Yilei, who harks from Shanghai, recently wrapped up a philosophy degree at University College in London looking at phenomenology, Neo-Marxism, Kantian ethics and radical continental theories.
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But it's also a situation that can be redressed without reinventing the wheel or embracing the wilder strains of nationalism and neo-Marxism that are growing in popularity in the face of mainstream political complacency.
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Kyle Chapman, a self-described Trump supporter "helping lead the fight to destroy Neo-Marxism" and co-organizer of the Patriot Prayer rally, blamed the city's actions for squelching their rally in a Facebook Live video on Saturday.
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He is the scourge of simplistic, pernicious pieties, including: bias and social oppression as the presumed causes of inequality of outcome, equality of outcome as an unquestioningly desirable and enforced goal, identity as a subjective choice and the sexes as the same, patriarchy, white privilege, implicit bias, safe spaces, affirmative rights, postmodernism, nihilism, neo-Marxism, and identity politics.
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Against Instrumental Reason: Neo-Marxism and Spirituality in the Thought of J.L.L. Aranguren and J. Aguirre: Anagnórisis, 2013: 26, 262-71.
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Neo-Marxism developed as a result of social and political problems that traditional Marxist theory was unable to sufficiently address. This iteration of thinking tended toward peaceful ideological dissemination, rather than the revolutionary, and often violent, methods of the past. Economically, neo- Marxist leaders moved beyond the era of public outcry over class warfare and attempted to design viable models to solve it. There are many different branches of neo-Marxism often not in agreement with each other and their theories.
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"Neo-Marxism and Underdevelopment — A Sociological Phantasy." Journal of Contemporary Asia 4(1):5–23. In industrial economics, the neo- Marxian approach stresses the monopolistic and oligarchical rather than the competitive nature of capitalism.
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Neo-Marxism is a loose term for various twentieth-century approaches that amend or extend Marxism and Marxist theory, usually by incorporating elements from other intellectual traditions, such as critical theory, psychoanalysis, or existentialism.
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Following World War I, some neo-Marxists dissented and later formed the Frankfurt School. Toward the end of the 20th century, neo-Marxism and other Marxist theories became anathema in democratic and capitalistic Western cultures, where the term attained negative connotations during the Red Scare. For this reason, social theorists of the same ideology since that time have tended to disassociate themselves from the term neo-Marxism. Examples of such thinkers include David Harvey and Jacque Fresco, with some ambiguity surrounding Noam Chomsky, who has been labelled a neo-Marxist by some, but who personally disagrees with such assessments.
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Neo-Marxism is a Marxist school of thought encompassing 20th-century approaches that amend or extend Marxism and Marxist theory, typically by incorporating elements from other intellectual traditions such as critical theory, psychoanalysis, or existentialism (in the case of Jean-Paul Sartre). As with many uses of the prefix neo-, some theorists and groups who are designated as neo-Marxists have attempted to supplement the perceived deficiencies of orthodox Marxism or dialectical materialism. Many prominent neo-Marxists, such as Herbert Marcuse and other members of the Frankfurt School, have historically been sociologists and psychologists. Neo-Marxism comes under the broader framework of the New Left.
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Autonomist Marxism, neo-Marxism and situationist theory are also regarded as being anti-authoritarian variants of Marxism that are firmly within the libertarian socialist tradition. Related to this were intellectuals who were influenced by Italian left communist Amadeo Bordiga, but who disagreed with his Leninist positions, including Jacques Camatte, editor of the French publication Invariance; and Gilles Dauve, who published Troploin with Karl Nesic.
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" Autonomist Marxism, Neo-Marxism and Situationist theory are also regarded as being anti-authoritarian variants of Marxism that are firmly within the libertarian socialist tradition. For libcom.org "In the 1980s and 90s, a series of other groups developed, influenced also by much of the above work. The most notable are Kolinko, Kurasje and Wildcat in Germany, Aufheben in England, Theorie Communiste in France, TPTG in Greece and Kamunist Kranti in India.
