology, p.

German communists, socialists and trade unionists were among the earliest domestic opponents of NazismNon-Jewish Resistance, Holocaust Encyclopedia, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, D.C. and they were also among the first to be sent to concentration camps. Adolf Hitler claimed that communism was a Jewish ideology which the Nazis called "Judeo-Bolshevism". Fear of communist agitation was used to justify the Enabling Act of 1933, the law which gave Hitler plenary powers. Hermann Göring later testified at the Nuremberg Trials that the Nazis' willingness to repress German communists prompted President Paul von Hindenburg and the German elite to cooperate with the Nazis.

Ole Hanson (January 6, 1874 – July 6, 1940) was an American politician who served as mayor of Seattle, Washington from 1918 to 1919. Hanson became a national figure promoting law and order when he took a hardline position during the 1919 Seattle General Strike. He then resigned as mayor, wrote a book, and toured the lecture circuit, earning tens of thousands of dollars in honoraria lecturing to conservative civic groups about his experiences and views, promoting opposition to labor unions and Bolshevism. Hanson later left Washington and founded the city of San Clemente, California in 1925.

In April 1919, anarchists made him one of the targets of booby-trap bombs mailed to approximately 30 prominent American officials. Hanson survived the assassination attempt, and responded by calling for a nationwide campaign of hangings and life imprisonment for members of the I.W.W. and other radicals. He resigned as Mayor on August 28, 1919, saying: "I am tired out and am going fishing." Following his resignation, Hanson set to work writing a book on what he perceived to be the radical menace to America, published in January 1920 in the immediate aftermath of the so-called "Palmer Raids" as Americanism versus Bolshevism.

Unconvinced about the merits of the new Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB), Maclean established the Communist Labour Party in 1920, but was not able to attend the founding conference, so MacDougall led support for Maclean's positions at its founding conference. However, Gallacher convinced a majority of delegates that it should instead seek to join the CPGB, barracking the official speakers and nearly starting fights, and he succeeded in defeating MacDougall in the votes.Raymond Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism, p.249 Maclean left the group, joining the Socialist Labour Party, and MacDougall may have followed him.

In the 1920s, Tarnasiewicz married Wanda Leokadia, the daughter of a Szlachta noble Polish landowner Julian Vincent - Skalski, who has acquired the Vincent wealth. They had a daughter named Danuta (1929-2011, after her husband Brodowska, operating in the Polish National Armed Forces, later a teacher in Lublin) and a son named Andrew. Heldut-Tarnasiewicz was a very close and personal friend of Józef Piłsudski attending his funeral in 1935. Their cumulative war planning and effort led to the historic victory against the Soviets in the Polish- Soviet War which stopped Bolshevism in spreading into Western and other parts of Europe.

Kapp had put Vice-Chancellor Schiffer and the members of the Prussian state government into protective custody on 13 March but they were released the next day and on 15 March, negotiations began. Representatives of the democratic right, Oskar Hergt and Gustav Stresemann also participated. The four big centre-right parties (Democratic Party, Zentrum, German People's Party and German National People's Party) agreed that the main threat was now "bolshevism" and that they had to "win back" the officer corps. It was considered undesirable that Kapp and Lüttwitz should be toppled, they must be seen to resign voluntarily.

Robert Lansing (; October 17, 1864 – October 30, 1928) was an American lawyer and diplomat who served as Counselor to the State Department at the outbreak of World War I, and then as United States Secretary of State under President Woodrow Wilson from 1915 to 1920. A conservative pro-business Democrat, he was pro-British and a strong defender of American rights at international law. He was a leading enemy of German autocracy and Russian Bolshevism. Before U.S. involvement in the war, Lansing vigorously advocated in favor of the principles of freedom of the seas and the rights of neutral nations.

47 They also accuse both Marxism and democracy, with their emphasis on equality, of destroying individuality in favor of the "dead weight" of the masses.Lorna Waddington, (2007) Hitler's Crusade: Bolshevism and the Myth of the International Jewish Conspiracy. I.B.Tauris. pp. 17. One issue where Fascism is in accord with liberalism is in its support of private property rights and the existence of a market economy. Although Fascism sought to "destroy the existing political order", it had tentatively adopted the economic elements of liberalism, but "completely denied its philosophical principles and the intellectual and moral heritage of modernity".

Leonard Cotton (9 October 18751939 England and Wales Register - 20 June 1958) was a British socialist activist and journalist. A gardener based in Oxford,Raymond Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism Cotton first came to prominence in the Social Democratic Federation (SDF), serving on its executive in 1898, 1901 and 1902.Donal Nevin, James Connolly, A Full Life He was imprisoned for a month for breaking by-laws on speaking in Manchester. A leading supporter of James Connolly, in 1901 he was attacked by undergraduates when Connolly came to speak in Oxford and as a result was sacked from his job.

For Rožman as well as for the most Church representatives, the fact that by communists dominated the "Liberation Front" (and performed murderous sanctions against the perceived traitors) presented a special dilemma. The Church detested the violation of human rights and repression, but also found Marxism and Bolshevism incompatible with Church doctrine. The ideological differences were the subject of the anti-communist encyclical Divini Redemptoris issued in 1937 by Pope Pius XI on which Rožman based his stance. The bishop rejected in 1938 as irrelevant for Slovenia the Pope's clarification to French Roman Catholics that the encyclical did not require absolute noncooperation with Communists.

Exposed to Russian Bolshevism through his contacts and acquaintances at the Russian consulate, Bodoo founded the secret anti-Chinese resistance and revolutionary organization Konsulyn Denj (Консулын дэнж or Consular Hill group) after the occupation of Khüree by the Chinese general Xu Shuzheng in late 1919. Other members of the group included Dambyn Chagdarjav, Darizavyn Losol, and Khorloogiin Choibalsan, who acted as Bodoo's Russian interpreter. Encouraged by contacts at the Russian consulate, Bodoo's group eventually merged with another resistance group Züün Hüree whose membership included Soliin Danzan, Dansrabilegiin Dogsom, and Damdin Sükhbaatar. On June 25, 1920,Kh.

The possibility of Lenin's having had quarter-Jewish heritage tends to be spotlighted by authors who subscribe to the antisemitic Jewish Bolshevism conspiracy theory linking Zionism and Communism. It is possible that the argument that Alexander Blank may have had Jewish origin were spread for partly political reasons, there is dispute among historians in Russia about whether or not he may have had such an origin. См. интервью с биографом Ленина: Котеленец Е. А. Битва за Ленина: шесть мифов о вожде революции. Victor Ardashev, a first cousin of Vladimir Lenin, was a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party from Verkhoturye, Perm Governorate.

Frank Ninkovich writes: :As for the two cold wars thesis, the chief problem is that the two periods are incommensurable. To be sure, they were joined together by enduring ideological hostility, but in the post-World War I years Bolshevism was not a geopolitical menace. After World War II, in contrast, the Soviet Union was a superpower that combined ideological antagonism with the kind of geopolitical threat posed by Germany and Japan in the Second World War. Even with more amicable relations in the 1920s, it is conceivable that post-1945 relations would have turned out much the same.

The idea for the British Free Corps came from John Amery, a British fascist, son of the serving British Secretary of State for India, Leo Amery. John Amery travelled to Berlin in October 1942, and proposed to the Germans the formation of a British volunteer force to help fight the bolsheviks. The British volunteer force was to be modelled after the Légion des volontaires français contre le bolchévisme (Legion of French Volunteers against Bolshevism), a French collaborationist force fighting with the German Wehrmacht. In addition to touting the idea of a British volunteer force, Amery actively tried to recruit Britons.

Adam then wanted to expand the trial, but for his critics, it was clear evidence that he had finally crossed the line from socialism to full-blown Bolshevism. The Commander-in- Chief of Home Forces, Lieutenant General Sir Bernard Paget wrote to the Secretary of State for War, Sir James Grigg, warning him that Adam was "a serious menace to both morale and discipline." When the matter was placed before the Army Council, Brooke and Grigg, who normally protected Adam, failed to support it, and the trial did not proceed. The British Army remained short of officers.

History and Memory of Communism in Europe (2002), which came at the end of the Black Book of Communism and provided additions to the book, mostly written by foreign authors, and the Dictionary of Communism (2007). In 2008, he contributed to the Black Book of the French Revolution, in a chapter devoted to the relationship between Jacobinism and Bolshevism. In 2009, he returned again to the question of communism with the book Communism and totalitarianism, which was a collection of a series of his articles on the subject. He has also expanded his work to include all totalitarian regimes.

" In Table Talk, Hitler praised Julian the Apostate's Three Books Against the Galilaeans, an anti-Christian tract from AD 362, in the entry dated 21 October 1941, stating: "When one thinks of the opinions held concerning Christianity by our best minds a hundred, two hundred years ago, one is ashamed to realise how little we have since evolved. I didn't know that Julian the Apostate had passed judgment with such clear- sightedness on Christianity and Christians. ... Originally, Christianity was merely an incarnation of Bolshevism the destroyer. Nevertheless, the Galilean, who later was called the Christ, intended something quite different.

The second volume of Hitler's programmatic Mein Kampf (which first appeared in 1926) called for Lebensraum (living space for the German nation) in the east (mentioning Russia specifically), and, in keeping with his world view, portrayed the Communists as Jews (see also Jewish Bolshevism) who were destroying a great nation.Bracher, Karl D., The German Dictatorship, Praeger, New York, 1976, p.425; Parrish, Thomas (ed.), The Simon and Schuster Encyclopedia of World War II, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1978, p. 398; Taylor, James, and Warren Shaw, The Third Reich Almanac, World Almanac, New York, 1987, p.212.

One of the LCC's most important roles during the late 19th and early 20th century, was in the management of the expanding city and the re- development of its growing slums. In the Victorian era, new housing had been intentionally urban and large-scale tenement buildings dominated. Beginning in the 1930s, the LCC incentivised an increase in more suburban housing styles. A less-dense style of development, focusing on single family homes, was popular among London housing developers because it was believed that this would satisfy the working classes and provide insurance, "against Bolshevism," to quote one parliamentary secretary.

Eduard was a cousin of the Georgian painter and intellectual Dimitri Shevardnadze, who was purged during Stalinist repressions. In 1937 during the Great Purge, his father, who had abandoned Menshevism for Bolshevism in the mid-1920s, was arrested but was released because of the intervention of an NKVD officer who had been Ambrose's pupil. In 1948 at the age of twenty, Shevardnadze joined the Georgian Communist Party (GCP) and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). He rose steadily through the ranks of the Georgian Komsomol and after serving a term as Second Secretary, he became its First Secretary.

Drăghicescu, pp. 87–106 From Poporanism, Mihalache's group inherited the notion of a "peasant state" or "peasant democracy"—a moderate take on the "peasant dictatorship" proposed by the Bulgarian Agrarianists.Harre, pp. 59–60, 63–64 Some of the core assumptions in interwar Peasantism were also informed by Marxian economics, though contradicting all Marxist assumptions about peasantry as a recessive and reactionary class.Drăghicescu, pp. 99–100; Harre, passim; Ilincioiu, p. 25 The Peasantists were fundamentally anti-bourgeoisie in their outlook, which exposed them to suspicions that they were communists. Early on, the People's Party decried Madgearu as an agitator for "economic Bolshevism".

Beginning in October 1918, the Soviet Union liberalized divorce and abortion laws, decriminalized homosexuality, permitted cohabitation, and ushered in a host of reforms that theoretically made women more equal to men.Wendy Z. Goldman, Women, the State and Revolution: Soviet Family Policy and Social Life, 1917-1936. (1993) The new system produced many broken marriages, as well as countless children born out of wedlock.Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930. (1978) The epidemic of divorces and extramarital affairs created social hardships when Soviet leaders wanted people to concentrate their efforts on growing the economy.

However, these may be in error, perhaps confusing Wolf with his younger brother, Morris Gordin, whose disenchantment with the Soviet Union, after his early involvement in Bolshevism, led him to Trotskyism and then to a religious conversion to Protestantism and missionary work. Moreover, Wolf Gordin continued to speak in anarchist circles and publish in anarchist journals in the years of his exile. In the 1930s, Wolf Gordin contributed a number of articles, signed with his AO name "W. Beoby," to his brother's English-language anarchist journal, The Clarion, and to E. Armand's French-language anarchist journal, L'En-Dehors.

The killing operation, with assistance by personnel of the Wehrmacht's 162nd Infantry Division, lasted several days. On 10 July, Daluege addressed the members of the regiment arrayed in a parade formation, extolling them to "exterminate" Bolshevism as a "blessing for Germany". On 11 July, Montua passed a confidential order from Bach-Zalewski to the battalion commanders that Jews, who had been "convicted of looting", were to be shot; an execution took place the same day. Around this time, Police Battalions 316 and 322 rounded up approximately 3,000 Jewish men from Belostok and shot them in a nearby forest.

Unlike some anarchists, Chomsky does not consider Bolshevism "Marxism in practice", but he does recognize that Marx was a complicated figure who had conflicting ideas. While acknowledging the latent authoritarianism in Marx, Chomsky also points to the libertarian strains that developed into the council communism of Rosa Luxemburg and Anton Pannekoek. However, his commitment to libertarian socialism has led him to characterize himself as an anarchist with radical Marxist leanings. As a response to those critiques, libertarian Marxism refers to a broad scope of economic and political philosophies that emphasize the anti-authoritarian aspects of Marxism.

That same day, Ebert received a telephone call from OHL chief of staff Wilhelm Groener, who offered to cooperate with him. According to Groener, he promised Ebert the loyalty of the military in exchange for some demands: a fight against Bolshevism, an end to the system of soldiers' and workers' councils, a national assembly and a return to a state of law and order. This initiated a regular communication between the two that involved daily telephone conversations over a secret line, according to Groener. The agreements between the two became known as the Ebert–Groener pact.

A major source for propaganda about Jewish Bolshevism in the 1930s and early 1940s was the pro-Nazi and antisemitic international Welt-Dienst news agency founded in 1933 by Ulrich Fleischhauer. Within the German Army, a tendency to see Soviet Communism as a Jewish conspiracy had grown since the First World War, something that became officialized under the Nazis. A 1932 pamphlet by Ewald Banse of the Government-financed German National Association for the Military Sciences described the Soviet leadership as mostly Jewish, dominating an apathetic and mindless Russian population. German antisemitic and anti-Soviet propaganda poster, written in the Polish language.

Cohen’s articles and books treat diverse themes ranging from social democratic theory and the idea of cosmopolitanism to the relation between political ideas and culture, especially opera. He defines himself as a “social democratic” humanist or a “liberal socialist” and coined the term “rooted cosmopolitanism” to describe how a citizen can be linked to his or her own society while also being a universalist. His essay “Why Lenin’s Critics were Right” (Dissent, Fall 2017), defended left-wing critics of Bolshevism. Cohen covered the revolutions of 1989 on the ground in East Berlin and Budapest for Dissent.

Conservatism has deep roots in Hong Kong politics and society. As a political trend, it is often reflected in but not limited to the current pro-Beijing camp, one of the two major political forces in Hong Kong, as opposed to liberalism, a dominant feature of the pro-democracy camp. It has also become a political view taken by some localist political parties. Political conservatism in Hong Kong derived from the Chinese tradition of familism and Confucianism and was incorporated into the colonial government's policies by Governor Cecil Clementi in the 1920s in wake of the rising radicalism and also Bolshevism.

Siege of Odessa, with the profiles of Romanian Army and Wehrmacht soldiers over a slogan reading Războiul sfânt contra bolșevismului ("The Holy War on Bolshevism") In theory, Antonescu's policies had at least one revolutionary aspect. The leader himself claimed: "I want to introduce a patriotic, heroic, military- typed education, because economic education and all the others follow from it." According to Boia, his arrival in power was explicitly meant to "regenerate" Romania, and his popularity hinged on his being perceived as a "totalitarian model" and a "saviour" figure, like Corneliu Zelea Codreanu and Carol II before him.Boia, pp.

Wozzeck's success was short lived as theatre after theatre succumbed to political pressure and refused to produce it, Erich Kleiber's 30 November 1932 production being the last, while sets and scenery were systematically destroyed. Wozzeck was also banned in the Soviet Union as "bourgeois". Berg found that opportunities for his work to be performed in Germany were growing scarce and in September 1935 his music was proscribed as Entartete Musik (degenerate music) under the label Kulturbolschewismus (Cultural Bolshevism). Despite these conditions, Berg worked on the score of Lulu in seclusion at his lodge, the Waldhaus, in Carinthia.

It had its origin in the philosophy of Marx and its leaders were Germans."United States Congress, Bolshevik Propaganda, 14; Lowenthal, 49 He cited the propaganda efforts of John Reed and gave many examples from the foreign press. He told the Senators that "We have found money coming into this country from Russia."United States Congress, Bolshevik Propaganda, 19, 29 The Senators were particularly interested in how Bolshevism had united many disparate elements on the left, including anarchists and socialists of many types,United States Congress, Bolshevik Propaganda, 14-8 "providing a common platform for all these radical groups to stand on.

After World War II, a new international organization called the Socialist International was formed in 1951 to represent social democracy and a democratic socialism in opposition to Soviet-style socialism. In the founding Frankfurt Declaration on 3 July, its Aims and Tasks of Democratic Socialism: Declaration of the Socialist International denounced both capitalism and Bolshevism, better known as Marxism–Leninism and referred to as Communism—criticizing the latter in articles 7, 8, 9 and 10. The rise of Keynesianism in the Western world during the Cold War influenced the development of social democracy. The attitude of social democrats towards capitalism changed as a result of the rise of Keynesianism.

The U.S. government has attempted on several occasions to regulate speech in wartime, beginning with the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798. During and following World War I, a series of statutes addressed a complex of concerns that included enemy espionage and disruption, anti-war activism, and the radical ideologies of anarchism and Bolshevism, all identified with immigrant communities. Congressional investigations of 'extremist' organizations in 1935 resulted in calls for the renewal of those statutes. The Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938 addressed a particular concern but not the general problem. Steele, Richard W., Free Speech in the Good War (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999), pp.39-42.

The Spartacus League took an oppositional stance to Leninism and was criticized by the Bolsheviks for inconsistency. Although Liebknecht and Luxemburg were murdered in 1919 for their involvement in the German Revolution, Rühle lived on to participate in the left opposition of the German labour movement, developing both an early communist critique of Bolshevism and an early opposition to fascism. Rühle saw the Soviet Union as a form of state capitalism that had much in common with the state-centred capitalism of the West as well as fascism, saying: > It has served as the model for other capitalistic dictatorships. Ideological > divergences do not really differentiate socioeconomic systems.

Under Fan Noli, the government set up a special tribunal that passed death sentences, in absentia, on Zogu, Verlaci, and others and confiscated their property. In Yugoslavia Zogu recruited a mercenary army, and Belgrade furnished the Albanian leader with weapons, about 1,000 Yugoslav army regulars, and Russian White émigrés to mount an invasion that the Serbs hoped would bring them disputed areas along the border. After Noli's regime decided to establish diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, a bitter enemy of the Serbian ruling family, Belgrade began making wild allegations that the Albanian regime was about to embrace Bolshevism. On December 13, 1924, Zogu's Yugoslav-backed army crossed into Albanian territory.

The city became one of a dozen administrative units of the District of Galicia, the fifth district of the General Government with the capital in Lemberg. Along with the German troops arrived the Ukrainian task forces (pokhidny hrupy), thoroughly indoctrinated at the German training bases in the General Government. See also: The OUN followers (Anwärters included) mobilized Ukrainian militants in some 30 locations at once, See also: including in Sambor; and in accordance with the Nazi theory of Judeo- Bolshevism launched retaliatory pogroms against the Polish Jews. The deadliest of them, overseen by SS-Brigadeführer Otto Rasch, took place in Lwów beginning 30 June 1941.

After the First World War ended, severe discontent among farmers (over wheat prices) and union members (over wage rates) resulted in an upsurge of radicalism, coupled with a polarization over the rise of Bolshevism in Russia. The most dramatic result was the Winnipeg general strike of 1919. It began on 15 May and collapsed on 25 June 1919; as the workers gradually returned to their jobs, the Central Strike Committee decided to end the movement. Government efforts to violently crush the strike, including a Royal Northwest Mounted Police charge into a crowd of protesters that resulted in multiple casualties and one death, had led to the arrest of the movement's leaders.

Constantin Bălăceanu-Stolnici, "Barbu Slătineanu, a Lover of Beauty and a Victim of Bolshevism", in the Romanian Cultural Institute's Plural Magazine , Nr. 21/2004 Marius Oprea, "Moartea domnului Slătineanu", in Ziarul Financiar, 23 March 2007 According to Mircea Eliade, who was living in self-exile to Western Europe and later the United States, Cioculescu was implicated in the 1955–1956 affair that led to the communist prosecution of tens of intellectuals, among them philosopher Constantin Noica and critic Dinu Pillat. The main pieces of evidence in this case were samizdat translations of texts by Romanian diaspora authors, primarily Emil Cioran, which were circulated in the anti-communist milieus.Călinescu & Vianu, p.

Many authors have stated that 1919 was a lost "Wilsonian moment", where the future Hồ Chí Minh could have adopted a pro-American and less radical position if only President Wilson had received him. However, at the time of the Versailles Conference, Hồ Chí Minh was committed to a socialist program. While the conference was ongoing, Nguyễn Ái Quốc was already delivering speeches on the prospects of Bolshevism in Asia and was attempting to persuade French Socialists to join Lenin's Communist International.Brett Reilly review of "Embers of War: The Fall of an Empire and the Making of America's Vietnam" by Fredrik Logevall, Journal of Vietnamese Studies 11.1 (2016), 147.

In this political cartoon from the Portland Telegram a Legionnaire prepares to hit a ball labeled "Bolshevism" with a rifle butt labeled "100 per cent Americanism" beside a quote from Theodore Roosevelt: "Don't argue with the reds; go to bat with them and go to the bat strong!" November 11, 1919, the first anniversary of Armistice Day and the occasion of the Legion's formal launch at its Minneapolis Founding Convention, was also a historical moment of violence and controversy. On that day a parade of Legionnaires took place in the mill town of Centralia, located in Southwestern Washington.Tom Copeland, The Centralia Tragedy of 1919: Elmer Smith and the Wobblies.

In The Right of Nations to Self-determination (1914), Lenin said: The socialist internationalism of Marxism and Bolshevism is based upon class struggle and a peoples' transcending nationalism, ethnocentrism, and religion—the intellectual obstacles to progressive class consciousness—which are the cultural status quo that the capitalist ruling class manipulate in order to politically divide the working classes and the peasant classes. To overcome that barrier to establishing socialism, Lenin said that acknowledging nationalism, as a peoples' right of self-determination and right of secession, naturally would allow socialist states to transcend the political limitations of nationalism to form a federation.Lewin, Moshe. Lenin's Last Struggle (1969).

A critical influence on Hitler's thinking during this period was the Aufbau Vereinigung, a conspiratorial group of White Russian exiles and early National Socialists. The group, financed with funds channelled from wealthy industrialists, introduced Hitler to the idea of a Jewish conspiracy, linking international finance with Bolshevism. The programme of the NSDAP, known colloquially as the "Nazi Party", was laid out in their 25-point programme on 24 February 1920. This did not represent a coherent ideology, but was a conglomeration of received ideas which had currency in the völkisch Pan-Germanic movement, such as ultranationalism, opposition to the Treaty of Versailles, distrust of capitalism, as well as some socialist ideas.

In August 1936, in response to a growing economic crisis caused by his rearmament efforts, Hitler ordered Göring to implement a Four Year Plan to prepare Germany for war within the next four years. The plan envisaged an all- out struggle between "Judeo-Bolshevism" and German national socialism, which in Hitler's view required a committed effort of rearmament regardless of the economic costs. Count Galeazzo Ciano, foreign minister of Mussolini's government, declared an axis between Germany and Italy, and on 25 November, Germany signed the Anti-Comintern Pact with Japan. Britain, China, Italy, and Poland were also invited to join the Anti-Comintern Pact, but only Italy signed in 1937.

Original conjoint publication: New York: Frederick A. Praeger, [1964]. Kelsen also became a significant contributor to the Cold War debate in publishing books on Bolshevism and Communism, which he reasoned were less successful forms of government when compared to Democracy. This, for Kelsen, was especially the case when dealing with the question of the compatibility of different forms of government in relation to the Pure Theory of Law (1934, first edition). The completion of Kelsen's second edition of his magnum opus on Pure Theory of Law published in 1960 had at least as large an effect upon the international legal community as did the first edition published in 1934.

Violations of the Act subjected such property to closure by the Attorney General, including the locking of access doors with padlocks, against any use whatsoever for a period of up to one year and any person found guilty of involvement in prohibited media activities could be incarcerated for three to thirteen months. Men reading confiscated literature in Montreal City Hall, 1938 The law was extremely vague; it did not define Communism or Bolshevism in any concrete way. It denied both the presumption of innocence and freedom of speech to individuals. There were also concerns that the law would be used in order to arrest individual activists from international trade unions.

West continued with his union commitments in parliament, and spent his political career on the back bench. He criticised the government of Stanley Bruce and Earle Page for slow progress in constructing the temporary parliament house in Canberra, and also became known for his advocacy of the Australian flag appearing on all Commonwealth office buildings, his opposition of Tom Walsh and Jacob Johnson's deportation, and his argument that the association of Labor with "Bolshevism and Communism was moonshine". West died at midnight on 5 February 1931 at his home in Darlinghurst, survived by his nine children. A bronze memorial in his honour at the Sydney Trades Hall was unveiled in 1932.

Another aspect of this work was that a number of historians in the IS devoted themselves to rediscovering the past of rank and file movements in the labour movement. A series of articles by Jim Higgins on this topic was published in the group's journal International Socialism. Other related work appeared in book or pamphlet form including books on the Communist Party related Minority Movement of the 1920s and the industrial politics of the CPGB in that period. Work was also done on the pre-World War I period with Raymond Challinor's book on the Socialist Labour Party entitled The Origins of British Bolshevism.

Willis Carto was a devotee of the writings of Francis Parker Yockey, a far-right who heralded Adolf Hitler's Third Reich as the "European Imperium" defending the West against both Bolshevism and the Jewish-controlled United States. Carto adopted Yockey's book Imperium: The Philosophy of History and Politics as his own guiding ideology,"Willis Carto and the IHR", Nizkor Project and he obtained a 15-minute interview with Yockey on June 10, 1960, while the latter was held in prison for passport fraud. Yockey committed suicide six days later on June 16. Scholars have noted that Yockey would have probably been forgotten without Carto's marketing of Imperium to the American audience.

In 1914, Langer was appointed state's attorney of Morton County and was one of a few non-farmers on the Nonpartisan League Republican 1916 state ticket. He was elected state attorney general as the newly formed NPL party swept to victory in the 1916 election, but soon clashed with the party's founder and mercurial leader Arthur C. Townley. By 1920, Langer was publicly accusing Townley of Bolshevism, and failed in a primary campaign to replace the incumbent NPL governor Lynn Frazier as the party's gubernatorial candidate. Langer's break with the NPL leadership was a reflection of the infighting that limited the party's eventual influence on North Dakota politics.

The Tirpitz memoire was viewed by critics as explosive because of the way, they thought, it carefully sought to put the role of the German military in an "appropriate" light. The book also highlighted the importance of sustaining Germany as a bulwark on behalf of western Europe against "Bolshevism". (The former Russian empire was undergoing its own Civil War agonies throughout this period.) Despite his support for conservatism, Kern was careful to steer clear of the extremist right. Nevertheless, at least during the immediate post-war period, Kern was no admirer of the new republican order, and viewed the emergence of democratic institutions and practices during 1918/1919 with deep misgivings.

Following the end of the war, Hoth was tried at the Subsequent Nuremberg Trials, in the High Command Trial. During his testimony he sought to explain his November 1941 order aimed at elimination of the "Bolshevik-Jewish resistance". He claimed that his instructions only meant that his troops should be vigilant and were intended to improve morale: "The German soldier in his good nature ... easily forgot that he was still in enemy territory" and that the "power of Bolshevism [had to be] broken". He insisted that no physical harm came to civilians as the result of this measure, which his troops executed with "clean hands".

When the question of terrorism became a matter of heated debate in the populist movement in 1879, Plekhanov cast his lot decisively with the opponents of political assassination.Haimson, The Russian Marxists and the Origins of Bolshevism, pg. 37. In the words of historian Leopold Haimson, Plekhanov "denounced terrorism as a rash and impetuous movement, which would drain the energy of the revolutionists and provoke a government repression so severe as to make any agitation among the masses impossible." Plekhanov was so certain of the correctness of his views that he determined to leave the revolutionary movement altogether rather than to compromise on the matter.

According to Herf, the piece "repeated and elaborated on the essential projection mechanism of Nazi propaganda"—that Jews were plotting the extermination of Germans. Goebbels interwove the actual systematic murder of the Jewish population with a big lie of an international Jewish conspiracy which controlled the Allies and had started the war. Goebbels wrote that he was satisfied with the reception of the article and planned to increase the use of antisemitism as a propaganda tactic, as he found it second only to Bolshevism in effectiveness. On 18 May, the propaganda ministry delivered copies of "Twilight for the Jews All over the World!" to Nazi officials.

Born in Berlin into a noble family, Stülpnagel joined the Prussian Army straight from school in 1904, and served as a general staff officer in World War I. After the war he served in the Reichsheer reaching the rank of Colonel in 1933. The same year, he was appointed head of the 'Foreign Armies' branch of the General Staff of the Army. In 1935 he published a memorandum in which he combined anti-Bolshevism with anti-semitism.Bulletin, Volume 12-14 German Historical Institute in London, page 27 The Institute, 1990 By 1936 he was a Major General and commanded the 30th Infantry Division in Lübeck.

