1000 Sentences With "Stalinism" | Random Sentence Generator

Her words stoked fears about creeping Stalinism and censorship in Russia.

At its core, "Darkness at Noon" treats Stalinism as a philosophical problem.

He may not have liked Stalinism, but he was hardly sanguine about McCarthyism.

Gorbachev was born into a family that suffered acutely the horrors of Stalinism.

War, when students read novels looking for clues to the rise of Stalinism.

Stalinism and also to incite the workers of the United States to revolution. In

Stalinism was, in this way, as much enabled from below as imposed from above.

Once completed, the minister said, the changes would provide the "objective truth" about Stalinism.

Crimean Tatars who refuse to accept Russian annexation see it as a continuation of Stalinism.

The Frankfurt School emerged during the rise of Nazism and Stalinism, both movements they opposed.

As a result, a Soviet school turned into a politicized institution which actively propagated Stalinism.

Progressive Era trade unionists, fending off corporate thugs, could steer into thuggish forms of Stalinism.

They were always some kind of ally in the fight against "communism" (what I call "Stalinism").

Yevgeny Yevtushenko, the poet who inspired Russians to fight Stalinism during the Cold War, was 83.

" He accused Twitter of "purging people on the basis of their views," calling it "corporate Stalinism.

It is hard to see this as Stalinism or even something more avant-garde, like Dadaism.

After a decade of freedom under Yeltsin it seemed impossible that Russia would lapse back into Stalinism.

Even Communists could be found in the plaza arguing among themselves -- Maoism versus Stalinism and so on.

Kahlo was associated with Marxist Communism, Trotskyism (Left Opposition), and Stalinism at different points in her life.

"After having his account suspended, Spencer told the conservative news site The Daily Caller, "This is corporate Stalinism.

WERE those post-war Britons who kept faith in communism, despite the horrors of Stalinism, simply "useful idiots"?

The decision came at a time when Joseph Stalin and Stalinism were denounced by then-Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev.

Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull denounced the vandalism on a statement on his Facebook page that likened it to Stalinism.

In fact, after the revolution but before Stalinism tightened its grip on culture, there was a frenzied gasp of creative brilliance.

You write in your book that Kim Il Sung took the least humane elements of Confucianism and combined them with Stalinism.

Still, he notes the stark resemblance between the OneState and Stalinism, with its cult of personality, rapid industrialisation and political repression.

But Hochschild, who has written an entire book about the horrors of Stalinism in the Soviet Union, has done something different.

I knew also that her refusal to let her ideas succumb to reality had led to her slowness to denounce Stalinism.

It was a tragic unfurling of alliances that claimed 10 million lives and laid the groundwork for both Stalinism and Nazism.

How did Communism, with its dream of a perfectly just society, result in Stalinism, with its paranoia, persecution, incompetence, and cruelty?

It also underscored how the centuries-old ties between Austria and Hungary had proved stronger than the iron bonds of Stalinism.

Just want to put one marker down: they're thinking about free health care and a guaranteed income for the poor, not Stalinism.

"We can see in their lives that you cannot be good, or even a saint, in the circumstances of Stalinism," he said.

The whole exercise amounts to a kind of critical Stalinism, a relentless whitewashing of their own past in order to uphold their authority.

Unlike the provocations of Malcolm Tucker, the splenetic and foul-mouthed political adviser in "The Thick of It", the barbarity of Stalinism was genuine.

They lived through Stalinism; they spanned the entire absurd arc of the social experiment that passed by the name of communism in Eastern Europe.

When they finally understood the evils perpetrated by Stalinism, they left the party and continued to be active in civil rights and peace efforts.

Maoism was a nightmare — a collection of fairy tales imported from Europe and adapted to local conditions that validated a bastardized form of Stalinism.

Your own interpretation may depend more on whether you're more interested in emphasizing the legacy of Stalinism or the combat performance of the Red Army.

In the case of "Life and Fate", Grossman's panorama of Nazism, Stalinism and the war is condensed into three and a half hours of drama.

Their ideas were subversive to a generation that had learned nothing about the dark side of Stalinism or the irreverent style in Western modernist literature.

In 20163, Josip Broz Tito broke with the Soviet leadership and steered Yugoslavia to a unique hybrid status that rejected both Stalinism and liberal democracy.

Yevgeny Yevtushenko was an internationally acclaimed poet whose defiant verse inspired a generation of young Russians in their fight against Stalinism during the Cold War.

But the situation in Russia under Putin, all agree, has gotten worse, reminding them of the worst days of Stalinism, except with a different ethos.

Gorbachev, the first and only Soviet leader born after the 1917 Revolution, educated and shaped under Stalinism, believed in a social democratic vision for his country.

And, of course, there are quick dives into intra-communist politics, like the Bulletin of International Socialists announcing Castro's embrace of Stalinism and attack on Trotskyism.

But others, such as the historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr., realized that McCarthyism was a menace both to freedom and to liberals' own, more measured case against Stalinism.

But the excessive demonization of Stalin is just one way to attack the Soviet Union and Russia, to suggest that today's Russia carries the birthmarks of Stalinism.

But Corbyn's inner circle has a similar minimizing tendency where the crimes of Stalinism are concerned, plus the equally inevitable far-left affinity for Latin American authoritarianism.

Also hard to miss is a certain resemblance to indoctrination rhetoric of the past amidst movements like Stalinism that we now securely condemn as having gone off track.

In many ways Mr Putin's regime is a velvet version of Stalinism—not least because Mr Putin has deliberately sought to rebuild the structures of the Soviet state.

Memorial, based in Moscow, began the event in the late 1980s, during the periods of glasnost and perestroika under President Mikhail Gorbachev, to catalog the crimes of Stalinism.

" Stalinism, for Orwell, dressed up this power worship in a lot of meaningless doctrine that people learned to repeat without thinking about it—what the novel calls "duckspeak.

For the true believers, almost anything could be justified, even the evils of Stalinism, the repression of the Hungarian uprising in 1956 and the invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968.

It is hard to criticize Russia for ignoring Stalinism when the American President seems to struggle to find the time or words to unequivocally condemn the Ku Klux Klan.

By the time he graduated in 1949, however, the country had fallen under Stalinism, a grip that included severe cultural repression, especially of modern composers like Stravinsky and Schoenberg.

In his introduction, Zizek engages in dense, lengthy arguments to explain (or explain away?) Lenin's relationship to Stalinism, asserting that he should not be held responsible for its crimes.

The neoliberal order that established the policies that we have today was conceived for good reason: The opposing ideology, which was communism and Stalinism, did some really horrible things, right?

But, in 1940, Lithuania was annexed by the Soviet Union, leaving Milosz with two equally dire choices: remain, and live under Stalinism; or return to Warsaw, and live under Nazism.

As Bullock shuttles between his two subjects, he continues to refute commentators who have treated Stalinism and Nazism as diametrically opposed ideologies by labeling the first internationalist and the second nationalist.

Shot three years earlier by the Georgian director Tengiz Abuladze but immediately shelved, the film, "Repentance," was a powerful allegorical critique of Stalinism in which a corpse refuses to stay buried.

Books by Hannah Arendt, such as The Origins of Totalitarianism and Crises of the Republic, examine the role that the despoiling of truth played in the rise of Nazism and Stalinism.

Had I more fully appreciated the historical horrors of both Nazism and Stalinism, I would have had a far greater sense of why Glazer and his friends took the positions they did.

The museum has an international scope; the main exhibit begins with the collapse of the liberal order intended after World War I: Italian fascism, German Nazism, Polish authoritarianism, Soviet Stalinism, Japanese imperialism.

In short, his biography is as juicy with incident, and as controversial, as that of any poet since Byron, and some film-goers will chide Larraín for not mentioning Neruda's unrepentant Stalinism.

"What you now see as a change for the worse ('Stalinism') in the regime is really a change for the better in knowledge on your part," he wrote to Wilson in 1948.

In her major political work, she dissected both Nazism and Stalinism as instantiations of a new type of politics, one that utilized terror and fear to subjugate populations and gain their acquiescence.

But Meyerhold's support for the Revolution — he was an enthusiastic Communist Party member and an official in the early Soviet theater bureaucracy — could not protect him from the paranoia and viciousness of Stalinism.

We need a TV series on Marxism (and its evolution through Leninism, Stalinism, Maoism, Castroism, etc.) so that Americans can come to grips with the horrors of centralized government and the cost of tyranny.

The sanctification of that victory, and Stalin's role in it, has become the main ideological foundation of Mr Putin's velvet Stalinism, disguised as patriotism—an old mix of Russian Orthodoxy, state nationalism and autocracy.

As a victor in the second world war, Russia was never forced to reject Stalinism in the way that Germany was forced to reject Nazism, even though the two regimes had much in common.

We tried to distinguish among communisms — for example, treating 'Stalinism,' which we disavowed, as if it were an aberration, and praising other regimes, outside of Europe, which had and have essentially the same character.

Memorial, an organisation set up in the late 1980s to exhume the crimes of Stalinism and the Soviet state, has been declared a "foreign agent", a stigmatising label dug up from the Stalinist past.

Soviet advisers arrived in Havana by the thousands to remake Cuba in the image of a Stalinism for which the ussr itself was beginning to lose enthusiasm; for years, all fantastic literature was banned.

The poems best known in the West — "Babi Yar," a potent indictment of anti-Semitism, and "Stalin's Heirs," a warning against any return of Stalinism — stunned crowds into silence when they were read aloud.

With the rise of Nazism in Germany and Stalinism in Russia, he felt special kinship with T.S. Eliot's "The Waste Land," which he translated, and its vision of ruined cities and a collapsing European civilization.

It describes the impact of Stalinism and Communism up to the present day, the paralyzing effect on society and the servility of the population that enables people like Putin to destroy all attempts at democratization.

Sofia seems glad that I'm not a pushy, retired Stasi officer, and I'm relieved that she's not a member of The Association of Victims of Stalinism, using this date as an excuse to attack me.

Between 1930 and 1950—as imperialism, fascism and Stalinism collided across the world—nightmares were violently redefined as writers witnessed the greatest war, the greatest crimes, and eventually, the use of the greatest weapon in human history.

One activist from Queen's University Belfast argued that events in Northern Ireland were linked to "the black struggle in the US, the workers' fight in France, the resistance of the Vietnamese, the uprising against Stalinism in Czechoslovakia".

At a Michigan rally in March, President Trump said there would be "no more cows" if the Green New Deal were adopted; days earlier, Trump's former adviser Sebastian Gorka had likened criticism of meat-eating to Stalinism.

Based on a novel by Fyodor Abramov and performed over two evenings, it depicted the life—or rather death—of a Russian village after the second world war, and the corrosion of its soil and soul by Stalinism.

Notwithstanding its heavy Russian accent, democratic socialism is bringing under one roof all the true believers and intellectuals disheartened and disillusioned by the ugliness of Stalinism, Maoism, and other socialist "isms" but still yearning for equality, fairness and righteousness.

Published in 1953 and originally banned in the author's native Poland, the book sets out to answer the question: How did the wisest of his postwar compatriots fall for Stalinism — that is, for a politics of lies and fear?

That's just a reversion to McCarthy-era red-baiting to discredit an idea by putting a label on it and associating that label with Stalinism in the Soviet Union, a repressive, bureaucratic state that had nothing to do with socialism.

The Communist Party of France was a slavishly obedient arm of Stalinism and the Soviet Union—which did not alter the other reality that, after the invasion of Russia, in 1941, many of the most courageous of the resisters would be Communists.

Yevgeny Yevtushenko, an internationally acclaimed poet with the charisma of an actor and the instincts of a politician whose defiant verse inspired a generation of young Russians in their fight against Stalinism during the Cold War, died on Saturday in Tulsa, Okla.

Read this tale of Digital Stalinism and weep for the fall of Western Civilization:I, I may have been the first person in history completely banned from Tinder because my picture, my picture of myself, in my dress blues uniform was reported for being offensive and promoting violence!

"I read with pleasure the poems of Bertolt Brecht, although I am repelled by his Stalinism—but here, not so simply, it is a matter of seeing how his subtlety of mind breaks past, complicates, and sometimes undercuts his ideological stance," Howe wrote in his 1972 essay.

"Many people of the older generation, and not only, will regard it as an insulting mockery of all the Soviet past, of the country that defeated fascism and of ordinary people, and what's even worse, even of the victims of Stalinism," Medinsky said in a statement.

Russia must be seen as both unconstrained and beleaguered—a duality that harks back to the years of Stalinism, which saw the Soviet Union both as a beacon leading the world into an inevitable communist future and as a fortress besieged by enemies and shot through with spies.

Gregory has written extensively on Russia and the former Soviet Union, including, "The Political Economy of Stalinism," (Cambridge, 2004), which won the Hewett Prize, an award given annually for an outstanding monograph on the political economy of Russia, Eurasia and/or Eastern Europe, published in the previous year.