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George Ritzer and Jeffery Stepnisky are co-authors this book. The book is split into four parts. Part One goes into specific details about the early years of sociological theory, focusing on Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and Georg Simmel. Part Two shifts into modern sociological theories, such as Structural Functionalism, Systems Theory, Conflict Theory, varieties of Neo-Marxism Theory, Symbolic Interactionism, Ethnomethodology, Exchange, Network, and Rational Choice Theories, Contemporary Feminist Theory.
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Juni 2013 The Academy is named after philosopher and pedagogue Gustav Siewerth and with only 13 students in 2012–13,Statistische Berichte Baden-Württemberg: Studierende an baden- württembergischen Hochschulen im Wintersemester 2012/13 (Artikel-Nr. 3234 13001 Unterricht und Bildung) Statistisches Landesamt Baden-Württemberg, Stuttgart, 15. Juli 2013 was the smallest state-recognized institution of higher education in Germany. The Academy was created to counteract the neo- Marxism views of the Frankfurt School of Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer.
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Among the recent influences can be mentioned the work of the French philosopher Michel Foucault, the German social theorist Jürgen Habermas, feminism, postmodernism and deconstruction, neo-Marxism, and behaviorism. The variety of theoretical influences in the sociology of law has also marked the broader law and society field. The multi-disciplinary law and society field remains very popular, while the disciplinary speciality field of the sociology of law is also "better organized than ever in institutional and professional respects".Deflem 2007.
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Johnson 1999. p. 101. Within the post-processualist movement, a wide variety of theoretical viewpoints have been embraced, including structuralism and Neo-Marxism, as have a variety of different archaeological techniques, such as phenomenology. The post-processual movement originated in the United Kingdom during the late 1970s and early 1980s, pioneered by archaeologists such as Ian Hodder, Daniel Miller, Christopher Tilley and Peter Ucko, who were influenced by French Marxist anthropology, postmodernism and similar trends in sociocultural anthropology. Parallel developments soon followed in the United States.
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Andy Hines, "A training ground for professional futurists," The Futurist, Vol. 43, September/October 2014 In 1976, the M.A. Program in Public Policy in Alternative Futures at the University of Hawaii at Manoa was established. The Hawaii program locates futures studies within a pedagogical space defined by neo-Marxism, critical political economic theory, and literary criticism. In the years following the foundation of these two programs, single courses in Futures Studies at all levels of education have proliferated, but complete programs occur only rarely.
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This assumption forms a large part of many critical approaches to Chaucer's works, including neo-Marxism. Alongside Chaucer's Works, the most impressive literary monument of the period is John Foxe's Acts and Monuments.... As with the Chaucer editions, it was critically significant to English Protestant identity and included Chaucer in its project. Foxe's Chaucer both derived from and contributed to the printed editions of Chaucer's Works, particularly the pseudepigrapha. Jack Upland was first printed in Foxe's Acts and Monuments, and then it appeared in Speght's edition of Chaucer's Works.
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The Open University of Sarajevo () is a non-profit experimental school for interactive education, social activism and public debate. Themes that the school has delt with include Neo-Marxism, Yugoslavism, psychoanalysis, Third wave feminism, Crisis theory, Post-Colonialism, Historical revisionism, Post- fascism, social constructionism, revolutionary democracy, linguistic nationalism and philosophy of existence. The school has a festival format and is organized once a year in December. It nurtures the traditions of the Praxis School – a Yugoslav Marxist humanist philosophical movement, whose members were influenced by Western Marxism and organized the Korčula Summer School.
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State derivation has been understood since the 1970s as an attempt within Marxism and neo-Marxism to explain the emergence and extent of the state and its law within the bourgeois, modern economic system and therewith to derive the relationship between economics and politics from the structure of capitalist production. In the 1920s, the legal scholar Yevgeny Bronislawowitsch Paschukanis foreshadowed the debate with his explanation of the legal form of the commodity. Important writers in this area since 1970 are Rudolf Wolfgang Müller, Christel Neusüß, Bernhard Blanke, Elmar Altvater, Freerk Huisken, Joachim Hirsch and the class analysis project (including Joachim Bischoff).