Churchill was a staunch advocate of foreign intervention, declaring that Bolshevism must be "strangled in its cradle". He secured, from a divided and loosely organised Cabinet, intensification and prolongation of the British involvement beyond the wishes of any major group in Parliament or the nation—and in the face of the bitter hostility of the Labour Party. On 14 January 1919 Churchill circulated a Most urgent and secret memorandum to all commanders of British forces asking whether their forces would serve overseas and particularly in Russia, whether they would serve as strikebreakers and the soldiers' attitude to trade unions. A copy was leaked to and published in the Daily Herald.

Nazis classified those they called the sub-humans into different types; they placed priority on extermination of the Jews, and exploitation of others as slaves.Quality of Life: The New Medical Dilemma, edited by James J. Walter, Thomas Anthony Shannon, page 63 Historian Robert Jan van Pelt writes that for the Nazis, "it was only a small step to a rhetoric pitting the European Mensch against the Soviet Untermensch, which had come to mean a Russian in the clutches of Judeo-Bolshevism." The Untermensch concept included Jews, Roma and Sinti (Gypsies), and Slavic peoples such as Poles, Serbs and Russians. The Slavs were regarded as Untermenschen, barely fit for exploitation as slaves.

Goebbels visits the 1938 Entartete Kunst exhibition in Berlin The RKK played a significant role in the Nazi oppression of Modern art, defamed as "Cultural Bolshevism". One notable project of the Bildende Künste (Fine Arts) division under Adolf Ziegler was the Entartete Kunst exhibition, of works deemed "degenerate." Opened in July 1937 at the Hofgarten in Munich, touring exhibitions were held from 1938 to 1941 in several major German cities such as Berlin, Leipzig, Düsseldorf, Salzburg, and Hamburg. Attendance was measured in the millions (perhaps largely because entrance was free), and the so-called degenerate art may have been more popular with the public than the Nazis anticipated.

Politicians such as Sergei Witte had failed to accomplish this. While the Tsar managed to keep his rule, the events foreshadowed those of the Russian revolutions in 1917, which resulted in the overthrow of the monarchy, execution of the imperial family, and creation of the Soviet Union by the Bolsheviks. Some historians contend that the 1905 revolution set the stage for the 1917 Russian Revolutions, and enabled Bolshevism to emerge as a distinct political movement in Russia, although it was still a minority. Lenin, as later head of the USSR, called it "The Great Dress Rehearsal," without which the "victory of the October Revolution in 1917 would have been impossible".

"Jewish-Bolshevism" became an ideological target for Nazism during the early 1920s. In Rome during November 1932 Rosenberg participated in the Volta Conference about Europe. British historian Sir Charles Petrie met him there and regarded him with great distaste; Petrie was a Catholic and strongly objected to Rosenberg's anti-Jewish and anti-Catholic sentiments.Sir Charles Petrie, A Historian Looks at His World (London, Sidgwick & Jackson, 1972), p. 136. The following year, once Hitler had become Chancellor, Rosenberg was named leader of the Nazi Party's Foreign Policy Office in April, and on 2 June 1933 he was named a Reichsleiter, the second highest political rank in the Nazi Party.

After World War I, Joynson-Hicks became an important member of the Die Hards, who were united 'by their national chauvinism, verging on xenophobia, and anti- Bolshevism', with some members (e.g., Henry Percy (Duke of Northumberland), George Clarke (Lord Sydenham), and the MPs Ronald McNeill, Charles Yate, Charles Taylor Foxcroft and Henry Page Croft) believing the conspiracy theory of a Jewish world effort to subvert Britain and its Empire. Jew baiting was known among them.Inbal Rose, Conservatism and Foreign Policy During the Lloyd George Coalition 1918-1922 (London: Frank Cass, 1999) Joynson-Hicks 'exemplified the Die Hard position', involving himself in matters in which Jews were concerned.

Germany invaded the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941, a day Timothy Snyder called "one of the most significant days in the history of Europe ... the beginning of a calamity that defies description". Jürgen Matthäus described it as "a quantum leap toward the Holocaust". German propaganda portrayed the conflict as an ideological war between German National Socialism and Jewish Bolshevism and as a racial war between the Germans and the Jewish, Romani, and Slavic Untermenschen ("sub-humans"). David Cesarani writes that the war was driven primarily by the need for resources: agricultural land to feed Germany, natural resources for German industry, and control over Europe's largest oil fields.

Ruth Fischer, John C. Leggett, Stalin and German Communism: A Study in the Origins of the State Party, Transaction Publishers, 2006, p. 92 In October 1919 Wolffheim and Laufenberg brought their ideas, which were already known as "national Bolshevism" by that point, to Karl Radek arguing that they should unite behind a dictatorship of the proletariat which would harness German nationalism in order to renew war on the Allies in an alliance with the Soviet Union. The policy emphasised a co-operative struggle for national liberation at the expense of class war and thus broke from Marxist orthodoxy.Chris Harman, The Lost Revolution: Germany 1918–1923, Haymarket Books, 2008, p.

Robert Samuel Ross (5 January 1873 – 24 September 1931) was an Australian socialist journalist, trade unionist, and agitator best known as the editor of a series of political magazines associated with the Australian labour movement in the 1890s and early 1900s. Ross' militant journalism and agitation against Australia's involvement in World War I led to repression by the authorities. Ross' works during the war were censored and confiscated by the police and Ross faced multiple arrests for opposing conscription, waving the socialists' red flag, and circulating anti-war literature. His publication of the article "Bolshevism Has Broken Out in Heaven" led to a 1919 trial for blasphemy.

The U.S. and France refused to deal with the now successful Communist regime because of its promise to support revolutions to overthrow governments everywhere. U.S. Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby stated:David W. McFadden, "After the Colby Note: The Wilson Administration and the Bolsheviks, 1920-21." Presidential Studies Quarterly 25.4 (1995): 741-750. online :It is their [Bolshevik] understanding that the very existence of Bolshevism in Russia, the maintenance of their own rule, depends, and must continue to depend, upon the occurrence of revolutions in all other great civilized nations, including the United States, which will overthrow and destroy their governments and set up Bolshevist rule in their stead.

All these incidents contributed to the creation of a "military psychosis" environment, the emergence of expectations of a new foreign intervention ("crusade against Bolshevism"). By January 1928, only 2/3 of the grain was harvested compared to last year's level, as the peasants massively held the bread, considering the purchase prices to be low. The disruptions in the supply of cities and the army that had begun were aggravated by the exacerbation of the foreign policy situation, which even reached the point of trial mobilization. In August 1927, a panic began among the population, which resulted in the wholesale purchase of food for the future.

It was led by Colonel Ștefan Tătărescu, the brother of Gheorghe Tătărescu (twice Prime Minister of Romania during that interval), and existed around the newspaper Crez Nou. One of several far-right factions competing unsuccessfully against the Iron Guard for support, the group made little headway, and existed at times as a satellite of the National-Christian Defense League. The PNSR proposed a program of corporatism and statism, promising a basic income, full employment, and limits on capitalist profits. It was anticommunist generally, and in particular anti-Soviet, circulating the theory of Jewish Bolshevism while describing its own program as the alternative, "positive", socialism.

The American Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia (ACLPR, AMCOMLIB), also known as the American Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism, was an American anti-communist organization founded in 1950 which worked for the liberation of Russia from Communism. It was a part of CIA project QKACTIVE. Mikola Abramchyk was the representative of a coordinating committee of non-Russian organizations representing six nationalities (Ukrainians, Georgians, Azeris, North Caucasians, Armenians, and Belarusians), which was founded in Europe to represent non-Russian groups willing to associate themselves with AMCOMLIB. ALCPR founded in 1953 the anti-communist broadcaster Radio Liberation, later known as Radio Liberty.

He has since gone on to lead the study group Réseau Radical which emphasised anti-Zionism'France' from the Stephen Roth Institute and after that the association Les Nôtres. He has also led the 'radical' tendency within the National Republican Movement and has sat on its national council. Bouchet who was an exponent of the Third Position until 1990, was later influenced by Aleksandr Dugin and advocated National Bolshevism and then Eurasianism. After declaring to have broken with his former activism, he joined the Front National in 2008 and became a local branch leader from October 2010 to May 2011 and from March 2013 to actually.

Poincaré used German reparations to maintain the franc at a tenth of its prewar value and to pay for the reconstruction of the devastated areas. Since Germany refused to pay nearly as much as Paris demanded, Poincaré reluctantly sent the French army to occupy the Ruhr industrial area (1922) to force a showdown. The British strongly objected, arguing that it "would only impair German recovery, topple the German government, [and] lead to internal anarchy and Bolshevism, without achieving the financial goals of the French." The Germans practiced passive resistance by flooding the economy with paper money that damaged both the German and French economies.

The Nazi Party was one of several far-right political parties active in Germany after the end of the First World War. The party platform included removal of the Weimar Republic, rejection of the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, radical antisemitism, and anti-Bolshevism. They promised a strong central government, increased Lebensraum (living space) for Germanic peoples, formation of a Volksgemeinschaft (people's community) based on race, and racial cleansing via the active suppression of Jews, who would be stripped of their citizenship and civil rights. While imprisoned in 1924 after the failed Beer Hall Putsch, Hitler dictated Mein Kampf to his deputy, Rudolf Hess.

Historians have also discussed an exaggerated fear of communism as a factor, along with the lack of a stable center that could reach out to parties on the left and right; these parties accused each other of Bolshevism and fascism. According to historian Anatol Lieven, Smetona and Voldemaras saw themselves as the dispossessed true heroes of the independence movement, who despaired of returning to power by democratic means. After the May elections, the Grinius/Sleževičius government lifted martial law, still in effect in Kaunas and other localities, restored democratic freedoms, and granted broad amnesty to political prisoners. For the first time, Lithuania had become truly democratic.

Ferenc Farkas de Kisbarnak, an exiled Hungarian general and leader of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN), predicted the dissolution of the Soviet Union due to nationalist pressures. From June 12–14 of 1950, the Convention of the ABN was held in Edinburgh, Scotland under the auspices of the Scottish League for European Freedom. At the conference, Farkas gave a speech entitled "The War Against Bolshevism and the Military Factors Represented by the Subjugated Nations" where he predicted the disintegration of the USSR along ethnic lines which would eventually leave European Russia isolated. He predicted the eventual independence of Ukraine, the Baltic states, Turkestan, the Idel-Ural republics, and Siberia.

Schaub (on Hitler's left) at the signing of the Munich Agreement, 1938 After defeat in World War I, Germany was plunged into bankruptcy, social injustice, poverty, crime and mass unemployment. During these depressing years, Germany saw the creation of a number of extremist political and paramilitary associations, representing both the far-left and the far-right. Amidst this crisis, Schaub decided to join the National Socialist German Workers Party, later commonly known as the Nazi Party; he became member #81. The political program of the party was essentially a rejection of the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, antisemitism, and anti-Bolshevism, driven by Adolf Hitler and his world view.

In the spring of 1943, Vlasov wrote an anti-Bolshevik leaflet known as the "Smolensk Proclamation", which was dropped from aircraft by the millions on Soviet forces and Soviet-controlled soil. In March of the same year, Vlasov also published an open letter titled "Why Have I Taken Up the Struggle Against Bolshevism". Even though no Russian Liberation Army yet existed, the Nazi propaganda department issued Russian Liberation Army patches to Russian volunteers and tried to use Vlasov's name in order to encourage defections. Several hundred thousand former Soviet citizens served in the German army wearing this patch, but never under Vlasov's own command.

Finnish Commander-in-Chief, Field Marshal C. G. E. Mannerheim, often called the war an anti-Communist crusade, hoping to defeat "Bolshevism once and for all". On 10 July, Mannerheim drafted his order of the day, the Sword Scabbard Declaration, in which he pledged to liberate Karelia; in December 1941 in private letters, he made known his doubts of the need to push beyond the previous borders. The Finnish government assured the United States that it was unaware of the order. According to Vehviläinen, most Finns thought that the scope of the new offensive was only to regain what had been taken in the Winter War.

In 1937, he had reached the conclusion that fascism was also a facet of "Bolshevism", and demanded that the state mobilize its resources against antisemitic agitation. While he acknowledged the theoretical existence of a "Jewish Question", Filipescu remained committed to non-violence and spoke of Jews as "siblings of another race". Although critical of the Popular Front, he insisted that Romania could only rely on the strength of her friendship with France. As noted by Georges Oudard, the PC never stood a chance to regain power, but became noted for advocating "the sanity of economic and financial orthodoxy against the temptations of a coming world".

While studying Mathematics at Harvard University in the early 90s, Verbitsky was heavily influenced by Western counter-culture, especially Thelema and industrial music, and was the first to introduce these concepts to post-Soviet Russia via his webzine. At the same time, Verbitsky developed his political views which can be described as a mixture of Social Darwinism, National Bolshevism and Anarchism. He is also a prominent supporter of the anti-copyright movement, and has given lectures on the subject at various locations, including Oxford University. His work Anticopyright: The Book is the only Russian publication placing concepts such as open source and copyleft into historical and cultural context.

Anarchists such as Emma Goldman were initially enthusiastic about the Bolsheviks, particularly after dissemination of Vladimir Lenin's pamphlet State and Revolution which had painted Bolshevism in a libertarian light. However, the relations between the anarchists and the Bolsheviks soured in Soviet Russia (for example, in the suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion and the Makhnovist movement). Anarchists and Stalinist Communists were also in armed conflict during the Spanish civil war. Anarchists are critical of the statist, totalitarian nature of Stalinism and Marxism–Leninism in general as well as its cult of personality around Stalin and subsequent leaders seen by anarchists as Stalinists such as Kim Il-sung or Mao Zedong).

That same year, Gompers chose Tobin as the AFL's second delegate to the founding convention of the International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU)."Labor Leaders to Sail," New York Times, July 4, 1919. Tobin would serve as an AFL delegate to the IFTU until the AFL withdrew from that body in 1945.Taft, The A.F. of L. From the Death of Gompers to the Merger, 1959. In 1918 and 1920, he served as an AFL delegate to the Pan-American Labor Conference."Labor Conference Bars Bolshevism," New York Times, November 16, 1918. In 1920, Annie Tobin died. In October 1922, Tobin married the former Irene Halloran.

Nigel Jones, The Birth of the Nazis: How the Freikorps Blazed a Trail for Hitler, Constable & Robinson, 2004, p. 73 Pabst's energetic commitment to the unit, his strong anti-communist feelings, his general distrust of the commanding officers of the army and the fact that de jure commander General Heinrich von Hofmann had grown exhausted due to a heart condition meant that Pabst became the focus of the Division and effective leader.Donald S. Stephenson, Frontschweine and Revolution: The Role of Front- line Soldiers in the German Revolution of 1918, ProQuest, 2007, p. 276 He saw Bolshevism as a world danger and took part in anti-revolutionary activities across Germany.

Many Fabians participated in the formation of the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 and the group's constitution, written by Sidney Webb, borrowed heavily from the founding documents of the Fabian Society. At the meeting that founded the Labour Representation Committee in 1900, the Fabian Society claimed 861 members and sent one delegate. The years 1903 to 1908 saw a growth in popular interest in the socialist idea in Great Britain and the Fabian Society grew accordingly, tripling its membership to nearly 2500 by the end of the period, half of whom were located in London.Kevin Morgan, Labour Legends and Russian Gold: Bolshevism and the British Left, Part 1.

The posters repeatedly accused Jews of starting the war and intending to exterminate Germans. On the day before the German declaration of war against the United States, Parole der Woche published an issue with a chart showing the supposed international Jewish conspiracy which connected Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin. Herf argues that to Germans who had no other sources of information, "The image and text of the wall newspaper offered a seemingly compelling explanation of how the Jews, so few in number, could have been so successful in plotting against Germany." In this poster and others, antisemitism was combined with anti-Americanism, Anglophobia, and the conspiracy theory of Jewish Bolshevism.

Second, when Roerich later wished to reconcile with the USSR, he maintained that he had not left Soviet Russia deliberately, but that he and his family, living in Karelia, had been isolated from their homeland when the civil war began in Finland. However, Roerich's extreme hostility to the Bolshevik regime – prompted not so much by a dislike of communism as by his revulsion at Lenin's ruthlessness and his fear that Bolshevism would result in the destruction of Russia's artistic and architectural heritage – was amply documented. He illustrated Leonid Andreyev's anti-communist polemic "S.O.S." and had a widely published pamphlet, "Violators of Art" (1918–1919).

Boris Souvarine (1895 – 1 November 1984), also known as Varine, was a French Marxist, communist activist, essayist and journalist. A founding member of the French Communist Party, Souvarine is noted for being the only non-Russian communist to have been a member of the Comintern for three years in succession. 'Historical Note', Preface to Boris Souvarine Papers, Houghton Library, Harvard College Library, Harvard University He famously authored the first biography of Joseph Stalin, published in 1935 as Staline, Aperçu Historique du Bolchévisme (Stalin, Historic Overview of Bolshevism) and kept close correspondence with Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky until their deaths.Boris Souvarine, Prologue to La Critique Sociale, Reprinted 1984, March 1984, p.

The National Socialist state aimed to advance those individuals with special talents or intelligence, so they could rule over the masses. Nazi ideology relied on elitism and the Führerprinzip (leadership principle), arguing that elite minorities should assume leadership roles over the majority, and that the elite minority should itself be organized according to a "hierarchy of talent", with a single leader—the Führer—at the top. The Führerprinzip held that each member of the hierarchy owed absolute obedience to those above him and should hold absolute power over those below him. During the 1920s, Hitler urged disparate Nazi factions to unite in opposition to Jewish Bolshevism.

They claimed that the Catholics were planning to take Washington and put the Vatican in power and that all presidential assassinations had been carried out by Catholics. The prominent Klan leader D. C. Stephenson believed in the antisemitic canard of Jewish control of finance, claiming that international Jewish bankers were behind the World War I and planned to destroy economic opportunities for Christians. Other Klansmen in the Jewish Bolshevism conspiracy theory and claimed that the Russian Revolution and communism were controlled by Jews. They frequently reprinted parts of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and New York City was condemned as an evil city controlled by Jews and Catholics.

The flag of the BRP The Brotherhood of Russian Truth () was a Russian counter- revolutionary nationalist organization established in 1921 by Pyotr Krasnov and other former members of the White movement, including Prince Anatol von Lieven, to overthrow Bolshevism in Soviet Russia. The term "Russian Truth" is the word used to describe the Russian code of laws established by the mediaeval Rus' Grand Prince, Yaroslav I the Wise. The political program of the Brotherhood was anti-communism with a monarchist, Orthodox Christian sentiment. The main method of struggle for the Brotherhood was the establishment of an underground network of counter-revolutionaries within Soviet Russia.

A Romanian national after 1920, Markovits divided himself between the Hungarian Romanian and Jewish communities, and was marginally affiliated with both the Ma art group and the Erdélyi Helikon writers. Rodion Markovitz was seen by his contemporaries as an eccentric, and some of his colleagues believed him a minor and incidental writer. He was also noted for his leftist inclinations, cemented during his personal encounter with Bolshevism but toned down during the final decades of his life. Although he continued to publish short stories until the 1940s, and wrote the sequel novel Aranyvonat ("Gold Train"), his work never again matched the success of Szibériai garnizon.

According to G. von Schantz, Menzhinsky "personally conducted the wrecking of the Russian banks, a maneuver that deprived all opponents of Bolshevism of their financial means of warfare." From 1919 he was a member of the Presidium of Cheka, and five years later became a deputy chairman of its successor, the OGPU. After Felix Dzerzhinsky's death in July 1926 Menzhinsky became the chairman of the OGPU. Menzhinsky played a great role in conducting the secret Trust and Sindikat-2 counterintelligence operations, in the course of which leaders of large anti-Soviet centers abroad, Boris Savinkov and Sidney Reilly, were lured to the USSR and arrested.

The British historian Richard J. Evans wrote that junior officers in the Army were inclined to be especially zealous Nazis with a third of them having joined the Nazi Party by 1941. Reinforcing the work of the junior leaders were the National Socialist Leadership Guidance Officers, which were created with the purpose of indoctrinating the troops for the "war of extermination" against Soviet Russia. Among higher-ranking officers, 29.2% were NSDAP members by 1941. The Wehrmacht obeyed Hitler's criminal orders for Barbarossa not because of obedience to orders, but because they, like Hitler, believed that the Soviet Union was run by Jews and that Germany must completely destroy "Judeo-Bolshevism".

Following the February Revolution, a Special Transcaucasian Committee, including Armenian, Azerbaijani and Georgian representatives, was established to administer parts of the South Caucasus under the control of the Russian Provisional Government. After the October Revolution, on 11 November 1917, this committee was replaced by the Transcaucasian Commissariat, also known as the Sejm, with headquarters in Tbilisi. The Sejm opposed Bolshevism and sought separation of the South Caucasus from Bolshevik Russia. To prevent that, on 13 November 1917, a group of Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries (SR) proclaimed the Baku Soviet, a governing body which assumed power over the territory of Baku Governorate under the leadership of Bolshevik Stepan Shahumyan.

According to Michael Smith, Muslims faced a crushing defeat at the hands of Baku Soviet followed by an "unrestrained brutality of Dashnak forces". While in the aftermath of the tragic events, Musavat used them to foster a national memory of pain, its leader M. E. Rasulzade provided an analysis which seems to reflect the essence of witness accounts. In Rasulzade's view, Bolsheviks and their supporters sought to diminish Musavat's influence among Azerbaijani masses for a long time, and Muslim elites felt frustrated and powerless in face of this pressure. March Days were a violent culmination in this assault of Russian Bolshevism against the unprepared Azerbaijani people.

Under Fan Noli, the government set up a special tribunal that passed death sentences, in absentia, on Zogu, Verlaci, and others and confiscated their property. In Yugoslavia Zogu recruited a mercenary army, and Belgrade furnished the Albanian leader with weapons, about 1,000 Yugoslav army regulars, and Russian White Emigres to mount an invasion that the Serbs hoped would bring them disputed areas along the border. After Noli decided to establish diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, a bitter enemy of the Serbian ruling family, Belgrade began making wild allegations that Albania was about to embrace Bolshevism. On 13 December 1924, Zogu's Yugoslav-backed army crossed into Albanian territory.

Unofficial numbers were much higher. Hundreds of mostly black homes and businesses on the South Side were destroyed by mobs, and a militia force of several thousand was called in to restore order. In mid-summer, in the middle of the Chicago riots, a "federal official" told the New York Times that the violence resulted from "an agitation, which involves the I.W.W., Bolshevism and the worst features of other extreme radical movements." He supported that claim with copies of negro publications that called for alliances with leftist groups, praised the Soviet regime, and contrasted the courage of jailed Socialist Eugene V. Debs with the "school boy rhetoric" of traditional black leaders.

In 1919 Kansas enacted a law titled "An act relating to the flag, standard or banner of Bolshevism, anarchy or radical socialism" in an attempt to punish the display of the most common symbol of radicalism, the red flag. Only Massachusetts (1913) and Rhode Island (1914) passed such "red flag laws" earlier. By 1920 they were joined by 24 more states.Franklin, 292 Some banned certain colors (red or black), or certain expressions ("indicating disloyalty or belief in anarchy" or "antagonistic to the existing government of the United States"), or certain contexts ("to overthrow the government by general strike"), or insignia ("flag or emblem or sign").

Where the first debates between Ou Shengbai and Chen Duxiu, his former teacher, had been friendly, later debates became actively hostile. Chen took the Marxist position that human nature was shaped by social and economic structures, and criticized Ou for his anarchist beliefs that human nature was good and people would be controlled by their sense of shame. The tension with communists was increased by anarchist criticisms of the Soviet Union. Reports from disillusioned anarchists had a big impact, such as Emma Goldman, who had many friends in China, and the wife of Kropotkin, who circulated first-hand reports of the failures of Bolshevism.

Regional HIAG chapters continued to exist through the 2000s, at least one into the 2010s. These groups worked to maintain momentum through the recruitment of younger generations and through outreach to foreign veterans of the Waffen-SS, aided by the continued publication of Der Freiwillige. "[Its] acclaimed aim, today [2014], is to link older and younger generations in a common cause," note the historians Steffen Werther and Madeleine Hurd. The publication's predominant theme continued to be "Europe against Bolshevism," with several editorials devoted to the idea that the Waffen-SS laid the foundation for the unification of Europe, expansion of NATO and "freedom of Fatherlands," as stated in one of the issues.

On February 16, 1938, after the release of a book called "Stories of the Childhood of Stalin," the publishing committee was urged to retract the book, as Stalin claimed that the book was an example of excessive hero worship that elevated his image to idealistic proportions. Stalin spoke disdainfully of this excess, expressing concern that idolatry is no substitute for rigorous Bolshevik study, and could be spun as a fault of Bolshevism by right-deviations in the USSR. Specifically he wrote: > I am absolutely against the publication of "Stories of the childhood of > Stalin". The book abounds with a mass of inexactitudes of fact, of > alterations, of exaggerations and of unmerited praise.

Luxemburgism is an informal designation for a current of Marxist thought and practice that originates from the ideas and work of Rosa Luxemburg. In particular, it stresses the importance for spontaneous revolution which can only emerge in response to mounting contradictions between the productive forces and social relations of society and therefore rejects Leninism and Bolshevism for its insistence on a "hands-on" approach to revolution. Luxemburgism is also highly critical of the reformist Marxism that emerged from the work of Eduard Bernstein's informal faction of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. According to Rosa Luxemburg, under reformism "[capitalism] is not overthrown, but is on the contrary strengthened by the development of social reforms".

Charges of reformism and chauvinism were made by left wing members, who began publishing their oppositional criticism in the official organ of the Socialist Labor Party of America. At the March 1902 annual conference of the SDF, held in Blackburn, the battle between the insurgent left wing and Hyndman's leadership group came to a head. A motion by the left wing to oppose continued unity negotiations with the ILP was roundly defeated, as were other motions to advance an explicitly radical programme, such as one proposal calling for establishment of socialist dual unions and another which would have banned SDF members from joining other political organisations.Challinor, The Origins of British Bolshevism, pg. 19.

These connections led Fleischhauer to create an anti-Jewish publishing firm called U. Bodung-Verlag in Erfurt, Germany that over time became increasingly powerful. Its rise in influence corresponded with the popular successes of National Socialism during the later Weimar period, leading up to the establishment of the Third Reich. On 1 December 1933, he founded Welt-Dienst or Weltdienst (World-Service, Service Mondial etc.) which served as an international antisemitic news agency and journalistic source for numerous other publications. For a nominal fee, subscribers to Welt-Dienst's twice monthly series of mimeographed information sheets received summaries of news stories and other developments worldwide which tended to discredit anyone and anything linked to Judaism and Jewish Bolshevism.

This secret plan Generalplan Ost ("Master Plan East") aimed at expulsion, enslavement and extermination of most Slavic people. Nazi policy towards them changed during World War II as a pragmatic means to resolve military manpower shortages: they were allowed, with certain restrictions, to serve in the Waffen-SS, in spite of being considered subhumans. Nazi propaganda portrayed people in Eastern Europe with an Asiatic appearance to be the result of intermingling between the native Slavic populations and Asiatic or Mongolian races as sub-humans dominated by the Jews with the help of Bolshevism. At the bottom of the racial scale of non-Aryans were Jews, ethnic Poles, ethnic Serbs and other Slavic people, Romani, and black people.

The Russophile Beneš always felt more comfortable with dealing with Russians rather than the Poles, whose behavior in September 1938 was a source of much resentment to Beneš. The promise from the Narkomindel that the Soviet Union supported returning Teschen to Czechoslovakia negated the whole purpose of the proposed federation for Beneš. On 22 June 1941, Germany launched Operation Barbarossa and invaded the Soviet Union. President Emil Hacha of the puppet government serving under the Protectorate praised Hitler in a statement for launching the "crusade against Bolshevism" and urged Czech workers to work even harder for a German victory, observing that much of the material used by the Wehrmacht was manufactured in the Protectorate.

The Nazi leadership, (including Heinrich Himmler) saw the war against the Soviet Union as a struggle between the ideologies of Nazism and Jewish Bolshevism, and ensuring territorial expansion for the Germanic Übermensch (superhumans), who according to Nazi ideology were the Aryan Herrenvolk ("master race"), at the expense of the Slavic Untermenschen (subhumans). Wehrmacht officers told their troops to target people who were described as "Jewish Bolshevik subhumans", the "Mongol hordes", the "Asiatic flood" and the "red beast". The vast majority of German soldiers viewed the war in Nazi terms, seeing the Soviet enemy as sub-human. Hitler referred to the war in radical terms, calling it a "war of annihilation" (Vernichtungskrieg) which was both an ideological and racial war.

Thiriart moved towards National Bolshevism and in later life he worked closely with such exponents of this idea as Aleksandr Dugin. Thiriart was later in life a supporter of a "Euro-Soviet empire which would stretch from Dublin to Vladivostok and would also need to expand to the south, since it require(s) a port on the Indian Ocean." Dugin liked the idea so much, he made it the frontispiece of his 1997 book Foundations of Geopolitics. As well as being a member of the small pan- European European Liberation Front, Thiriart came to spend a lot of time in Russia where he saw the potential for an explosion in European Nationalism.

In March 1918, as the Bolshevik government concluded a separate peace with the Central Powers, the Germans occupied the Donbas and Khrushchev fled to Kalinovka. In late 1918 or early 1919 he was mobilized into the Red Army as a political commissar. The post of political commissar had recently been introduced as the Bolsheviks came to rely less on worker activists and more on military recruits; its functions included indoctrination of recruits in the tenets of Bolshevism, and promoting troop morale and battle readiness. Beginning as commissar to a construction platoon, Khrushchev rose to become commissar to a construction battalion and was sent from the front for a two- month political course.

Under the headline "The Jew will be exterminated", the speech was published in German and translated for international media companies. The editors of The New York Times (believed by the Nazis to be at the center of the "Jewish press") wrote that Hitler did not have a record of following through with promises or threats. At the time of the January 1941 speech, the Nazi leadership was already planning the invasion of the Soviet Union and considering deporting Jews to the conquered territories after a victory. Therefore, Kershaw argues, Hitler's crusade against "Jewish Bolshevism" "was taking concrete shape in his mind" and by referencing the prophecy, he implied that a reckoning with the Jewish enemy was imminent.