"Many people of the older generation, and not only, will regard it as an insulting mockery of all the Soviet past, of the country that defeated fascism and of ordinary people, and what's even worse, even of the victims of Stalinism," Culture Minister Vladimir Medinsky said in a statement.

NeverTrumpers haunt the conservative movement the way Polish or Czech dissident intellectuals such as Czeslaw Milosz and Vaclav Havel haunted that segment of Central European intelligentsia that made its peace with Stalinism after World War II. The Trumpers (and Stalinists) traded conscience for power; the NeverTrumpers and dissidents chose the reverse.

One of the most influential of the post-Soviet books was the Princeton historian Stephen Kotkin's " Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as a Civilization " (19403), a study of the steel city of Magnitogorsk, the U.S.S.R.'s answer to Pittsburgh, as it was constructed in the shadow of the Ural Mountains in the early nineteen-thirties.

" In most accounts of the period, including Mark Greif's recent book "The Age of the Crisis of Man" (2015), the dominant refugee is Hannah Arendt, whose "Origins of Totalitarianism" (1951) depicted the rise of Hitlerism and Stalinism as twin modernities, engines of mass terror built to effect "the transformation of human nature itself.

At the time, as the wall fell and the Soviet bloc that had been encased in Stalinism thawed, it was a vogue among some historians, scholars, and others to declare "the end of history"—that the big questions had been settled, that liberal democracy was triumphal and inexorable, and that the decline of the impulse to enslave whole countries was also inexorable.

Yet the intellectual terror that has much of the American left in its grip today, not only in regard to Israel and Zionism but relating to a wide variety of issues on which one can be pilloried for being a millimeter out of step, strongly suggests that Stalinism, though it lost its political battle with liberalism, is winning the cultural one.

Trumpism is not Stalinism, but the relevance of Milosz's insights — that intellectuals yearn to 'belong to the masses'; that there is never a shortage of ways to justify cruelty in the name of the presumptively higher truth; that those who refuse to conform are caricatured as self-righteous purists — continues to haunt me as I watch so many I used to admire offer ever-more contorted defenses of Trumpism.

"The Collapse of Stalinism and the Class Nature of the Russian State". Retrieved 4 November 2019.Anthony Arnove (Winter 2000). "The Fall of Stalinism: Ten Years On".

Stalinism took an aggressive stance on class conflict, utilizing state violence in an attempt to forcibly purge society of the bourgeoisie.Stephen Kotkin. Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism As a Civilization. First Paperback Edition.

Schocken Books. .Gill, Graeme J. (1998). Stalinism. Palgrave Macmillan. .Lewin, Moshe (2005).

After the denunciation of Stalinism by Nikita Khrushchev the code was significantly rewritten.

Stokes, Gale. From Stalinism to Pluralism: A Documentary History of Eastern Europe Since 1945. 1996, page 66. Slánský was the most powerful politician to be executed during the rule of the Communist Party in Czechoslovakia and under the influence of Stalinism.

I.B. Tauris (2005). . page 68.^ Richard Taylor, D. W. Spring. Stalinism and Soviet cinema.

When the Socialist Workers Party was founded in January 1938 with a platform that still considered the Soviet Union to be a degenerated workers' state, Salemme immediately quit the party. Sometime thereafter the Revolutionary Marxist League was founded. The Revolutionary Marxist league's ideological position consisted of a rejection of both Stalinism and Trotskyism, which it regarded as an inverted form of Stalinism. It was equally harsh in its denunciation of the various splinters from official Trotskyism: > We cannot emphasize too much our position that we have nothing in common > with the Trotskyite brand of Stalinism or any other inverted form of > Stalinism.

"The Political Economy of Stalinism". Hoover Institution. 23 January 23, 2004. Retrieved 22 June 2020.

They also objected to Pasternak's subtle criticisms of Stalinism, Collectivization, the Great Purge, and the Gulag.

Groys, Boris. The Total Art of Stalinism: Avant-Garde, Aesthetic Dictatorship, and Beyond. Trans Charles Rougle.

Stalinism showed "the terrible essence of the centuries-old dream of mankind". The Stalin era was the era of the formation of real communism; Stalinism ended when a strong bureaucracy was formed. Khrushchev time was a period of unrest, under Brezhnev, communism reached a state of maturity.

History and Memory Compared, Historische Zeitschrift, 286:3, 2008, pp. 795–796. Although Michael Geyer and Sheila Fitzpatrick in Beyond Totalitarianism: Stalinism and Nazism Compared (2009) noted similarities between Stalinism and Nazism, they have also stated that "when it comes to one-on-one comparison, the two societies and regimes may as well have hailed from different worlds".Michael Geyer and Sheila Fitzpatrick, Beyond Totalitarianism: Stalinism and Nazism Compared, New York, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2009, pp. 33–37 and 21.

Committee for a Workers' International (June 1992). "The Collapse of Stalinism". Retrieved 4 November 2019.Ted Grant (1996).

A. Lankov. The Natural Death of North Korean Stalinism. p. 110. Available at , accessed on August 16, 2009.

Neo-Stalinism () is the promotion of positive views of Joseph Stalin's role in history, the partial re-establishing of Stalin's policies on certain issues and nostalgia for the Stalin period. Neo-Stalinism overlaps significantly with neo-Sovietism and Soviet nostalgia. Various definitions of the term have been given over the years.

Committee for a Workers' International (June 1992). "The Collapse of Stalinism". Marxist.net. Retrieved 4 November 2019.Ted Grant (1996).

Fitzpatrick, Sh. Everyday Stalinism. "Oxford Press". 1999. p 6. The famine finally ended in 1933, after a successful harvest.

In 1992, Lewin was honored with a Festschrift edited by historians Nick Lampert and Gábor Rittersporn entitled Stalinism: Its Nature and Aftermath: Essays in Honour of Moshe Lewin.Nick Lampert and Gábor Rittersporn, Stalinism: Its Nature and Aftermath: Essays in Honour of Moshe Lewin. Basingstoke, England: Macmillan, 1992. Published in the United States by M.E. Sharpe.

Graeme Gill argues that "[Stalinism was] not a natural flow-on of earlier developments; [it formed a] sharp break resulting from conscious decisions by leading political actors." However, Gill notes that "difficulties with the use of the term reflect problems with the concept of Stalinism itself. The major difficulty is a lack of agreement about what should constitute Stalinism." Revisionist historians such as Sheila Fitzpatrick have criticized the focus upon the upper levels of society and the use of Cold War concepts such as totalitarianism which have obscured the reality of the system.

The opening ceremony was chosen to coincide with the official EU European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism.

Rapid industrialization was accompanied with mass collective farming and rapid urbanization.Stephen Kotkin. Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism As a Civilization. First Paperback Edition.

New York: Scribner's. pp. 225, 228. .Fitzpatrick, Sheila (1999). Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s.

Scholar Dmitri Furman, director of the Commonwealth of Independent States Research Center at the Russian Academy's of Sciences Institute of Europe, sees the Russian regime's neo-Stalinism as a "non- ideological Stalinism" that "seeks control for the sake of control, not for the sake of world revolution".Zakharovich, Yuri. "Can the U.S.-Russian Alliance Last?" TIME.

Fitzpatrick, Sheila. 1999. Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 179–182.

Stalin's second wife Nadezhda Alliluyeva, committed suicide due to the atrocities of collectivization, particular the famine.McCauley, Martin. Stalin and Stalinism. Pearson Longman, 2008.

In the early 1940s, Shachtman further developed the idea, already used by Trotskyists in the 1930s, of a "Third Camp," an independent revolutionary force, made up of the world working class, movements resisting fascism and colonial peoples in rebellion, that would side neither with the Axis nor the Allies. Beginning in 1943, he predicted that the Soviet army would impose Stalinism in Eastern Europe, and added democratic resistance to Stalinism to his conception of the Third Camp. By 1948, Shachtman regarded capitalism and Stalinism to be equal impediments to socialism. Shachtman's Workers Party became active in union struggles.

Souvarine was involved in a variety of organizations and journals (f.e. «Est-Ouest» and «Le Contrat social») of the anti-Stalinist left in France, publishing frequently on the Soviet Union, Stalin and Stalinism. Souvarine also criticised Lenin. His criticisms of Stalinism were important sources for some less orthodox Trotskyists, such as C. L. R. James, who translated his Stalin biography into English.

In the 1990s Yakov Etinger published many works about Stalinism, Soviet political repressions and antisemitism in the Soviet Union, both in Russia and abroad.

Stephen Kotkin. Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism As a Civilization. First Paperback Edition. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, 1997. . pp. 70–71.

Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism. Trans. George Shriver. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 563. . Gennady Kostyrchenko,Igolkin, Alexander (2002).

Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. pp. 10–11. . Roy MedvedevMedvedev, Roy. (1989). Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism. Trans. George Shriver.

Addressed to President Nicolae Ceaușescu,Durandin, p.65 the letter was a left- wing critique of Ceaușescu's policies.Neumann, p.180; Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate, p.

Stegelbaum, Lewis and Sokolov, Andrei. Stalinism As A Way Of Life. Yale University Press, 2004, p. 220 Creativity was not an important part of socialist realism.

"Francis M.S. Peel Obituary". American International Club of Geneva. First published in Polish as Zniewolony umysł, the book examines collaboration in the Soviet Union under Stalinism.

The European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism is officially commemorated by the government of the Czech Republic, which also initiated its establishment.

Ján Kellner (December 26, 1912-July 7, 1941) was a Slovak.týždeň,Weekly magazine, July 10, 2016. Catholic priest, missionary to USSR, executed during Stalinism in 1941.

Schwinger, pp. 18–19. At the time, the 1956 overthrow of Stalinism in Poland lifted strict cultural censorship and opened the door to a wave of creativity.

The Second World Congress in April 1948 was attended by delegates from 22 sections. It debated a range of resolutions on the Jewish Question, Stalinism, the colonial countries and the specific situations facing sections in certain countries.2nd Congress of the Fourth International By this point the FI was united around the view that the Eastern European "buffer states" were still capitalist countries."The USSR and Stalinism", Fourth International, June 1948.

They think that both Nazism and Stalinism emphasized the role of specialization in modern societies and saw polymathy as a thing of the past. Both also claimed to have statistical scientific support for their claims which led to a strict ethical control of culture, psychological violence and persecution of entire groups.Shorten, Richard (2012). Modernism and Totalitarianism: Rethinking the Intellectual Sources of Nazism and Stalinism, 1945 to the Present. Palgrave. .

"Trotsky and the Collapse of Stalinism". The Rise of Militant: Thirty Years of Militant. Militant Publications. . "The Soviet bureaucracy and Western capitalism rested on mutually antagonistic social systems".

Roy Aleksandrovich Medvedev (; born 14 November 1925) is a Russian political writer, author of the dissident history of Stalinism, Let History Judge (), first published in English in 1972.

Arendt concludes that while Italian Fascism was a nationalist authoritarian movement, Nazism and Stalinism were totalitarian movements that sought to eliminate all restraints upon the power of the movement.

Redlich, Shimon; Anderson, Kirill Mikhaĭlovich; Altman, I. (1995) War, Holocaust and Stalinism. Psychology Press. p. 149. She was convicted and sentenced to five years in a labour camp.Vasileva, p.

On 17 July 2009, the Parliament of Latvia adopted 23 August as the Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism, under a proposal of the Civic Union.

According to Vladimir Tismăneanu, Petre Borilă had gained an ill notoriety for being involved in "the most secretive of political affairs", and was considered "a distant and suspicious figure". Tismăneanu also referred to Borilă as a "Soviet agent", who, alongside Iosif Chişinevschi, was used by Gheorghiu-Dej to supervise lower-ranking PCR members and enforce a local variant of Stalinism (while ensuring close links with Soviet officials).Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.13, 14; Stalinism..., p.

Lastly, Dean contends that Stalinism is seen as proof that communism cannot work in practice because any challenge to the political status quo will inevitably result in purges and violence.

Once the enterprizes gained some freedom during perestroika, the rigid administrative- command system imploded.Gregory, Paul Roderick (2003). The Political Economy of Stalinism: Evidence from the Soviet Secret Archives. Cambridge University Press. .

Wincenty Rzymowski Wincenty Rzymowski (19 July 1883, Kuczbork-Osada - 30 April 1950, Warsaw) was a Polish politician and writer. Rzymowski was one of the many faces of Stalinism in postwar Poland.

Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p. 143 All teachers were strictly prone to follow the plan for educating children approved by top for reasons of safety, which could cause serious problems dealing with social events that, having just happened, were not included in the plan.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p. 365 Children of "socially alien" elements were often the target of abuse or expelled, in the name of class struggle.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p. 406 Early in the regime, many teachers were drawn into Communist plans for schooling because of a passion for literacy and numeracy, which the Communists were attempting to spread.

Some Left Communists such as Paul Mattick claim that the October Revolution was totalitarian from the start and therefore Trotskyism has no real differences from Stalinism either in practice or theory.Mattick, Paul (1947). "Bolshevism and Stalinism". In the United States, Dwight Macdonald broke with Trotsky and left the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party by raising the question of the Kronstadt rebellion, which Trotsky as leader of the Soviet Red Army and the other Bolsheviks had brutally repressed.