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The second factor of critical literacy seeks to transform the way in which the schools teach. Ira Shor writes that critical literacy can be used to reveal one's subjective beliefs about the world by causing them to question their personal assumptions through using words. Able to be tailored to work with diverse ideas relating to feminism or neo-Marxism, critical literacy presents students with different ways of thinking about their self-development by challenging them to consider differing perspectives about issues rather than settle with the cultural norms and status quo. The goal of this is to lead students to promote social action within their community to change unjust structures.
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Maurice Isserman, The other American: the life of Michael Harrington (2001) p. 276 Slack (2013) argues that the New Left was more broadly speaking the political component of a break with liberalism that took place across several academic fields, namely philosophy, psychology and sociology. In philosophy, existentialism and neo-Marxism rejected the instrumentalism of John Dewey; in psychology, Wilhelm Reich, Paul Goodman, Herbert Marcuse and Norman O. Brown rejected Sigmund Freud's teaching of repression and sublimation; and in sociology, C. Wright Mills rejected the pragmatism of Dewey for the teachings of Max Weber. The attack was not confined to the United States as the New Left was a worldwide movement with strength in parts of Western Europe as well as Japan.
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When the local nationalistic forces staged a fierce protest over the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord in 1987, introduced by the United National Party government as a solution to the ethnic crisis, Wijesinghe survived that fierce attack targeted mainly on Tamil sympathisers. Yet, after the government forces counterattacked those nationalistic forces with a ruthless military operative, Wijesinghe was in the forefront of the struggle to protect their human rights. Wijesinghe was an active member of the Classical Marxist organisation Vikosa. His writings in the bilingual periodical Pravada published in the early 1990s by the Social Scientists' Association of Sri Lanka, headed by Charles Abeysekera, were among the first few such works based on the political and cultural thoughts like neo Marxism, existentialism and post-structuralism.
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Bakunin has had a major influence on labour, peasant and left-wing movements, although this was overshadowed from the 1920s by the rise of Marxist regimes. With the collapse of those regimes—and growing awareness of how closely those regimes corresponded to the dictatorships Bakunin predicted—Bakunin's ideas have rapidly gained ground amongst activists, in some cases again overshadowing neo-Marxism. Bakunin is remembered as a major figure in the history of anarchism and as an opponent of Marxism, especially of Marx's idea of dictatorship of the proletariat and for his astute predictions that Marxist regimes would be one-party dictatorships over the proletariat, not of the proletariat itself. God and the State was translated multiple times by other anarchists such as Benjamin Tucker, Marie Le Compte and Emma Goldman.
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Arato, From Neo- Marxism to Democratic Theory: Essays on the Critical Theory of Soviet-Type Societies (M. E. Sharpe, 1993). Intro. Further, Arato argued that Marxian writers were typically trapped by the problematic of Marx's philosophy of history, which could only conceive of two possible modern industrialized social formations – either capitalism or a progressive socialist society. Instead, Arato, along with a number of East European theorists, sought to analyze state socialist societies as a new, hierarchical, exploitative social formation “sui generis”; he understood the communist societies as a unique social formation with its own particular mechanisms of control, exploitation and crisis.See Arato, “Understanding Bureaucratic Centralism,” Telos 35 (Spring 1978) Arato argued that this type of society could not be understood by focusing on market or economic relations, instead it rested on a type of prerogative political control operating through the bureaucratic state.
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Zeltits criticizes what he calls “Globalism”, “Neo-Marxism”, “International financial oligarchy” and multiculturalism as a “model that doesn’t work”. Zeltits has declared that he is pro European Union based on nation-states and Christian values. He views positively the increasing role of Poland in the region. He has stated that he is against any form of totalitarianism and doesn't believe in white nationalism, because Latvian “identity is multilayered and cannot be reduced to such categories”. He has condemned white nationalist terrorists and called them ““useful fools”, because every time some radical does a crime, the system is acting against every critique of immigration, even the moderate one.” He states that family is not created by constitution or laws, but only recognized and defended by them, therefore he opposes new forms of family as a “social experiment”.