After the collapse of a short-lived Communist regime, according to historian István Deák: :Between 1919 and 1944 Hungary was a rightist country. Forged out of a counter-revolutionary heritage, its governments advocated a “nationalist Christian” policy; they extolled heroism, faith, and unity; they despised the French Revolution, and they spurned the liberal and socialist ideologies of the 19th century. The governments saw Hungary as a bulwark against bolshevism and bolshevism’s instruments: socialism, cosmopolitanism, and Freemasonry. They perpetrated the rule of a small clique of aristocrats, civil servants, and army officers, and surrounded with adulation the head of the state, the counterrevolutionary Admiral Horthy. István Deák, “Hungary” in Hans Roger and Egon Weber,eds.

A commemorative plaque marks where Kautsky lived at Saarstraße 14. Vladimir Lenin described Kautsky as a "renegade" in his pamphlet "The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky"; Kautsky in turn castigated Lenin in his 1934 work Marxism and Bolshevism: Democracy and Dictatorship: Both Lenin and Trotsky, however, defended the Bolshevik Revolution as a legitimate and historic social upheaval akin to the French Revolution, casting themselves and the Bolsheviks in the role of the Jacobins, and viewing the "opportunism" of Kautsky and similar figures as a function of "social bribery" rooted in their increasing intimacy with the privileged classes. A collection of excerpts of Kautsky's writings, Social Democracy vs. Communism, discussed Bolshevist rule in Russia.

He wore a clear anti-Soviet, but the German censorship in it subject only to a summary of news from the front. Four months later, the newspaper was renamed the "Morning of the Caucasus", has spread across the North Caucasus region. At the approaches to the city of the Soviet troops Shiryaev left Stavropol with the Germans. In May 1943 he attended school in Dabendorf ROA (at Berlin). Boris Shiryaev was the captain of the RAF, worked with the rules issued in Crimea fascist newspaper "Voice of the Crimea," and in June 1943, in Simferopol he obtained of the German High Command an awarded Hitler insignia established for distinguished himself in the fight against Bolshevism.

Iaroslavskii, "Bol'sheviki — Prodolzhateli lushchikh patrioticheskikh traditsii russkogo naroda" (The Bolsheviks — Continuers of the Best Patriotic Tradition of the Russian People), Pravda, December 27, 1941, pg. 3; quoted in David Brandenberger, National Bolshevism: Stalinist Mass Culture and he Formation of Modern Russian National Identity, 1931-1950. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002; pg. 119. Yaroslavsky's high-profile Pravda piece, along with a similar patriotic and nationalist article by Agitprop chief G. F. Alexandrov, was taken as an official signal to the historical profession to mine the imperial Russian past for examples of heroic unity and national defense which might be transformed into illustrative propaganda to aid the USSR in its attempt to rebuff the Nazi German invaders.

In 1919, with the advent of Prohibition, Sherry announced the closure of his restaurant and ballroom which "for a generation [had] been the scene of some of New York's most brilliant social gatherings.""Sherry's To Move May 17; Fifty-Eighth Street Plan Modified by 'Prohibition and Bolshevism'", The New York Times, May 17, 1919, Page 28 In place of the restaurant, Sherry immediately established Louis Sherry Inc., with a capitalization of $400,000, and the intent of performing "catering and the manufacture and sale of candies and pastries". He opened a new shop at 58th Street and Fifth Avenue for this business, and announced an "alliance" with the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel that involved both his candies and catering services.

NS-Frauen-Warte was first published in 1934. The magazine was published biweekly and had articles on a wide range of topics of interest to women and included sewing patterns."May 1937 - Frauen Warte " Its articles included such topics as the role of women in the Nazi state, Germanization efforts in Poland, the education of youth, the importance of play for children, claims that the United Kingdom was responsible for the Second world war, and that Bolshevism would destroy Germany and Europe if the Soviet Union was not defeated. "Frauen Warte" It defended anti-intellectualism,"The Spirit of Race" highlighted the achievements of Nazi women and how the system had benefited females,"Mothers’ Day 1940" and discussed bridal schools.

Bobbio was born into what his Guardian obituary described as "a relatively wealthy, middle-class Turin family" whose sympathies Bobbio would later characterize as "philo-fascist, regarding fascism as a necessary evil against the supposedly greater danger of Bolshevism".Obituary Norberto Bobbio, The Guardian, 13 January 2004 In high school he met Vittorio Foa, Leone Ginzburg and Cesare Pavese, and at the university he became a friend of . In 1942, under the Fascist regime of Benito Mussolini and during World War II, Bobbio joined the then illegal radical liberal socialist party Partito d'Azione ("Party of Action") and was briefly imprisoned in 1943 and 1944. He ran unsuccessfully in the 1946 Constituent Assembly of Italy elections.

American writer Rick Atkinson concludes that Rommel was "loyal in his own fashion and as beguiled by Hitler as steel filings by a magnet ... Hitler was a bulwark against bolshevism, [Rommel] had told staff officers." Despite this intimate relationship though, he was not provided with basic information on Germany's strategic plan: "Rommel did not know that smashing the Soviet Union and major territorial acquisitions in the East would be the cornerstone of this plan. Nor did Rommel realise that Hitler saw no conflict of interest between Germany and the maritime power Great Britain, which he hoped to make an ally." He also had only a week's warning before the launch of Case White at the start of 1943.

The final manifestation of the magazine, called simply Solidarity (1982–92), was published by the London group. The group also specialised in pamphlets, of which it produced more than 60. Many of them were texts by Cornelius Castoriadis from Socialisme ou Barbarie, published under Castoriadis's pen- name, Paul Cardan, among them Modern Capitalism and Revolution, From Bolshevism to the Bureaucracy, Redefining Revolution, The Meaning of Socialism and Workers' Councils and the Economics of a Self-Managed Society. Other pamphlets include: Solidarity's platforms, As We See It and As We Don't See It; Maurice Brinton's The Bolsheviks and Workers' Control 1917-21, Paris, May 1968 and The Irrational in Politics; and Andy Anderson's Hungary 1956.

Rosa Luxemburg and Eduard Bernstein have criticised Vladimir Lenin that his conception of revolution was elitist and essentially Blanquist. For instance, as part of a longer section on Blanquism in her "Organizational Questions of Russian Social Democracy" (later published as "Leninism or Marxism?"), Luxemburg writes: It is worth noting that by "social democracy" Luxemburg has in mind the original use of the term derived from Marx and synonymous with "socialism;" she conceived of the social democratic party as a mass based organisation of working class struggle. However, Lenin dismissed as meaningless rhetoric the conflation of Blanquism with Bolshevism: Lenin himself denied any accusations of Blanquism in The State and Revolution (1917) and accused Bernstein of "opportunism".

The final draft of the order was issued by OKW on 6 June 1941 and was restricted only to the most senior commanders, who were instructed to inform their subordinates verbally. Nazi propaganda presented Barbarossa as an ideological-racial war between German National Socialism and "Judeo-Bolshevism," dehumanising the Soviet enemy as a force of Slavic Untermensch (sub-humans) and "Asiatic" savages engaging in "barbaric Asiatic fighting methods" commanded by evil Jewish commissars to whom German troops were to grant no mercy. The vast majority of the Wehrmacht officers and soldiers tended to regard the war in Nazi terms, seeing their Soviet opponents as sub-human. The enforcement of the Commissar Order led to thousands of executions.

The NTS platform rejected the traditional labels of "liberal" and "conservative", claiming "We are not to the right, or to the left, we are at the front!" (Мы не справа и не слева, мы впереди! My ne sprava i ne sleva, my vperedi!) The NTS called for a "second revolution", as opposed to a "counter-revolution", believing that a post-Bolshevik Russia needed to be reborn and avoid returning to the mistakes of the pre-revolutionary era. At the same time, NTS rejected the views of groups such as the Smenovekhovtsi and Mladorossi who called for a reconciliation with the Bolshevik regime, believing that Bolshevism is corrupt and incapable of evolution, therefore it needed to be eradicated, not reformed.

The OUN in Galicia was in conflict with the Polish state in the 1930s, waging a terrorist campaign of bombings and assassinations. During the Second World War the OUN fought a vicious struggle against the Armia Krajowa (Home Army) resistance group for the control of Galicia, a region the OUN saw as part of the future Ukrainian state it wished to establish. Because of this background, Polish emigre groups shunned the ABN, which was regarded as a vehicle for the anti-Polish OUN. In its founding statement in April 1946, the ABN declared "Bolshevism is the criminal theory and practice of terroristic nonparty dictatorship which excluded even the slightest bit of freedom, democracy and nationality".

At various times were arrested (and later killed) his grandfather, V.M. Galitsyn, his father, his older brother Vladimir, one brother-in-law and numerous cousins. Later he recalled these years in his Memoirs of a Survivor: The Golitsyn Family in Stalin's Russia, an account of how revolution dramatically transformed life for one of Russia's elite families. Written in secret and published only in 1990, after his death it describes the impact of the revolution upon his family, whilst also painting a picture of life in Russia as Bolshevism turned to Stalinism. After finishing school in 1927, having decided to become a writer, he enrolled to Higher Literature Courses (later to become the Maxim Gorky Literature Institute).

As a result of these fears, and concerns within the government about the effect of the trade union movement upon wartime production, the War Precautions Act had increasingly been used to settle labour disputes and although in some cases it could be seen that this was necessary to maintain wartime production, there were others that saw it as an attempt to suppress the trade unions.Evans 1992, pp. 126–171. For some, this feeling was confirmed when in September 1918 the War Precautions Act was extended to prohibit the flying of red flags, considered a symbol of the trade union movement, but also associated with Bolshevism. By November the war had ended, but the War Precautions Act remained in effect.

On Sibelius's 70th birthday (8 December 1935), the German Nazi regime awarded him the Goethe-Medal with a certificate signed by Adolf Hitler. After the attempted Soviet invasion of Finland in late 1939–40 (the Winter War) which, though repelled, forced Finland to cede territory to the Soviet Union, the Sibelius family returned for good to Ainola in the summer of 1941, after a long absence. Anxious about Bolshevism, Sibelius advocated that Finnish soldiers march alongside German forces after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941. Sibelius did not make any utterances about the genocide of the Jews although, in a diary entry in 1943, he wondered why he had signed the Aryan certificate.

On 24 October 1940, Adolf Hitler installed Philippe Pétain as the head of state of Vichy France in the Montoire Agreement, abandoning the idea of an independent Breton state to ensure French cooperation. Lu Brezon was partially disarmed, while the separatist leaders of the Breton National Party were replaced with autonomists. The German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941 prompted many French communists to join the French Resistance, augmenting its presence in Brittany significantly. The majority of Breton nationalists adopted a neutral stance, refusing to join French collaborationist units such as the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism, while sharing their hatred of what they perceived as a worldwide Judeo-Bolshevist conspiracy.

Late on the evening of November 10, Groener telephoned Ebert at the Reichskanzlei using a secret line, the existence of which had been unknown to Ebert until that time. Groener was at Spa, Belgium at the forward-deployed headquarters of the Oberste Heeresleitung. Ebert never talked about what was said so the only information for posterity on what was discussed is from Groener. According to him, he offered Ebert the loyalty and cooperation of the armed forces in return for some demands: a fight against Bolshevism, a speedy end to the soldiers' councils and restoration of the sole authority of the officers corps, a national assembly and a return to law and order.

In Hungary after the collapse of a short-lived Communist regime, according to historian István Deák: :Between 1919 and 1944 Hungary was a rightist country. Forged out of a counter-revolutionary heritage, its governments advocated a “nationalist Christian” policy; they extolled heroism, faith, and unity; they despised the French Revolution, and they spurned the liberal and socialist ideologies of the 19th century. The governments saw Hungary as a bulwark against bolshevism and bolshevism’s instruments: socialism, cosmopolitanism, and Freemasonry. They perpetrated the rule of a small clique of aristocrats, civil servants, and army officers, and surrounded with adulation the head of the state, the counterrevolutionary Admiral Horthy. István Deák, “Hungary” in Hans Roger and Egon Weber,eds.

In 1931 he completed his studies with the State Exam for a high teaching office, after he accepted a lectureship in music theory at the Hochschule für Kirchenmusik Heidelberg. There his music was attacked as Cultural Bolshevism. In 1935 and 1936 Fortner created the Heidelberg Chamber Orchestra with which he supported New Music and undertook expanded concert journeys for "armed forces support", from Scandinavia to the Netherlands to Greece. In the same year he also took over the directorship of the orchestra of the Hitler Youth of Heidelberg, a string orchestra, formed from juvenile laymen, whose directorship changed in 1939 again. 1940 he was drafted into the army as a medical soldier.

The book is an autobiography and exposition of Hitler's ideology in which he laid out his plans for transforming German society into one based on race. In it he outlined his belief in Jewish Bolshevism, a conspiracy theory that posited the existence of an international Jewish conspiracy for world domination in which the Jews were the mortal enemy of the German people. Throughout his life Hitler never wavered in his world view as expounded in Mein Kampf. The Nazi Party advocated the concept of a Volksgemeinschaft ("people's community") with the aim of uniting all Germans as national comrades, whilst excluding those deemed either to be community aliens or of a foreign race (Fremdvölkische).

Historians agree on the conservatism of interwar Hungary, Historian István Deák states: :Between 1919 and 1944 Hungary was a rightist country. Forged out of a counter-revolutionary heritage, its governments advocated a “nationalist Christian” policy; they extolled heroism, faith, and unity; they despised the French Revolution, and they spurned the liberal and socialist ideologies of the 19th century. The governments saw Hungary as a bulwark against bolshevism and bolshevism’s instruments: socialism, cosmopolitanism, and Freemasonry. They perpetrated the rule of a small clique of aristocrats, civil servants, and army officers, and surrounded with adulation the head of the state, the counterrevolutionary Admiral Horthy. István Deák, “Hungary” in Hans Rogger and Egon Weber,eds.

The Western powers were not pleased with the Third Seimas when it ratified the non-aggression treaty with the Soviet Union in September. They were looking for a government that would change the priorities of Lithuanian foreign policy. It was therefore not surprising that the British Daily Telegraph, the French Le Matin, and the United States' The New York Times wrote that the coup was expected to curtail the move towards friendly relations with the Soviet Union and normalize relations with Poland; the anti- democratic and unconstitutional nature of the coup was not emphasized. The Western press reported the news calmly, or assessed it as a positive development in the Lithuanian struggle against Bolshevism.

Despite radical anti- imperialism being an original core value of Bolshevism, the Soviet Union from 1940 onward was widely viewed as a de facto imperial power whose ideology could not allow it to admit its own imperialism. Through the Soviet ideological viewpoint, pro-Soviet factions in each country were the only legitimate voice of "the people" regardless of whether they were minority factions. All other factions were simply class enemies of "the people", inherently illegitimate rulers regardless of whether they were majority factions. Thus, in this view, any country that became Soviet or a Soviet ally naturally did so via a legitimate voluntary desire, even if the requesters needed Soviet help to accomplish it.

The Nazi Party platform included destruction of the Weimar Republic, rejection of the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, radical antisemitism, and anti-Bolshevism. They promised a strong central government, increased Lebensraum ("living space") for Germanic peoples, formation of a national community based on race, and racial cleansing via the active suppression of Jews, who would be stripped of their citizenship and civil rights. The Nazis proposed national and cultural renewal based upon the Völkisch movement. The party, especially its paramilitary organisation Sturmabteilung (SA; Storm Detachment), or Brownshirts, used physical violence to advance their political position, disrupting the meetings of rival organisations and attacking their members as well as Jewish people on the streets.

The regime attempted to obtain this new territory by attacking Poland and the Soviet Union, intending to deport or kill the Jews and Slavs living there, who were viewed as being inferior to the Aryan master race and part of a Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy. The Nazi regime believed that only Germany could defeat the forces of Bolshevism and save humanity from world domination by International Jewry. Other people deemed life unworthy of life by the Nazis included the mentally and physically disabled, Romani people, homosexuals, Jehovah's Witnesses, and social misfits. Influenced by the Völkisch movement, the regime was against cultural modernism and supported the development of an extensive military at the expense of intellectualism.

Despite his professionalism, he was also unscrupulous, being sued for libel in 1914. His most successful campaign was for the 1925 Federal election, when he combined fear of Bolshevism, with which the opposition Labor Party was sometimes associated, with traditional Australian aspirations of home ownership. Due to his considerable success and efficiency, Parkhill became a national figure, and was closely involved in the formation of the Nationalist Party after the split in the Labor Party due to the issue of conscription in 1916. He became closely associated with Prime Minister Billy Hughes, who had led the Labor split, and was the central figure in the organisation of the Nationalist Party under both Hughes and his successor, Stanley Bruce.

The myth of Judeo-Bolshevism had been well known in Poland > since the Russian revolution and the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920, yet its > 1968 model deserves interest as a tool of communist propaganda. This > accusation exploited and developed the popular stereotype of Jewish > communism to purify communism: the Jews were the dark side of communism; > what was wrong in communism was due to them. The communist elites used the "Jews as Zionists" allegations to push for a purge of Jews from scientific and cultural institutions, publishing houses, and national television and radio stations. Ultimately, the communist government sponsored an antisemitic campaign that resulted in most remaining Jews being forced to leave Poland.

The split would largely be along ethnic and sectarian lines. The Germans and the French would largely back the Western Catholic Croats (Lauck's NSDAP/AO explicitly called for volunteers, which Kühnen's Free German Workers' Party answered and the French formed the "Groupe Jacques Doriot"), while the Russians and the Greeks would back the Orthodox Serbs (including Russians from Barkashov's Russian National Unity, Eduard Limonov's National Bolshevik Front and Golden Dawn members joined the Greek Volunteer Guard). Indeed, the revival of National Bolshevism was able to steal some of the thunder from overt Russian neo-Nazism, as ultra-nationalism was wedded with veneration of Joseph Stalin in place of Adolf Hitler, while still also flirting with Nazi aesthetics.

For a span of nearly a hundred years, the original Fraktur script was used as a standard text face in German-speaking Europe and parts of Scandinavia. During the period of the Third Reich Fraktur and blackletter faces were initially approved of in contrast to sans-serif faces (associated with the Bauhaus and cultural Bolshevism). Approved use of blackletter Fraktur faces by the Nazi regime continued until January 3, 1941, when Martin Bormann, director of the Party Chancellery issued a directive discontinuing the use of blackletter faces because of an alleged discovery of Jewish contributions in the development of these faces. Another reason may have been their limited legibility outside of Germany.

The NKVD prisoner massacres by the Soviet secret police while they retreated eastward were blamed on Jews. The Antisemitic canard of Jewish Bolshevism provided justification for the revenge killings by the ultranationalist Ukrainian People's Militia, which accompanied German Einsatzgruppen moving east. In Boryslav (prewar Borysław, Poland, population 41,500), the SS commander gave an enraged crowd, which had seen bodies of men murdered by NKVD and laid out in the town square, 24 hours to act as they wished against Polish Jews, who were forced to clean the dead bodies and to dance and then were killed by beating with axes, pipes etc. The same type of mass murders took place in Brzezany.

Liber, for opposite reasons, agreed with Lenin that a unity government uniting the Bolsheviks with the moderate socialists they had just overthrown was politically impossible and would destroy the revolution. In taking this view, Liber parted ways with Dan, who had gone over to Martov's Menshevik Internationalists and eventually migrated to the far left of the Menshevik party. Owing to his anti-Bolshevism, Liber lost his leadership positions in the Menshevik party and in the Bund, but found himself in agreement with anti-Bolshevik SRs like Gots and Avksentiev. Despite his fierce and public opposition to the Bolsheviks, Liber was not at first persecuted (perhaps because his brother-in-law was F.E. Dzerzhinky, first head of the Cheka).

Pierre Laval, aware of Luchaire's friendly relations with Abetz, sent him to Paris in July 1940 to re-establish contact with him. Luchaire consistently maintained that he represented a certain respectable "rightist" anti-British French political tradition. He founded a further newspaper, the evening daily Les Nouveaux Temps, in 1940, and subsequently became the President of the Association de la presse parisienne (Association of the Parisian Press) in 1941 and presided the Corporation nationale de la presse française (National Corporation of French Press). During the occupation, however, it was claimed that Luchaire dished out Nazi propaganda, fulminating against England, America, de Gaulle, the Soviet Union, Bolshevism and the Maquis.Werth, 1956, p.131.

Leading up to the German invasion, the National Socialist Movement spent much of the 1930s loudly denouncing the government's inability to protect the Dutch people from economic suffering, social chaos, and the expanding influence of Marxism-Bolshevism. The group separated itself as an internal force, gaining a small degree of importance during that mid-1930s, and eventually contributing to the German efforts to nazify the occupied Netherlands. The NSB began to admire the "achievements" of the German Reich by 1936 and broadcast their own warnings that "International Jewry" had taken a hold of the Netherlands and would conquer Europe. As the Germans gained power in the Netherlands, the NSB believed it could influence occupation policy and German behavior.

These included articles by and about the Menshevik Julian Martov, Karl Kautsky, Rosa Luxemburg, Max Shachtman and others. Its name was based on two earlier American socialist journals—The New International, published by Shachtman and his groups (the Workers Party, the Independent Socialist League) and the International Review, published in the 1930s by independent leftists who were critical of Bolshevism—among them "Integer", the pen name of Herman Gersom. The review struggled throughout its history to make ends meet, and never had more than 500 paying subscribers. It came out at best twice a year in the 1980s and folded just as the Stalinist regimes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union were collapsing.

He was seconded to the Foreign Office in 1919 where he was head of the Secret Intelligence Service's Section V, dealing with counter-Bolshevism in the mid-1920s. In 1924 he was transferred by Churchill to the War Office and, was Head of the Industrial Intelligence Centre of the Committee of Imperial Defence from 1929 to 1939, responsible for providing intelligence on the plans and capabilities for manufacturing munitions in other countries. From 1930 to 1939 he was also a member of the CID sub-committee on Economic Warfare. From 1929, as he "found himself idle much of the time" he assisted Churchill who was writing his history of the Great War, The World Crisis.

Hitler viewed atheists as uneducated, and atheism as the state of the animals. He associated atheism with Bolshevism, Communism, and "Jewish materialism".Norman H. Baynes, ed., The Speeches of Adolf Hitler, April 1922 – August 1939. Vol. 1. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1942, pp. 240, 378, 386. Richard Overy cited Hitler's belief in racial biology as evidence of scientific views and atheism, but stated that Hitler was not a thorough atheist in that sense because of his theistic and spiritual ideologies:Richard Overy; The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia; Allen Lane/Penguin; 2004. pp 281 The historian Geoffrey Blainey wrote that Hitler courted and benefited from fear among German Christians of militant Communist atheism.

He proposed the relève, in which a prisoner of war would be freed for every three workers sent to Germany, and announced it 22 June 1942, after the same day, in a letter to Joachim von Ribbentrop, the German minister of foreign affairs, Laval framing the relève policy as French participation, by providing workers, in the German war effort. "They give their blood. Give your labour to save Europe from Bolshevism". Nazi propaganda leaflet suggesting French workers travel to Germany to support the war effort on the eastern front (1943)Agnès Bruno, Florence Saint-Cyr-Gherardi, Nathalie Le Baut, Séverine Champonnois, Propagande contre propagande en France, 1939-1945, Musées des pays de l'Ain, 2006, 105 p.

In 1939, Quisling turned his attention towards Norway's preparations for the anticipated European war, which he believed involved a drastic increase in the country's defence spending to guarantee its neutrality. Meanwhile, Quisling presented lectures entitled "The Jewish problem in Norway" and supported Adolf Hitler in what appeared to be growing future conflict. Despite condemning Kristallnacht, he sent the German leader a fiftieth-birthday greeting thanking him for "saving Europe from Bolshevism and Jewish domination".. Quisling also contended that should an Anglo-Russian alliance make neutrality impossible, Norway would have "to go with Germany.". Invited to the country in the summer of 1939, he began a tour of a number of German and Danish cities.

On 11 November 1918, the German Army capitulated on the Western Front, which created a vacuum in German-controlled Ukraine. Fighting broke out between Bolshevik, White Russian and Ukrainian Independist forces. French Prime-Minister Georges Clemenceau decided to send an International French-led expedition to Ukraine, to assure the retreat of the Germans, to stop the spread of Bolshevism and to establish an economic sphere of influence. In their attempt to give the expedition an International character, the French only found a response in Greece, when Eleftherios Venizelos decided to send a sizeable contingent (the 2nd and 13th Divisions) under Major General Konstantinos Nider, aiming to gain support for Greek claims in the ongoing peace negotiations.

With the start of World War II, tactical control was exercised by the High Command of the Armed Forces (OKW), with some units being subordinated to Kommandostab Reichsführer-SS (Command Staff Reichsführer-SS) directly under Himmler's control. Initially, in keeping with the racial policy of Nazi Germany, membership was open only to people of Germanic origin (so- called Aryan ancestry). The rules were partially relaxed in 1940, and after Operation Barbarossa in June 1941, Nazi propaganda claimed that the war was a "European crusade against Bolshevism" and subsequently formed units consisting of largely or solely of foreign volunteers and conscripts. These Waffen-SS units were made up of men mainly from among the nationals of Nazi-occupied Europe.

Eckart has been called the spiritual father of Nazism, and indeed Hitler acknowledged him as being its spiritual co- founder. Eckart viewed World War I not as a holy war between Germans and non- Germans, as it was sometime interpreted toward the end of the conflict, but as a holy war between Aryans and Jews, who, according to him, plotted the fall of the Russian and German empires. To describe this apocalyptic struggle, Eckart adopted extensive imagery from the legends of Ragnarok and from the Book of Revelation. In 1925, Eckart's unfinished essay Der Bolschewismus von Moses bis Lenin: Zwiegespräch zwischen Hitler und mir ("Bolshevism from Moses to Lenin: Dialogue Between Hitler and Me") was published posthumously.

64 In mid 1941, he was a founding member and leading activist of the Legion of French Volunteers against Bolshevism (LVF), which became the main focus of his activity as a collaborator. His party was one of the five movements represented on the LVF steering committee, submitting to control by Marcel Déat's National Popular Rally (RNP). In its communique of July 8, 1941, the PFNC welcomed the creation of the LVF and offered to party squads, "eventually including the French Women", to fight for Vichy in places such as French West Africa and Mandatory Syria. In late 1941 the PFNC established itself in Vichy-governed territory, at Lyon, where it endured a steady decline.

Following his release from nearly seven years captivity, Ramcke, through his public actions, became seen as a dedicated nationalistIncluded in one Orders of the Day for Ramcke's command in September 1944 was The US Army was the "instrument of the international Jewish clique which is based in Wall Street, New York, and from there wants to subjugate the entire world in co-operation with Russian Bolshevism... The people of the United States of America are no single, united race. They are made up of all the world's races, the good and the inferior. Among the inferior, the blacks and mixed races stand out"—comments which reflect the peculiarly racist outlook of the Third Reich.

Biography of François de La ROCQUE An American journalist wrote in 1941 that the Petit Journal with La Rocque as editor "assumed a more courageously anti-German attitude after the armistice than did most other papers published under the control of the Vichy government." La Rocque approved the repeal of the Crémieux decrees which had given French citizenship to Jews in Algeria but did not follow the Vichy regime in its racist radicalization. He also condemned the ultra- collaborationist Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism. La Rocque changed orientation in September 1942, declaring that "Collaboration was incompatible with Occupation" and entered into contact with the Réseau Alibi tied to the British Intelligence service.

10090, Papers of Dr Robert Douglas McIntyre, MB ChB, DPH, Duniv, JP. File 61: Correspondence with or papers received from East European national movements in exile (principally the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations and the Ukrainian Committee in Great Britain) and from John F Stewart of the Scottish League for European Freedom, 1952-6. Documents "Resolutions of the Convention of the Anti- Bolshevik Block of Nations (ABN) held in Edinburgh on the 12th, 13th, and 14th of June 1950, convoked under the auspices of the Scottish League for European Freedom", pg. 1, and "The War Against Bolshevism and the Military Factors Represented by the Subjugated Nations", pg. 6. Accessed 06 August 2014.

Party ideologists realized that the anti-fascist policy did not resonate in Austrian society so they found the way out through the propagation of a conservative view of an Austrian "national identity". The "Book of Austria" published by the government in 1948 stated that Austria has been a country of simple, peaceful people of high culture, kind Catholics famous not for their wars or politics but for their ancient traditions. In place of an internal enemy (Nazism), the new ideology took on the familiar foreign enemy – Bolshevism. The image of "innocent victimhood", mostly addressed to the victory states and anticipating the expected near-term withdrawal of the occupying troops, was a good fit for internal policy, too.

America's film industry reflected and exploited every aspect of the public's fascination with and fear of Bolshevism. The German Curse in Russia dramatized the German instigation of Russia's October Revolution.Hanson, 317 The Soviet nationalization of women was central to the plot of The New Moon, in which women between the ages of 23 and 32 are the property of the state and the heroine, Norma Talmadge, is a Russian princess posing as a peasant during the Russian Revolution.Hagedorn, 179; Hanson, 657 Similarly, in The World and Its Woman starring Geraldine Farrar, the daughter of an American engineer working in Russia becomes an opera star and has to fend off attempts to "nationalize" her.

Hanson, 1069 Several films used labor troubles as their setting, with an idealistic American hero and heroine struggling to outwit manipulative left- wing agitators.Virtuous Men, Hanson, 990; The Face at Your Window, Hanson, 257; Uncharted Channels, Hanson, 963–4In one interesting reversal of the usual plot elements, in Wolves of the Street Wall street profiteers foment a Bolshevik strike to ruin a competitor, the film's hero. Hanson, 1052–3 Dangerous Hours tells the story of an attempted Russian infiltration of American industry.Its working title was Americanism (Versus Bolshevism), Hanson, 187, the title of a pamphlet by Ole Hanson, the mayor of Seattle who claimed to have broken the Seattle General Strike in 1919.