The low toll of human deaths in comparison with the number of burned farms is due to the Erna long-range reconnaissance group breaking the Red Army blockade on the area, allowing many civilians to escape.Jüri Liim: Kautla lahingudMart Laar: Tavaline stalinism [Common Stalinism] In Estonian. Postimees 16 August 2007 Occasionally, the battalions burned people alive.Mart Laar, War in the woods, The Compass Press, Washington, 1992, p. 10 The destruction battalions murdered 1,850 people in Estonia.

Daniel Gaido, "Marxist Analyses of Stalinism", Science & Society 75/1 (Jan. 2011): 99-107. www.jstor.org/stable/25769086 While in Mexico, Trotsky also worked closely with James P. Cannon, Joseph Hansen, and Farrell Dobbs of the Socialist Workers Party of the United States, and other supporters. Cannon, a long-time leading member of the American communist movement, had supported Trotsky in the struggle against Stalinism since he had first read Trotsky's criticisms of the Soviet Union in 1928.

On 22 August 2015, a European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism, a county commemoration for victims of all anti-fascistic and communistic crimes in Croatia, was held here.

Friedrich Gorenstein (, tr. ; 1932 - 2002) was a Russian-Jewish author and screenwriter. His works primarily deal with Stalinism, anti-Semitism, and the philosophical-religious view of a peaceful coexistence between Jews and Christians.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 activists are still haunted by the legacy of Joseph Stalin. The book examines of the origins, impacts, and prominence of Stalinism in modern Russia.

"Maoism, Stalinism, and the Chinese Revolution" - Roland Law 14\. "The Peculiarities of Vietnamese Communism" - Pierre Rousset 15\. "The Tradgedy of Indian Communism" - K. Damodaran 16\. "Hungary 1956: A Participants Account" - Nicholas Krasso 17\.

Michael David-Fox, . "The 'Heroic Life' of a Friend of Stalinism: Romain Rolland and Soviet Culture." Slavonica 11.1 (2005): 3-29. Rolland served unofficially as ambassador of French artists to the Soviet Union.

Dyanne Thorne repeats the title role, but this time Ilsa (referred to as "Comrade Colonel") supervises a 1953 Siberian gulag that mentally and physically destroys male political prisoners towards the fall of Stalinism.

Rogovin writes there are basically two diametrically opposed approaches. The first one is that Stalinism with its terror was a logical, unavoidable evolution of Marxism- Leninism within Bolshevism from the Socialist revolution. Another approach is to consider that Stalinism was a historically accidental development and that there was an alternative movement within Bolshevism (Trotskyism), and the major function of Stalinist terror was to suppress this movement. Rogovin suggests that the first approach has become dominant in historical research for two major reasons.

In 1941 he married Vera Broido, with whom he had a son, the writer Nik Cohn. In the immediate post-war period, he was stationed in Vienna, ostensibly to interrogate Nazis, but he also encountered many refugees from Stalinism, and the similarities in persecutorial obsessions evinced both by Nazism and Stalinism fueled his interest in the historical background for these ideologically opposed, yet functionally similar movements. After his discharge, he taught successively in universities in Scotland, Ireland, England, the United States and Canada.

The Association of Victims of Stalinism (, VOS) is a German human rights organisation, formed by victims of Stalinism on 9 February 1950 in West Berlin. During the Cold War, the western-based association was a constant target of the infamous Stasi of East Germany. The organisation moved its headquarters to Bonn after the construction of the Berlin Wall, but moved back to Berlin in 1998. After 1989, it grew quickly as many former residents of East Germany joined the organisation.

Stalinism, while not an ideology per se, refers to the thoughts and policies of Stalin Stalinism, while not an ideology per se, refers to Stalin's thoughts and policies. Stalin's introduction of the concept "Socialism in One Country" in 1924 was an important moment in Soviet ideological discourse. According to Stalin, the Soviet Union did not need a socialist world revolution to construct a socialist society. Four years later, Stalin initiated his "Second Revolution" with the introduction of state socialism and central planning.

Minister of Justice of Poland Krzysztof Kwiatkowski during the official commemoration of European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism in 2011, during Poland's EU presidency In 2011, the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism was officially commemorated in Poland for the first time by the liberal-conservative Civic Platform government during Poland's EU presidency. It has since been observed annually by the Government of Poland, as an important official remembrance day of Poland.

25, 39-40; Stalinism, p.196, 212 such as Pauker (whom he accused of having maintained contacts with Soviet police chief Lavrentiy Beria), Boris Stefanov, and Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu.Roman in Sfera Politicii, Part I He also rallied with Gheorghiu-Dej's positive views on de- Stalinization, claiming that Pauker's fall had been a sign of Romania parting with Stalinism. At the time, he argued that Pauker and her collaborator Vasile Luca had viewed him with suspicion based on his participation in the Spanish Civil War.

In 1929, Stalin politically controlled the party and the Soviet Union by way of deception and administrative acumen. In that time, Stalin's centralised, socialism in one country régime had negatively associated Lenin's revolutionary Bolshevism with Stalinism, i.e. government by command-policy to realise projects such as the rapid industrialisation of cities and the collectivisation of agriculture. Such Stalinism also subordinated the interests (political, national and ideological) of Asian and European communist parties to the geopolitical interests of the Soviet Union.

While not an ideology per se, Stalinism refers to the thoughts and policies of Stalin Stalinism, while not an ideology per se, refers to Stalin's thoughts and policies. Stalin's introduction of the concept "Socialism in One Country" in 1924 was a major turning point in Soviet ideological discourse. The Soviet Union did not need a socialist world revolution to construct a socialist society, Stalin claimed. Four years later, Stalin initiated his "Second Revolution" with the introduction of state socialism and central planning.

Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p208 The heroes of Arctic exploration were glorified. The twentieth anniversary of the October Revolution was honored with a five volume work glorifying the accomplishments of socialism and (in the last volume) "scientifically based fantasies" of the future, raising such questions as whether the whole world or only Europe would be socialist in twenty years.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p208-9 Even while a majority of the population was still rural, the USSR was proclaimed "a mighty industrial power."Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p281 USSR in Construction glorified the Moscow-Volga Canal, with only the briefest mention of the slave labor that had built it.

Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.99 he was a volunteer in a Romanian artillery unit of the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War (see also Jewish volunteers in the Spanish Civil War)El País; Final Report, p.105; Mihailov; Roman in Sfera Politicii, Part II; Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.124, 239, 320 -- according to one source, it was then that he first adopted the name Valter Roman, while also using the pseudonym G. Katowski.Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.320 Wounded twice during combat, Roman eventually left for the Soviet Union. In 1938-1941, Roman worked at a plane factory in Kalinin, later for one of the Comintern sections, and, during World War II, for an Institute for Scientific Research (1941–1945). During the period, he married Hortensia Vallejo, who was originally from Santander, Spain.

Purges of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union (, ', "cleansing of the party ranks") was a Soviet ritual, especially during the 1920s,Fitzpatrick, S. Everyday Stalinism. Oxford University Press. New-York, 1999. page 20.

Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, p.209. University of California Press, 2003, . Jebeleanu translated poetry from six languages, including Hungarian (Petőfi), Turkish, French (Hugo) and German (Rilke).Rusan, Romulus.

The regime of Romania's under Nicolae Ceaușescu (1965–1989) has been classified by historians and political scientists as neo- Stalinist.Stalinism und Neo-Stalinism in Romania. In: Southeastern Europe in the 19. und 20. century.

Fitzpatrick, Sheila (1999). Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 182 Tolstoy became a full member of the USSR Academy of Sciences in 1939.

In 2019 the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism was observed by the Government of Finland on the occasion of the 80th anniversary of the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.

Guido La Barbera, one of the current leaders of Lotta Comunista, said that Stalinism overcame an inherent weakness and chronic capital investing in war, and heavy industry and not in developing economic and social infrastructure.

Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s. New York. Oxford University Press. p. 179. Article 125 of the constitution guaranteed freedom of speech of the press and freedom of assembly.

Răutu still silenced critiques of Stalinism, but only by proxy. In 1963, on Răutu's orders, Romania became, with Albania, the only Eastern Bloc country not to publish a vernacular translation of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's Ivan Denisovich.

Tom Gallagher, Modern Romania: The End of Communism, the Failure of Democratic Reform, and the Theft of a Nation, p.60-61. NYU Press, 2005. In later years, he and Paul Niculescu- Mizil helped create the myth of a "patriotic faction" within the party where a radical break was marked between early Stalinism and post-1960 developments; Bârlădeanu in particular fostered the image of a benign Gheorghiu-Dej in contrast to Ceauşescu.Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, p.275.

Der Kommunismus in Westeuropa: Niedergang Oder Mutation? Landsberg am Lech: Olzug, p. 436. He left that party in 2003 in protest against the party's shift toward Stalinism. Underlid was a member of the Movement for Socialism.

They rival Ivan Pyryev's films as the most effective and light-hearted showcase ever designed for the Stalin-era USSR.See, e.g., Evgenii Dobrenko, Eric Naiman. The Landscape of Stalinism: The Art and Ideology of Soviet Space.

The International Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism has been observed in Sweden since 2008, with participation from members of the government. Sweden was the first country to officially observe the remembrance day.

Consequently, The Unforgettable Year 1919 and other Stalinist works from that year "had little notability... And were forgotten after the political reshuffle of 1953."Klaus Heller, Jan Plamper (editors). Personality cults in Stalinism. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (2004). .

In the book, as in a number of speeches, Zinoviev argued that after 1953 he ceased to be an anti-Stalinist, because he understood that Stalinism arose "from below" and was not a product of Stalin.

Robert Service, A History of Modern Russia, from Nicholas II to Putin p 210 Those who profited from public property were "enemies of the people."Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p197 By the late 1930s, all "enemies" were lumped together in art as supporters of historical idiocy.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p210 Newspapers reported even on the trial of children as young as ten for counterrevolutionary and fascist behavior.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p233 During the Holodomor, the starving peasants were denounced as saboteurs, all the more dangerous in that their gentle and inoffensive appearance made them appear innocent; the deaths were only proof that peasants hated socialism so much they were willing to sacrifice their families and risk their lives to fight it.

120 Shaytonning tangriga isyoni is sometimes described as short drama, sometimes as epic poem (Dastaan).Allworth 2002, p. 179 Fitrat's polemic against Stalinism is packed up in an allegorical dialogue between angels and the devil.Allworth 2002, p.

Filipchenko is also known for his work in Soviet eugenics, though his work in the subject would later result in his public denunciation due to the rise of Stalinism and increased criticisms that eugenics represented bourgeois science.

However, with the rise of Stalinism in the 1930s, and the concurrent return of the policies of forced Russification, Belarusization was quickly reversed, along with Ukrainization and all the other programs of korenization within the Soviet Union.

Some historians such as Richard Pipes consider Stalinism as the natural consequence of Leninism, that Stalin "faithfully implemented Lenin's domestic and foreign policy programs." Robert Service notes that "institutionally and ideologically Lenin laid the foundations for a Stalin [...] but the passage from Leninism to the worse terrors of Stalinism was not smooth and inevitable." Historian and Stalin biographer Edvard Radzinsky believes that Stalin was a real follower of Lenin, exactly as he claimed himself.Edvard Radzinsky Stalin: The First In-depth Biography Based on Explosive New Documents from Russia's Secret Archives, Anchor, (1997) .

Kuczynski was frequently identified with Stalinism during the dictator's period in power. After Stalin died, and his successor's "secret Speech" denouncing the abusive excesses of the regime became public, Kuczynski was not the only true believer to find himself invited to recant his constant support for Soviet Communism under Stalin. But in the academic mind of Jürgen Kuczynski things could never be that simple. "Stalinism" embraced the entire body of spiritual and factual developments over a period of three decades, and outcomes were of course both positive and negative.

Because of this development, classical and orthodox Marxists as well as Trotskyist groups denounced the communist states as being Stalinist and their economies as being state capitalist or representing deformed or degenerated workers' states, respectively. Within the socialist movement, there is criticism towards the use of the term socialist states in relation to countries such as China and previously of Soviet Union and Eastern and Central European states before what some term the "collapse of Stalinism" in 1989.Committee for a Workers' International (June 1992). "The Collapse of Stalinism". Marxist.net.

During his stint at Vremea, Aderca used Marxism against the Soviet Union and Stalinism, profiling Joseph Stalin as an "Asiatic tyrant". In Lumea de mâine, he expressed confidence that the post-fascist world would revert to liberty and democracy. Unaware of communist schemes, he referred to the post-1944 interval as the dawn of "supreme democracy". His take on Stalinism rendered Oameni excepționali inaccessible during the subsequent period, and his biography of Dobrogeanu-Gherea was regarded as more of a gaffe—the communists regarded Gherea as a heretic.