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E. Sharpe, 1993), p. XIII. and strongly influenced by the philosophical and sociological work of Jürgen Habermas.Arato, From Neo-Marxism to Democratic Theory: Essays on the Critical Theory of Soviet-Type Societies (M. E. Sharpe, 1993), p. X. Arato's intellectual itinerary can be simplified into four overlapping stages: It begins with (I) efforts to revitalize Marxism by drawing on a Hegelian Marxist philosophy of "praxis".”In a second phase, (II) Arato worked through the corpus of Western Marxian thinkers to construct a critical theory of state socialist societies. Phase three was (III) marked by a turn to a post-Marxist emphasis on civil society as a moral and analytical category meant to further the project of democratization in both the East and West. Finally, in his latest work, (IV) Arato engages in comparative studies of recent constitution making and has developed a theory of “post-sovereign” constitution making.
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Arato's essays were collected in the 1993 volume From Neo-Marxism to Democratic Theory: Essays on the Critical Theory of Soviet-Type Societies. Despite the richness of his efforts, Arato saw little connection between his exercises in social system analysis and active social movements aiming to transform state socialism. Indeed, he noted that his type of structural analysis blocked perception of what was new about the rising social movements in Eastern Europe and most especially Poland's Solidarność, which emerged in 1980.Arato, “Marxism in Eastern Europe,” 357 In the late 1980s, Arato “disengaged” with his project of developing a critical theory of authoritarian socialism for a theory that seemed to better capture what was new and essential about the rising social movements and oppositions in Eastern Europe, while also offering a powerful tool to criticize the inadequacies of Western capitalist democracies, that is, the theory of civil society.
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"Jordan Peterson has described Marxism as an evil theory and made his name bashing 'postmodern neo-Marxism,' despite admitting during one debate that he hasn't read much more than the Communist Manifesto in the past few decades." Harrison Fluss and Sam Miller of Jacobin reported that Peterson made many factual errors about Marx and Marxism such as misunderstanding the fundamental principle of the labor theory of value, incorrectly associating Marx broadly with identity politics and denying the existence of a Marxist philosophy of nature. The Guardian claimed that Peterson was uninformed about The Communist Manifesto and generally ill- prepared for the debate while Jordan Foissy of Vice maintained that he was "completely vacuous", making claims such as that power is never achieved through the exploitation of people. Der Spiegel concluded that Žižek won the debate clearly, describing Peterson's attempt at arguing as "vain enough to show up to an artillery charge with a pocket knife".
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Marxist and Marx-influenced 20th century theory, such as (to name a few random examples) the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, the political writing of Antonio Gramsci, and the neo- Marxism of Fredric Jameson, must take Marx's condemnation of philosophy into account, but many such thinkers also feel a strong need to remedy the perceived theoretical problems with orthodox Marxism. Such problems might include a too-simple economic determinism, an untenable theory of ideology as "false consciousness," or a simplistic model of state power rather than hegemony. So Marxist philosophy must continue to take account of advances in the theory of politics developed after Marx, but it must also be wary of a descent into theoreticism or the temptations of idealism. Étienne Balibar claimed that if one philosopher could be called a "Marxist philosopher", that one would doubtlessly be Louis Althusser: > Althusser proposed a 'new definition' of philosophy as "class struggle in > theory"... marxism had proper signification (and original "problematic") > only insofar as it was the theory of the tendency towards communism, and in > view of its realization.
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It resulted either in the loss of independent freedom of civil society under the embracing control of the party-state or else it saw regression in economic rationality as the community or state subjected the economy to their traditional norms and political calculations. Instead, partly for normative reasons and partly for strategic reasons (to prevent repression from the state or USSR invasion), opposition movements in Eastern Europe (and throughout the world) sought not to take over the government but only to strengthen the forms of freedom in a modern civil society, that is, forms of solidarity, free communicative interaction, and active democratic participation in autonomous publics and a plurality of associations. The goal—Arato argued for Eastern Europe, but soon extended this model to the West—should be the protection and indeed the strengthening of civil society and its democratization and institution building separate from the strategic instrumental logics and power hierarchies of the state and capitalist economy. In collaboration with Jean Cohen, Arato concluded that “the idea of the reconstruction and democratization of civil society could become the foundation of a critical theory of all modern societies, including the West.”Arato, From Neo-Marxism to Democratic Theory, xi.
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