First, the anarchists, almost on principle, did not have the institutions or organization to coordinate activities across regions. Second, activists began to realize that the Bolsheviks were Marxists, not anarchists – which caused a loss of prestige for the anarchists who had claimed the success of the Russian Revolution for their own. Third, and perhaps most critical, is that many anarchists expected their educational programs to work slowly, without short- term change; activists and workers who wanted immediate change turned to Bolshevism and the CPC. When the CPC entered into the First United Front with the Kuomintang against the warlords in 1924, they gained even broader access to the labor movement, and to mass movements in general.

He opposed the Italian invasion of Libya in 1912, but at the outbreak of the First World War, despite his anti-militarist ideas, he became an ardent supporter of the interventionist camp on the side of the Triple Entente. He launched a vigorous campaign against Avanti, the organ of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), when Benito Mussolini was removed as chief editor, and openly criticized the PSI for what he considered Bolshevik sympathies. He strongly opposed the communists that had left the socialist party in January 1921, and felt certain sympathy for fascism in its initial phase. Like many other intellectuals and politicians of all persuasions, he saw fascism as an extreme defence against the dangers of Bolshevism, but condemned its recourse to violence.

The Soviet Union and Italy had maintained contacts since 26 December 1921 and full diplomatic relations since 7 February 1924, making Mussolini's Italy the first Western nation to recognize the Soviet Union. Some members of the Italian Communist Party, such as Luigi Tolentino from Palermo lived in exile in the Soviet Union, which caused some political friction and accusations of harbouring "subversives." On 6 May 1933, the two moved closer together by agreeing an economic pact supporting industrialisation goals; Italy required access to Soviet oil and coal, while the Soviets were interested in Italian innovations in the aviation, automobile and naval industries. The ideological controversy between Fascism and Bolshevism was largely considered as an internal matter and relations were built up nevertheless.

Lewis's attack is not on science as such, or scientific planning, but rather the kind of totalitarian planned society idealised by Nazism and Bolshevism: "the disciplined cruelty of some ideological oligarchy." In contrast, Lewis portrays reality as supporting Christian tenets such as the inherent sinfulness of humanity, the impossibility of humans perfecting themselves apart from God, the essential goodness of the physical body (though currently corrupted by sin), the omnipotence of God against the limited powers of evil, and the existence of angels and demons. Within this Christian framework, Lewis incorporates elements of the Arthurian legend as well as Roman mythological figures. In this way, Lewis integrates Christian, Roman, and British mythological symbolism, true to his identity as a British Christian student of antiquity.

Over the next six weeks or so Reilly prepared twelve dispatches which reported on various aspects of the situation in South Russia and were delivered personally by Hill to the Foreign Office in London. Reilly identified four principal factors in the affairs of South Russia at this time: the Volunteer Army; the territorial or provincial governments in the Kuban, Don, and Crimea; the Petlyura movement in Ukraine; and the economic situation. In his opinion, the future course of events in this region would depend not only on the interaction of these factors with each other, but "above all upon Allied attitude towards them". Reilly advocated Allied assistance to organise South Russia into a suitable place d'armes for decisive advance against Petlurism and Bolshevism.

Most Trotskyists defend the economic achievements of the planned economy in the Soviet Union during the 1920s and 1930s, despite the "misleadership" of the Soviet bureaucracy and what they claim to be the loss of democracy.Trotsky, Leon, Revolution Betrayed, pp5 – 32 Pathfinder (1971) Trotskyists claim that in 1928 inner party democracy and indeed soviet democracy, which was at the foundation of Bolshevism,"One of the most important tasks today, if not the most important, is to develop this independent initiative of the workers, and of all working and exploited people generally" Lenin, 'How to organise competition', Collected Works, Volume 26, p. 409 had been destroyed within the various Communist Parties. Anyone who disagreed with the party line was labeled a Trotskyist and even a fascist.

A French recruit for the SS-Volunteer Sturmbrigade France departing from Paris in October 1943 The Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (, or LVF) was a unit of the German Army (Wehrmacht) formed shortly after the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941 by a coalition of small far-right political factions within Vichy France. Although its supporters were more explicitly supportive of Nazi ideology and close collaboration with Nazi Germany than the Vichy regime itself, the German authorities remained skeptical of incorporating French soldiers and limited the unit's size significantly. In spite of this, it only succeeded in including 5,800 recruits between 1941 and its disbandment in 1944. It was also kept at arm's length by the Vichy regime.

He was also known as a devout scholar who chose to lose his position as mufti rather than bow to government pressure to issue a particular fatwa. Bakhit studied at al-Azhar and taught there from 1875 to 1880, when he was appointed qadi (Muslim judge) of Qalyubiyya, after which he served as a judge in various provincial centers, Alexandria, and Cairo. He was appointed Egypt's chief mufti on 21 December 1914, serving until 1921. He opposed Muhammad 'Abduh's reforms at al-Azhar, issued a fatwa (Muslim legal opinion) to warn Muslims against bolshevism (presumably meaning politically inspired violence) in the midst of the 1919 Revolution, and took conservative stands on such issues as the translation of the Quran, women's rights, and the abolition of family awqaf.

After the war he revived his role as a leader of the Fédération liégeoise, but soon fell out with other members of the leadership, as he showed increasing sympathy for Communism, in particular expressing support for the Russian Revolution. He wrote, "I am for the Russian revolution, which is a stronghold for the working class of the world. Without this fortress, without this revolution, the bourgeoisie would not make concessions on social security to the POB. 'Social security' has been thrown by the bourgeoisie at the head of the workers in panicked fear of Bolshevism in our country, as one throws a bone to a dangerous dog."French: «Je suis pour la révolution russe, qui constitue une forteresse pour la classe ouvrière du monde entier.

Many observers were surprised by Verena Rodewald's election to the citizens' committee. One explanation is that men from Bremen's prosperous middle classes, fearful of losing their privileged position in the face of revolution, suddenly found it expedient to create an ad hoc alliance with politically noisy middle class women, if only to give greater numerical weight to their own political demands. The irony is not lost on commentators that it was precisely these same middle class men who had hitherto vehemently opposed women's participation in politics. Nevertheless, everything about Verena Rodewald provided her backers with reassurance that in the event of a full-blown German re-run of Russia's October revolution, she would be strident and effective in opposing any tides of Bolshevism from the east.

A year and a half in prison nearly broke De Gasperi's health. After his release in July 1928, he was unemployed and in serious financial hardship, until in 1929 his ecclesiastical contacts secured him a job as a cataloguer in the Vatican Library, where he spent the next fourteen years until the collapse of Fascism in July 1943. During the 1930s, De Gasperi wrote a regular international column for the review L'Illustrazione Vaticana in which he depicted the chief political battle as one between Communism and Christianity. In 1934, he rejoiced in the defeat of the Austrian Social Democrats, whom he condemned for "de-Christianizing" the country, and in 1937 he declared that the German Church was correct in preferring Nazism to Bolshevism.

After the Bolshevik Revolution, in November 1917, he worked for the state bank, and April supervised the first conference for prisoners of war (such as Bela Kun and Josip Broz Tito) who had converted to Bolshevism. From May 1918 until spring 1919, he was Deputy People's Commissar for Trade and Industry. In 1919, he was sent to Germany as an agent of Comintern, and addressed the founding congress the Young Communist International in a beer hall in Berlin in November 1919, and took part in a secret communist conference in Frankfurt and was a member of the Western Europe Secretariat. However he was very critical of Paul Levi's leadership of the Communist Party of Germany during the Kapp Putsch and was then recalled to Moscow.

In the final chapter, Hitchens analyses a number of his brother's arguments, and contends that "the coincidence in instinct, taste, and thought between my brother and the Bolsheviks and their sympathisers is striking and undeniable". He then records how his brother nominated the "apostle of revolutionary terror" Leon Trotsky for an edition of the BBC radio series Great Lives; praised Trotsky for his "moral courage"; and declared that one of Lenin's great achievements was "to create a secular Russia". Hitchens speculates that his brother remained sympathetic towards Bolshevism and is still hostile towards the things it extirpated, including monarchy, tradition, and faith. He ends the chapter by claiming a form of militant secularism is becoming established in Britain, and that "The Rage Against God is loose".

In an extremely uncomfortable discussion for Paul, Hitler said that after he would expel British troops from Greece, he would invade the Soviet Union in the summer to destroy bolshevism. Yugoslav historiography is mostly silent about the fact that Hitler offered Paul someone of the latter's Karađorđević dynasty to become the emperor of Russia. That was hinted to be Paul himself, whose his regency mandate would end on 6 September 1941, when Peter II would become an adult and thus the legitimate king of Yugoslavia. However, the offer, which was more imaginary than realistic, was not crucial in influencing Paul's decision to accede to the Tripartite Pact on 25 March 1941 since it was Realpolitik that was the ultimate factor.

The ministry presided over by the socialist Hoffmann had succeeded in quelling Bolshevism with the aid of Republican troops from Prussia and Württemberg, but the great majority of the BVP, as well as liberals of various shades, not to speak of the monarchists and reactionaries, wanted further guarantees against a recurrence of the Bolshevist terror. The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch in Berlin gave the signal for political action in Munich, and at a midnight sitting the Bavarian socialist ministry was somewhat unceremoniously hustled out of office — it is alleged under military pressure — and a coalition cabinet under Kahr installed. The coalition included reactionaries whose influence became more and more predominant. They were backed up by formerly liberal Bavarian journals which had been bought up by Prussian industrialists.

34–44 from Forever In the Shadow of Hitler? ed. Ernst Piper, Humanities Press, Atlantic Highlands, 1993, p. 43. Habermas argued that Nolte, Stürmer, Hildebrand and Hillgruber had tried to detach Nazi rule and the Holocaust from the mainstream of German history, explain away Nazism as a reaction to Bolshevism, and partially rehabilitate the reputation of the Wehrmacht (German Army) during World War II. Habermas wrote that Stürmer was trying to create a "vicarious religion" in German history which, together with the work of Hillgruber, glorifying the last days of the German Army on the Eastern Front, was intended to serve as a "kind of NATO philosophy colored with German nationalism".Habermas, Jürgen "A Kind of Settlement of Damages" pp.

'"Free America!" The German American Bund at Madison Square Garden, February 20, 1939. Speeches by J. Wheeler-Hill, Rudolf Marman, George Froboese, Hermann Schwinn, G. William Kunze, and the Bund Fuehrer: Fritz Kuhn West Coast leader, Hermann Schwinn chose to denounce the Jewish control of Hollywood and news industries, following a common theme of the night with a fantastically anti-semitic run-on sentence, "Everything inimical to those Nations which have freed themselves of alien domination is 'News' to be played up and twisted to fan the flames of hate in the hearts of Americans, whereas the Menace of Anti-National, Gold-Hating Jewish-Bolshevism, is deliberately minimized""Free America!" The German American Bund at Madison Square Garden, February 20, 1939.

Although Spanish caudillo Francisco Franco did not bring Spain into World War II on the side of the Axis, he permitted volunteers to join the German Army on the clear and guaranteed condition they would fight against Bolshevism (Soviet Communism) on the Eastern Front, and not against the western Allies. In this manner, he could keep Spain at peace with the western Allies, while repaying German support during the Spanish Civil War and providing an outlet for the strong anti- Communist sentiments of many Spanish nationalists. Spanish foreign minister Ramón Serrano Súñer suggested raising a volunteer corps, and at the commencement of Operation Barbarossa, Franco sent an official offer of help to Berlin. Hitler approved the use of Spanish volunteers on 24 June 1941.

1919 USPD election poster Friedrich Adler (fourth from left), including Arthur Crispien, Wilhelm Dittmann, Lore Agnes, Richard Lipinski, William Bock, Alfred Henke, Frederick Geyer, Curt Geyer, Fritz Zubeil, Fritz Kunert, Georg Ledebour and Emanuel Wurm The Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (, USPD) was a short-lived political party in Germany during the German Empire and the Weimar Republic. The organization was established in 1917 as the result of a split of left wing members of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). The organization attempted to chart a centrist course between electorally oriented revisionism on the one hand and Bolshevism on the other. The organization was terminated in 1931 through merger with the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany (SAPD).

With their implementation civil liberties, especially the intellectual freedom of political dissenters, were curtailed.Horn, Michiel, The League for Social Reconstruction: Intellectual Origins of the Democratic Left in Canada 1930-1942. Toronto: U of Toronto Press, 1980. p. 171 As well, in Quebec the Union Nationale government of Premier Maurice Duplessis enacted “An Act Respecting Communist Propaganda”, which came to be known as the Padlock Act. It gave Premier Duplesis, as Attorney General of Quebec, the power to close (hence padlock) any premises used for the purposes of “propagating Communism or Bolshevism.” The Act was criticized by Eugene Forsey, for example, as being far too broad in definition and that it gave the Premier the power to suppress any opinions that he wished to.

Crowds of Winnipeggers wave at Queen Elizabeth and King George VI In the 1917 election in the midst of the conscription crisis, the Liberals were split in half and the new Union party carried all but one seat. After World War I ended, severe discontent among farmers (over wheat prices) and union members (over wage rates) resulted in an upsurge of radicalism, coupled with a polarization over the rise of Bolshevism in Russia. The most dramatic episode was the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 which shut down most activity for six weeks, starting May 15. The strike collapsed on June 25, 1919, as the workers were gradually returning to their jobs and the Central Strike Committee decided to end the strike.

She had done this, she wrote, only after much soul searching, and despite disagreeing with their anti-semitic rhetoric, because the Nazis were the only party committed to revising the punitive terms of the 1919, Treaty of Versailles, and the only party to include among their objectives the fights against corruption and against Bolshevism. Back in 1925 Adam's doctoral dissertation had been supervised by Ernst Cassirer. After the Nazis took power in January 1933, Cassirer applied to the Hamburg university authorities in April 1933 for permission to resign, on account of his Jewish provenance: he emigrated, initially to Oxford in England. It was no longer possible to believe that no government would ever gain popular support (or at least popular connivance) for the disenfranchisement of Jews.

But, in spite—or perhaps because—of its rapid growth, the Socialist Party of Minnesota soon also became a heavily contested battlefield for factional disputes within the SPA. This culminated in the period of 1914 though 1919, in which the Socialist Party of Minnesota was decimated by conflicts rooted first in differences of opinion regarding the United States' entry into World War I, and later disagreements over the Bolshevism question following the Russian Revolution. In addition to tearing itself apart, the party was also affected by shifts in public opinion during the First Red Scare, which made it increasingly difficult for the Socialist Party to access an audience. The Socialist Party of Minnesota continued to exist after 1920, but in a severely weakened state.

In view of this disquieting context, the top priority of the American government was the containment of war and civil unrest and Gibson, with this in mind, urged upon his superiors in the State Department that it was in the national interest to favor the establishment of a strong Poland, which could ensure the stability of Europe, and notably, in view of current instability of Russia, to serve as "a bulwark against Bolshevism."The Russian Revolution had begun just eighteen months earlier. A Civil War was raging between the Bolshevik army and the White Army which fought to reestablish the monarchy. Lenin subscribed to Marx's view that Russia, a predominantly rural society without a large industrial proletariat was not the ideal place to start a revolution.

Although pursuing an alliance based on Realpolitik with Imperial Japan in the battle against the "Western Plutocracies" and Soviet Bolshevism, the Nazi leadership ultimately considered this cooperation only temporary in nature. The racial ideology of Nazism predicted that the fate of human civilization depended on the ultimate triumph of the Germanic-Nordic peoples, and in fact the populous Asian continent was seen as the greatest threat to hegemony of the white race. The Japanese people were characterized as 'culture-bearers', meaning they could make use of the technological and civilizational achievements of the Aryan race and by so doing maintain an advanced society, but could not truly create 'culture' themselves.Rich, Norman (1973). Hitler's War Aims: Ideology, the Nazi State, and the Course of Expansion, 224.

In 1933, Hitler had laid down his foreign policy priories as "natural antagonism" towards the Soviet Union. In the fall of 1935, various business leaders complained to Hitler about the overwhelming costs of the rearmament, only for Hermann Göring to speak about the necessity of preparing for the coming war against the Soviet Union. The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936 put Hitler into an apocalyptic mood in the summer of 1936 as he become convinced that a war with the Soviet Union would occur in the near-future. The diary of Josef Goebbels shows that a leitmotiv of Hitler's thinking in 1936 and 1937 was his conviction that Germany would have to take on the forces of "Judeo-Bolshevism" sooner rather than later.

Historians such as Richard Overy have argued that the importance of the memo, which was written personally by Hitler, can be gauged by the fact that Hitler, who had something of a phobia about writing, hardly ever wrote anything down, which indicates that Hitler had something especially important to say.Overy, Richard “Misjudging Hitler” pages 93–115 from The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered edited by Gordon Martel Routledge: London, United Kingdom, 1999 page 98. The "Four-Year Plan Memorandum" predicated an imminent all-out, apocalyptic struggle between "Judeo-Bolshevism" and German National Socialism, which necessitated a total effort at rearmament regardless of the economic costs. The basic premise of the Four Year Plan memo was that "the showdown with Russia is inevitable".

British historian Sir Ian Kershaw argues that Hitler's apocalyptic remarks before Barbarossa about the necessity for a war without mercy to "annihilate" the forces of "Judeo-Bolshevism" were interpreted by Einsatzgruppen commanders as permission and encouragement to engage in extreme antisemitic violence, with each Einsatzgruppen commander to use his own discretion about how far he was prepared to go. Most of the perpetrators of Nazi war crimes were never charged, and returned unremarked to civilian life. The West German Central Prosecution Office of Nazi War Criminals only charged about a hundred former Einsatzgruppe members with war crimes. And as time went on, it became more difficult to obtain prosecutions; witnesses grew older and were less likely to be able to offer valuable testimony.

The ABN declared that the Soviet Union to be the "prison of nations", and announced that the break-up of the Soviet Union was its principle goal. As a part of its critique of the USSR, the ABN identified the Soviet Union with Russia, presenting Soviet policies as merely a continuum of the policies of Imperial Russia. Typical of this viewpoint was an ABN pamphlet which stated: "Aggressive and destructive Bolshevism merely exhibits a new, higher form of Russian imperialism, which grew across the centuries by conquering foreign lands and subjecting foreign peoples in Europe as well as in Asia". The ABN presented Russians as biologically different from the rest of humanity, portraying the Russians as having a genetic predisposition towards extreme violence and aggression.

The self-knowledge of the proletariat is more than just a perception of the world; it is a historical movement of emancipation, a liberation of humanity from the tyranny of reification. Lukács saw the destruction of society as a proper solution to the "cultural contradiction of the epoch". In 1969 he cited: > “Even though my ideas were confused from a theoretical point of view, I saw > the revolutionary destruction of society as the one and only solution to the > cultural contradictions of the epoch. Such a worldwide overturning of values > cannot take place without the annihilation of the old values.György Lukacs, > “Mon chemin vers Marx” (1969), Nouvelles Etudes hongroises (Budapest, 1973), > 8:78–79, cited in Michael Löwy, Georg Lukács—From Romanticism to Bolshevism, > trans.

Howard Truesdale (January 3, 1861 – December 8, 1941; also credited as Truesdell, Truedell, and Truesdall) was an American stage actor and a film actor in both the silent and sound eras. He appeared in the films A Corner in Cotton, The Purple Lady, The Pretenders, Bolshevism on Trial, What Women Want, French Heels, No Trespassing, Out of Luck, Ashes of Vengeance, Ride for Your Life, Why Men Leave Home, The Night Message, The Foolish Virgin, The Ridin' Kid from Powder River, Go West, The Combat, Fighting with Buffalo Bill, The Jazz Girl, The Stolen Ranch, The Denver Dude, Singed, The Tigress, Burning Daylight, A Trick of Hearts, Three-Ring Marriage, The Lawless Legion and The Long Long Trail, among others.

1919 in the United States saw the country undergoing the First Red Scare a period marked by a widespread fear of Bolshevism and anarchism, due to real and imagined events; real events included the Russian Revolution and anarchist bombings. At its height in 1919–1920, concerns over the effects of radical political agitation in American society and the alleged spread of communism and anarchism in the American labor movement fueled a general sense of concern. Add to this was the ongoing steel strike of 1919, an attempt by the weakened Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin Workers (AA) to organize the United States steel industry in the wake of World War I. The strike had begun on September 22, 1919.

SS Trawniki men before the corpses of Jews in the doorway of the Warsaw Ghetto. Photo from Jürgen Stroop Report, May 1943. The term 'Hiwis' acquired a thoroughly negative meaning during World War II when it entered into several other languages in reference to Ostlegionen as well as volunteers enlisted from occupied territories for service in a number of roles including hands-on shooting actions and guard duties at extermination camps on top of regular military service, drivers, cooks, hospital attendants, ammunition carriers, messengers, sappers, etc. In the context of World War II the term has clear connotations of collaborationism, and in the case of the occupied Soviet territories also of anti-Bolshevism (widely presented as such by the Germans).

Dimitrov joined the Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers' Party in 1902, and in 1903, followed Dimitar Blagoev and his wing, as it formed the Social Democratic Labour Party of Bulgaria ("The Narrow Party"). This party became the Bulgarian Communist Party in 1919, when it affiliated to Bolshevism and the Comintern. From 1904 to 1923, he was Secretary of the Trade Unions Federation; in 1915 (during World War I) he was elected to the Bulgarian Parliament and opposed the voting of a new war credit, being imprisoned until 1917. Georgi Dimitrov as a young man In June 1923, when Prime Minister Aleksandar Stamboliyski was deposed through a coup d'état, Stamboliyski's Communist allies, who were initially reluctant to intervene, organized an uprising against Aleksandar Tsankov.

Ernst Niekisch's Widerstand journal featuring the original National Bolshevik eagle symbol National Bolshevism as a term was first used to describe a current in the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) and then the Communist Workers' Party of Germany (KAPD) which wanted to ally the insurgent communist movement with dissident nationalist groups in the German army who rejected the Treaty of Versailles.Pierre Broué, Ian Birchall, Eric D. Weitz, John Archer, The German Revolution, 1917–1923, Haymarket Books, 2006, pp. 325–326. They were led by Heinrich Laufenberg and Fritz Wolffheim and were based in Hamburg. Their expulsion from the KAPD was one of the conditions that Karl Radek explained was necessary if the KAPD was to be welcomed to the Third Congress of the Third International.

Although Lenin honed the idea in terms of a class leadership forged out of a proletarian vanguard specifically to describe Marxist–Leninist parties,Jonathan Joseph, Hegemony: A Realist Analysis, Routledge 2002 p.45. the term is also used for many kinds of movement conceiving themselves as initially guided by a small elite. Theodor Herzl, the theorist of Zionism, thought legitimation from the majority would only hinder from the outset his movement, and therefore advised that "we cannot all be of one mind; the gestor will therefore simply take the leadership into his hands and march in the van." This principle antedated by some years the Leninist idea of Bolshevism as the vanguard of the revolution by characterizing the 'Zionist movement as a vanguard of the Jewish people.

In August 1923 he became Health Minister.'Joynson-Hicks, William' in A Dictionary of Political Biography (OUP) (accessed 19/01/19) There were also causes for concern for Anglo-Jewry in the way Baldwin's government came to power again in the 1924 general election. That election saw an 'exceptionally dirty campaign' (most notoriously known for the Zinoviev letter, a forgery purportedly written by the Jewish head of the Communist International in Moscow, published by the Daily Mail to turn the electorate against the Labour party), and the Conservative campaign had a stream of anti-Jewish, anti-alienism underlying it. Now and at other times in this period, 'anti-Jewish feeling was mobilized under the guise of anti- alienism, anti-Zionism and anti-Bolshevism by mainstream political figures'.

A depiction of Lenin speaking from atop an armoured car that inspired the statue Russian revolutionary leader Vladimir Lenin had been living in exile in Switzerland during the First World War. After the February Revolution he was permitted by the German authorities to travel via sealed train across German territory, take a ferry to Helsinki and thence a train to Petrograd, as Saint Petersburg was then known. Arriving at the city's Finland Station he was met by a crowd of Bolshevik sympathisers and climbed onto the turret of an armoured car. He rode the car to the Bolshevik headquarters at the Kshesinskaya Palace and delivered a speech in favour of Bolshevism and denouncing the moderate Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionary Party.

Cover of a pamphlet published during the years of World War I by the Socialist Party of Canada due to a ban on the publications of American Marxist publisher Charles H. Kerr & Co. The SPC was instrumental in setting up One Big Union in Canada. As a result of the Russian Revolution and the Winnipeg General Strike, a number of the SPC's supporters became attracted to Bolshevism and the ideas of Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. Although many did, not all those who rejected Leninism moved towards an evolutionary or gradualist socialist position. In 1920, a split occurred when many of the party's members left to join the Federated Labour Party of Canada, which was formed by the British Columbia Federation of Labour.

Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949) in the omnibus George Orwell (1980) Book Club Associates, p. 849. Winston describes his first encounter with The Book: The term Oligarchical Collectivism refers to Ingsoc (English Socialism), the dominant ideology of Oceania, and to the ideologies of Neo- Bolshevism in Eurasia and Death Worship (Obliteration of the Self) in Eastasia. Winston reads two long excerpts establishing how the three totalitarian super-states – Eastasia, Eurasia, Oceania – emerged from a global war, thus connecting the past to his present, the year 1984, and explains the basic political philosophy of the totalitarianism that derived from the authoritarian political tendencies manifested in the twentieth century. That the three, ostensibly opposing ideologies are functionally identical is the central revelation of The Book.

The Orientalist. Random House, 2005, p.199 He created a niche for himself in the competitive European literary world by writing about topics that Westerners, in general, knew little about - the Caucasus,Blood and Oil in the Orient (1929), Twelve Secrets of the Caucasus (1930), and Der Kaukasus (1931) the Russian Empire,OGPU (1932), Nicholas II (1935) the Bolshevik Revolution,Stalin (1931), OGPU (1932), Russia at the Crossroads (1933), Lenin (1935), End of Bolshevism (1936) newly discovered oil,Blood and Oil in the Orient (1929), Liquid Oil (1933), Love and Oil (1934), God is Great (about Ibn Saud, 1936) and Islam.Mohammed (1932), God is Great (about the resurgence of Islam and Ibn Saud, 1936) He wrote under the name of Essad Bey in German.

By the early 1930s, Essad Bey had become a popular author throughout Western Europe, writing mainly about contemporary historical and political issues. Lazare and Reiss are secondary sources for Lev Nussimbaum's biography, not primary sources. Politically, Bey was a monarchist.Essad Bey boasted that he was a monarchist in "The Story of My Life" (Die Gelchichte Meines Lebens) in Die literarische Welt, Berlin, Vol. 7:5 (January 30, 1931, pp. 3-4). Essad Bey also wrote a sympathetic "biography" about Nicholas II (1935). In 1931, he joined the German-Russian League Against Bolshevism, the members of which, Daniel Lazare remarks, "for the most part either were Nazis or soon would be". He joined the Social Monarchist Party, which advocated restoration of Germany's Hohenzollern dynasty.

As the song became ever more popular, his brother Adolphe De Geyter claimed copyright in 1901 and began to collect royalties on it. Pierre had become estranged from the socialist establishment of Lille by siding with the left-wing opponents of the Bloc National government of 1902, and with the Marxist war opponents influenced by Bolshevism, who would later form the communist party. In 1904, Pierre started court proceedings against Adolphe, but Gustave Delory (mayor of Lille by then) supported Adolphe's claim (though in an 1888 meeting with the Ghent socialist leader Edward Anseele he had identified Pierre De Geyter as the author) and, as a result, Pierre was unable to prove his authorship. He lost the case in 1914.

Their situation changed after the 1967 Arab–Israeli war and the 1968 Polish academic revolt when the Jews were used as scapegoats by the warring party factions and pressured to emigrate en masse once more. According to Engel, some 25,000 Jews left Poland during the 1968–70 period, leaving only between 5,000 and 10,000 Jews in the country. From the end of World War II, the Soviet-imposed government in Poland, lacking strong popular support, found it expedient to depend disproportionately on Jews for performing clerical and administrative jobs and many Jews rose to high positions within the political and internal security ranks. Consequently, as noted by historian Michael C. Steinlauf – "their group profile ever more closely resembled the mythic Żydokomuna" (see also Jewish Bolshevism).

These torture sessions, which the Ustaše euphemistically referred to as interrogations, were usually followed by the prisoner's execution or deportation to a concentration camp. Luburić is said to have revelled in inviting the family members of his victims to the villa and then describing in great detail how their loved ones had been tortured and killed. As the killings progressed, some Sarajevans took to bomb shelters in fear for their lives, though the city had not been bombed in weeks. The Partisans enter Sarajevo On 16 March, Luburić convened a meeting of over 1,000 Ustaše political and military figures, and in the presence of senior German officials, issued a declaration denouncing Bolshevism, the Yalta Conference, and the new communist government in Belgrade.

55–57 However, Hitler also had ideological objections to Judaism as a faith, and some of Hitler's antipathy towards Christianity flowed from its Jewish origins, as he saw Christianity as "indelibly Jewish in origin and character" and a "prototype of Bolshevism", which "violated the law of natural selection".Richard J. Evans; The Third Reich at War; Penguin Press; New York 2009, p. 547 Writing for the public in Mein Kampf, Hitler described the Jews as enemies of all civilization and as materialistic, unspiritual beings: "His life is only of this world, and his spirit is inwardly as alien to true Christianity as his nature two thousand years previous was to the great founder of the new doctrine."Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, Ralph Mannheim, ed.

Hitler's vision is ordered instead around principles of struggle between weak and strong. Rees argues that Hitler's "bleak and violent vision" and visceral hatred of the Jews had been influenced by sources outside the Christian tradition. The notion of life as struggle Hitler drew from Social Darwinism, the notion of the superiority of the "Aryan race" he drew from Arthur de Gobineau's The Inequality of the Human Races; from events following Russia's surrender in World War One when Germany seized agricultural lands in the East he formed the idea of colonising the Soviet Union; and from Alfred Rosenberg he took the idea of a link between Judaism and Bolshevism, writes Rees.Laurence Rees; The Dark Charisma of Adolf Hitler; Ebury Press 2012; pp.