In 1990, a year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Albanian regime also collapsed, and, with it, Stalinism was in crisis. The main impact of these changes was the decision of PCdoB at its 8th Congress in 1992, with the slogan Vive Socialism, that Stalinism had failed, and to move closer to "classical" Marxism. That decision opened the party ideologically and allowed the incorporation of new members and alliances. PCdoB resumed ties with Cuba, and, in 1995, at its 8th conference, the party adopted its Socialist Programme.

He specifically and repeatedly called the Soviet Union the only country in which 19th-century capitalism still existed. His Stalinism was quite ironic, but he was serious about Stalinism to the extent that he regarded the utopia of the Soviet Union under Stalin and the willingness to purge unsupportive elements in the population as evidence of a desire to bring about the end of history and as a repetition of the Reign of Terror of the French Revolution.Geroulanos, An Atheism That Is Not Humanist Emerges in French Thought, pp. 133–134.

His most important work, La Bureaucratisation du Monde ("Bureaucratisation of the World"), was published in Paris in 1939, but most copies were seized by the French government. In it, he stated that Fascism and Stalinism were developing similar political methods. Trotsky thoroughly criticized Rizzi's conflation of Fascism and Stalinism as part of his polemic "In Defence of Marxism" which was written to oppose the positions of the Burnham-Shachtman minority in the US Socialist Workers Party. It would be more than 30 years before an abridged version of this work would be published in Italy.

The appearance of the figure of Stalin was inevitable and necessary. Stalin's leaderism had a national basis, Stalinism was a form of democracy: people of power (nominees) occupied power positions, people exercised power directly, using denunciations. The ruin of the village during the collectivization produced a social upheaval, millions of people from the lower classes gained access to education and culture. Repression resulted from the activities of the masses: the horror of Stalinism was not in the victims, but in the fact that the executioners, beginning with Stalin, best fit the social environment.

In 1982, he published the two volumes of the third part of Class Struggle in the USSR, dedicated to the "dominated" and "dominators" of Stalinism, but the Marxist environment, in which Bettelheim had been rooted before, had dissolved.

"You can be an intellectual yet still be an idiot. 'Educated philistines' have been wrong on everything from Stalinism to Iraq to low-carb diets." Taleb dedicates a chapter to IYIs in his book Skin in the Game.

Stalinism), other as a product or various worker movements (e.g. anarcho- syndicalism), or a party or other group contending for political power in a democratic society (e.g. social democracy). Some are in favour of a socialist revolution (e.g.

Paul Roderick Gregory. Political Economy of Stalinism. — Moscow: ROSSPEN, 2008 In the future, the peasantry also ensured the growth of heavy industry by labor. The short-term result of this policy was a temporary drop in agricultural production.

In the wake of Nikita Khrushchev's 1956 "Secret Speech" condemning crimes of Stalinism and the following relative political relaxation (Khrushchev Thaw), several events and factors formed the background for a dissident movement focused on civil and human rights.

International Socialist Review, New York, > Volume 22, No. 3, Fall 1961. Pp. 107-114. American broadcasts into Europe during the late 1950s described a political struggle between the "old Stalinists" and "the neo-Stalinist Khrushchev"."Khrushchev's Neo-Stalinism".

During his reign, Stalin's controversies were de-emphasized. Andres Laiapea connects this with "the exile of many dissidents, especially Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn",Laiapea, Andres. "Putin's Neo-Stalinism in Historical Perspective". American Chronicle. 26 February 2007. Retrieved 11 May 2009.

Fitzpatrick, Sheila. Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times – Soviet Russia in the 1930s. Oxford, England ; New York, New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. Collectivization was under-planned; a lack of instructions, and unrealistic quotas were the reality.

6, 20; Stalinism, p.124, 320, 334 He remained a suspect at a time when Gheorghiu-Dej felt increasingly threatened,Levy, p.162 was subject to a "vote of censure" in 1954, and was completely rehabilitated only in 1956.

Originally supportive of Stalinism, the paper became critical of the Soviet regime during the 1960s, and ceased publication after losing communist support. It was revived in the 1990s as a monthly literary supplement of the left-wing newspaper L'Humanité.

In 1948, the country's turn toward Stalinism brought the beginning of totalitarian rule, "in which one Party ruled autonomously over all sections of society".Kemp-Welch, A. (2008). Poland under Communism: A Cold War History, p. 26. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. .

In 1920 he was a member of the Revolutionary Committee of Armenia, since 1921 – the permanent representative of Armenian SSR (then – Transcaucasian Federation) in Russian SFSR. He was also a victim of Stalinism as he died in the Great Purge.

This "theology of hope" turns to the future and Christian hope. It breaks away from "the struggle of the individual soul" and emphasizes the social (i.e. political) nature of the Christian vocation. Moltmann is critical of both Stalinism and capitalism.

According to Russian historian Roy Medvedev, the opposition was organized by Ryutin with his friend P.A. Galkin and included a membership of "fifteen at most."Roy Medvedev, Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism. Revised and Expanded Edition.

Roman, in Corlăţan Close to the Ana Pauker "Muscovite wing" of the PCR,Final Report, p.59; Roman in Sfera Politicii, Part I; Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.162, 163 he came into conflict with the party leadership around Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej.

Hans Mommsen: 'Cumulative radicalization and progressive self-destruction as structural determinants of the Nazi dictatorship . In: Ian Kershaw & Moshe Lewin (Hg.): Stalinism and Nazism. Dictatorship in Comparison . This was an early attempt to understand the irrational aspects of national socialism.

The declaration pointed out: "The mass deportations, murders and enslavements committed in the context of the acts of aggression by Stalinism and Nazism fall into the category of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Under international law, statutory limitations do not apply to war crimes and crimes against humanity." On 2 April 2009, a resolution of the European Parliament on European conscience and totalitarianism, calling, inter alia, on its member states and other European countries to implement the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism, was passed by a vote of 533–44 with 33 abstentions.

In February 2007, responding to a listener's assertion that "Putin had steered the country to Stalinism" and "all entrepreneurs" were being jailed in Russia, the Russian opposition radio host Yevgeniya Albats said: "Come on, this is not true; there is no Stalinism, no concentration camps—thankfully". She went on to say that if citizens of the country would not be critical of what was occurring around them, referring to the "orchestrated, or genuine" calls for the "tsar to stay on", that "could blaze the trail for very ugly things and a very tough regime in our country"."Full Albats". Ekho Moskvy.

The Red Decade is a term coined by journalist and historian Eugene Lyons to describe a period in American history in the 1930s characterized by a widespread infatuation with communism in general and Stalinism in particular. Lyons believed this idolization of Joseph Stalin and exultation of Bolshevik achievements to have reached its high point in 1938, running deepest amongst liberals, intellectuals, and journalists and even some government and federal officials. Lyons argues that American intellectuals gave the then-Stalinist Soviet Union (and by extension, Stalinism) a certain international goodwill and respectability that it did not deserve.

While the ideologues of Nazism, much like those of Stalinism, abhorred democratic or parliamentary governance as practiced in the United States or Britain, their differences are substantial. An epistemic crisis occurs when one tries to synthesize and contrast Nazism and Stalinism as two-sides of the same coin with their similarly tyrannical leaders, state-controlled economies and repressive police structures. Namely, while they share a common thematic political construction, they are entirely inimical to one another in their worldviews and when more carefully analysed against one another on a one-to-one level, an "irreconcilable asymmetry" results.Michael Geyer and Sheila Fitzpatrick, eds.

In the personality cult constructed around him, he was known as the vozhd, an equivalent to the Italian duce and German fuhrer. A statue of Stalin in Grūtas Park near Druskininkai, Lithuania; it originally stood in Vilnius, Lithuania Stalinism was a development of Leninism, and while Stalin avoided using the term "Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism", he allowed others to do so. Following Lenin's death, Stalin contributed to the theoretical debates within the Communist Party, namely by developing the idea of "Socialism in One Country". This concept was intricately linked to factional struggles within the party, particularly against Trotsky.

293 His reelection in the 1954 Politburo after Ana Pauker's fall was seen as a sign of his importance and close relation to Gheorghiu-Dej.Victor Frunză, Istoria stalinismului în România, Humanitas, Bucharest, 1990, p.437; Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej..., p.12, 14; Stalinism..., p.

Krystyna Dąbrowska, Sławomir Mrożek. Culture.pl, September 2009. He died in Nice at the age of 83. Mrożek joined the Polish United Workers' Party during the reign of Stalinism in the People's Republic of Poland, and made a living as a political journalist.

In comparison, Machajski theorised socialism as the direct political control of economic institutions by the working class itself. Machajski's contributions foreshadowed the debate over the nature of the Soviet Union and the Soviet-style societies, including the critiques of Leninism, Stalinism and Maoism.

If this war-bred society was taught anything it was the importance of mobilizing both its industry as well as civilian population..Geyer, Michael, et al. “Ch 9/State of Expectation .” Beyond Totalitarianism Stalinism and Nazism Compared, Cambridge University Press, 2009, p. 362.

Many outstanding articles were reprinted in Robert C. Tucker, The Soviet Political Mind: Stalinism and Post-Stalin Change (New York: Norton, 1963, and rev. ed., 1971); and Robert C. Tucker, Political Culture and Leadership in Soviet Russia: From Lenin to Gorbachev (New York: Norton, 1987).

In Rewers (2009, Reverse) Bart brings back to life one of his characters who in Rien ne va plus committed suicide. A young girl who in Stalinism Poland found herself in a no-choice situation, this time is able to confront evil and win.

Later unexpectedly the sentence was changed and he was forced to work by specialty instead of katorga, due to his value as a scientific force.Kasyanov, G.M. Danylenko, V.M. Stalinism and the Ukrainian intelligentsia (20s-30s). Naukova dumka. Kyiv, 1991 Further his fate is not known.

He attended the 4th All-Russian Congress of Trade Unions in May 1921, at which he spoke in favor of the independence of the unions from the Communist Party.Roy Medvedev, Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism. George Shriver, trans. Revised Edition.

According to his testimony in EIMI, Cummings had little interest in politics until his trip to the Soviet Union in 1931.Carla Blumenkranz, "The Enormous Poem: When E.E. Cummings Repunctuated Stalinism." Poetry Foundation. www.poetryfoundation.org/ He subsequently shifted rightward on many political and social issues.

Giuseppe Motta (29 December 1871 – 23 January 1940) was a Swiss politician. He was a member of the Swiss Federal Council (1911–1940) and President of the League of Nations (1924–1925). He was a Catholic-conservative foreign minister and a staunch opponent of Stalinism.

Early currents of libertarian Marxism, known as left communism, emerged in opposition to Marxism–LeninismGorter, Herman; Pannekok, Anton; Pankhurst, Sylvia; Ruhl, Otto (2007). Non-Leninist Marxism: Writings on the Workers Councils. Red and Black. and its derivatives such as Stalinism and Maoism, among others.

After the Revolutions of 1989, 23 August has become an official remembrance day both in the Baltic countries, in the European Union and in other countries, known as the Black Ribbon Day or as the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism.

The soviets elected the delegates to the Congress, and then in turn the Congress held the national authority, making the highest decisions. There were several political parties represented in the various sessions of the Congress, each of which fought for increasing their own influence in the soviets. However, as the civil war progressed, the soviets' authority was progressively reduced, with the rise to power of Stalinism effectively cementing this situationModels of Democracy, David Held, p. 225. "Stalinism destroyed the possibility of a radical workers' democracy, installed briefly in the Soviet Union in October 1917 under Lenin's leadership" and decisively turning the Congress into a rubber-stamp parliament.

Memorial, 14 rue du Chateau, Paris, 14th arrondissement Bancic's widower, Alexandru Jar, returned to Romania at the end of the war, and established a career under the new Communist regime. During the 1950s, he became a noted opponent of the Party leadership around Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, and, together with Mihail Davidoglu and Ion Vitner, faced criticism from activist Miron Constantinescu over his "intellectualist-liberalist tendencies".Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate, Polirom, Iaşi, 2005 (translation of Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003, ), p.185-187 Several streets were named in Bancic's honor, and small monuments were erected in her memory.

Between 1924 and 1929 FEKS produced five films under the banner of eccentricism.Widdis, Emma, “To Explore or Conquer?: On the Soviet Cultural Revolution,” in Evgeny Dobrenko and Eric Naiman (ed), The Landscape of Stalinism: The Art and Ideology of Soviet Space, U Washington Press, 2003, p.

In 1956 after condemnation of Stalinism in USSR, Devdariani was released by the orders of Nikita Khrushchev (General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union). Soon after his release Devdariani enrolled in the Tbilisi State University and graduated with honours from the Faculty of Law.

He was also very critical of Stalinism and the "terrorist totalitarianism" of the Soviet government.Siegfried Kracauer, Theory of Film: The Redemption of Physical Reality, New York: Oxford University Press, 1960, p.221 With the rise of the Nazis in Germany in 1933, Kracauer migrated to Paris.

Stelian Tănase, "Belu Zilber. Part III" (fragments of O istorie a comunismului românesc interbelic, "A History of Romanian Interwar Communism") , in Revista 22, Nr.702, August 2003Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003, pp. 75, 114.

'Question de méthode', Critique de la Raison dialectique, Paris, 1960. See Ian H. Birchall, Sartre against Stalinism, pp. 173, 183 Sartre argues that existentialism and Marxism are compatible, even complementary, even though Marxism's materialism and determinism might seem to contradict the abstraction and radical freedom of existentialism.

However, with the Soviets firm grip on power and Stalinism on the move, Kuryluk was quickly losing what had remained of his relative independence. In February 1948 he resigned from "Odrodzenie" and worked first in the literary section of the Polish Radio and later in publishing.

Kazimierz Wyka Kazimierz Wyka (1910–1975) was a Polish literary historian, literary critic, and professor at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków following World War II. He was a deputy to the Polish parliament (Sejm) from 1952 to 1956 during the darkest years of Stalinism in Poland.

On 18 June 2009, the Parliament of Estonia amended the Law on holidays and memorials, and adopted 23 August as the Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism. In 2020 the official commemoration took place at the new Memorial to the Victims of Communism.

Fitzpatrick was the leader of the second generation of "revisionist historians". She was the first to call the group of historians working on Soviet History in the 1980s "a new cohort of [revisionist] historians".Sheila Fitzpatrick, "New Perspectives on Stalinism", The Russian Review, vol. 45, October 1986, p. 358.

Zjazd szczeciński i socrealizm, Szczecin, Wyd. Uniwersytetu szczecińskiego, 2002. From this point until the end of Stalinism in the People's Republic, Socialist realism was an official cultural policy of the country. Writers and poets created works glorifying Joseph Stalin, the Communist doctrine, and the Polish United Workers' Party.

However, after the defeat of the revolution and Lukács's imprisonment for supporting it, Mészáros verified that "there was no hope for socialist transformation in Hungary". So, after the Soviet invasion in 1956, he left the country, becoming one of the first citizens from a Communist country to criticise Stalinism.

Such a challenge would have meant the formation of factions in 1987. A final issue was the approaching collapse of the Soviet Union, or for them, the crisis of Stalinism. Taaffe and the majority believed that the restoration of capitalism was possible in the Soviet Union. Grant disagreed.

Lithuania in 2009 officially renamed "Black Ribbon Day" (23 August) to "European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism, and Day of the Baltic Way". On this day, as on other days of mourning, Lithuanian flags are displayed outside all public buildings decorated with black ribbons.

Tikhon organized a number of historical exhibitions in Moscow Manege. The last one "My History. 20th Century" was devoted to the 1930-1940s in Russia and often talked about supposed positive contributions by Joseph Stalin. The critics considered the exhibition as an "apology of the Orthodox Christian Stalinism".

A day after his death, Josef Hora was nominated as National Artist (a title that had been granted only to living artists since 1932) and became the first to be awarded posthumously. He was counted among Communist writers in Czechoslovakia (1948–1989) and his disillusionment with Stalinism was concealed.

Several historic works published in the 1980s and 1990sSee, for example, Heller M., Nekrich A. Geschichte der Sowjetunion. Bd. 2. (History of the Soviet Union. Vol. 2) Königstein, 1982. pp. 29-30; Pietrow B. Stalinismus. Sicherheit. Offensive: Das «Dritte Reich» in der Konzeption der sowjetischen Außenpolitik. (Stalinism. Security.

The historian Henry Rousso (Vichy, a past that does not pass, 1996) criticized him for simplifying all militant or communist sympathizers as accomplices of the crimes of Stalinism and, by extension, considered all to be conditionally allied with communist forces or with the Soviets as blind accomplices of Stalin.

During this period, he also supervised the destruction of many of the city's oldest monuments, including the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour.Rees, Edward Afron. 1994. Stalinism and Soviet Rail Transport, 1928–41. Birmingham: Palgrave Macmillan In 1932, he led the suppression of the workers' strike in Ivanovo-Voznesensk.

He was also a UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador. Prior to his death, Szczypiorski converted to Calvinism, and is buried in the Protestant Reformed Cemetery in Warsaw. After his death it became known that Szczypiorski was a collaborator of the Polish communist secret police in the years of Stalinism in Poland.

In the USSR, the eleven-year period from the death of Joseph Stalin (1953) to the political ouster of Nikita Khrushchev (1964), the national politics were dominated by the Cold War; the ideological U.S.–USSR struggle for the planetary domination of their respective socio–economic systems, and the defense of hegemonic spheres of influence. Nonetheless, since the mid-1950s, despite the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) having disowned Stalinism, the political culture of Stalinism—an omnipotent General Secretary, anti-Trotskyism, a five-year planned economy (post-New Economic Policy), and repudiation of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact secret protocols—remained the character of Soviet society until the accession of Mikhail Gorbachev as leader of the CPSU in 1985.

As of 2009, he is Academic Council Chairman of the Institute for People's Studies, a think tank of the Romanian Democratic Liberal Party. Between February 2010 and May 2012, he was also President of the Scientific Council of the Institute for the Investigation of Communist Crimes in Romania. Acclaimed for his scholarly works on Stalinism in general and the Romanian communist regime in particular, as well as for exploring the impact of nationalism, national communism and neo-Stalinism in the Soviet Union and countries of the Eastern Bloc, Tismăneanu writes from the critical perspective of a civil society supporter. His other influential texts deal with diverse topics such as Cold War history, Kremlinology and the Holocaust.

The USSR: the maximum extent of the Soviet sphere of influence, after the Cuban Revolution (1959) and before the Sino-Soviet split (1961). In the USSR, during the eleven-year period from the death of Joseph Stalin (1953) to the political ouster of Nikita Khrushchev (1964), the national politics were dominated by the Cold War, including the U.S.–USSR struggle for the global spread of their respective socio-economic systems and ideology, and the defense of hegemonic spheres of influence. Since the mid-1950s, despite the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) having disowned Stalinism, the political culture of Stalinism—a very powerful General Secretary of the CPSU—remained in place, albeit weakened.

With regards to the history of the communist movement in Italy, the PC recognizes as leading figures Antonio Gramsci and Pietro Secchia while it takes a highly critical stand on Palmiro Togliatti and Enrico Berlinguer. Unlike other Italian communist organizations, the PC welcomes the historical figure of Joseph Stalin, though rejecting the definition of "stalinism". It considers such a definition politically meaningless since during Stalin's leadership there is no trace of elements of discontinuity or attempts of overcoming the Marxist–Leninist theory. Indeed, the PC reckons the instrumental use of the term Stalinism as a functional anti-communist definition developed following the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

During Stalinism there were no independent publishers or newspapers. Writers and poets had to write books compatible with the official doctrine or they were denied publication. There were some authors like Zbigniew HerbertJacek Trznadel, Hańba domowa, Warszawa 1986. who didn't want to glorify communism, so they were absent from cultural life.

This is the same period in which the rugby advocate Lunacharsky was rehabilitated, and his writings were released from censorship.Medvedev, Roy Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism ((Revised and expanded edition). Columbia University Press. 1989. ) Competition was resumed in 1957-58, after a "complete absence of 10 years".

On April 7, 1981, they released the Stalinism EP. In July Tam replaced Atsushi on guitar. On November 4, at a live performance at Kanto Gakuin High School, Endo is arrested for indecent exposure. On December 24, 1981, they released their first full-length album, the half studio/half live, Trash.

Althusser was violently attacked by British Marxist historian E. P. Thompson in his book The Poverty of Theory.Thompson, E. P., (1978) "The Poverty of Theory" in The Poverty of Theory & other essays, pp. 193–397. Merlin, 1978. Thompson claimed that Althusserianism is Stalinism reduced to the paradigm of a theory.

Mathiez was active in the French Communist Party from 1920 to 1922. By 1930, he was attacked by Stalinist historians, who condemned Mathiez and his Jacobinism as adversaries of the proletarian revolution. He was a vigorous polemicist. In his own defense after 1930, he mounted a sharp critique of Stalinism.

She was the officer in charge of the medical care of the expedition. During the Stalinism era Urvantsev was several times wrongfully accused of wrecking. He was convicted and had to serve in Karlag (Karaganda labor camp system) and Norillag (Norilsk labor camp system). Urvantsev was fully exonerated in 1954.

It is normal for North Korean works to cite foreign Internet materials that ordinary North Koreans do not have access to. The choice of literary themes and methods for North Korean authors today is far more limited than it was for Soviet authors, even during the most restrictive periods of Stalinism.

The leader of the social- liberal Liberal Party in Norway, Trine Skei Grande, has called for the official commemoration of the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism in Norway, based on its adoption by the European Parliament and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.

Guido Knopp Guido Knopp (born 29 January 1948 in Treysa, Hesse) is a German journalist and author. He is well known in Germany, mainly because he has produced a great number of TV documentaries, predominantly about the "Third Reich" and National Socialism, but also about other topics, such as Stalinism.

The Sino–Soviet Split: Cold War in the Communist World. p. 4. With that, Stalin's application of Marxism–Leninism to the situation of the Soviet Union became Stalinism, the official state ideology until his death in 1953.Butenko, Alexander (1996). Sotsializm segodnya: opyt i novaya teoriya . Zhurnal Al'ternativy (1): 3–4.

Medvedev was born in Tbilisi, Georgia. He had an identical twin brother, the biologist Zhores Medvedev, who died in 2018. From a Marxist viewpoint, Roy criticized former Soviet General Secretary Joseph Stalin and Stalinism in general during the Soviet era. In the early 1960s, Medvedev was engaged in samizdat publications.

Some historians see the traditions of tsarist autocracy as partially responsible for laying groundworks for the totalitarianism in the Soviet Union.David Lloyd Hoffmann, Stalinism: The Essential Readings, Blackwell Publishing, 2003, , .Google Print, p.67-68Dennis J. Dunn, The Catholic Church and Russia: Popes, Patriarchs, Tsars, and Commissars, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.

The Origins of Totalitarianism, published in 1951, was Hannah Arendt's first major work, wherein she describes and analyzes Nazism and Stalinism as the major totalitarian political movements of the first half of the 20th century. The book is regularly listed as one of the best non-fiction books of the 20th century.

He was also interested in the problems of the Communist totalitarian system. Since that he had been helping in the reconciliation of the Czech and German nations. He continued his endeavours in this direction even after the restoration of Stalinism in Czechoslovakia after 1968, the year of the Prague Spring and its suppression.

Betea Together with her friend Brauner, as well as Remus Koffler, Belu Zilber, Petre Pandrea, Herant Torosian, Ionel Mocsony Stârcea, the engineer Emil Calmanovici, Alexandru Ştefănescu and others, she was implicated in Pătrăşcanu's 1954 trial, being sentenced to twelve years in prison.Frunză, p.401, 409; Golpenţia; Humanitas biography; Ioniţoiu; Tismăneanu, Stalinism..., p.

Guy Debord) and Socialisme ou Barbarie (e.g. Cornelius Castoriadis) as well as the magazine Telos in the United States, were examples of this. An anti-Stalinist left emerged in the former Soviet bloc in the early 1990s.Andy Blunden 1993 The Class Struggle in Russia: III: The Left in Russia Stalinism: Origin and Future.

Serov, although generally considered less significant than Beria in modern literature, helped to bring Stalinism to Europe and to Stalinise the Soviet Union. Serov's consolidation of Soviet power in Eastern Europe was helped by his organization of both the Urząd Bezpieczeństwa (Polish Intelligence Service) in Poland and the Stasi in East Germany.

The New Economic Model was to be implemented. The Action Program also reaffirmed the Czechoslovak alliance with the Soviet Union and other socialist states. The reform movement, which rejected Stalinism as the road to communism, remained committed to communism as a goal. The Action Program stipulated that reform must proceed under KSČ direction.

Smith began attending Communist Party meetings at University College London in 1947. By his own admission, he was attracted to the "systematic way [of] understand[ing] the world" that Stalinism provided. He quickly became disillusioned, however, during the Lysenko affair, which led to him turning his attention towards the works of Leon Trotsky.

297-298 and lived in exile in Harbin, Manchuria.Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal, New Myth, New World: From Nietzsche To Stalinism, Penn State Press, 2004, p. 207 Here he worked as an advisor at the China Far East Railway, (KVZhD). He was Dean of the Faculty of Law at Harbin from 1920 until 1924.

Sakwa, Richard. Soviet Politics in Perspective. Routledge, 1998. , , P. 66. According to Alexander Dubček, "[t]he advent of Brezhnev’s regime heralded the advent of neo-Stalinism, and the measures taken against Czechoslovakia in 1968 were the final consolidation of the neo- Stalinist forces in the Soviet Union, Poland, Hungary, and other countries".