An uneducated man, on the other hand, runs the risk of going over to atheism (which is a return to the state of the animal) as soon as he perceives that the State, in sheer opportunism, is making use of false ideas in the matter of religion, whilst in other fields it bases everything on pure science. That's why I've always kept the Party aloof from religious questions." According to Table Talk, Hitler believed that Jesus' true Christian teachings had been corrupted by the apostle St Paul, who had transformed them into a kind of Jewish Bolshevism, which Hitler believed preached "the equality of all men amongst themselves, and their obedience to an only god. This is what caused the death of the Roman Empire.

Hitler asserted that the "three vices" of "Jewish Marxism" were democracy, pacifism and internationalism. The Communist movement, the trade unions, the Social Democratic Party and the left-wing press were all considered to be Jewish-controlled and part of the "international Jewish conspiracy" to weaken the German nation by promoting internal disunity through class struggle. The Nazis also believed that the Jews had instigated the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and that Communists had stabbed Germany in the back and caused it to lose the First World War. They further argued that modern cultural trends of the 1920s (such as jazz music and cubist art) represented "cultural Bolshevism" and were part of a political assault aimed at the spiritual degeneration of the German Volk.

Hitler had been introduced to The Protocols by Alfred Rosenberg and from 1920 onwards he focused his attacks by claiming that Judaism and Marxism were directly connected, that Jews and Bolsheviks were one and the same and that Marxism was a Jewish ideology-this became known as "Jewish Bolshevism". Hitler believed that The Protocols were authentic. Prior to the Nazi ascension to power, Hitler often blamed moral degradation on Rassenschande ("racial defilement"), a way to assure his followers of his continuing antisemitism, which had been toned down for popular consumption. Prior to the induction of the Nuremberg Race Laws in 1935 by the Nazis, many German nationalists such as Roland Freisler strongly supported laws to ban Rassenschande between Aryans and Jews as racial treason.

After several foreign reports from 1935 to 1937 (Italy, Greece, Yugoslavia, Japan, China, India, Morocco) alongside fellow journalist Joseph Kessel, he began work for several news publications, including L'Illustration, Paris-Soir, and Match. From September 1939 until the Fall of France in June 1940, he covered the Phony War in the press. In 1941, he was contracted by the occupying Germans to work as a photographer and correspondent for the magazine Signal, a propaganda organ of the German Wehrmacht. His photography was used to support a positive image of the German occupation in France, as well as to encourage French men to volunteer for the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism, a collaborationist French militia serving on the Eastern Front.

The Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (, or LVF) was a unit of the German Army (Wehrmacht) formed by collaborationist volunteers from Vichy France to participate in the German invasion of the Soviet Union alongside similar formations from other parts of German-occupied Europe. It was officially designated the 638th Infantry Regiment (Infanterieregiment 638). Created in July 1941, the LVF originated as part of a coalition of far-right political factions including Marcel Déat's National Popular Rally, Jacques Doriot's French Popular Party, Eugène Deloncle's Social Revolutionary Movement and Pierre Costantini's French League which were more explicitly supportive of Nazi ideology and collaboration with Nazi Germany. By contrast, the conservative and authoritarian Vichy regime considered itself neutral and were more ambiguous about its dependence on German support.

The Development of Catholicism in Hungary in Modern Times In this sweeping, 60 page survey of the history of Catholicism in Hungary the author covers almost 1000 years in a masterful yet unavoidably dizzying way. Written as a Hungarian émigré, this monograph is clearly aimed at exposing the brutal, unjust and inhumane attack on the Catholic Church by the Soviet-led forces in Hungary. This is done less by dwelling on the specific instances of oppression, such as Cardinal Mindszenty, which were already well-documented elsewhere. Rather, this piece seeks to inform the reader that the Church in Hungary holds a unique place as a moral force for social reform which clearly cannot be matched by a morally bankrupt Bolshevism.

Boshnjaku brought in Albania the revolutionary ideas of Bolshevism, and people from Comintern were in contact with him for establishing a communist party in the country, though he did not get directly involved in any local communist group. During 1919-20 he widened his range of contacts with liberal and left- wing politicians within the country, and spread the pro-Soviet sentiments. He propagandized the fact that the Soviets prohibited a new partition of Albanian territories by making public the text of the Secret Treaty of London. His effort did not have any big effect on the Albanian masses, which were mostly illiterate, but did influence young politicians and activists, especially the "Bashkimi" (Unity) youth society founded in 1922 and led by Avni Rustemi.

" Within the larger socialist movement, libertarian socialism seeks to distinguish itself from Leninism and social democracy."It is forgotten that the early defenders of commercial society like (Adam) Smith were as much concerned with criticising the associational blocks to mobile labour represented by guilds as they were to the activities of the state. The history of socialist thought includes a long associational and anti-statist tradition prior to the political victory of the Bolshevism in the east and varieties of Fabianism in the west. John O'Neil." The Market: Ethics, knowledge and politics. Routledge. 1998. Pg. 3"In some ways, it is perhaps fair to say that if Left communism is an intellectual- political formation, it is so, first and foremost, negatively – as opposed to other socialist traditions.

Betty Blythe, Frederick Buckley and Guy Empey in a still from The Undercurrent The Undercurrent is one of several films from around the same period inspired by if not fanning the flames of the Red Scare which followed World War I and the Russian Revolution of 1917. It was released during the Steel strike of 1919Michael Slade Shull, Radicalism in American Silent Films, 1909-1929: A Filmography and History, (McFarland & Company) 2000, pg 102 which the public had turned against largely due to the Red Scare. Other similarly themed films of the time include Bolshevism on Trial (1919), The Burning Question (1919), The Right to Happiness (1919), The Volcano (1919), The Red Viper (1919),The Great Shadow (1920), The Lifting Shadow (1920), and Dangerous Hours (1920).Paul Grainge, ed.

Karl Kautsky is recognized as the most authoritative promulgator of orthodox Marxism following the death of Friedrich Engels in 1895. As an advisor to August Bebel, leader of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) until Bebel's death in 1913 and as editor of Die Neue Zeit from 1883 till 1917, he was known as the "Pope of Marxism". He was removed as editor by the leadership of the SPD when the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) split away from the SPD. Kautsky was an outspoken critic of Bolshevism and Leninism, seeing the Bolsheviks (or Communists as they had renamed themselves after 1917) as an organization that had gained power by a coup and initiated revolutionary changes for which there was no economic rationale in Russia.

The next day, the Preussische Pressedienst (Prussian Press Service) reported that "this act of incendiarism is the most monstrous act of terrorism carried out by Bolshevism in Germany". The Vossische Zeitung newspaper warned its readers that "the government is of the opinion that the situation is such that a danger to the state and nation existed and still exists".. Walter Gempp was head of the Berlin fire department at the time of the Reichstag fire on 27 February 1933, personally directing the operations at the incident. On 25 March he was dismissed for presenting evidence that suggested Nazi involvement in the fire. Gempp asserted that there had been a delay in notifying the fire brigade and that he had been forbidden from making full use of the resources at his disposal.

Despite this, Dangić's Chetniks collaborated with German forces in eastern Bosnia over a period of several weeks and with the understanding that Dangić and his forces would operate only inside Bosnia. Bader reported following the talks that "Dangić on this occasion declared that he and his men would, even in the conditions of a general uprising in the Balkans and the arrival of the English, fight loyally and without wavering on the German side. He declared on this occasion his belief that only German victory could guarantee Serbia the position due to it in the Balkans, while the victory of Bolshevism would mean the destruction of every nation, thus also including the Serb nation." The plan of a Greater Serbia protected by the Germans continued to be pursued by Nedić and Dangić.

According to Marx, "[e]ven an entire society, a nation, or all simultaneously existing societies taken together, are not the owners of the earth. They are simply its possessors, its beneficiaries, and have to bequeath it in an improved state to succeeding generations". Following the Russian Revolution, environmental scientists such as revolutionary Alexander Bogdanov and the Proletkult organisation made efforts to incorporate environmentalism into Bolshevism and "integrate production with natural laws and limits" in the first decade of Soviet rule, before Joseph Stalin attacked ecologists and the science of ecology, purged environmentalists and promoted the pseudoscience of Trofim Lysenko during his rule up until his death in 1953. Similarly, Mao Zedong rejected environmentalism and believed that based on the laws of historical materialism, all of nature must be put into the service of revolution.

The Waffen Grenadier Brigade of the SS Charlemagne () was a unit of the Waffen-SS formed in September 1944 from French collaborationists many of whom were already serving in various other German units. Named after the 9th- century Frankish king, it superseded the existing Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism formed in 1941 within the German Army (Wehrmacht) and the SS-Volunteer Sturmbrigade France (SS-Freiwilligen Sturmbrigade "Frankreich") formed in July 1943, both of which were disbanded the same month. It also drafted in French recruits from other German military and paramilitary formations and Miliciens who had fled ahead of the Allied Liberation of France (June–November 1944). After training, the Charlemagne Brigade was reclassified as a division as the 33rd Waffen Grenadier Division of the SS Charlemagne (1st French) (33.

During the speech at Bamberg, Hitler lambasted the extreme leftist ideas in the new draft, ideas which he conflated more with Bolshevism, a development which profoundly shocked and disappointed Strasser and Goebbels. Strasser's follow-on speech was bumbled and ineffectual, the result of Hitler's powerful oration; Hitler's refutation of Strasser's policy suggestions at Bamberg demonstrated that the party had officially become Hitler's and the NSDAP centered around him. Placating the northern German NSDAP branches in the wake of Bamberg, Hitler assigned leadership of the SA, which was temporarily vacated by Ernst Roehm, to one of Strasser's own key members, Franz Pfeffer von Salomon. More importantly perhaps, Hitler began a personal campaign to lure away Strasser's chief lieutenant, Goebbels, into his personal fold—a move which proved immediately successful.

In March 1918, after the resignation of Abaza, Peter Simonov presented himself to the Australian government as the representative of the Bolshevik government in Australia, and asked for recognition as the new Russian Consul. Given the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk he was advised that the Australian government did not recognise the Bolsheviks, and would not recognise him as Consul. Aware of Simonov's connections with Australian left-wing revolutionary groups, the Australian government repeatedly rejected calls for his recognition as the representative of the Soviet Union in Australia, and barred Simonov from teaching Bolshevism politics in Australia; an act for which he was later imprisoned for six months. Michael Considine, Member of the House of Representatives for Barrier assumed the unrecognised role of representative of the Soviets.

In 1944, the Sternbuchs learned that the former President of Switzerland, Jean-Marie Musy, had intervened to free a Jewish couple from a Nazi concentration camp in France. Recha Sternbuch subsequently enlisted Musy – a devout Catholic and fascist sympathizer – to negotiate with the architect of genocide, SS Chief Heinrich Himmler, who he knew from anti- Communist circles before the war. After the war began to turn against Germany, Himmler was known to have harboured hopes for a separate peace whereby the western Allies would unite with Nazi Germany against its common ideological enemy, the Soviet Union, to stamp out Bolshevism. Representing the Union of Orthodox Rabbis and the Sternbuch Rescue Committee, Musy, who was horrified to learn about the Nazi genocide, travelled to Germany to meet with Himmler in November 1944.

Ethel Wright Nesbitt (June 24, 1884 – November 7, 1958) was an American actress and teacher. Wright was born in Mineral Point, Wisconsin, the second of three daughters born to lawyer Samuel Wright and his wife Catherine J Wright.1900 United States Census; 1910 United States Census All four of her grandparents were born in England. She had an older sister, Edna Wright, who was an activist and suffragette, and a younger sister, Rowe Wright, who was a magazine and book editor.Ethel Wright Nesbitt in U.S. Passport Applications, 1795-1925 Wright appeared in several silent films, including as Marguerite Leonard in A Leap for Love (1912), the working mother in The Cry of the Children (1912), the bank teller's wife in Vengeance Is Mine (1912), Catherine Wolff in Bolshevism on Trial (1919) and Mrs.

In 1923 Victor Serge, after changing from anarchism to Bolshevism became associated with the Left Opposition group that included Leon Trotsky, Karl Radek, and Adolph Joffe. Later Gregory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev joined in the struggle against Joseph Stalin. Serge was an outspoken critic of the authoritarian way that Stalin governed the country and is believed to be the first writer to describe the Soviet government as "totalitarian". In 1926, joining other Russian exiles in Paris as part of the group Dielo Trouda (Дело Труда, "The Cause of Labour"), Batko Makhno co-wrote and co-published "The Organizational Platform of the Libertarian Communists", which put forward ideas on how anarchists should organize based on the experiences of revolutionary Ukraine and the defeat at the hand of the Bolsheviks.

History and Class Consciousness: Studies in Marxist Dialectics () is a 1923 book by the Hungarian philosopher György Lukács, in which the author re- emphasizes the philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel's influence on the philosopher Karl Marx, analyses the concept of "class consciousness", and attempts a philosophical justification of Bolshevism. The book helped to create Western Marxism and is the work for which Lukács is best known. Nevertheless, it was condemned in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and Lukács later repudiated its ideas, and came to believe that in it he had confused Hegel's concept of alienation with that of Marx. It has been suggested that the concept of reification as employed in the philosopher Martin Heidegger's Being and Time (1927) was influenced by History and Class Consciousness, though such a relationship remains disputed.

Crowd gathered outside old City Hall during the Winnipeg General Strike, June 21, 1919 The move from a wartime to a peacetime economy, combined with the unwillingness of returned soldiers to accept pre- war working conditions, led to another crisis. In 1919, the One Big Union was formed by trade union syndicalists with the intent of improving conditions for all workers, not just in a single workplace, industry, or sector. The OBU had some influence on the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919, which business and political leaders saw as an outbreak of Bolshevism, especially since the Soviet Union had recently been formed. The army was sent in to break the strike and the entire Winnipeg police force was fired and replaced with a much larger and better paid force of armed special constables.

Fest then embarked on his biography of Adolf Hitler, published in 1973. The first major biography of Hitler since that of Alan Bullock in 1952 and the first by a German writer, it appeared at a time when the younger generation of Germans was confronting the legacy of the Nazi period. It sparked controversy among German historians, because Fest, politically a conservative, rejected the then-dominant view that the causes of Hitler's rise to power had been largely economic. Fest explained Hitler's success in terms of what he called the "great fear" that had overcome the German middle classes, as a result not only of Bolshevism and First World War dislocation, but also more broadly in response to rapid modernisation, which had led to a romantic longing for a lost past.

At the 1935 Nazi party congress rally at Nuremberg, Goebbels also declared that "Bolshevism is the declaration of war by Jewish- led international subhumans against culture itself."Goebbels speech at the 1935 Nuremberg Rally Another example of the use of the term Untermensch, this time in connection with anti-Soviet propaganda, is a brochure entitled "Der Untermensch", edited by Himmler and distributed by the Race and Settlement Head Office. SS-Obersturmführer Ludwig Pröscholdt, Jupp Daehler and SS- Hauptamt-Schulungsamt Koenig are associated with its production. Published in 1942 after the start of Operation Barbarossa, the German invasion of the Soviet Union, it is around 50 pages long and consists for the most part of photos portraying the enemy in an extremely negative way (see link below for the title page).

Tomasz Szarota. (in German); p. 43. – Propaganda Ministry (October 24, 1939), Order No. 1306, [in:] In 1941, in a speech to the Eastern Front Battle Group Nord, Himmler said that the war against the Soviet Union was a war of ideologies and races, between National Socialism and Jewish Bolshevism and between the Germanic peoples (Nordic) and peoples of the East. Moreover, in one of the secret Posen speeches to the at Posen, Himmler said: "the mixed race of the Slavs is based on a sub-race with a few drops of our blood, the blood of a leading race; the Slav is unable to control himself and create order."Volume 7. Nazi Germany, 1933–1945 Excerpt from Himmler's Speech to the SS-Gruppenführer at Posen (4 October 1943).

The Spanish Volunteer Medal formally known as the Commemorative Medal for Spanish Volunteers in the Struggle Against Bolshevism (German: Erinnerungsmedaille für die spanischen Freiwilligen im Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus), commissioned 3 January 1944, was awarded by the Third Reich to recognize the men of the Blue Division who served at the Russian front during World War II.Commemorative Medal for Spanish Volunteers, Wehrmacht Awards, Axis Allies, date accessed 2011-03-13. This force, attached to the Heer of the Wehrmacht, known as the 250th Infantry Division (span.), was in total composed of 47,000 men, sent by Francisco Franco to aid the Third Reich, as a way to pay back Adolf Hitler's help during the Spanish Civil War. Members of the Blue Division also received the Medalla de la Campaña de Rusia from the Spanish government.

Bolshevism and Poland, Paris - June, 1919 However, the Ukrainians objected to such claims, arguing that the Poles only sought to portray the West Ukrainian People's Republic as pro-German and sympathetic to the Bolsheviks because of a successful defense put up by the Ukrainian Galician Army, which stalled the Polish military offensive. In attempt to end the war, in January 1919 an Allied commission led by a French general was sent to negotiate a peace treaty between the two sides, prompting a ceasefire. In February it recommended that the West Ukrainian People's Republic surrender a third of its territory, including the city of Lviv and the Drohobych oil fields. The Ukrainians refused, the truce did not correspond to ethnology of the country or the military situation and broke diplomatic ties with Poland.

188, HarperCollins, 2008. Historian Beth Griech-Polelle however, delivers a quite different account in which, following Faulhaber's own account, early tension eased as the meeting progressed and when Hitler had argued his goal was to protect the German people from congenitally afflicted criminals such as now wreak havoc in Spain Faulhaber had immediately replied: " The Church, Mr Chancellor, will not refuse the state the right to keep those pests away from the national community within the framework of moral law." In his notes on the November 1936 meeting Faulhaber recorded that Hitler "spoke openly, confidentially, emotionally, at times in a spiritual way he lashed out at Bolshevism and at the Jews" saying 'How the sub-humans, incited by the Jews, created havoc in Spain like beasts." Faulhaber noted "on this he was well informed.

The term National Bolshevism has sometimes been applied to Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and his brand of anti-communism.G. Hosking, A History of the Soviet Union, London: Fontana, 1990, pp. 421–2 However, Geoffrey Hosking argues in his History of the Soviet Union that Solzhenitsyn cannot be labelled a National Bolshevik since he was thoroughly anti-Marxist and anti-Stalinist and wished a revival of Russian culture that would see a greater role for the Russian Orthodox Church, a withdrawal of Russia from its role overseas and a state of international isolationism. Solzhenitsyn and his followers, known as vozrozhdentsy (revivalists), differed from the National Bolsheviks, who were not religious in tone (although not completely hostile to religion) and who felt that involvement overseas was important for the prestige and power of Russia.

After investigating those accused of Anti-Bolshevism, and those persecuting them, Zhou submitted a report criticizing the campaign for focusing on the narrow persecution of anti-Maoists as anti-Bolshevists, exaggerating the threat to the Party, and condemning the use of torture as an investigative technique. Zhou's resolution was passed and adopted on 7 January 1932, and the campaign gradually subsided.Barnouin and Yu 51–52 Zhou moved to the Jiangxi base area and shook up the propaganda-oriented approach to revolution by demanding that the armed forces under Communist control actually be used to expand the base, rather than just to control and defend it. In December 1931, Zhou replaced Mao Zedong as Secretary of the First Front Army with Xiang Ying, and made himself political commissar of the Red Army, in place of Mao.

The concept of Bolshevism arose at the Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (1903) as a result of the split of the party into two factions: supporters of Lenin and the rest.Despite the ordinal number adopted in Soviet historiography, the London Congress was actually a constituent one, since the Minsk Congress had no practical significance One of the main reasons for the split was the question of a party of a new type. In the course of work on the Charter of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, Vladimir Lenin and Yuliy Martov proposed two different wordings of the clause on party membership. Lenin – a party member is a citizen who recognizes the program and charter, pays membership fees and works in one of the party organizations.

Until 1928, the Soviet Union conducted the "New Economic Policy". While agriculture, retail, services, food and light industries were mostly in private hands, the state retained control of heavy industry, transport, banks, wholesale and international trade ("commanding heights"). State-owned enterprises competed with each other, the role of the Gosplan of the Soviet Union was limited to forecasts that determined the direction and size of public investment. One of the fundamental contradictions of Bolshevism was the fact that the party that called itself "workers" and its rule the "dictatorship of the proletariat" came to power in an agrarian country where factory workers constituted only a few percent of the population, and most of them were recent immigrants from the village who have not yet completely broken ties with her.

The Nazis took totalitarian power in Germany beginning in 1933 and demanded the undoing of the Versailles provisions. Their ambitious and aggressive domestic and foreign policies reflected the Nazi ideologies of anti-Semitism, unification of all Germans, the acquisition of "living space" (Lebensraum) for agrarian settlers, the elimination of Bolshevism, and the hegemony of an "Aryan"/"Nordic" master race over "sub-humans" (Untermenschen) such as Jews and Slavs. Other factors leading to the war included aggression by Fascist Italy against Ethiopia and Albania, and by Imperial Japan against much of East Asia, resulting in the invasion of Manchuria in 1931 and the gradual annexation of most of China. At first, these aggressive moves met with only feeble and ineffectual policies of appeasement from the other major world powers.

The Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR) faced imminent defeat against the Bolsheviks – it was reduced to a strip of land along the Polish border with its capital moving from Vinnytsia to Proskurov (now Khmelnytskyi), then to Kamianets- Podilskyi, and finally to Rivne. But the UNR was saved when the Bolshevik armies had to regroup against a renewed White Russian offensive in South Russia and the Urals, which threatened the very existence of Bolshevism – and so required more urgent attention. During the spring and summer of 1919, Anton Denikin's Volunteer Army and Don Army overran all of central and Eastern Ukraine and made significant gains on other fronts. Yet by winter the tide of war reversed decisively, and by 1920 all of Eastern and central Ukraine except Crimea was again in Bolshevik hands.

In 1941, Ion Cantacuzino was appointed director of the "National Office of Cinematography" which had been created in the late 1930s. The main activity of the Office was to release newsreels about the World War II. Besides coordinating the activity of the office, Ion Cantacuzino wrote the screenplays, directed and produced documentaries having cultural subjects: "The Peleş Castle" (Castelul Peleş) – 1941 or "Old Customs" (Datini din străbuni) – 1942 or related to the war: "Romania in war against bolshevism" (România în lupta contra bolşevismului) – 1941, "Our sacred war" (Războiul nostru sfânt) – 1942, "We" (Noi) – 1942. Ion Cantacuzino's ambitions were however related to the production of feature films. In 1943 he produced the film "Stormy Night" (O noapte furtunoasă), a comedy based on a play by Ion Luca Caragiale directed by Jean Georgescu.

Initially working with Fedor Dan, whom he had met during his Siberian exile, Tsereteli and Dan clashed as the latter had become more pro-Bolshevik, and Dan ultimately left the project over their dispute. Tsereteli would later be aided in this work by his friend and fellow socialist Vladimir Voitinsky, and the project was published in Germany in 1932. Highly indignant about what he called the "platonic attitute" of the Western socialist parties towards Georgia and their inadequate support to the beleaguered country, Tsereteli continued to regard Bolshevism as the cause of the troubles, but believed that the Bolshevik regime would not survive long. He continued to attend International's conferences in Europe, trying to get the organization to adopt a stronger anti-Bolshevik stance, though with limited success.

"Bolshevism in the Army", Glasgow Weekly Herald, 19 February 1927 His account of a corporal in the Military Police shooting dead a Gordon Highlander was perfectly in keeping with the official account of the disturbances in the Etaples Base Camp diary, which were only made available to researchers in the 1970s.Lines of communication. Etaples Base: Commandant, The National Archives, Kew, WO 95/4027/5 In March 1927 Charles de Courcy Parry, the Chief Constable of the Cumberland and Westmorland Constabulary was brought out of his seven-year retirement and appointed His Majesty's Inspector of Constabulary for Wales by the Conservative Home Secretary, Sir William Joynson-Hicks. Contrary to popular myth Parry did not resign his post as Chief Constable of Westmorland as a result of the ambush on Toplis.

The Cossacks fiercely abhorred Bolshevism. After the July 6, 1918, assassination in Moscow of the German Ambassador to Russia Count Mirbach, many Bolsheviks who resented the terms of the peace treaty began guerrilla warfare and genocide with very strong support from Felix Dzerzhinsky, the head of the Cheka. In late 1917 to early 1918, the UNR for couple of months lost Kyiv to the Bolsheviks, but the UNR with Central Powers support controlled of much of Ukraine, pushed the Bolsheviks out of Kyiv on March 1, 1918, and forced the Bolsheviks to convene their government in Taganrog, Russia, on the coast of the Sea of Azov. The Congress of Free Hubb'andmen on April 29, 1918 (with the great support of Austrian-German occupants), elected tsarist general P.P.Skoropadsky as Hetman of Ukraine.

But on June 26, 1941, he issued this statement: "In this grave hour, when Germany and almost all the nations of Europe have declared a crusade against Communism and Bolshevism, which has enslaved and oppressed the people of Russia for twenty-four years, I turn to all the faithful and loyal sons of our Homeland with this appeal: Do what you can, to the best of your ability, to bring down the Bolshevik regime and to liberate our Homeland from the terrible yoke of Communism." In 1944 the German army moved the family inland out of fear of an invasion from the coast. The Germans were taking them to Paris when an order to drive to Vittel was given. Even Vittel proved to be unsafe, so they were moved to Germany.

6 As noted by historian Nicolas Texier, "the will of certain socialist to maintain the unity of the left" by granting eligible positions to Sadoul and other Bolsheviks cemented in France the notion of a "Red Peril". Nicolas Texier, "«L'ennemi intérieur»: l'armée et le Parti communiste français de la Libération aux débuts de la guerre froide", in Revue Historique des Armées, Issue 269, 2012 The revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel noted at the time: "in coming up with Sadoul, [the socialists] present themselves as a target for chauvinistic passions, without gaining much; this Sadoul would be a nobody in Paris were it not for his stay in Russia."Sorel, p. 672 Bolshevism and Sadoul's candidacy also alienated moderate leftists from the Young Republic League, who joined efforts with the mainstream conservatives of the National Bloc.

1894 Nonetheless, other eco-socialists feel that Marx overlooked a "recognition of nature in and for itself", ignoring its "receptivity" and treating nature as "subjected to labor from the start" in an "entirely active relationship". William Morris, the English novelist, poet and designer, is largely credited with developing key principles of what was later called eco- socialism.Wall, D., Babylon and Beyond: The Economics of Anti-Capitalist, Anti-Globalist and Radical Green Movements, 2005 During the 1880s and 1890s, Morris promoted his eco-socialist ideas within the Social Democratic Federation and the Socialist League.Green Left (Green Party of England and Wales) Website Following the Russian Revolution, some environmentalists and environmental scientists attempted to integrate ecological consciousness into Bolshevism, although many such people were later purged from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

Before long Laufenberg moved towards the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) and before long the local party had come under the control of Laufenberg and his ally Fritz Wolffheim. The pair were strong critics German imperialism, producing a 1915 pamphlet against German expansionism and attacking the SPD for being, as they saw it, complicit in such aggression.Ruth Fischer, John C. Leggett, Stalin and German Communism: A Study in the Origins of the State Party, Transaction Publishers, 2006, p. 92 Following the war, in October 1919, the pair made contact with Karl Radek and suggested a policy to him that they were already calling 'National Bolshevism' (although it has also been suggested that it was Radek who coined the term for Laufenberg and Wolffheim's policyBroué, Birchall, Weitz, Archer, The German Revolution, 1917-1923, p. 326).

Some of the latter category also were at the same time opposed to the Soviet Union and "Bolshevism", hoping that the generals of the Wehrmacht would defeat Joseph Stalin and the Red Army, while at the same time hiding Jews and anti-Nazi clergy mixed together in their farms. The Luxembourg Resistance was joined by the Communist Party of Luxembourg only after the invasion of the USSR in June 1941. The activities of the Resistance were largely directed towards undermining the German monopoly on information, and providing moral support to the population, by spreading counter-propaganda by word-of-mouth, leaflets, posters and later whole newspapers. Additionally, the Resistance helped Allied POWs and shot-down pilots, "deserters" from the Wehrmacht and other endangered Luxembourgers to cross the borders into Belgium or France.

Furious with the events, Voldemaras nevertheless continued working as the Minister of Foreign affairs and stayed in Versailles representing Lithuania. The Lithuanian representatives in Versailles focused on receiving recognition of the independent Lithuania and its borders, as well as securing support in the struggle against Bolsheviks. Voldemaras and his colleagues found little support for their goals among the great powers: those supporting a strong Russia saw Lithuania as an integral part of that state, while the proponents of Poland as a bulwark against bolshevism thought Lithuanian independence would weaken it. Voldemaras similarly found it difficult to secure recognition for Lithuania after the end of the conference, with the United States refusing recognition in November 1919 (granting it only in 1922) and Soviet Russia refusing peace negotiations at the beginning of 1920.

Kershaw wrote that, while the "detestation of Nazism was overwhelming within the Catholic Church", it did not preclude church leaders approving of areas of the regime's policies, particularly where Nazism "blended into 'mainstream' national aspirations" - like support for "patriotic" foreign policy or war aims, obedience to state authority (where this did not contravene divine law); and destruction of atheistic Marxism and Soviet Bolshevism. Traditional Christian anti-Judaism was "no bulwark" against Nazi biological antisemitism, wrote Kershaw, and on these issues "the churches as institutions felt on uncertain grounds". Opposition was generally left to fragmented and largely individual efforts. Yet from the early stages of Nazism, Nazi ideology and Catholic doctrine clashed - from Alfred Rosenberg's anti-Catholic stance in The Myth of the Twentieth Century, to the Nazi sterilization and euthanasia programs.