Unfortunately the memoirs of "true" Trotskyists (as opposed to the ones falsely accused of Trotskyism during Soviet repressions), are close to none, because all these real political opponents were physically eliminated. Fortunately the policy of glasnost had led to the opening of numerous archives, which make it possible to better trace the evolution towards Stalinism. Rogovin writes that the treatise did not consider the debunking of various misconceptions, in order not to unnecessarily disrupt the harmony of the exposition of the second alternative mentioned above: to demonstrate that Stalinism was not the only logical possibility of the evolution of the principles of Bolshevism. With the above purpose in mind, the major focus of the treatise was necessarily Trotskyism and the Left Opposition movement within Bolshevism.

In a 2004 review published by Foreign Affairs magazine, political scientist Robert Legvold sees it as "less a political history of communism than it is a thorough account of leadership battles in the Romanian Communist Party from its origins at the turn of the nineteenth century to its demise in 1989."Robert Legvold, "Reviews & Responses. Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism , in Foreign Affairs, Vol. 83, Nr. 2, March/April 2004 Also according to Legvold, the author "shed[s] light on the paradoxes of Romanian communism: how a pariah party that was Stalinist to the core eventually turned on its Soviet master and embraced nationalism—how 'national Stalinism' was acceptable to the West as long as it meant autonomy from [the Soviet Union].

North has defended the view that Trotsky represented a Marxist alternative to Stalinism, and therefore states that the collapse of the USSR does not mean that Marxism is a failed project. Summarizing these views as described in North's book The Unfinished Twentieth Century, sociologist Charles Thorpe writes that North "makes a powerful case that, to paraphrase Faulkner, these debates and experiences are not dead; they're not even past". According to political scientist Emanuele Saccarelli, North has argued that contrary to modern academic traditions, Marxism is not defined by academics, but instead by Marxist organizations and Marxist struggle. He writes that this tradition is represented above all by the Trotskyist opposition to Stalinism and its contemporary continuity in the Socialist Equality Party.

"The headquarters of 'professional' anti- Stalinism was the American Committee for Cultural Freedom, and the magazines whose editors who sat on its board, namely Commentary, the New Leader and Partisan Review." Under these auspices and consequently in fashionable intellectual circles in the United States and Europe, anti-Stalinism became "almost a professional stance", "a total outlook on life, no less, or even a philosophy of history."Philip Rahv, quoted in: Saunders, Cultural Cold War (1999), pp. 161–2. Prominent figures in this group include Arthur Koestler, Melvin J. Lasky, Dwight Macdonald, Sidney Hook, Stephen Spender, Nicolas Nabokov, and Isaiah Berlin. (The NCL notably excluded Jean-Paul Sartre because it could not accept his individualistic existentialist views.)Saunders, Cultural Cold War (1999), p 121.

1942 portrait of Joseph Stalin, the longest-serving leader of the Soviet Union Stalinism represents Stalin's style of governance as opposed to Marxism–Leninism, the socioeconomic system and political ideology implemented by Stalin in the Soviet Union and later copied by other states based on the Soviet model such as central planning, nationalization and one- party state, along with public ownership of the means of production, accelerated industrialization, pro-active development of society's productive forces (research and development) and nationalised natural resources. Marxism–Leninism remained after de-Stalinization whereas Stalinism did not. In the last letters before his death, Lenin warned against the danger of Stalin's personality and urged the Soviet government to replace him. Marxism–Leninism has been criticized by other communist and Marxist tendencies.

In 1942 Sneevliet was executed. This prevented the re-foundation of the RSP after the Second World War. The party's third way between authoritarian stalinism and social- democracy would later be reflected in the left-socialist Pacifist Socialist Party, which was also founded by former members of the communist CPN and the social-democratic PvdA.

Platt grew up in Siberia until the age of ten, where his parents were banished during Stalinism. After the travel ban was relaxed under Mikhail Gorbachev, the family emigrated to Germany and lives since then in Osthofen.bike magazin: Profi-Revier: Karl Platts Hometrails (german) = Professional area: Karl Platts Hometrails (english), 25 June 2016, www.

As a known opponent of National Socialism, he was arrested the day after the Reichstag fire and incarcerated. With the help of his wife, he was soon released from prison and sent into exile over Austria to Carona in Ticino in neutral Switzerland. In 1938 he left the KPD as a reaction to Stalinism.

Honecker's plans were not successful, however, with the dissent growing among East Germany's population. In 1989, the socialist regime collapsed after 40 years, despite its omnipresent secret police, the Stasi. Main reasons for the collapse include severe economic problems and growing emigration towards the West. East Germany's culture was shaped by Communism and particularly Stalinism.

In 1958, after the end of Stalinism in Poland, the Warsaw provincial council declared Treblinka to be a place of martyrology. Over the next four years, 127 hectares (318 acres) of land that had formed part of the camp was purchased from 192 farmers in the villages of Prostyń, Grądy, Wólka Okrąglik and Nowa Maliszewa.

He argued that Russia was a bureaucratically degenerated workers state in his work The Revolution Betrayed, where he predicted (?) that if a political revolution of the working class did not overthrow Stalinism, the Stalinist bureaucracy would resurrect capitalism. Trotsky's History of the Russian Revolution is considered a work of primary importance by Trotsky's followers.

Sendy left the Communist Party in 1974 as part of the turmoil of that decade over the increasing brutality of Stalinism eventually exacerbated by the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. In his retirement Sendy focused on writing and released an autobiography, Comrades Come Rally! Recollections of an Australian Communist, in 1978. He died in 2004.

In 1955, he settled in the German Democratic Republic, but soon grew disillusioned because of his dislike of Stalinism and returned to Hamburg (in West Germany). Giordano left the German Communist Party in 1957. In 1961, he published The Party is Always Right! about his break with communism and the crimes of Josef Stalin.

Latvijas PSR augstākās mācību iestādes. Rīga: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1960. 106. lpp. Under Stalinism, Polish schools were closed and after Arvīds Pelše's 1959 victory over the "national communists" (Eduards Berklavs et al.), the last Latgalian newspaper was closed.Зейле П. Латышская культура и культура в Латвии в 20-30-е годы XX века // Мы в Латвии.

The basic inspiration for Broué's books was his desire to explain Stalinism. His book Trotsky (1988) counters the work of Isaac Deutscher. He worked for three years at Harvard, to which Trotsky had sold his papers in 1940. Broué and assistants were the first researchers to use them since the archive opened in 1980.

Komsomol's membership policies in the 1930s reflected the broader nature of Stalinism, combining Leninist rhetoric about class-free progress with Stalinist pragmatism focused on getting the most enthusiastic and skilled membership.Seth Bernstein, "Class Dismissed? New Elites and Old Enemies among the “Best” Socialist Youth in the Komsomol, 1934–41." Russian Review 74.1 (2015): 97-116.

Also in 2007, Lionel Beehner, formerly a senior writer for the Council on Foreign Relations, maintained that on Putin's watch nostalgia for Stalin had grown even among young Russians and Russians' neo- Stalinism manifesting itself in several ways.Russia's Soviet Past Still Haunts Relations with West by Lionel Beehner. Council on Foreign Relations. 29 June 2007.

Prior to that, Polonsky taught a philosophy class at USC School of Cinema-Television called "Consciousness and Content". While he had resigned his membership in the Communist Party in the 1950s after rejecting Stalinism,Parker, Joshua (2017). "McCarthyism's Discontents", in Joshua Parker and Ralph J. Poole (Eds.), Austria and America: 20th-Century Cross-Cultural Encounters.

Taaffe, Peter (1995). The Rise of Militant. "Preface". "Trotsky and the Collapse of Stalinism". Bertrams. "The Soviet bureaucracy and Western capitalism rested on mutually antagonistic social systems". . American Marxist Raya Dunayevskaya dismissed Marxism–Leninism as a type of state capitalism because of state ownership of the means of productionHoward, M. C.; King, J. E. (2001).

Bardsley was born in 1920. She worked as a professional typist and secretary for the North Australia Workers' Union (NAWU) in the Northern Territory. In 1941 she became a member of the Communist Party of Australia, but became alienated in the 1950s when she denounced Stalinism. After leaving the communist party and moving to Sydney.

Khrushchev criticized the People's Socialist Republic of Albania as a politically- backward state and the Albanian leader, Enver Hoxha, for not transcending Stalinism and for allying with China, which provoked the Soviet–Albanian split (1955–1961). Moreover, to further thwart China, the USSR publicly gave moral support to the Tibetan uprising (10–23 March 1959).

With five, Ulitskaya holds the record for the most nominations for that prestigious award. In 2005, a television series based on the novel by director Yuri Grymov was aired in Russia. Critics suggest that the book's focus on abortion offers a new reading of Stalinism through the lens of family life and the female body.

Yerevan, Armenian SSR: Armenian Academy of Sciences, 1982, pp. 670-672. He is recognized as "the main poet of the 20th century" in Armenia. An early supporter of communism, Charents joined the Bolshevik party, but as the Stalinist terror began in the 1930s, he gradually grew disillusioned with Stalinism and died during the 1930s purges.

During the World War I, Kulchytska depicted the sufferings of the civilian population and refugees. Her works were reproduced as postcards by the Ukrainian Women's Committee to Aid Wounded Soldiers in Vienna. Kulchytska was part of the civil resistance movement under Stalinism. She helped the families of those who were repressed and deported to Siberia.

Red fascism is a term equating Marxist–Leninist ideologies such as Stalinism and Maoism with fascism. Accusations that the leaders of the Soviet Union during the Stalin era acted as "Red fascists" were commonly stated by anarchists, left communists, social democrats and other democratic socialists as well as liberals and among right-wing circles.

Trotsky's Fourth International was established in France in 1938, when Trotskyists argued that the Comintern or Third International had become irretrievably "lost to Stalinism" and thus incapable of leading the international working class to political power."The Transitional Program". Retrieved November 5, 2008. In contemporary English language usage, an advocate of Trotsky's ideas is often called a "Trotskyist".

Its main object was to provide investments for strengthening the economy and for national defense. In 1956, at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, First Secretary Nikita Khrushchev repudiated Stalinism, in his so-called ‘Secret Speech’ to selected members of the Congress. Around this time, an academic intelligentsia within the SED leadership demanded reform.

He turned increasingly towards Stalinism. He also disagreed with Pablo's attempts to get the ICFI members to attend the ISFI-organised 1954 congress of the Fourth International. He allied himself with the Socialist Union of America's position, that the FI should dissolve, and claimed he was taking Pabloism to its "logical conclusion" - much to Pablo's disagreement.

Retrieved 11 November 2019. and that a political vanguard organised by organic centralism was more effective than a vanguard organised by democratic centralism. For Bordiga and those left communists supporting his conception of Stalinism, Joseph Stalin and later Mao Zedong, Ho Chi Minh, Che Guevara and other anti-imperialist revolutionaries were great Romantic revolutionaries, i.e. bourgeois revolutionaries.

They were monographs on nationalism and xenophobia , violence, Stalinism , and anti-Semitism. Also in 1995, the Hamburger Edition published the catalogue (in a book form) for an exhibit "Crimes of the German Wehrmacht: Dimensions of a War of Annihilation, 1941-1944" (Verbrechen der Wehrmacht. Dimensionen des Vernichtungskriegs 1941-1944),Hamburger Edition: About Hamburger Edition, 2016. organized by the Institute.

The term "purge" is often associated with Stalinism. While leading the USSR, Joseph Stalin imprisoned in Gulag- labor camps and executed, i.e. purged, kulaks, many military officers, ethnic minorities, and "wreckers", or citizens accused of plotting against Communism. Stalin together with Nikolai Yezhov initiated the most notorious of the CPSU purges, the Great Purge, during the 1930s.

"Trotsky and the Collapse of Stalinism". Bertrams. "The Soviet bureaucracy and Western capitalism rested on mutually antagonistic social systems". . They support Leon Trotsky's analysis of pre-restoration Soviet Union as a workers' state that had degenerated into a bureaucratic dictatorship which rested on a largely nationalized industry run according to a production planTrotsky, Leon (1936). The Revolution Betrayed.

Attilâ İlhan was a kemalist and socialist. In his later life he appeared on television programs where he discussed literary and social issues. Although he was a devoted communist, he never espoused Stalinism and he always took a nationalistic point of view within communism. He was also an intellectual figure in Turkey where his ideas influenced the public.

Dialectic of Enlightenment, translated by E. Jephcott. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Furthermore, this ambivalence was rooted in the historical circumstances in which Dialectic of Enlightenment was originally produced: the authors saw National Socialism, Stalinism, state capitalism, and culture industry as entirely new forms of social domination that could not be adequately explained within the terms of traditional theory.Habermas, Jürgen.

Online Archive of California. Retrieved 17 July 2017. His book Labour and the Gulag (2017) examines the response of the British labour movement to conditions under Stalinism and developed from his earlier Gulag studies after he discovered that the British labour movement had suppressed criticism of conditions in the camps.How the British left condoned the murder of millions.

When Vähä went underground in 1925, he had abandoned his wife and daughter. Vähä later married again and had another daughter, who was named Lilya, as was his first child. During his last years Vähä publicly criticised Stalinism. He also paid attention to the mistakes of the Soviet Communist Party, which he had joined in 1920.

According to the national line of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks all the titular nations were supposed to have "great traditions" which according to Slezkine was, if necessary, to be invented so that all the national cultures except Russian became equivalent.Yuri Slezkine. The Soviet Union as a Communal Apartment // Stalinism: New Directions. Rewriting Histories.

The brown granite stone has two inscriptions in Yiddish and in Belarusian: "To our fellow-believers-- Jews, Christians and the Muslims--the victims of Stalinism from the Belarusian Jews." Each year in November, on Dziady (the All Saints or the day when Belarusians commemorate their deceased forefathers), hundreds of people visit this site of crimes of Soviet political repression.

Stalin's policies henceforth would later become collectively known as Stalinism. In 1925, the name of the party was changed to the All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks), reflecting that the republics outside of Russia proper were no longer part of an all-encompassing Russian state. The acronym was usually transliterated as VKP(b), or sometimes VCP(b).

New Myth, New World: From Nietzsche to Stalinism, Penn State Press, 2002, p. 42 Alexander Blok and especially Vyacheslav Ivanov were supportive of the new doctrine while Valery Bryusov, the editor of the leading Symbolist magazine The Balance, and Andrei Bely were opposed to it. The resulting controversy raged on the pages of Russian Symbolist magazines until late 1908.

Karl Schlögel receiving the prize for non-fiction at the Leipzig Book Fair, 2018 Karl Schlögel (born 7 March 1948 in Hawangen, Bavaria, Germany) is a noted German historian of Eastern Europe who specialises in modern Russia, the history of Stalinism, the Russian diaspora and dissident movements, Eastern European cultural history and theoretical problems of historical narration.

After the war, he managed a theatre in Tomsk. His poem, "All we who in his name..." was written in 1956, the year of Nikita Khrushchev's "secret speech" condemning Stalinism, and widely circulated among student groups in the 1950s. Among other works, Pavel Antokolsky translated in Russian Le Dernier jour d'un condamne and Le roi s'amuse, by Victor Hugo.

Under Stalinism and until 1956 the Academy enjoyed certain freedoms with its authorities still elected. Afterwards, the autonomy and elections were suspended for more than 10 years. In 1969 the university was named the Stanisław Staszic Academy of Mining and Metallurgy. The number of students went up from 2,000 to 13,000 in the period from 1950 to 1979.

25–30 In addition to the expected human and material losses suffered due to the fighting, until its end this conflict led to the deportation of tens of thousands of people, along with hundreds of political prisoners and thousands of civilians lost their lives. Stalinism resulted in five times more casualties among the Estonians than Hitler's rule.

Lviv University and other schools restarted anew as Soviet institutions. Some departments, such as law and humanities were abolished; new subjects, including Darwinism, Leninism and Stalinism were taught by the reorganized departments. Tuition was free and monetary stipends were offered to students. The Soviet authorities attempted to remove all signs of Polish existence and activity in the area.

He argues that Marxism is a "science that cannot remain static but must develop and become more perfect".Stokes, Gale, ed. From Stalinism to Pluralism: A Documentary History of Eastern Europe Since 1945, (Oxford, 1996), pp. 81-93. He attributes Marx to having created a method, meant to guide yet not entirely encompass socialism or its development.

Historians of the left have debated the contribution made by Communist activism in North America during the Third Period. Some authors like Robin D. G. Kelley and John Manley have penned local histories that portray Communist Party members as effective activists, heroic in many cases because their revolutionary zeal helped them confront extremely adverse circumstances. Despite the shadow of Stalinism, in this perspective, the important positive contributions Communist organizers made in working class history should not be discounted. Critics of this perspective argue that these histories gloss over or ignore both the horrors of Stalinism and also the devastating consequences of the Third Period inasmuch as it facilitated the rise of Hitler and alienated the working class writ large from the left because of its sectarianism and adventurism.

Retrieved 4 November 2019.Grant, Ted (1996). "The Collapse of Stalinism and the Class Nature of the Russian State". Marxists Internet Archive. Retrieved 4 November 2019.Arnove, Anthony (Winter 2000). "The Fall of Stalinism: Ten Years On". International Socialist Review. 10. Retrieved 4 November 2019.Daum, Walter (Fall 2002). "Theories of Stalinism's Collapse". Proletarian Revolution. 65. Retrieved 4 November 2019. Trotskyism argues that the leadership of the communist states was corrupt and that it abandoned Marxism in all but name. In particular, some Trotskyist schools call those countries degenerated workers' states to contrast them with proper socialism (i.e. workers' states) while other Trotskyist schools call them state capitalist to emphasize the lack of true socialism and presence of defining capitalist characteristics (wage labor, commodity production and bureaucratic control over workers).

Party's early ideological principles were outlined by Alexander Tarasov in "The Principles of Neo-communism" (Russian: Принципы неокоммунизма) and some other works ("Every Man is a King", "Chile, Cyprus crisis and Eurocommunism", "Revolutionary Dictature, NEP and Stalinism", "Swamp Rot. Black Hundreds as Revolutionary Counter-revolutionism of Petit bourgeoisie", etc.), which have been destroyed together with the party's archive in the village of Valentinovka in 1975. In accordance with those early principles the USSR economy was viewed as socialist from the late 1930s (which corresponded to the official Stalinism guideline), but at the same time the political system was seen as non-socialist: with socialism the power should belong to the society, to the people, but in the USSR it belonged to the ruling bureaucracy. In reality the society was removed from power.

Richard Pipes, Russia Under the Bolshevik Regime, p326, In 1929, all forms of religious education were banned as religious propaganda, and the right to anti-religious propaganda was explicitly affirmed, whereupon the League of the Godless became the League of the Militant Godless.Richard Overy, The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia, p275 A "Godless Five-Year Plan" was proclaimed, purportedly at the instigation of the masses.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p74 Christian virtues such as humility and meekness were ridiculed in the press, with self- discipline, loyalty to the party, confidence in the future, and hatred of class enemies being recommended instead.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p75 Anti-religious propaganda in Russia led to a reduction in the public demonstrations of religion.

In long-established democracies which experienced minor fratricidal violence, by no means comparable to a civil war, the number of politically-motivated death penalties administered by the judicial system was not negligible. In case of post-1944 Belgium there were 2,940 Nazi collaborators (some 0,4‰ of the population) sentenced to death, though the number of those actually executed was 242, Payne 2011, p. 204 In terms of number of judicial executions, early Francoist Spain exceeded Nazi Germany and was second only to the Soviet regime.official number of judicial executions during Stalinism only was 0.8m, see Stephen G. Wheatcroft, Victims of Stalinism and the Soviet Secret Police: The Comparability and Reliability of the Archival Data. Not the Last Word, [in:] Europe-Asia Studies 51/2 (1999), pp. 315–345.

Initially, Eliade was attacked with virulence by the Romanian Communist Party press, chiefly by România Liberă—which described him as "the Iron Guard's ideologue, enemy of the working class, apologist of Salazar's dictatorship".România Liberă, passim September–October 1944, in Frunză, p.251 However, the regime also made secretive attempts to enlist his and Cioran's support: Haig Acterian's widow, theater director Marietta Sadova, was sent to Paris in order to re-establish contacts with the two.Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate (Romanian translation of Stalinism for All Seasons), Polirom, Iaşi, 2005, p.187, 337. Although the move was planned by Romanian officials, her encounters were to be used as evidence incriminating her at a February 1960 trial for treason (where Constantin Noica and Dinu Pillat were the main defendants).

In 1928, Pünter was a founding member of the socialist news agency INSA. INSA aimed to spread anti-fascist news and worked with anti-fascist groups in Italy. Through this role, Pünter met many Italian informants. Pünter was also suspected to be a secret member of the Communist Party of Switzerland, and he saw Stalinism as less evil than fascism, Nazism, and Francoism.

After the end of the war, he returned to Csönge and briefly lived as a farmer. In 1948 Weöres again travelled abroad, residing in Italy until 1949. In 1951 he settled in Budapest where he would reside for the rest of his life. The imposition of Stalinism in Hungary after 1948 silenced Weöres and until 1964 little could be published.

Stalinism and Soviet Cinema, 77 It was a fantasy tale, but the moral of the story was that a better life comes from hard work. Whereas in Circus, the musical numbers involved dancing and spectacle, the only type of choreography in Bright Path is the movement of factory machines. The music was limited to Orlova's singing. Here, work provided the spectacle.

Vâlko Velyov ChervenkovBulgaria: Stalinism and de-Stalinization, Encyclopædia Britannica Online () (6 September 1900 – 21 October 1980) was a Bulgarian communist politician. He served as leader of the Communist Party between 1949 and 1954, and Prime Minister between 1950 and 1956. His rule was marked by the consolidation of the Stalin model, rapid industrialisation, collectivisation and large-scale persecution of political opponents.

This may be attributed to the process of Finlandization and to technological progress making coastal artillery obsolete, but the renunciation of Stalinism by the Soviet Union under Nikita Khrushchev and Finland's neutrality and remaining out of NATO were also important contributing factors. Currently, the Porkkala area houses one of the main bases of the Finnish Navy, located in Upinniemi, near Porkkala proper.

He spent the rest of his life in exile and was assassinated in 1940 in Mexico City by Ramón Mercader, a Soviet NKVD agent. Trotsky was openly critical of Stalinism. He was written out of the history books under Stalin and was one of the few Soviet political personalities who was not rehabilitated by the Soviet administration under Nikita Khrushchev in the 1950s.

The Rise of Militant. "Preface". "Trotsky and the Collapse of Stalinism". Bertrams. "The Soviet bureaucracy and Western capitalism rested on mutually antagonistic social systems". . They support Leon Trotsky's analysis of pre-restoration Soviet Union as a workers' state that had degenerated into a bureaucratic dictatorship which rested on a largely nationalized industry run according to a production planTrotsky, Leon (1936).

Later emigrations from Poland to Germany, although formally possible, were impeded by Polish local and national authorities. Many former German citizens willing to settle in West Germany were not allowed to leave Poland until the Polish October of 1956. This event, which marked the decline of Stalinism in Poland, allowed many to leave the country in a family-reunification process.

In 1934, Musa Cälil published two collections. The first of them, The Millions, Decorated with Orders was devoted mostly to youth and Komsomol, whereas in the second, Verses and Poems, was a general compilation of his writing. However, many of his lyrical poems weren't published due to being at conflict with Stalinism. In 1935, the first Russian translations of his poems were published.

Charles Plisnier In 1937, he won the Prix Goncourt for Faux passeports, short stories denouncing Stalinism, in the same spirit as Arthur Koestler. He was the first foreigner to receive Prix Goncourt. He was also a Walloon movement activist and at the end of the Walloon National Congress there was a standing ovation after his speech, the assembly then singing La Marseillaise.

His books include François Mitterrand: A Very French President (2003), Euro-Scepticism (2001), France in the New Europe (1994), Ordinary Stalinism (1985), and French Communism 1920-1972 (1974). His articles and editorials have appeared in Foreign Affairs, the New York Review of Books, The New York Times, the International Herald Tribune, Le Monde, Le Point, Libération, and the Wall Street Journal (Europe).

Although alienated from Stalinism, Padmore remained a socialist. He sought new ways to work for African independence from imperial rule. Relocating to France, where Garan Kouyaté was an ally from his Comintern days, Padmore began to write a book: How Britain Rules Africa. With the help of former American heiress Nancy Cunard, he found a London agent and, eventually, a publisher (Wishart).

A total of 7,113 people died in Special Camp Number 2, according to Soviet records. They were buried in mass graves in the woods surrounding the camp. Their relatives did not receive any notification of their deaths. Prisoners included alleged opponents of Stalinism and alleged members of the Nazi Party or Nazi organizations; others were imprisoned due to identity confusion and arbitrary arrests.

General view of the original Radom Synagogue based on historical records, rendering from 1987 In 1950, during the following period of Stalinism in Poland, at the empty lot where the Synagogue once stood, the local officials erected a memorial commemorating the lost Jewish community of Radom based on design of Jakub Zajdensznir, and inscribed as devoted to victims of Nazism.

After a period of rigid Stalinism from 1948, Romanian cultural life experienced a modest trend of liberalization and ideological relaxation in the early 1960s.Keith Hitchins, "Historiography of the Countries of Central Europe: Romania", The American Historical Review, Vol. 97, No. 4. (Oct. 1992), p. 1081.Tismăneanu, pp. 223–42. This trend accelerated with the IXth Congress of the Romanian Communist Party in 1965.

Michael Geyer, Sheila Fitzpatrick, Beyond Totalitarianism: Stalinism and Nazism Compared, Cambridge University Press, 2009, p. 155. It organized the Operation Tannenberg mass murder of Polish elites. At the beginning of 1940, the Selbstschutz was disbanded, and its members were transferred to various SS, Gestapo, and German-police units. The Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle organized large-scale looting of property, and redistributed goods to Volksdeutsche.