In 1937, under Maurice Duplessis, Quebec's Union Nationale government passed the Act to protect the Province Against Communistic Propaganda (commonly known as the "Padlock Law"), which banned the printing, publishing or distributing of "any newspaper, periodical, pamphlet, circular, document or writing, propagating Communism or Bolshevism". The law was struck down by the Supreme Court of Canada as an attempt to legislate criminal law ultra vires of the provincial legislature in the 1957 Switzman v Elbling decision. In 1949, spearheaded by the campaigning of MP Davie Fulton, crime comics were banned in Canada in Bill 10 of the 21st Canadian Parliament's 1st session (informally known as the Fulton Bill). In 1955, the importation of American The Atom Spy Hoax was deemed seditious as it questioned the Canadian government's handling of the Igor Gouzenko affair.

He therefore continued the anti-Jewish writings of Martin Luther (1483-1546), who had insulted the Jews as the "pestilence" of Christians. This accusation had been taken up in the 20th century by anti-Semites such as the Thule Society and also by Hitler himself, who during the war against the Soviet Union took advantage of the impending extermination of "this plague" (meant was the alleged Jewish Bolshevism) as a grateful achievement. In May 1943, in a conversation with Goebbels, he picked up the stereotype once again and varied it by another pest: this time he equated the Jews with potato beetles, which one could also ask oneself why they existed at all. He gave the answer himself in the social Darwinian sense: nature was dominated by the "law of struggle".

From 1925 to 1927 he worked as a sales clerk for the Oberösterreichische Elektrobau AG radio company. Next, between 1927 and early 1933, Eichmann worked in Upper Austria and Salzburg as district agent for the Vacuum Oil Company AG. During this time, he joined the Jungfrontkämpfervereinigung, the youth section of Hermann Hiltl's right-wing veterans movement, and began reading newspapers published by the Nazi Party (NSDAP). The party platform included the dissolution of the Weimar Republic in Germany, rejection of the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, radical antisemitism, and anti-Bolshevism. They promised a strong central government, increased Lebensraum (living space) for Germanic peoples, formation of a national community based on race, and racial cleansing via the active suppression of Jews, who would be stripped of their citizenship and civil rights.

Logo used by La Jeune Europe and the PCE The Parti Communautaire Européen (PCE) was a pan-European nationalist political party based in Belgium that had a platform similar to National Bolshevism. The party was initially formed in 1965 by Jean-François Thiriart as a political group to work alongside his Europe-wide movement Jeune Europe.Jean Thiriart article from PCN website However the PCE did not gain much attention until the 1970s, when, with the aid of Luc Jouret (later founder of the Order of the Solar Temple) and Joseph di Mambro, Thiriart managed to engineer a split in the Communist Party of Belgium (PCB) gain a new core of membership for the CPE. Despite this, the PCE gradually declined in importance, particularly as Thiriart came to spend less time in Belgium.

Although she liked Lenin ("the merry-eyed fanatic of the Kremlin"), her general reaction was profoundly critical. She upbraided a Bolshevik who told a public meeting that a British revolution would start in three months, insisting that "we want power, but we do not want a revolution", and observed that "Everyone I met in Russia outside the Communist Party goes in terror of his liberty or his life". She had told a reporter for the Evening Standard on her return that "I oppose Bolshevism because it is not Socialism, it is not democracy and it is not Christianity", and likened working conditions to slavery. Snowden's denunciations of the Soviets made her unpopular with the left within the Labour movement and resulted in her being voted off the National Executive Committee in 1922.

This nobility was a source of officers and other servants to Swedish kings in the 16th and particularly 17th centuries, when Couronian, Estonian, Livonian and the Oeselian lands belonged to them. Subsequently Russian Tsars used Baltic nobles in all parts of local and national government. Latvia in particular was noted for its followers of Bolshevism and the latter were bitterly engaged throughout 1919 in a war against the aristocracy and Landed Estates and the German Freicorps. With independence the government was firmly Left. In 1918 in Estonia 90% of the large landed estates had been owned by Baltic Barons and Germans and about 58% of all agricultural estates had been in the hands of the big landowners. In Latvia approximately 57% of agricultural land was under Baltic German ownership.

In light of the Allied war goals, which, independent > of Stalin's final plans, envisioned breaking up Prussia and destroying the > defensive position of a strong, Prussian-led Central European state that > could serve as a bulwark against Bolshevism, the continuation of the war in > the East was justified from the viewpoint of those involved. It was, as > Hillgruber's argument would have it, also justified even from today's > standpoint, despite the fact that prolonging the war in the East meant that > the gigantic murder machinery of the Holocaust would be allowed to continue > to run. All this, the essay argued, was justified as long as the fronts > held. Hillgruber's essay is extremely problematic when viewed from the > perspective of a democratically constituted community that orients itself > towards Western moral and political standards.

The latter nadir was the reference point by which the "low standards" were calibrated, and it was quite different from "what should have been" if Bolshevism had never destroyed the better angels of earlier Russian progressivism, which is how Scott's examples of improved living standards and Gordon's examples of degraded living standards were both accurate despite their apparent contradiction. It would be some years before Scott later became openly anti-Bolshevik. Reading his book of 1942 and the embassy dispatches in its addendum, which were from 1938 but were not published until decades later, it is traceable that in between the time when he was very enthusiastic about the Soviet future (i.e., in the early 1930s) and the time when he became anti-Bolshevik (years later) was a transition that started in 1937 at the height of the purge.

Poliszczuk's research and his extensive writing were devoted to the anatomy of bolshevism, theory and practice of national rights in the former Soviet Union as well as the theory and practice of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army activities. His on-line biography does not list any affiliations with a Canadian university. His two books, translated into English-language, were self-published in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, including: Legal and political assessment of the OUN and UPA, as well as Bitter truth : the criminality of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). Wiktor Poliszczuk was the author of over 200 papers, books and scientific publications, scientific articles, polemics, reviews, and press releases written in English, Ukrainian and Polish, including five large volumes bearing the title Integral Ukrainian nationalism as a variant of fascism (Toronto, 2003).

Hoover Institution senior fellow John B. Dunlop stated that "the impact of this intended 'Eurasianist' textbook on key Russian elites testifies to the worrisome rise of neo-fascist ideas and sentiments during the late Yeltsin and the Putin period". Historian Timothy Snyder wrote in The New York Review of Books that Foundations of Geopolitics is influenced by the work of Carl Schmitt, a proponent of a conservative international order whose work influenced the Nazis. He also noted Dugin's key role in forwarding the ideologies of Eurasianism and National Bolshevism. The book was described by Foreign Policy as "one of the most curious, impressive, and terrifying books to come out of Russia during the entire post-Soviet era", and "more sober than Dugin’s previous books, better argued, and shorn of occult references, numerology, traditionalism and other eccentric metaphysics".

In mid-summer, in the middle of the Chicago racial violence against blacks, a federal official told The New York Times that the violence resulted from "an agitation, which involves the I.W.W., Bolshevism and the worst features of other extreme radical movements." He supported that claim with copies of negro publications that called for alliances with leftist groups, praised the Soviet regime, and contrasted the courage of jailed Socialist Eugene V. Debs with the "school boy rhetoric" of traditional black leaders. The Times characterized the publications as "vicious and apparently well financed," mentioned "certain factions of the radical Socialist elements," and reported it all under the headline: "Reds Try to Stir Negroes to Revolt". In late 1919, Oklahoma's Daily Ardmoreite published a piece with a headline describing "Evidence Found Of Negro Society That Brought On Rioting".

Soon after Serge arrived in Russia, in January 1919, he joined the Bolsheviks, having grown disillusioned with anarchism, and believing that anarchism was a good ideal for life but Bolshevism offered the best theory of political change. He continued to support the involvement of anarchists and non-Bolshevik socialists in the revolution, and joined social groups largely containing non-Bolsheviks, such as the circle around the novelist Andrei Bely. While Serge was a staunch internationalist, believing that revolutions in other countries were desirable and even necessary for the survival of the Soviet Union, and wishing for socialism to succeed across the planet, he was concerned about the Bolsheviks’ desire to force world revolution, particularly believing that France was far from revolutionary conditions. He also believed that while revolutionary conditions were ripe in Germany, the necessary revolutionary consciousness was lacking.

Soviet Russia information . Russians.net (23 August 1943). Retrieved on 22 June 2011. By 1918, during the subsequent Russian Civil War several states within the former Russian Empire seceded, reducing the size of the country even more. Internationally, the RSFSR was recognized as an independent state in 1920 only by bordering neighbors of Estonia, Finland, Latvia and Lithuania in the Treaty of Tartu and by the short-lived Irish Republic in Ireland.Carr, EH The Bolshevik Revolution 1917–23, vol 3 Penguin Books, London, 4th reprint (1983), pp. 257–258. The draft treaty was published for propaganda purposes in the 1921 British document Intercourse between Bolshevism and Sinn Féin (Cmd 1326). On 30 December 1922, with the treaty on the creation of the Soviet Union, Russia, alongside the Transcaucasian SFSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the Byelorussian SSR formed the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

In Bolshevik folklore the mother had the influential role of raising the children in the household; specifically about the household, values and the culture that would be represented among family members. The success and the rise of the Bolshevik regime, and the downfall of Czar Nicholas II and essentially his entire family, would subsequently leave a unique opportunity for the women of Russia. The Revolutionary War, and the large number of soldiers necessary to have an adequate defense left a void in the industrial sectors of the workforce, and that void was filled with hundreds of thousands of women, who had to assume the role left absent, by soldier fathers. As a platform Bolshevism advocated for the evolution of traditional gender roles; instead offering opportunities for women inside of the party when the Department for Work Among Women was created in 1919.

It was not until 1917 after the Bolshevik Revolution that socialism came to refer to a distinct stage between capitalism and communism, introduced by Vladimir Lenin as a means to defend the Bolshevik seizure of power against traditional Marxist criticism that Russia's productive forces were not sufficiently developed for socialist revolution. A distinction between communist and socialist as descriptors of political ideologies arose in 1918 after the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party renamed itself to the All-Russian Communist Party, where communist came to specifically mean socialists who supported the politics and theories of Bolshevism, Leninism and later Marxism–Leninism, although communist parties continued to describe themselves as socialists dedicated to socialism. Both communism and socialism eventually accorded with the adherents' and opponents' cultural attitude towards religion. In Christian Europe, communism was believed to be the atheist way of life.

Phayer observes that the meeting was not about Jews but about church-state relations.Phayer, 2000, p. 231. On 18 November, Faulhaber met with leading members of the German hierarchy of cardinals to ask them to warn their parishioners against the errors of communism. On 19 November, Pius XI announced that communism had moved to the head of the list of "errors" and that a clear statement was needed. On 25 November, Faulhaber informed the Bavarian bishops that he had promised Hitler that the bishops would issue a new pastoral letter in which they condemned "Bolshevism which represents the greatest danger for the peace of Europe and the Christian civilization of our country." In addition, Faulhaber stated, the pastoral letter "will once again affirm our loyalty and positive attitude, demanded by the Fourth Commandment, toward today's form of government and the Führer. " Lewy, 208.

He also stated that he found it "unacceptable" for biological parents to have the same status as legal guardians and social services put in care of children. On 26 November 2019, he condemned the Istanbul Convention against domestic violence, which he stated would not prevent violence against women, but instead "destroy the christian family and traditional values, consisting of a man, woman and their children", adding that "everything else is a perversion and gender propaganda". On 27 November 2019, he delivered a speech to the European Parliament, in which he accused the plenary session of being "devoted to LGBT propaganda" and stated that he rejected "homosexual propaganda, as well as actions close to paedophillia". He further accused the EU Parliament of Bolshevism, stating to the assembly that the parliament had acted like "Chinese communist-bolsheviks", which led to him being booed by MEPs.

The Magazine of Protest, Personality and Progress, founded and edited by Ross during the war and soon known simply as Ross' Magazine, came to acquire a reputation as a source of anti-militarist, anti-clerical, socialist, and atheist radicalism.Coleman, Peter (1974). Obscenity, Blasphemy, Sedition: 100 Years of Censorship in Australia. Sydney: Angus & Robertson. p. 72. . Though he considered Bolshevik methods of struggle inapplicable to Australia – and would continue to support the distinctly moderate line of reformism for the remainder of his career – Ross greeted the 1917 Revolution in Russia warmly and produced the supportive pamphlet Revolution in Russia and Australia in 1920. A satirical article entitled "Bolshevism Has Broken Out in Heaven" – penned by an anonymous author known only as "Woodicus" and published in a Ross-edited magazine – led to a Melbourne blasphemy trial and a sentence of six months' imprisonment.

The formal procedures, practice and proceedings of the Cabinet remain largely unpublished. This development grew out of the exigencies of the First World War, where faster and better co-ordinated decisions across Government were seen as a crucial part of the war effort. Decisions on mass conscription, co-ordination worldwide with other governments across international theatres, and armament production tied into a general war strategy that could be developed and overseen from an inner "War Cabinet". The country went through successive crises after the war: the 1926 United Kingdom general strike; the Great Depression of 1929–32; the rise of Bolshevism after 1917 and Fascism after 1922; the Spanish Civil War 1936 onwards; the invasion of Abyssinia 1936; the League of Nations Crisis which followed; and the re- armament and resurgence of Germany from 1933, leading into another World War.

Kees Immink, Philips' chief engineer, who developed the CD, recalls that a commercial tug-of-war between the development partners, Sony and Philips, led to a settlement in a neutral 12-cm diameter format. The 1951 performance of the Ninth Symphony conducted by Furtwängler was brought forward as the perfect excuse for the change, and was put forth in a Philips news release celebrating the 25th anniversary of the Compact Disc as the reason for the 74-minute length."Philips celebrates 25th anniversary of the Compact Disc" In the film The Pervert's Guide to Ideology, the psychoanalytical Communist philosopher Slavoj Žižek comments on the use of the Ode by Nazism, Bolshevism, the Chinese Cultural Revolution, the East-West German Olympic team, Southern Rhodesia, Abimael Guzmán (leader of the Shining Path), and the Council of Europe and the European Union.

Spengler argued that the materialist vision of Marx was based on nineteenth-century science, while the twentieth century would be the age of psychology: Along with Karl Otto Paetel and Heinrich Laufenberg, Ernst Niekisch was one the main advocates of National Bolshevism, a minor branch of the Conservative Revolution, described as the "left-wing-people of the right" (Linke Leute von rechts). They defended an ultra-nationalist form of socialism that took its roots in both Völkish extremism and nihilistic Kulturpessimismus, rejecting any Western influence on German society: liberalism and democracy, capitalism and Marxism, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, Christianity and humanism. Niekisch and National Bolsheviks were even ready to build a temporary alliance with German communists and the Soviet Union in order to annihilate the capitalist West.Lt. Richard Scheringer, "Revolutionare Weltpolitik", Die sozialistische Nation: Blatter der Deutschen Revolution, 6 June 1931.

At first, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the regime it established through the successful war of liberation against the Axis invaders by the partizans was modeled on that of Soviet Union, and Tito was considered to be "Stalin's most faithful pupil". However, in 1948, the two leaders broke apart and Tito's aides (most notably Edvard Kardelj, Milovan Đilas, and Moša Pijade) began a theoretical effort to develop a new brand of Socialism that would be both Marxist–Leninist in nature and anti-Stalinist in practice. The result was the Yugoslav system of socialist workers' self-management, also known as Titoism, based on the organizing of every productive activities of society into "self- managed units". Đilas, particularly, wrote extensively against Stalinism and was radically critical of the bureaucratic apparatus built by Bolshevism in the Soviet Union.

The new government's hostility to the wartime Polish Government in Exile and its World War II underground resistance – accused by the media of being nationalist, reactionary and antisemitic, and persecuted by Berman – further strengthened Żydokomuna sentiment to the point where in the popular consciousness Jewish Bolshevism was seen as having conquered Poland. It was in this context, reinforced by the immediate post-war lawlessness, that Poland experienced an unprecedented wave of anti-Jewish violence (of which most notable was the Kielce pogrom). According to Michael C. Steinlauf, the Polish communists who took power in Poland were mainly KPP members who sheltered in Moscow during the war, and included many Jews who thus survived the Holocaust. In addition, since Jews were excluded from the government of the Second Polish Republic, other Jews were attracted by the openness of the communist government to accept them.

Initially, Ritter supported the Nazi regime, despite severe doubts about the Nazis, Ritter reconciled himself to approving of the Nazi regime and its foreign policy, but he broke with the Nazis over the persecution of the churches. In 1940, Ritter stated that "the sword is always more ready to the hand of continental statesman who stands in the midsts of the fray of European power interests, and must always be armed to counter an attack before it is too late". He agreed with Mussolini that "might is the precondition of all freedom".Explaining Auschwitz and Hiroshima: Historians and the Second World War, 1945-1990 Richard J. B. Bosworth, Routledge, page 58 For Ritter the Nazi Reich was the "peaceful center of Europe" that would form a "bulwark against Bolshevism" and praised the German Anschluss (union) with Austria.

On 21 September 1920, in Poznań, Massonius published an essay On Bolshevism, including observations on the 1847 Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels. As one of the first Polish scholars following the 1917 Russian Revolution, he warned that communist ideology was merely a tool that enabled the Bolsheviks to assume the political role of a new ruling class in Russian society. Workers and peasants – Massonius wrote – were to become an embellishment for the commissars corresponding roughly to the former Tsarist governors, heads of administrative districts (volosts), prosecutors, heads of treasury offices, directors of school departments, and so on. He wrote that the new ruling elite, comprising members of the Cheka (Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counterrevolution and Sabotage) and Red Army officers, regarded as the "right-thinking", had only one thing in common as in every oligarchy.

Chesterton established the group in 1954 on the far right of the Conservative Party, effectively as a reaction to the more liberal forms of Toryism in evidence at the time, as typified by the policies of R. A. Butler. Chesterton feared the growth of the Soviet Union and of the United States. He concluded that Bolshevism and American-style capitalism were actually in alliance as part of a Jewish-led conspiracy against the British Empire, a mindset that informed the LEL from the beginning. The wide-reaching critiques that this conspiracy theory utilised meant that the LEL won membership from various sectors of right-wing opinion including former BUF activists like Chesterton himself and Barry Domvile, traditionalist patriots like General Sir Richard Hilton and young radicals like John Tyndall, John Bean, Colin Jordan and Martin Webster.

Son of a Corsican official who died in the First World War, he was first close to radical socialist circles, then moved towards Fascism in 1934 with the founding of the French National-Communist Party (Parti français national-communiste ), which later changed its name under the orders of the Nazi Occupation to the French National-Collectivist Party (Parti français national-collectiviste), which Clémenti supported. He was the director of the movement's newspaper, :fr:Le Pays libre. in 1941 he helped found the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (Légion des volontaires français contre le bolchevisme ) (LVF), and participated in combat in Russia, as did Marcel Bucard's Mouvement Franciste, Marcel Déat's National Popular Rally, Jacques Doriot's French Popular Party and Eugène Deloncle's Social Revolutionary Movement. Ater the liberation, he was condemned to death in absentia, but remained in Italy and Germany.

It was widely assumed that Schwartzbard was a communist agent, and his assassination of Petliura promoted the stereotype of Jewish cooperation with Bolshevism. The assassin's acquittal by a French court and defence by a French lawyer – and his support from the Jewish community around the world – suggested to many Ukrainian Galicians that the Western democracies, Jews, and Communists were all opposed to the idea of an independent Ukraine – an idea that contributed to Galicians' orientation towards Germany in the interwar period. In 1930 the coalition between the Jewish and Ukrainian parties collapsed due to the Ukrainian parties no longer wanting to run under its name. When in 1935 the largest Ukrainian political party, the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance, came to an understanding with the Polish state, antisemitic actions – neither encouraged nor condemned by Ukrainian leaders – increased within Ukrainian society.

A number of prominent activists on the far right held membership of the group or were close to it, including A. K. Chesterton, Cuthbert Reavely and Joseph Bannister, with William Joyce also having a brief association with the group. The MCP favoured conspiratorial anti-Semitism, claiming that both Bolshevism and international finance were controlled by the Jews as part of a conspiracy to take over the world. Such were the connections to the Germans that by the spring of 1939 the Secretary of the Defence Committee stated that the group had taken over as the main outlet for dissemination of Nazi propaganda in the UK. This was corroborated by the Board of Deputies of British Jews. However following the signing of the Hitler-Stalin pact the group, which was also strongly anti-communist, lost its enthusiasm for the Nazis.

Fueled by labor unrest and the anarchist bombings, and then spurred on by the Palmer Raids and attempts by United States Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer to suppress radical organizations, it was characterized by exaggerated rhetoric, illegal search and seizures, unwarranted arrests and detentions, and the deportation of several hundred suspected radicals and anarchists. In addition, the growing anti-immigration nativist movement among Americans viewed increasing immigration from Southern Europe and Eastern Europe as a threat to American political and social stability. Bolshevism and the threat of a communist- inspired revolution in the U.S. became the overriding explanation for challenges to the social order, even for such largely unrelated events as incidents of interracial violence during the Red Summer of 1919. Fear of radicalism was used to explain the suppression of freedom of expression in form of display of certain flags and banners.

Appointed foreign secretary in August 1917, he led the delegation that negotiated the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which removed the Russian Empire from World War I. He also negotiated the Peace of Bucharest of 7 May 1918, with Romania. In the treaty negotiations, Kühlmann encountered opposition from the higher command of the army, and, in particular, of Erich Ludendorff, who desired fuller territorial guarantees on Germany's eastern frontier, the establishment of a German protectorate over the Baltic States and stronger precautions against the spread of Bolshevism. In July 1918, he delivered in the Reichstag a speech on the general situation, in the course of which he declared that the war could not be ended by arms alone, implying that it would require diplomacy to secure peace. This utterance was misinterpreted in Germany, and the higher command was drawn into the controversy which arose over it, so that Kühlmann's position became untenable.

Charles King, The Moldovans: Romania, Russia, and the politics of culture, Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 2000, page 33 "The occupation of Bessarabia by the Romanian[s troops], although carried out after an appeal of members of the Sfatul Țării and other Moldovan organizations, was not universally welcomed"Petrescu, Cristina. Contrasting/Conflicting Identities: Bessarabians, Romanians, Moldovans in Nation-Building and Contested identities: Romanian & Hungarian Case Studies. Editura Polirom. 2001. As Sorin Alexandrescu suggests, taking into account the situation at that time, the chaos in Russia and the undecided balance in the war, it is reasonable to suppose that the presence of Romanian troops in Bessarabia created a situation in which the majority in the Sfatul Tãrii decided to rally the faction that was advocating the union with Romania as a solution for overcoming of the triple threat of Bolshevism, Ukrainian expansionism and general anarchy.

In intense fighting against determined Soviet troops, the German military became increasingly brutalized; a "no-prisoners mentality" became predominant among the 35th Division, which executed Red Army prisoners and shot Jews in reprisals. David Wildermuth notes that Weikersthal's position on prisoner executions was one of "silent acquiescence," and his stance on the murder of Soviet Jews "[lay] between silent acquiescence and undocumented approval." At the same time, Weikersthal attempted to curb the forced requisitioning by his troops, concerned about maintaining the public image of the German military "as the representative of Anti-bolshevism." Still, although he urged the "correct and respectful comportment" of his troops towards Soviet POWs and civilians, incidents of looting, rape, and violence against the populace were widespread in the Ninth Army by August. From August to September, the 35th Division was situated in the Wassiljewa region while it prepared for Operation Typhoon.

Jeacocke missed the remainder of the season, but Percy Fender, the county captain, defended him in the press and pointed out that the letter of the law meant that Jeacocke would have to re-qualify, making him ineligible until 1924. Kent were probably driven by Lord Harris, the influential treasurer of the MCC and chairman of Kent. During the same season, Harris had forced Gloucestershire to drop Wally Hammond from their team as he had not properly qualified for the team; he later defended Kent's actions in the press and equated any disagreement with Bolshevism. The Jeacocke episode generated much criticism of Lord Harris in the press, and the qualification rules were changed before the 1923 season so that a player was considered to be qualified for a county for the rest of his career once he had played three seasons with the club—as Jeacocke had.Streeton, pp. 125–26.

As diplomatic historian Jonathan Haslam has observed, Litvinov was precisely the reverse: less erudite and more coarse, but willing to deal in good faith with the West for peace and a breathing space for Soviet Russia to pursue its own internal development. In 1924, full diplomatic relations had been restored under the Macdonald Labour Government. The Conservative Party and the business community continued to be hostile to the Soviet Union partly because the Soviet Union had not honoured the Tsarist Debts and partly because of the fear of Bolshevism spreading to Britain, and considered that therefore the Bolshevist Government should be militarily overthrown. This was exacerbated by the Soviet Government supporting the 1926 General Strike and criticising the British TUC for calling off the strike. The Soviet Government offered a gift of £25,000 to the TUC which was refused and £200,000 to the Cooperative movement which was accepted.

93–115 from The Origins of the Second World War Reconsidered edited by Gordon Martel Routledge: London, United Kingdom, 1999 p. 98. The "Four-Year Plan Memorandum" predicated an imminent all-out, apocalyptic struggle between "Judeo- Bolshevism" and German National Socialism, which necessitated a total effort at rearmament regardless of the economic costs. In the memo, Hitler wrote: Hitler called for Germany to have the world's "first army" in terms of fighting power within the next four years and that "the extent of the military development of our resources cannot be too large, nor its pace too swift" [italics in the original] and the role of the economy was simply to support "Germany's self-assertion and the extension of her Lebensraum".Messerschmidt, Manfred "Foreign Policy and Preparation for War" from Germany and the Second World War Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990 pp. 623–624R.

Many Vichy officials, such as Pétain, were reactionaries who felt that France's unfortunate fate was a result of its republican character and the actions of its left-wing governments of the 1930s, in particular of the Popular Front (1936–1938) led by Léon Blum. Charles Maurras, a monarchist writer and founder of the Action Française movement, judged that Pétain's accession to power was, in that respect, a "divine surprise", and many people of his persuasion believed it preferable to have an authoritarian government similar to that of Francisco Franco's Spain, even if under Germany's yoke, than to have a republican government. Others, like Joseph Darnand, were strong anti-Semites and overt Nazi sympathizers. A number of these joined the units of the Légion des Volontaires Français contre le Bolchévisme (Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism) fighting on the Eastern Front, later becoming the SS Charlemagne Division.

In addition, Franco Germany provided, inter alia, submarine bases and news material. Adolf Hitler was dissatisfied with Franco's policy and in July 1942, in a small circle, began to consider "finding a suitable personality for the settlement of the Spanish political situation." He particularly thought of General Muñoz Grandes and said that the Blue Division might "play a crucial role in the settlement of the current Pfaff system." Henry Picker: Hitler's Table Talks at Führer Headquarters 1941-1942 Seewald Verlag, Stuttgart 1976 , p. 427f. In December 1943, Franco issued his position to the German ambassador saying that "the attitude of the Spanish government towards Bolshevism and Communism would not change, and that this struggle would continue at home and abroad, as well as against Judaism and Freemasonry "In 1938, the Synagogue of Madrid had been closed, the communities built in several cities during the war were dissolved again.

Romanian occupation authorities had mostly worried about the spread of resistance through ethnic minority groups, but concluded that Bessarabian Ukrainians were mostly indifferent, rather than openly hostile. In 1943–1944, field agents also noted with satisfaction that pro-Soviet minorities such as the Gagauz and Bulgarians were more cooperative, and that Greater Romania was coming to be seen as the better option. At a very early stage in the war, Antonescu had entertained the notion that opposition to Romanian rule would mostly come from Jewish Bolshevism, and this served as a justification to his attempt at exterminating Bessarabia's Jews; Jews from Romania-proper were viewed as assimilated, and as such generally spared. In October 1941, Antonescu publicly justified his mass deportation and selective extermination of Jews as an anti-partisan measure, noting that Romanian troops had seized "14–15-year-old Jewish children with pockets full of grenades".

In a speech to his leading generals on 30 March 1941, Hitler described his envisioned war against the Soviet Union. General Franz Halder, the Army's Chief of Staff, described the speech: Though General Halder did not record any mention of Jews, German historian Andreas Hillgruber argued that because of Hitler's frequent contemporary statements about the coming war of annihilation against "Judeo-Bolshevism", his generals would have understood Hitler's call for the destruction of the Soviet Union as also comprising a call for the destruction of its Jewish population. The genocide was often described using euphemisms such as "special tasks" and "executive measures"; Einsatzgruppe victims were often described as having been shot while trying to escape. In May 1941, Heydrich verbally passed on the order to kill the Soviet Jews to the SiPo NCO School in Pretzsch, where the commanders of the reorganised Einsatzgruppen were being trained for Operation Barbarossa.

15 As most Social Democrats were forced to join up with the old elites to prevent an imminent council dictatorship, the blame for the failure of the Weimar Republic was to be put on the extreme left, and the events of 1918/19 were successful defensive actions of democracy against Bolshevism. This interpretation at the height of the Cold War was based on the assumption that the extreme left was comparably strong and a real threat to the democratic development. In this point, West German researchers ironically found themselves in line with Marxist historiography in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), which attributed considerable revolutionary potential most of all to the Spartacists.On East German historiography of the German Revolution see Mario Keßler: Die Novemberrevolution in der Geschichtswissenschaft der DDR – Die Kontroversen des Jahres 1958 und ihre Folgen im internationalen Kontext, in: Jahrbuch für Forschungen zur Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, No. III/2008.

On 10 December 1941 General von Sponeck ordered that all Jews found within his area of command were to be treated in principle as "partisans", marked with the Star of David, and "deployed as labor." He also ordered that any Red Army soldiers captured, even those in uniform, were to be shot immediately and approved reprisal actions against civilians for any local anti-German activity or sabotage. Historian Erik Grimmer-Solem remarks: > The case of General von Sponeck is complicated. He had the moral courage to > refuse an order from Hitler to stand his ground when his troops were > threatened with destruction, and he was court-martialed and later killed by > the Nazis for it. At the same time, he did not refuse to carry out the > criminal Commissar Order, which gave cover for what became a genocidal war > against ‘Jewish Bolshevism’ in the Soviet Union.

The Potsdam Conference held by the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States from 17 July to 2 August 1945, largely determined the occupation policies that the occupied country was to face after its defeat, including demilitarization, denazification, democratization and decentralization. The Allies' often crude and ineffective implementation caused the local population to dismiss the process as "noxious mixture of moralism and 'victors' justice'". For those in the Western zones of occupation, the advent of the Cold War undermined the demilitarization process by seemingly justifying the key part of Hitler's foreign policies, the "fight against Soviet bolshevism". In 1950, after the outbreak of the Korean War, the Americans felt that a West German army clearly had to be revived to help face off the Soviet Union, and American and West German politicians confronted the prospect of rebuilding the West German armed forces.

On 13 January 1938, Archibald Maule Ramsay, the Unionist MP for Peebles and Southern Midlothian, gave a speech to the Arbroath Business Club in which he observed that Adolf Hitler's antipathy to Jews arose from his knowledge "that the real power behind the Third International is a group of revolutionary Jews". His United Christian Front (formed in 1937) aimed to combat attacks on Christianity from 'the Red Menace' - he believed that Bolshevism was Jewish. Ramsey was influenced and made use of The Rulers of Russia by a Roman Catholic priest from Ireland, Father Denis Fahey, which contended that of 59 members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1935, 56 were Jews, and the remaining three were married to Jews. Ramsay was sympathetic to Nazi Germany: in September, he wrote to The Times to defend the right of the pro-German Sudetenland to self-determination.

Even some Nazis thought Céline's anti-semitic pronouncements were so extreme as to be counter-productive. Bernhard Payr (de), the German superintendent of propaganda in France, considered that Céline "started from correct racial notions" but his "savage, filthy slang" and "brutal obscenities" spoiled his "good intentions" with "hysterical wailing".Edward Andrew, George Grant's Celine, Thoughts on the Relation of Literature and Art, Arthur Davis (ed), George Grant and the Subversion of Modernity, University of Toronto Press, 1996, p.83.Gérard Loiseaux, La Littérature de la défaite et de la collaboration, Fayard, 1995. When Germany invaded the Soviet Union in June 1941, he expressed his support for Jacques Doriot's recently founded collaborationist force Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (LVF): > We do not think enough about the protection of the white Aryan race. Now is > the time to act, because tomorrow will be too late.

Particular areas of thought during the design process were the "a" (several versions and sizes in the hot metal era had a straight tail like Johnston's or a mildly curving tail) and the "b", "d", "p" and "q", where some versions (and sizes, since the same weight would not be identical at every size) had stroke ends visible and others did not. Rhatigan has commented that Monotype's archives contain "enough [material] for a book just about the 'b', 'd', 'p', and 'q' of Gill Sans". The titling capitals of Gill Sans were first unveiled at a printing conference in 1928; it was also shown in a specimen issued in the Fleuron magazine edited by Morison. While initial response was partly appreciative, it was still considered dubious by some ultra-conservative printers who saw all sans-serif type as modern and unsound; one called it "typographical Bolshevism".

Funeral of Panait Istrati in April 1935 The political opinions Istrati expressed after his split with Bolshevism are rather ambiguous. He was still closely watched by the Romanian secret police (Siguranța Statului), and he had written an article (dated April 8, 1933) in the French magazine Les Nouvelles littéraires, aptly titled L'homme qui n'adhère à rien ("The man who will adhere to nothing"). At the same time, Istrati started publishing in Cruciada Românismului ("The Crusade of Romanianism"), the voice of a left- leaning splinter group of the ultra-nationalist Iron Guard. As such, Istrati became associated with the group's leader Mihai Stelescu, who had been elected as a member of Parliament for the Iron Guard in 1933 and whose dissidence was the reason for his brutal assassination by the Decemviri later in the same year; Istrati was himself assaulted several times by the Guard's squads.

During his period in Mexico, he had become a member of the Magnetic-Spiritualist School of the Universal Commune (EMECU). Founded in Buenos Aires in 1911 by Joaquín Trincado, a Basque electrician, the EMECU blended the political ideals of anarchism with a cosmology which was an idiosyncratic synthesis of Zoroastrianism, Kabbalah and Spiritism. Rejecting both capitalism and Bolshevism, Trincado's brand of communism was based on a "spiritism of Light and Truth," which he believed would supersede all existing religions in the final stage of human history. This stage, which would arise from the political conflicts of the 20th century, would be the time of the founding of the "universal commune", in which private property and the state would be abolished, the hatred caused by false religions would disappear, and all of humanity would be part of one race (Hispanic) and speak one language (Spanish).

The notorious Commissar Order (Kommissarbefehl), dated 6 June 1941, followed directly on the Barbarossa decree. It was called Instructions on the Treatment of Political Commissars and began:Soviet Prisoners of War: Forgotten Nazi Victims of World War II > In the struggle against Bolshevism, we must not assume that the enemy's > conduct will be based on principles of humanity or of international law. In > particular, hate-inspired, cruel and inhumane treatment of prisoners can be > expected on the part of all grades of political commissars, who are the real > leaders of resistance...To show consideration to these elements during this > struggle, or to act in accordance with international rules of war, is wrong > and endangers both our own security and the rapid pacification of conquered > territory...Political commissars have initiated barbaric, Asiatic methods of > warfare. Consequently, they will be dealt with immediately and with maximum > severity.

According to Kershaw, the German church leadership expended considerable energies in opposing government interference in the churches and "attempts to ride roughshod over Christian doctrine and values", but this vigour, was not matched against all areas of "Nazi barbarism". Thus for example, what protests the bishops did make regarding anti-Jewish policies, tended to be by way of private letters to government ministers. Kershaw wrote that, while the "detestation of Nazism was overwhelming within the Catholic Church", it did not preclude church leaders approving of areas of the regime's policies, particularly where Nazism "blended into 'mainstream' national aspirations" – like support for "patriotic" foreign policy or war aims, obedience to state authority (where this did not contravene divine law); and destruction of atheistic Marxism and Soviet Bolshevism. Traditional Christian anti-Judaism was "no bulwark" against Nazi biological antisemitism, wrote Kershaw, and on these issues "the churches as institutions felt on uncertain grounds".

Consequently, when the Russian Army broke up, the Armenians preserved their discipline against all attempts of the Bolsheviks, and were the only force upon which the Allies could count in southwestern Asia during the last year of the war. The two million Armenians of Transcaucasia, increased by several hundred thousand refugees from the Ottoman Empire, persisted in their loyalty to Russia until the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk delivered them to the Ottoman Empire. Then they moved to form their own state, which succeeded in maintaining itself during the period of anarchy and famine that Bolshevism brought upon the Russian Empire. At the Peace Conference, speaking before the Council of Ten, M. Aharonian, delegate of the Armenian Republic of the Caucasus, stated that the two and a half million Armenians in Transcaucasia wanted to cast in their fortunes with the Armenians of Ottoman Empire to form a Greater Armenia.

Deletant, pp. 61–63, 75–76, 304; Final Report, pp. 63–64 In parallel, Romania's relationship with the United Kingdom, at the time the only major adversary of Nazi Germany, erupted into conflict: on February 10, 1941, British Premier Winston Churchill recalled His Majesty's Ambassador Reginald Hoare, and approved the blockade of Romanian ships in British-controlled ports.Deletant, pp. 26–27, 75 On 12 June 1941, during another summit with Hitler, Antonescu first learned of the "special" nature of Operation Barbarossa, namely, that the war against the Soviet Union was to be an ideological war to "annihilate" the forces of "Judeo-Bolshevism," a "war of extermination" to be fought without any mercy; Hitler even showed Antonescu a copy of the "Guidelines for the Conduct of the Troops in Russia" he had issued to his forces about the "special treatment" to be handed out to Soviet Jews.

Evans, p. 94 As part of this argument, Nolte cited the 1979 book of the American historian Alfred-Maurice de Zayas, Die Wehrmacht Untersuchungsstelle, which argues that the Allies were just as guilty of war crimes as the Germans as the "happy evidence of the will to objectivity on the part of a foreigner"Evans, p. 162 In Nolte's opinion, Hitler was a "European citizen" who fought in defence of the values of the West against "Asiatic" Bolshevism, but due to his "total egocentrism" waged this struggle with unnecessary violence and brutalityEvans, p. 56 Since in Nolte's view, the Shoah was not a unique crime, there is no reason to single out Germans for special criticism for the Holocaust.Evans, p. 27 In addition, Nolte sees his work as the beginning of a much-needed revisionist treatment to end the "negative myth" of the Third Reich that dominates contemporary perceptions.

On June 25, 1918, Count Mirbach informed his boss, State Secretary of the German Foreign Ministry Richard von Kühlmann about the deep political crisis of the Bolshevik government: “Today, after more than 2 months of careful observation, I don’t think I can make a more favorable diagnosis of Bolshevism: we, no doubt, are at the bedside of a seriously ill patient; and although moments of apparent improvement are possible, ultimately it is doomed." In May, he sent a telegraph to Berlin saying “the Entente allegedly spends huge sums to bring the right wing of the Socialist Revolutionary Party to power and resume the war... Sailors on ships... are probably bribed, like the former Preobrazhensky regiment. Weapons stocks... from weapons factories in the hands of the Socialist Revolutionaries." German diplomat Carl von Botmer also testified that the German embassy, beginning in mid-June 1918, repeatedly received threats that the Bolshevik security service had investigated, but to no avail.

The Allied intervention involved fourteen nations and was conducted over a vast expanse of territory. The initial goals of the Western powers had been to rescue the Czechoslovak Legion which had been fighting the Central Powers on the Eastern Front and had later fought the Bolsheviks, as well as to secure the supplies of munitions and armaments in Russian ports to prevent their capture by German forces, and possibly also to re-establish the Eastern Front. With the end of World War I and fearful of Bolshevism, the Allies openly, if only half-heartedly, intervened in the Russian Civil War, giving support to the pro-tsarist anti-Bolshevik White forces as part of the North Russia Campaign. Opposition for the ongoing campaign became widespread, mostly due to a combination of a lack of public support and war-weariness; while divided objectives and a lack of an overarching strategy also hampered the effort.

Secrest, p. 17, 30, 36 De Kerlor, an incurable publicity hound, made imprudent admissions to a BOI investigator in prideful support of the Russian Revolution and went so far as to admit to an association with a notorious anarchist, whilst his wife incriminated herself by revealing that she was tutoring Italians in Boston's North End on the tenets of Bolshevism and that she herself had the knowledge to assemble explosive devices. Both were ultimately spared prosecution or deportation, the authorities concluding that such admissions so freely given were more indicative of foolish grandstanding than evidence of individuals who were a threat to society.Secrest, p. 50 Almost immediately after their child, Maria Luisa Yvonne Radha (nicknamed 'Gogo'), was born on June 15, 1920, de Kerlor moved out leaving Schiaparelli alone with their newborn daughter.Secrest, p. 53, In later years, whenever Gogo asked her mother about her absent father, she was told that he was dead.Secrest, p. 84.

The Islamic Central Institute gave the Muslims in Germany institutional ties to the 'Third Reich'.. Fritz Grobba wrote on 17 July 1942 that the Mufti himself had visited Oranienburg concentration camp and that "the Jews aroused particular interest among the Arabs. ... It all made a very favorable impression on the Arabs." This is cited in confirmation of the view that an associate of al-Husseini's together with three associates of the former Iraqi Prime Minister certainly did visit the Sachsenhausen concentration camp as part of a German secret police "training course" in July 1942. At the time, the Sachsenhausen camp housed large numbers of Jews, but was only transformed into a death camp in the following year.. Their tour through the camp presented it as a re-educational institution, and they were shown the high quality of objects made by inmates, and happy Russian prisoners who, reformed to fight Bolshevism, were paraded, singing, in sprightly new uniforms.

By January 1942 militia numbers were increased to 400-500. During a specially ordered partisan attack headed by Alexander Saburov on January 8, 1942, Voskoboinik was mortally wounded. After his death Kaminski took over command and expanded the militia. In co-operation with German forces, the militia began anti-partisan operations and by spring 1942, its number increased to 1,400 armed personnel. The estimated number of Soviet partisans in this area was as high as 20,000 – they controlled almost the entire rear area of Army Group Center's area of operations. In mid-March 1942, Kaminski's representative assured the German Second Panzer Army at Orel that Kaminski's unit was "ready to actively fight the guerillas" and to carry on a propaganda campaign against "Jew-Bolshevism" and Soviet partisans. Soon thereafter, commander of 2nd Army Generaloberst Rudolf Schmidt appointed Kaminski as mayor of the Army Rear Area 532 with its center in the town of Lokot.

Camillo Berneri in 1936 Once the Spanish Civil War broke out, Berneri was among the first to rush to Catalonia, the center of a revolution spearheaded by the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo: here he found himself alongside Carlo Rosselli with a large number of Italian and International anti-fascists. Beyond militant solidarity, Carlo Rosselli was tied to his critical support for the prospects of Bolshevism, while in those years Camillo Berneri collaborated with the clandestine organ of the libertarian socialist movement "Giustizia e Libertà", arguing with Rosselli on the stark differences between libertarian socialism and despotic socialism. Together with Rosselli, he organized the first column of Italian volunteers to fight on the Aragon front, which were incorporated into the militia column of Joaquín Ascaso. On August 28, 1936, Camillo Berneri took part in Battle of Monte Pelado near Huesca: “We defended our position with 130 people against 600, hardened and with strong weapons, for four hours of battle.

I am radical social democrat who favours the creation of a peer- > to-peer sector (co-ops, open source etc) alongside the market and the state, > as part of a long transition to a post-capitalist economy. There's a > comprehensive critique of Bolshevism in my latest book, Postcapitalism: A > Guide to Our Future. However, Mason subsequently wrote positively about Marxism: in a piece for New Statesman published in May 2018 for the bicentenary of Marx's birth, he praised Marxist humanism inspired by Marx's Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 in general, and the thought of Raya Dunayevskaya in particular, for its emphasis on overcoming alienation from labour in order to achieve individual freedom, whilst criticising the authoritarianism of Stalinism and the structural Marxism of the likes of Louis Althusser. In another New Statesman article published the following year he described himself as an "actual Marxist", whilst critiquing determinist interpretations of Marx which posit Marxism as a "theory of everything".

Some mainstream Holocaust historians have labeled Mayer a denier. The Israeli historian Yehuda Bauer wrote that Mayer "popularizes the nonsense that the Nazis saw in Marxism and Bolshevism their main enemy, and the Jews unfortunately got caught up in this; when he links the destruction of the Jews to the ups and downs of German warfare in the Soviet Union, in a book that is so cocksure of itself that it does not need a proper scientific apparatus, he is really engaging in a much more subtle form of Holocaust denial".Bauer, Yehuda "A Past That Will Not Away" pages 12–22 from The Holocaust and History edited by Michael Berenbaum and Abrahm Peck, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 page 15. Defenders of Mayer argue that his statement that "Sources for the study of the gas chambers are at once rare and unreliable" has been taken out of context, particularly by Holocaust deniers.

This great man, whom the struggle for Bolshevism has become a life-affair (or destiny), is trusted blindly by the Cossacks who have not left him at any difficult moment.' He died in Soviet captivity, January 9, 1947. Signal (magazine), 1943. Elsa married the painter (kunstmaler) Hans Jörg Yorck Friederich Karl Bernhard von Reppert-Bismark (1902-1962) in Berlin on 9 January 1926.Adels Handbuch, Adelige Hauser, B, Band III, page 392 Hans Jörg Friederich Karl Bernhard v. Reppert-Bismark (Rathenow, 10 April 1902-Burg Hemmersbach 24 March 1962). Younger son of retired soldier and another painter Hans Eugen Hermann (Magdeburg, 8 November 1861- Bertin-Zehlendorf 27 September 1934). Son of Eugen Alfons Leonhard von Reppert (1819-1908) (name Bismarck added 1873), by his wife (married 1856) Adele Wilhelmine Henriette Sophie (1835-1915), daughter of Alexander Albert Ludwig Theodor Eugene von Bismarck of Gohre (Döbbelin) (1805-1880) and Adele van Panhuijs (1805-1879).

Pan Fu was made Prime Minister and Minister of Communications, Liu Changqing was made Minister of Agriculture and Labor, Yan Zebo was made Minister of Finance, Wang Yingtai was made Minister of Foreign Affairs, Liu Zhe was made Minister of Education, He Fenglin was made Minister of Military Affairs (including the navy), Shen Ruilin was made Minister of the Interior, Zhang Jinghui was made Minister of Industry, Yao Zhen was made Minister of Justice, and Xia Renhu was made Chief Cabinet Secretary. Zhang published a manifesto for the new government, declaring that he would free China from Bolshevism (the "Reds") and chaos, and that he would reverse the unequal treaties through negotiation. Soon after, Zhang's Foreign Office sent a request to the Japanese Legation in China to request the withdrawal of Japanese troops from Shandong.“CHANG TSO-LIN'S NEW POSITION.” Advocate of Peace through Justice, vol. 89, no. 8, 1927, pp. 473–474. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/20661678.

Most crucially, he never came on speaking terms with Finland's foreign minister Rolf Witting, despite their shared mother tongue. This contributed to the abortion of close intelligence cooperation between the two countries, and resulted among other things in a total failure for the Swedish attempts to improve the relations with the Third Reich be means of some kind of cooperation in Operation Barbarossa—executed as "support for Finland's heroic struggle against Bolshevism"—at the same time intending to ease Finland's emotional dependency on Germany. Westman argued, not without some merit, that his views truly represented those of the Swedish government and civil service in general, and specifically the views of the cabinet. The realpolitik policies of Foreign Minister Günther were not as popular in the left-leaning majority of the Cabinet now, when a clash between Nazism and Communism was on the agenda, as it had been during the zenith of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact.

Gorky admitted to feeling attracted to Bolshevism, but admitted to concerns about a creed that made the entire working class "sweet and reasonable - I had never known people who were really like this". Gorky wrote that he knew the poor, the "carpenters, stevedores, bricklayers", in a way that the intellectual Lenin never did, and he frankly distrusted them. During World War I, his apartment in Petrograd was turned into a Bolshevik staff room, and his politics remained close to the Bolsheviks throughout the revolutionary period of 1917. On the day after the Bolshevik coup of 7 November 1917, Gorky observed a gardener working the Alexander Park who had cleared snow during the February Revolution while ignoring the shots in the background, asked people during the July Days not to trample the grass and was now chopping off branches, leading Gorky to write that he was "stubborn as a mole, and apparently as blind as one too".

Canadian Siberian Expeditionary Force, 1919 The Allied Powers became concerned at the collapse of the Eastern Front and the loss of their Tsarist ally to communism, and there was also the question of the large quantities of supplies and equipment in Russian ports, which the Allied Powers feared might be seized by the Germans. Also worrisome to the Allied Powers was the April 1918 landing of a division of German troops in Finland, increasing speculation they might attempt to capture the Murmansk-Petrograd railway, and subsequently the strategic port of Murmansk and possibly Arkhangelsk. Other concerns regarded the potential destruction of the Czechoslovak Legions and the threat of Bolshevism, the nature of which worried many Allied governments. Meanwhile, Allied materiel in transit quickly accumulated in the warehouses in Arkhangelsk and Murmansk. Estonia had established a national army with the support of Finnish volunteers and were defending against the 7th Red Army's attack.

ABC 22.10.33, available here Denying Fascist identity, he admitted superiority of the Italian system – respectful to religious and secular tradition – compared to the Soviet one,El Día de Palencia 31.01.36, available here praising also Piłsudski for stopping bolshevism in 1920 and Hitler for preventing a Bolshevik revolution in 1933.La Cruz 30.11.35, available here Minguijón denounced the Spanish revolutionaryhe denounced every revolution as chaotic bloodbath, Labor 20.06.35, available here Left as inventing a Fascist menace but offering the same totalitarian solution;La Gaceta de Tenerife 01.08.35, available here his own preference was for the Salazar regime."a nuestro lado tenemos una nación que ha salido de la anarquía y que lentamente se va reconstituyendo. Esta nacion no tiene un Mussolini, tiene un Oliveira Salazar", Correo de Tortosa 05.07.34 In 1933 Minguijón co-founded a Zaragoza- based Centro de Estudios Sociales, born out of ACNDP and formatted as an Aragon version of the Madrid-based Instituto Social Obrero;Orella Martínez 2012, p.

102 lively yet simple plot, nagging moralizing objectives and anachronistic message,Sawicki 2010, p. 58 they are counted within "corriente martirológico-heroica" and denied major value.Sawicki 2010, p. 135 Even more damning are scholars who focus on pro- Nazi threads in Casariego's writings; they quote poems which exalted Hitler and his crusade against Soviet bolshevism or British plutocracyRodríguez Virgili 2002, pp. 95-97. See also his 1941 declaration made in Berlin, namely that "la Hispanidad es una Cruzada y por eso – a parte de mi insignificancia personal – que es oportuno que ahora suene su voz en este Berlin, cuando los recios soldados de Alemania, vencedores de la Europa decadente, clavan sus banderas gloriosas en el corazón del monstruo comunista, negación suprema de la Cristiandad, del Occidente y de la Cultura", quoted after Frank-Rutger Hausmann, "Auch im Krieg schweigen die Musen nicht": die Deutschen Wissenschaftlichen Institute im Zweiten Weltkrieg, Gottingen 2002, , p.

They are not fools, the men who say this; they are men who love > Germany, and the German soldier, but who despair because with our eyes open, > our minds working and our hearts feeling we are letting the Fatherland be > led into the abyss by criminals and fools and are letting German youth and > German manhood be driven unresisting to death and mutilation. > > We must put an end to this state of affairs in which we allow fools to force > their delusions and lies on the German people. We must make the war of > conquest, started from a spirit of domination, into a war of necessary > defence. We have absolutely no cause to fear Bolshevism or the Anglo-Saxons > [Goerdeler was playing down his anti-Communism in order to entice Kluge into > joining the conspiracy by trying to counter Nazi claims that Hitler was the > world's only bulwark against the Soviet Union].

Leaders of American foreign policy remain convinced that the Soviet Union was a hostile threat to American values. Republican Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes rejected recognition, telling labor union leaders that, "those in control of Moscow have not given up their original purpose of destroying existing governments wherever they can do so throughout the world."Douglas Little, "Anti-Bolshevism and American Foreign Policy, 1919-1939" American Quarterly (1983) 35#4 pp 376-390 at p 378. Under President Calvin Coolidge, Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg warned that the Kremlin's international agency, the Communist International (Comintern) was aggressively planning subversion against other nations, including the United States, to "overthrow the existing order."Little, p 178 Herbert Hoover in 1919 warned Wilson that, "We cannot even remotely recognize this murderous tyranny without stimulating action is to radicalism in every country in Europe and without transgressing on every National ideal of our own."Little, p 378-79.

These reports stated the graves were in the forest of Goat Hill near Katyn. He passed the reports to his superiors (sources vary on when exactly the Germans became aware of the graves—from "late 1942" to January–February 1943, and when the German top decision makers in Berlin received those reports [as early as 1 March or as late as 4 April]). Joseph Goebbels saw this discovery as an excellent tool to drive a wedge between Poland, the Western Allies, and the Soviet Union, and reinforcement for the Nazi propaganda line about the horrors of Bolshevism, and American and British subservience to it. After extensive preparation, on 13 April, Reichssender Berlin broadcast to the world that German military forces in the Katyn forest near Smolensk had uncovered a ditch that was "28 metres long and 16 metres wide [92 ft by 52 ft], in which the bodies of 3,000 Polish officers were piled up in 12 layers".

Wochenspruch der NSDAP of 28 September 1941, accuses Jews of creating Marxism Walter Laqueur traces the Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy theory to Nazi ideologue Alfred Rosenberg, for whom Bolshevism was "the revolt of the Jewish, Slavic and Mongolian races against the German (Aryan) element in Russia". Germans, according to Rosenberg, had been responsible for Russia's historic achievements and had been sidelined by the Bolsheviks, who did not represent the interests of the Russian people, but instead those of its ethnic Jewish and Chinese population. Michael Kellogg, in his Ph.D. thesis, argues that the racist ideology of Nazis was to a significant extent influenced by White émigrés in Germany, many of whom, while being former subjects of the Russian Empire, were of non-Russian descent: ethnic Germans, residents of Baltic lands including Baltic Germans, and Ukrainians. Of particular role was their Aufbau organization (Aufbau: Wirtschafts-politische Vereinigung für den Osten (Reconstruction: Economic-Political Organization for the East)).

On August 3, German Foreign Minister Joachim Ribbentrop told Soviet diplomats that "there was no problem between the Baltic and the Black Sea that could not be solved between the two of us."Vehviläinen, Olli, Finland in the Second World War: Between Germany and Russia, Macmillan, 2002, , page 30 The Germans discussed prior hostility between the nations in the 1930s. They addressed the common ground of anti- capitalism, stating "there is one common element in the ideology of Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union: opposition to the capitalist democracies,"Bertriko, Jean-Jacques Subrenat, A. and David Cousins, Estonia: Identity and Independence, Rodopi, 2004, page 131 "neither we nor Italy have anything in common with the capitalist west" and "it seems to us rather unnatural that a socialist state would stand on the side of the western democracies." They explained that their prior hostility toward Soviet Bolshevism had subsided with the changes in the Comintern and the Soviet renunciation of a world revolution.

By 1888, Marxists employed socialism in place of communism which had come to be considered an old-fashioned synonym for the former. It was not until 1917, with the Bolshevik Revolution, that socialism came to refer to a distinct stage between capitalism and communism, introduced by Vladimir Lenin as a means to defend the Bolshevik seizure of power against traditional Marxist criticism that Russia's productive forces were not sufficiently developed for socialist revolution. A distinction between communist and socialist as descriptors of political ideologies arose in 1918 after the Russian Social- Democratic Labour Party renamed itself to the All-Russian Communist Party, where communist came to specifically refer to socialists who supported the politics and theories of Bolshevism, Leninism and later in the 1920s of Marxism–Leninism, although communist parties continued to describe themselves as socialists dedicated to socialism. Both communism and socialism eventually accorded with the cultural attitude of adherents and opponents towards religion.

The First Red Scare was a period during the early 20th-century history of the United States marked by a widespread fear of far-left extremism, including but not limited to Bolshevism and anarchism, due to real and imagined events; real events included the October Revolution and anarchist bombings. At its height in 1919–1920, concerns over the effects of radical political agitation in American society and the alleged spread of communism and anarchism in the American labor movement fueled a general sense of concern. The Scare had its origins in the hyper-nationalism of World War I as well as the Russian Revolution. At the war's end, following the October Revolution, American authorities saw the threat of communist revolution in the actions of organized labor, including such disparate cases as the Seattle General Strike and the Boston Police Strike and then in the bombing campaign directed by anarchist groups at political and business leaders.

Tillon later wrote that between June–December 1941 the RAF carried out 60 bombing attacks and 65 strafing attacks in France, which killed a number of French people, while the FTP, during the same period, set off 41 bombs, derailed 8 trains and carried out 107 acts of sabotage, which killed no French people. In the summer of 1941, a brochure appeared in France entitled Manuel du Légionnaire, which contained detailed notes on how to fire guns, manufacture bombs, sabotage factories, carry out assassinations, and perform other skills useful to the resistance. The brochure was disguised as informational material for fascistic Frenchmen who had volunteered for the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism on the Eastern Front; it took the occupation authorities some time to realize that the manual was a Communist publication meant to train the FTP for actions against them. On 21 August 1941, a French Communist, Pierre Georges, assassinated the German naval officer Anton Moser in the Paris Metro, the first time the resistance had killed a German.

Webern's music, along with that of Berg, Křenek, Schoenberg, and others, was denounced as "cultural Bolshevism" and "degenerate art" by the Nazi Party in Germany, and both publication and performances of it were banned soon after the Anschluss in 1938, although neither did it fare well under the preceding years of Austrofascism.. As early as 1933, an Austrian gauleiter on Bayerischer Rundfunk mistakenly and very likely maliciously characterized both Berg and Webern as Jewish composers. As a result of official disapproval throughout the '30s, both found it harder to earn a living; Webern lost a promising conducting career which might have otherwise been more noted and recorded and had to take on work as an editor and proofreader for his publishers, Universal Edition. His family's financial situation deteriorated until, by August 1940, his personal records reflected no monthly income. It was thanks to the Swiss philanthropist Werner Reinhart that Webern was able to attend the festive premiere of his Variations for Orchestra, Op. 30, in Winterthur, Switzerland in 1943.

A chart used to illustrate the Nazi Nuremberg Laws introduced in 1935 In a speech in 1927 to the Bavarian regional parliament, the Nazi propagandist Julius Streicher, publisher of Der Stürmer, used the term Untermensch referring to the communists of the German Bavarian Soviet Republic: Nazis repeatedly used the term Untermensch in writings and speeches directed against the Jews, the most notorious example being a 1942 SS publication with the title Der Untermensch, which contains an antisemitic tirade sometimes considered to be an extract from a speech by Heinrich Himmler. In the pamphlet "The SS as an Anti-Bolshevist Fighting Organization", published in 1936, Himmler wrote: In his speech "Weltgefahr des Bolschewismus" ("World danger of Bolshevism") in 1936, Joseph Goebbels said that "subhumans exist in every people as a leavening agent".Paul Meier-Benneckenstein, Deutsche Hochschule für Politik Titel: Dokumente der Deutschen Politik, Volume 4, Junker und Dünnhaupt Verlag, Berlin, 2. ed., 1937; speech held on 10 September 1936; In German: "... das Untermenschentum, das in jedem Volke als Hefe vorhanden ist ...".

In the 1960s, they shifted to its revolutionary beginnings, realising that the decisions and developments during the revolution were central to the failure of the first German Republic. The workers' and soldiers' councils especially moved into focus, and their previous appearance as a far-left movement had to be revised extensively. Authors like Ulrich Kluge, Eberhard Kolb and Reinhard Rürup argued that in the first weeks of the revolution the social base for a democratic redesign of society was much stronger than previously thought and that the potential of the extreme left was actually weaker than the MSPD's leadership, for example, assumed. As "Bolshevism" posed no real threat, the scope of action for the Council of the People's Deputies (also supported by the more reform-oriented councils) to democratise the administration, military and society had been relatively large, but the MSPD's leadership did not take that step because it trusted in the loyalty of the old elites and mistrusted the spontaneous mass movements in the first weeks of the revolution.

Known for his antisemitic and openly pro-Nazi views already prior to the war,Tamara Griesser Pečar, Razdvojeni narod. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 2007. Rupnik was a notorious anti-Semite, who wrote anti-Semitic tracts and made antisemitic speeches. Some notable examples include: In a lecture he gave in Ljubljana in 1944, entitled 'Bolshevism: a tool of international Judaism' and subtitled 'Jewish endeavours towards global supremacy', Rupnik said the following: > The Jews straight dogmatic hatred of all who are not Jewish is finally > challenged everywhere by a revolt by the home nation that sooner or later > removes all parasites from their country or limits by law their economic, > religious and political activity. (A transcript of the entire lecture is > available.) In a lecture at Polhov Gradec, on June 5, 1944 Rupnik stated: > With solid trust in the righteousness of the leader of Europe, of the German > nation, we must calmly and with all fanaticism lead the battle against > Jewish global supremacy serving Stalin’s and Tito’s bandits and their > assistants, Anglo-American gangsters.

John Hanbury-Williams married Annie Emily, youngest daughter of Emil Reiss, in 1888, with whom he was to have four children. His wife pre- deceased him in 1933.Death/Funeral Notice, The Times, Saturday 25 November 1933, page 17 column B. It is considered that the Hanbury-Williams family probably provided the last link between the 43rd Light Infantry and the county of Monmouthshire. Partly as a result of what he had seen at first hand in Russia during the First World War, Hanbury-Williams became a fierce opponent of Bolshevism, and was a founding member of the Liberty League which was formed in the United Kingdom after the War with a view to combat the spread of this political creed.See Letters to the Editor, The Times, Wednesday 3 March 1920, page 12 column A. In 1934 he appeared as a witness in Princess Irina Alexandrovna of Russia’s famous and successful libel suit against Metro- Goldwyn-Mayer Pictures Limited following the release in England of the film Rasputin, the Mad Monk (USA title: Rasputin and the Empress).

Taken as a whole, this meritorious volume represents an unorthodox contribution toward objectifying the discussion of national-socialism, and one ought to take note of it.” The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of November 23, 1990, commented on Die Schatten der Vergangenheit the volume was “perfectly suitable to become the subject of dispute… If it failed to meet this mark, then it would above all be for the reason that only a few readers will be likely to manage to digest the heavy academic fare of the first eighty pages.” What is favourably highlighted by the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung review is Zitelmann's discussion of the historian Ernst Nolte: “Exemplary in its objectivity is Rainer Zitelmann’s discussion of Ernst Nolte. Zitelmann points out analogies with Marxist theories on fascism, and suggests that it is impermissible to pinpoint ‘anti-Bolshevism in a one-sided and generalising manner’ as the central motive of ‘the’ national-socialists.” Zitelmann also wrote on the subject of “Umgang mit der NS-Vergangenheit“ (“Dealing with the National- Socialist Past“) in his contribution for the book Bewusstseinsnotstand.

Birgit Beumers, the author of Nikita Mikhalkov: The Filmmaker's Companion, believes that in the film, Mikhalkov offers an idealised view of the revolution, not based on reality, in that he treats revolution and love as synonyms. She writes: "the sexual seduction in the old world is replaced by political seduction accomplished by Viktor to bring Olga to the side of the Revolution; Olga's suicide in the film of the old world is substituted by the surrender of her life to the ideal of Bolshevism: she saves Viktor's film, and travels herself towards a new life". Aside from issuing a "subtle comment on the nature of film", with a "false, artificial, trite" screen reality, for Beumers, Olga is "rendered as a type in a melodrama", who is unable to see reality, and distracts herself from political reality through cinema. Beumers highlights the way Mikhalkov appears to mock the film crew in the film, with the obesity of director Kalyagin, producer Yuzhakov's concern about the arrival of film stock, scriptwriter Konstantinovich's writer's block, and actress Olga's image fears.

The memo was denounced by the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, including Slobodan Milošević, the future president of Serbia, who publicly called the memo "nothing else but the darkest nationalism", and Radovan Karadžić, the future leader of Serbs in Bosnia, who stated "Bolshevism is bad, but nationalism is even worse". Despite these declarations, Milošević, Karadžić, and other Serb politicians publicly agreed with most of the memo and would form close political connections with the writers of the memo such as Mihailo Marković, who became the vice-president of the Socialist Party of Serbia and Dobrica Ćosić who was appointed president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1992. Starting in 1987, Milošević, the party boss of the Serbian Communist Party, started to cynically appeal to Serbian nationalism to distract public attention from the extent of massive corruption within the Communist Party, a gambit that worked very well. However, Milošević's appeal to Serb nationalism inevitably sparked fears in the other republics that he was attempting a power play to make Yugoslavia into a Serb-dominated nation.

Envisaged as an occupation and policing force for France's overseas colonial possessions like French Guiana and French Polynesia, BILOM was conceived on May 27, 1948, when Minister of Justice André Marie sent a memorandum to the French prison system's regional directors enquiring as to the number of political prisoners who might be interested in serving overseas to "make amends vis-à-vis the nation". BILOM units were not originally intended for the front line counter-insurgency campaigns they later fought, but rather, were viewed as replacements for the French Foreign Legion (FFL) troops deployed throughout the French colonial empire who were desperately needed in the First Indochina War. The ranks of BILOM included former members of the German Wehrmacht, Waffen-SS, Kriegsmarine, and French collaborationist organizations like the Milice and the Legion of French Volunteers Against Bolshevism (LVF), and Frenchmen who served voluntarily in the German armed forces, including in the SS Charlemagne Division. Enlistments in BILOM would be for a period of three, four or five years, depending on the duration of the sentence remaining to be served.

He stood on the left-wing of the Party, and was a vocal critic of the United States in 1945, and joined 22 other rebels in voting against accepting the Anglo-American loan.Andrew Davies, To Build A New Jerusalem: Labour Movement from the 1890s to the 1990s (1992) pp 232–33 Callaghan did not join the Keep Left group of left-wing Labour MPs, but he did sign a letter in 1947 with 20 other MPs from the group calling for a 'socialist foreign policy' which would create an alternative to the ruthless capitalism of the United States and the totalitarian Bolshevism of the USSR. Callaghan was soon appointed Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport in 1947 where, advised by the young chief constable of Hertfordshire, Sir Arthur Young, his term saw important improvements in road safety, notably the introduction of zebra crossings, and an extension in the use of cat's eyes. He moved to be Parliamentary and Financial Secretary to the Admiralty from 1950, where he was a delegate to the Council of Europe and resisted plans for a European army.

Typical of the German Army propaganda was the following passage from a pamphlet issued in June 1941: German Army propaganda often gave extracts in newsletters concerning the missions for German troops in the East: As a result of this sort of propaganda, the majority of the Wehrmacht Heer officers and soldiers tended to regard the war in Nazi terms, seeing their Soviet opponents as so much sub- human trash deserving to be trampled upon. One German soldier wrote home to his father on August 4, 1941 that: As a result of these views, the majority of the German Army worked enthusiastically with the SS and the police in murdering Jews in the Soviet Union. The British historian Richard J. Evans wrote that junior officers tended to be especially zealous National Socialists with a third of them being Nazi Party members in 1941. The Wehrmacht did not just obey Hitler's criminal orders for Barbarossa because of obedience, but rather because they shared Hitler's belief that the Soviet Union was run by Jews, and that it was necessary for Germany to completely destroy "Judeo- Bolshevism".

A speech given by General Erich Hoepner demonstrates the dissemination of the Nazi racial plan, as he informed the 4th Panzer Group that the war against the Soviet Union was "an essential part of the German people's struggle for existence" (Daseinskampf), also referring to the imminent battle as the "old struggle of Germans against Slavs" and even stated, "the struggle must aim at the annihilation of today's Russia and must, therefore, be waged with unparalleled harshness". Hoepner also added that the Germans were fighting for "the defense of European culture against Moscovite–Asiatic inundation, and the repulse of Jewish Bolshevism ... No adherents of the present Russian-Bolshevik system are to be spared." Walther von Brauchitsch also told his subordinates that troops should view the war as a "struggle between two different races and [should] act with the necessary severity". Racial motivations were central to Nazi ideology and played a key role in planning for Operation Barbarossa since both Jews and communists were considered equivalent enemies of the Nazi state.

The far-right subculture, which ranges from nationalist shops to radical-nationalist and neo-Nazi festivals and events, has played a major role in the institutionalization of Hungarian antisemitism in the 21st century. Contemporary antisemitic rhetoric has been updated and expanded, but is still based on the old antisemitic notions. The traditional accusations and motifs include such phrases as Jewish occupation, international Jewish conspiracy, Jewish responsibility for the Treaty of Trianon, Judeo-Bolshevism, as well as blood libels against Jews. In the past few years this trend has been strengthened by references to the supposed "Palestinization" of the Hungarian people,An ideology based on the idea that “Zionist crimes” are no longer limited to the Middle East but also extend to Hungary. Hence, it is argued that there are parallels between the alleged “genocide” of the Palestinians and the fate of Hungarians. the reemergence of the blood libel and an increase in Holocaust relativization and denial, while the monetary crisis has revived references to the “Jewish banker class”.

It was through their miserable cowardice that those ruffians of > Jews who came into power in 1918 were able to rob the nation of its arms. In a speech given in Munich on 12 April 1922, Hitler stated: > There are only two possibilities in Germany; do not imagine that the people > will forever go with the middle party, the party of compromises; one day it > will turn to those who have most consistently foretold the coming ruin and > have sought to dissociate themselves from it. And that party is either the > Left: and then God help us! for it will lead us to complete destruction—to > Bolshevism, or else it is a party of the Right which at the last, when the > people is in utter despair, when it has lost all its spirit and has no > longer any faith in anything, is determined for its part ruthlessly to seize > the reins of power—that is the beginning of resistance of which I spoke a > few minutes ago.

A massive scandal broke when Quisling and Prytz were accused of using diplomatic channels to smuggle millions of roubles onto the black markets, a much-repeated claim that was later used to support a charge of "moral bankruptcy," but neither it nor the charge that Quisling spied for the British has ever been substantiated.. The harder line now developing in Russian politics led Quisling to distance himself from Bolshevism. The Soviet government had rejected outright his Armenian proposals, and obstructed an attempt by Nansen to help with the 1928 Ukrainian famine. Quisling took these rebuffs as a personal insult; in 1929, with the British now keen to take back control of their own diplomatic affairs, he left Russia.. He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) for his services to Britain, an honour revoked by King George VI in 1940. By this time, Quisling had also been awarded the Romanian Crown Order and the Yugoslav Order of St. Sava for his earlier humanitarian efforts.

The German bishops initially hoped for a quid pro quo that would protect Catholic schools, organisations, publications and religious observance. While head of the Bishop's Conference Adolf Bertram persisted in a policy of avoiding confrontation on broader issues of human rights, the activities of Bishops such as Konrad von Preysing, Joseph Frings and Clemens August Graf von Galen came to form a coherent, systematic critique of many of the teachings of Nazism. Kershaw wrote that, while the "detestation of Nazism was overwhelming within the Catholic Church", it did not preclude church leaders approving of areas of the regime's policies, particularly where Nazism "blended into 'mainstream' national aspirations"—like support for "patriotic" foreign policy or war aims, obedience to state authority (where this did not contravene divine law); and destruction of atheistic Marxism and Soviet Bolshevism - and traditional Christian anti-Judaism was "no bulwark" against Nazi biological antisemitism. Such protests as the bishops did make about the mistreatment of the Jews tended to be by way of private letters to government ministers, rather than explicit public pronouncements.

As Marxist and anti-imperialist movements strengthened in China in the 1920s, Hong Kong Chinese elitists sought refuge in traditional Chinese values and teachings and the British colonial government came to the defence of "Chinese traditionalism". During the Canton–Hong Kong strike in 1925–26 which was directed by the Kuomintang government in Canton, Chinese elites, including Legislative Council unofficial members R. H. Kotewall and Shouson Chow, actively advised and helped coordinate counterstrike efforts. Kotewall also addressed Hong Kong Governor Cecil Clementi about the European inspectorate of the vernacular schools and emphasised the need for the colonial government to carefully monitor vernacular education, as the schools had become "breeding grounds for sedition". Clementi directly intervened in the Chinese-language curriculum, stressing Chinese traditional teachings and endorsing "the ethics of Confucianism which is, in China, probably the best antidote to the pernicious doctrines of Bolshevism, and is certainly the most powerful course..." In 1927, the University of Hong Kong established a Chinese department which helped form the Chinese curriculum to be used in Hong Kong schools.

In the summer of 1937, Carol paid an extended visit to Paris, during which he predicated to the French Foreign Minister Yvon Delbos that Romanian democracy would soon end.Lungu, Dov "The French and British Attitudes towards the Goga-Cuza Government in Romania, December 1937-February 1938" pages 323-341 from Canadian Slavonic Papers /Revue Canadienne des Slavistes Volume 30, Issue # 3 September 1988 page 325. In November 1937 in a campaign speech for the general elections due that December, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu of the Legion of the Archangel Michael gave a speech in which called for an end to the alliance with France and stated: " I am for a Romanian foreign policy with Rome and Berlin. I am with the states of the National Revolution against Bolshevism...Within forty-eight hours of a Legionary movement victory, Romania will have an alliance with Rome and Berlin".Haynes, Rebbecca "Germany and the Establishment of the Romanian National Legionary State, September 1940" pages 700-725 from The Slavonic and East European Review, Volume 77, Issue # 4.

It repudiated God > and would build its own throne upon the basest passions of mankind. > There are some misguided people of righteous instincts in this country who > believe in Bolshevism; there are others who have been influenced by secret > funds; > there are many who hope to fish in its bloodstained waters…If it is allowed > to conquer it will mean in the end the destruction of individual rights, the > family, the nation, and the whole British Commonwealth, together with the > handing over of all we hold sacred into the power of those who stand behind > and perhaps have fashioned this monstrous organization… > The first we hope to be able to supply; the second we ask you to help us > obtain. We desire in a clean and open fashion to fight what we believe to be > a great and terrible evil, by means of letting light into its dark places. > We believe in the old adage---that the Truth is great and will prevail; but > we believe also that this light should not be hid under a bushel.

During World War I, Poindexter moved away from supporting progressive causes and led several efforts that questioned the patriotism of German- Americans and attempted to keep them from wartime leadership positions in the military. In a highly-publicized instance, Poindexter accused German-born Colonel Carl Reichmann (1859-1937), a distinguished Army officer who had served since 1881, of being pro-German and used the legislative process to block Reichmann's promotion to brigadier general. Reichmann had become a US citizen in 1887 and the promotion was supported by American Expeditionary Forces commander John J. Pershing, Hugh L. Scott, the Army Chief of Staff, and Newton D. Baker, the Secretary of War, but they were unable to overcome Poindexter's opposition and Reichmann remained a colonel.Joshua E. Kastenberg, War Time Hysteria, 1917: Senator Miles Poindexter, ‘American-ness’ and the Strange Case of Colonel Carl Reichmann, War and Society, Vol 37 (2018), 147-164 Poindexter also played a role in instigating the First Red Scare by accusing the Wilson administration of being infested with Bolshevism and accusing United States Supreme Court Associate Justice Louis Brandeis of being a communist.

While no concrete plans were yet made, Hitler told one of his generals in June that the victories in western Europe "finally freed his hands for his important real task: the showdown with Bolshevism", though German generals told Hitler that occupying Western Russia would create "more of a drain than a relief for Germany's economic situation." In August 1940, the Soviet Union briefly suspended its deliveries after their relations were strained following disagreement over policy in the Balkans, the Soviet Union's war with Finland (from which Germany had imported 88.9 million Reichsmarks in goods in 1938), Germany falling behind in its deliveries of goods under the pact and with Stalin worried that Hitler's war with the West might end quickly after France signed an armistice. By the end of August, relations improved again as the countries had redrawn the Hungarian and Romanian borders, settled Bulgarian claims and Stalin was again convinced that Germany would face a long war in the west with Britain's improvement in its air battle with Germany and the execution of an agreement between the United States and Britain regarding destroyers and bases.

Ten Days That Shook the World has received mixed responses since its publication in 1919, resulting in a wide range of critical reviews from negative to positive. However, the book was overall positively received by critics at the time of its first publication, despite some critics’ vocal opposition to Reed’s political beliefs. George F. Kennan, an American diplomat and historian who was strongly opposed to Bolshevism and is best known as “the father of containment,” praised the book: “Reed’s account of the events of that time rises above every other contemporary record for its literary power, its penetration, its command of detail” and would be “remembered when all others are forgotten.” Kennan saw it as “a reflection of blazing honesty and a purity of idealism that did unintended credit to the American society that produced him, the merits of which he himself understood so poorly.” In 1999, The New York Times reported New York University’s “Top 100 Works of Journalism,” works published in the United States in the 20th century, placed Ten Days that Shook the World in seventh position. Project director Mitchell Stephens explains the judges’ decision: Not all responses were positive.

He had found out it was due to a denunciation. A fellow member of the House Committee accused him of swindling the House Committee, pocketing the money subscribed for the purchase of products, and stealing the Committee's milk. The accuser died a few months later in a lunatic asylum. In 1919 Edith, his wife, and children were allowed to leave Russia. In 1920 the man himself was sent by train across the border to Finland, together with other English citizens. They were exchanged for Bolshevists held by Britain; for each English citizen Britain released 42½ Bolshevists. Owing to poor economic circumstances in England after the war, Urch returned to Riga, where he took up employment in 1920 as editor of the Latvian government's English-language commerce publication, The Latvian Economist. Shortly thereafter, in 1922, Urch also took up duties as the Russian affairs correspondence for The Times; he left his Latvian employ in 1926 to become their full-time correspondent. In his article "Bolshevism and religion in Russia" (1923) Urch told the story of the struggle between the Bolshevik regime and the Russian Orthodox Church.

By > intermingling them with the ideology of the late nineteenth century > Bismarckian century, he could more easily accept them. At his Nuremberg > trial, reflecting the traditional anti-Semitic bias of the German middle > class and naval officers of his generation, he argued that after the > experience of 1917 and 1918, "International Jewry" had "gained an > excessively large and oppressive influence in German affairs", and "one > could not be surprised that the National Socialist government tried to > loosen and, as far as possible remove this large and oppressive influence." > Although Raeder was not anti-Semitic in the virulent National Socialist > sense, he tolerated statements from his senior officers such as Admiral > Schuster (appointed by Raeder as the inspector of education and training) > who told new recruits in 1937 that they must be "racially and morally > sound.". In a speech given on Heroes' Day on 12 March 1939, Raeder praised Hitler: > "... for the clear and unmerciful declaration of war against Bolshevism and > International Jewry [Raeder is referring to the Kristallnacht pogrom here], > whose drive for destruction of peoples we have felt quite enough in our > racial body".

Just as the Okhrana had once sponsored trade unions to divert activist energy from political causes, so too did the secret police attempt to promote the Bolshevik party, as the Bolsheviks seemed a relatively harmless alternative to more violent revolutionary groups. Indeed, to the Okhrana, Lenin seemed to actively hinder the revolutionary movement by denouncing other revolutionary groups and refusing to cooperate with them.Hingley, Russian Secret Police, 105 To aid the Bolsheviks at the expense of other revolutionaries, the Okhrana helped Roman Malinovsky, a police spy who had managed to rise within the group and gain Lenin’s trust, in his bid to become a Bolshevik delegate to the Duma. To this end, the Okhrana sequestered Malinovsky’s criminal record and arrested others candidates for the seat. Malinovsky won the seat and led the Bolshevik delegation in the Fourth Duma until 1914, but even with the information Malinovsky and other informants provided to the Okhrana, the police were unprepared for the rise of Bolshevism in 1917. Although the secret police had agents within the Bolshevik organization, other factors contributed to the Okhrana’s inefficacy at averting the events of 1917.

David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, worried that the violence would collapse of the new Northern Ireland administration, organised a meeting in London between Irish republican leader Michael Collins and Sir James Craig, Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, both to try to stop the IRA violence which Collins had been tacitly encouraging and supporting, and to pressure Craig to provide more protection for Catholics. Craig denied the nationalist assertion that the McMahon killings were part of an anti-Catholic pogrom on behalf of state forces, telling the Parliament of Northern Ireland that, "no such thing has ever been the policy of Protestants here ... The Ulster men are up against, not Catholics but ... up against rebels, that they are up against murder, Bolshevism and up against those enemies not only of Ulster but of the [British] Empire". The killings were part of a series of reprisals on Catholics for IRA attacks in Belfast and elsewhere. The following week saw an incident known as the "Arnon Street killings", in which five Catholics were killed by uniformed police in revenge for the killing of a policeman on the Old Lodge Road.

On 5 May 1945, all German forces in Bavaria and Southwest Germany signed an act of surrender to the Americans at Haar, outside Munich; coming into effect on 6 May. The impetus for the Caserta capitulation had arisen from within the local German military command; but from 2 May 1945, the Dönitz government assumed control of the process, pursuing a deliberate policy of successive partial capitulations in the west to play for time in order to bring as many as possible of the eastern military formations westwards so as to save them from Soviet or Yugoslav captivity, and surrender them intact to the British and Americans. In addition, Dönitz hoped to continue to evacuate soldiers and civilians by sea from the Hela peninsula and the surrounding Baltic coastal areas. Dönitz and Keitel were resolved against issuing any orders to surrender to Soviet forces, both from undiminished anti-Bolshevism; but also because they could not be confident they would be obeyed, and might consequently place troops continuing to fight in the position of refusing a direct order, thereby stripping them of any legal protection as prisoners of war.

Two days later, German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop outlined a plan where the countries would agree to nonintervention in the others' affairs and would renounce measures aimed at the others' vital interests and that "there was no problem between the Baltic and the Black Sea that could not be solved between the two of us."Fest, Joachim C., Hitler, Harcourt Brace Publishing, 2002 , page 589–590Vehviläinen, Olli, Finland in the Second World War: Between Germany and Russia, Macmillan, 2002, , page 30 Joachim von Ribbentrop The Germans discussed prior hostilities between the countries in the 1930s. They addressed their common ground of anti-capitalism, stating "there is one common element in the ideology of Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union: opposition to the capitalist democracies,"Bertriko, Jean-Jacques Subrenat, A. and David Cousins, Estonia: Identity and Independence, Rodopi, 2004, page 131 "neither we nor Italy have anything in common with the capitalist west" and "it seems to us rather unnatural that a socialist state would stand on the side of the western democracies." The Germans explained that their prior hostility toward Soviet Bolshevism had subsided with the changes in the Comintern and the Soviet renunciation of a world revolution.

The various findings of the court, regarding the series of events leading to the publication of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, are now regarded as a treasure trove of archival material for scholars and historians. Of special interest are the so- called Russian Documents transmitted to the expert C. A. Loosli with permission of the Soviet government by the librarian Tager in Moscow for personal use only, copies of authentic material from the tsarist administration, especially on the Russian Okhrana and on the Russian Jews.These Russian documents (some of them translated into German) are preserved in the Archiv für Zeitgeschichte of the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, Zurich/Switzerland Boris Lifschitz,Boris Lifschitz, 1879-1967, was also a judicial adviser to the Soviet Mission in Berne during the Swiss General Strike 1918; the daughter of the expert C. A. Loosli was employed in Lifschitz' office in Berne. a Swiss lawyer in Berne of Russian origin speaking both Russian and German, had contacts to the Soviet administration and played an important role in procuring the Russian documents and contacting various Russian witnesses to appear at the court in 1934 (who were all opposed to Bolshevism).

Of all the ideological and > political ingredients that went into the making of Hitler's outlook, > antisemitism, in its broadest sense, appears to be not only the one > consistent and immutable element, it also bridges such seemingly > contradictory leanings as anti-Marxism and anti-capitalism, the struggle > against democracy and modernism, and a basic anti-Christian disposition. > [...] Yet Hitler consistently portrays this ideological war in the > international arena as an extension of the struggle that the National > Socialist movement had waged, from its inception, against its ideological > and political enemies within Germany itself: Jewish Marxism, Jewish > parliamentary democracy, Jewish capitalism, and even the "Political > Churches" and the Jewish foundations of Christianity. In the movement's > racial-determinist conception, the Jews stand in an obviously dominant > relationship to all these forces and factors as the biological source of > doctrines and ideologies whose most radical expression is Bolshevism but > whose origin was Judaism's introduction of Christianity into the Western > world. National Socialist antisemitism traced the sense of crisis that > dogged the modern world to its domination by 'Jewish-Christian-Bolshevik' > principles that were based on a universalist 'destructive' belief in the > unity of the world and the equality of men in all spheres of life.

In his 2004 essay "Celluloid Soldiers" about post-war German films, the Israeli historian Omer Bartov wrote that German films of the 1950s showed the average German soldier as a heroic victim: noble, tough, brave, honourable and patriotic, while fighting hard in a senseless war for a regime that he did not care for. The 08/15 film trilogy of 1954–55 concerns a sensitive young German soldier named Asch (Joachim Fuchsberger). No mention is ever made of the genocidal aspects of Germany's war in the East with instead the German soldiers being shown as the victims of a war that they can not fathom the reasons for. Bartov commented that given the intense indoctrination in the Wehrmacht about how the war against the Soviet Union was a war to destroy "Judeo-Bolshevism" that Asch would most definitely have known what they were fighting for. The war on the Eastern Front was portrayed in a manner that suggested that all who fought in the war were equally victims, but since the focus in the 08/15 films is on the unit commanded by Asch inevitably the impression is given that it was German soldiers who were the primary victims of the war.

Raeder testified that he was deeply horrified by the nature of the Nazi regime when he saw how badly Gessler had been tortured in March 1945, stated he had stopped wearing his Golden Party Badge to protest the Nazi regime after he had seen what had been done to Gessler, and he had frequently made "serious protests" against the Nazi regime during private meetings with Hitler, so it was unfair to blame him for the crimes of the Third Reich.Bird Erich Raeder p. 217. This in turn led him to be questioned by Maxwell Fyfe about his speech on Heroes' Day on 12 March 1939 praising Hitler "... for the clear and unmerciful declaration of war against Bolshevism and International Jewry, whose drive for destruction of peoples we have felt quite enough in our racial body". Raeder testified in response to Maxwell Fyfe's question about his Heroes' Day speech to his belief that starting in 1917 "International Jewry had destroyed the resistance of the German people ... and had gained an excessively large and oppressive influence in German affairs" and all of the anti-Semitic measures of the Nazi regime which presumably included genocide were merely just acts of German self- defence.

Brighton notes that while both believed in the Stab-in-the-back myth, Rommel was able to succeed using peaceful methods because he saw the problem in empty stomachs rather than in Judeo-Bolshevism – which right-wing soldiers such as Hitler blamed for the chaos in Germany. Rommel and Adolf Hitler in Goslar, 1934 On 1 October 1920 Rommel was appointed to a company command with the 13th Infantry Regiment in Stuttgart, a post he held for the next nine years. He was then assigned as an instructor at the Dresden Infantry School from 1929 to 1933, and during this time was promoted to major, in April 1932. While at Dresden, he wrote a manual on infantry training, published in 1934. In October 1933 he was promoted to Oberstleutnant (lieutenant colonel) and given his next command, the 3rd Jäger Battalion, 17th Infantry Regiment, stationed at Goslar. Here he first met Hitler, who inspected his troops on 30 September 1934. In September 1935 Rommel was moved to the War Academy at Potsdam as an instructor, for the next three years. His book Infanterie greift an (Infantry Attacks), a description of his wartime experiences along with his analysis, was published in 1937.

After Germany had scheduled its invasion of Poland on August 25, and prepared for the resulting war with France, German war planners estimated that a British naval blockade would further exacerbate critical German raw material shortages for which the Soviet Union was the only potential supplier. Then, on August 3, German Foreign Minister Joachim Ribbentrop outlined a plan in which Germany and the Soviet Union would agree to nonintervention in each other's affairs and would renounce measures aimed at the other's vital interests and that "there was no problem between the Baltic and the Black Sea that could not be solved between the two of us."Fest, Joachim C., Hitler, Harcourt Brace Publishing, 2002 , pp. 589–90Vehviläinen, Olli, Finland in the Second World War: Between Germany and Russia, Macmillan, 2002, , page 30 The Germans stated that "there is one common element in the ideology of Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union: opposition to the capitalist democracies of the West",Bertriko, Jean-Jacques Subrenat, A. and David Cousins, Estonia: Identity and Independence, Rodopi, 2004, page 131 and explained that their prior hostility toward Soviet Bolshevism had subsided with the changes in the Comintern and with the Soviet renunciation of a world revolution.

Himmler made a personal visit to the headquarters of Police Regiment Centre in Belostok on 8 July where he spoke to Montua, Bach-Zalewski and the regiment's officers. On 10 July, Daluege visited the unit and addressed the members of the regiment arrayed in a parade formation, extolling them to "exterminate" Bolshevism as a "blessing for Germany". On 11 July, Montua passed a confidential order from Bach-Zalewski to the battalion commanders that Jews, who had been "convicted of looting", were to be shot; an execution took place the same day. Around this time, Police Battalions 316 and 322 rounded up approximately 3,000 Jewish men from Belostok and shot them in a nearby forest. On 17 July, the regiment murdered over 1,100 Jews in Slonim, with Bach-Zalewski reporting to Himmler on 18 July: "Yesterday's cleansing action in Slonim by Police Regiment Centre. 1,153 Jewish plunderers were shot". By 20 July, the unit's reports referred to executions of Jewish women and children. Wehrmacht propaganda photograph of the Jewish women in Mogilev, July 1941. Six thousand Mogilev Jews were murdered by SS forces and Police Battalions 316 and 322 in October 1941. On 2 October 1941, Police Battalions 316 and 322, along with Bach-Zalewski's staff company and Ukrainian auxiliaries, rounded up 2,200 Jews in the Mogilev ghetto.