Rovere was born in Jersey City, New Jersey. He graduated from The Stony Brook School in 1933 and Bard College, then a branch of Columbia University, in 1937. During the Great Depression, he joined the Communist movement and wrote for the New Masses. In 1939, as a result of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, he broke with Stalinism and became an anticommunist liberal.

He wrote his autobiography: "My Life Path to Vlasov and Manifesto of Prague" (published in San Francisco, 1978) (in Russian: Мой жизненный путь к Власову и Пражскому Манифесту, Moy zhiznennyi put' k Vlasovu i Prazhskomu Manifestu). In his publications, Bohatyrchuk never apologized for his collaboration with the Nazis, and tried to describe the Nazi-sponsored "Vlasov movement" merely as an alternative to Stalinism.

Anatoly Pristavkin wrote the 1987 novel The Inseparable Twins which deals with this deportation. Semyon Lipkin published the novel Dekada in 1983. Iunus Desheriev, a philologist of Chechen origin, published an autobiography about how he escaped the fate of his people thanks to assistance from Russian friends. On February 19, 1989, the Yaryksu- Auch village built a monument to the victims of Stalinism.

Repentance ( translit. Monanieba, ) is a 1987 Soviet art film directed by Tengiz Abuladze. The film was produced in 1984, however, it was banned from release in the Soviet Union for its semi-allegorical critique of Stalinism. It premiered at the 1987 Cannes Film Festival, winning the FIPRESCI Prize, Grand Prize of the Jury, and the Prize of the Ecumenical Jury.

She kept trying to organise meetings and discussions in order to encourage a more vigorous Soviet response, but instead of triggering a revolutionary mobilisation of the workers of the world against fascism, she was repeatedly blocked. By the early summer of 1933, convinced that Stalinism represented a betrayal of the labour movement, she was on the verge of being banned from Moscow.

She initially supported the Labour Party but became disillusioned in the 1930s. Initially sympathetic to the Soviet Union, a 1936 visit there left her disillusioned with Stalinism, which she described in her book South to Samarkand.Twentieth century authors, a biographical dictionary of modern literature, edited by Stanley J. Kunitz and Howard Haycraft; (Third Edition). New York, The H.W. Wilson Company, 1950 (pp.

Cristian Vasile, "Propaganda and Culture in Romania at the Beginning of the Communist Regime", in Vladimir Tismăneanu (ed.), Stalinism Revisited: The Establishment of Communist Regimes in East-Central Europe. CEU Press, Budapest, 2009, pp. 378–379. The report also condemned the Art Ministry for promoting "mediocrities" as cultural inspectors,Vasile (2010), pp. 127–128 but avoided any proposal for actual liberalization.

223 Ralea was also tasked with undermining the reputation of the anticommunist opposition and with popularizing communism among Romanian American exiles.Deaconescu, p. 28; Grigorescu & Ștefan, passim The anticommunist press responded by calling Ralea "a liaison man" of the Politburo, tasked with planting Stalinism in America.Walter Dushnyck, "Stalin's Pan-Slavism in the United States", in The Ukrainian Weekly, Nr. 30/1948, p.

Khutsiev's first feature film, Spring on Zarechnaya Street (1956), encapsulated the mood of the Khrushchev Thaw and went on to become one of the top box-office draws of the 1950s. Three years later, Khutsiev launched Vasily Shukshin "as a new kind of popular hero" by starring him in Two Fyodors.Quoted from: Stalinism and Soviet Cinema, ed. by Richard Taylor, D. W. Spring.

As soon as they leave NKVD troops arrive to loot Stalin's dacha and execute witnesses. Khrushchev goes to Molotov's home and attempts to enlist his support, but Molotov, a true believer in Stalinism, opposes any factionalism in the Communist Party. Beria buys Molotov's loyalty by releasing his wife, Polina Molotova, from confinement. Malenkov is named Premier while being largely controlled by Beria.

In August of the same year, he stated that he opposes the equating of Stalinism with Nazism. Medvedev denied the involvement of the Soviet Union in the Soviet invasion of Poland together with Nazi Germany. Arguments of the European Union and of the OSCE were called a lie. Medvedev said it was Joseph Stalin who in fact "ultimately saved Europe".

Leon Trotsky Leon Trotsky and his supporters organized into the Left Opposition and their platform became known as Trotskyism. Stalin eventually succeeded in gaining control of the Soviet regime and Trotskyist attempts to remove Stalin from power resulted in Trotsky's exile from the Soviet Union in 1929. During Trotsky's exile, mainstream communism fractured into two distinct branches, i.e. Trotskyism and Stalinism.

Bordiga proudly defined himself as anti- democratic, believing himself to be following the tradition of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. However, Bordiga's hostility toward democracy was unrelated to the Stalinist narrative of the single-party state. Indeed, he saw fascism and Stalinism as the culmination of bourgeois democracy. To Bordiga, democracy meant above all the manipulation of society as a formless mass.

The concept of self-criticism is a component of some Marxist schools of thought, primarily that of Marxism–Leninism, Stalinism, Maoism and Marxism–Leninism–Maoism. The concept was first introduced by Joseph Stalin in his 1925 work The Foundations of LeninismStalin, Joseph (1925). The Foundations of Leninism. and later expanded upon in his 1928 work Against Vulgarising the Slogan of Self- Criticism.

Soviet policy toward religion was based on the ideology of Marxism-Leninism, which made atheism the official doctrine of the Communist Party. However, "the Soviet law and administrative practice through most of the 1920s extended some tolerance to religion and forbade the arbitrary closing or destruction of some functioning churches",Fitzpatrick, S. Everyday Stalinism. Oxford University Press. New York, 1999.

Since the 1930s, Marxist theories of fascism have seen fascism as a form of reaction to socialism and a feature of capitalism.Dave Renton, Fascism: Theory and Practice, London: Pluto Press, 1999. In addition, several modern historians have tried to pay more attention to the economic, political and ideological differences between these two regimes than to their similarities.Henry Rousso, Stalinism and Nazism.

Anvelt was arrested in 1937. Interrogated in custody, he died from the injuries inflicted by the interrogator Aleksandr Langfang on 11 December 1937, and was denounced as an enemy of the people afterwards. In 1956, when Khrushchev distanced himself from Stalinism, Anvelt was rehabilitated. His grandson Andres Anvelt became the Estonian Interior Minister for the Social Democratic Party in 2016.

Ukrainization meant efforts to assert autonomy and counter ascendant Stalinism. Stalinist centralism and its partner Russian nationalism destroyed senses of equality between the republics. The Ukrainian communists and intelligentsia were annihilated. The Borotbist “co-founders of the Ukrainian SSR” were amongst the last remnants of opposition purged under the guise of the destruction of the fake “Borotbist Center” in 1936.

Final Report, p.45, 60; Roman in Sfera Politicii, Part I; Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.124, 163 He returned to Soviet-occupied Romania in July 1945, as the political commissar for the Soviet-organized Horia, Cloşca şi Crişan Division, commanded by General Mihail Lascăr. Under the communist regime, Roman became a general in the Romanian Army (Major General after May 1, 1948) with political responsibilities (Chief of the Army Directorate for Education, Culture, and Propaganda, 1946; Chief of the Superior Political Direction of the Romanian Army and Chief of Staff, 1947–1951), and Minister of Telecommunications (March 29, 1951 – January 24, 1953).Final Report, p.45; Levy, p.161; Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.124, 320 At the time, he declared himself in favor of recruiting a new military force "from the ranks of the working class, of the toiling peasantry and of the progressive intelligentsia".

As Stalinism came to dominate the Comintern, the strategy was dropped. In the Comintern's Third Period from 1928, the period preceding Adolf Hitler's victories in German elections, the Comintern argued that the social democrats were "social fascists" and, rather than the Nazis, represented the real danger. After Hitler's 1933 victory, the Comintern argued for popular fronts drawing in forces far beyond the working-class movement.

Carla Blumenkranz, "The Enormous Poem: When E.E. Cummings Repunctuated Stalinism." Poetry Foundation. www.poetryfoundation.org/ Dana showed Cummings around the city and acted as a mentor, attempting — unsuccessfully — to win the apolitical Cummings' sympathies to the Soviet cause before the pair split over political differences. While in Moscow Cummings also met Joan London, daughter of novelist Jack London, and her husband, the newspaper correspondent Charles Malamuth.

How Italian society built mechanisms to adapt, translate, resist, and domesticate this challenge had a lasting effect on the nation's development over the subsequent decades. After Fascism's failure, the United States offered a vision of modernization that was unprecedented in its power, internationalism, and invitation to emulation. However Stalinism was a powerful political force. The ERP was one of the main ways that this modernization was operationalized.

P. 33. Shows the later use by the Chinese Communists of "Khrushchevism" as a term of derision. Khrushchevism involves the rejection of Stalinism and particularly represents a movement away from Stalinist politics, including advocating a more liberal tolerance of some cultural dissent and deviance, a more welcoming international relations policy and attitude towards foreigners and a repudiation of Stalinist arbitrariness and terror tactics.Robert F. Miller, Ferenc Féhér.

During the Stalinism it was the prison of the OGPU Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Soviet Union during which time it accounted for more than 25,000 inmates. The prison consists of several buildings that over the years were uniquely titled by the holdovers. The oldest building is known as Katenka. It is the building that kept all of those sentenced to life imprisonment.

Alex Mitchell, Behind the crisis in British Stalinism, p.114 In 1985, Chalmers moved to become the CPGB's Scottish District Organiser.Willie Thompson, The good old cause: British communism, 1920-1991, p.201 He stood for in Glasgow Govan at the 1987 general election, taking only 237 votes, then again at the 1988 Glasgow Govan by-election, where he increased his vote share to 0.9%.

Credited with having developed the Trotskyist critique of Stalinism as "bureaucratic centrism", Rakovsky was subject to internal exile. Submitting to Stalin's leadership in 1934 and being briefly reinstated, he was nonetheless implicated in the Trial of the Twenty One (part of the Moscow Trials), imprisoned, and executed by the NKVD during World War II. He was rehabilitated in 1988, during the Soviet Glasnost period.

Lukács survived the purges of the Great Terror, which claimed the lives of an estimated 80% of the Hungarian émigrés in the Soviet Union . There is much debate among historians concerning the extent to which Lukács accepted Stalinism. In 1945, Lukács and his wife returned to Hungary. As a member of the Hungarian Communist Party, he took part in establishing the new Hungarian government.

In addition, the newly arriving immigrants were either apolitical or conservative, associating any left-wing activity with the brutality of Stalinism and the Finnish Winter War. This was despite the fact that the Finnish Wobblies in Canada and the U.S. had actively supported and aided Finland in the war against the Soviet Union and denounced Bolshevism, from a libertarian socialist perspective, since the Kronstadt uprising.

Accordingly, the Federal State of Croatia became the People's Republic of Croatia (Narodna Republika Hrvatska, NR Hrvatska). On April 7, 1963, the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia (FPRY) was renamed the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Yugoslavia (and therefore Croatia) gradually abandoned Stalinism after the Tito-Stalin split in 1948. In 1963 the People's Republic of Croatia also accordingly became the Socialist Republic of Croatia.

Like other artists and intellectuals in Romania and elsewhere, he found himself disenchanted with Stalinism already in the late 1930s, and subsequently with the post-war Romanian communist regime.See Monique Yaari, ed., “Infra-noir”, un et multiple: un groupe surréaliste entre Bucarest et Paris, 1945-1947, Oxford: Peter Lang, 2014, pp. 22-23 Exposed to communist censorship, he stopped publishing or exhibiting his work.

During much of the novel, Viktor finds himself at a loss for the solution to a problem concerning an atomic phenomenon. The point at which he finally figures it out, however, is a point when he has just thoroughly slandered Stalinism and Soviet society. This goes to show that Grossman believed that true freedom of thought was entirely impossible in anyone who accepted Stalin as their leader.

The PCR victory in the 1946 general election, achieved through widespread electoral fraud,Frunză, p.287-292, 297 was followed by the first attempts at anti- Communist resistance (including the creation of a "military circle" led by Mihalache).Frunză, p.292-293, 295 As the main adversary of Stalinism and committed supporter of the Western Allies, the PNŢ was the main target for PCR hostility.

In Marxist political discourse, Stalinism, denoting and connoting the theory and praxis of Stalin, has two usages, namely praise of Stalin by Marxist–Leninists who believe Stalin successfully developed Lenin's legacy and criticism of Stalin by Marxist–Leninists and other Marxists who repudiate Stalin's political purges, social-class repressions and bureaucratic terrorism.Bullock, Allan; Trombley, Stephen, eds. (1999). The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought. p. 506.

He gradually became disillusioned with communism, however, and by the mid-1930s had begun to write negatively about it.Wayne F. Cooper, Claude McKay: Rebel Sojourner in the Harlem Renaissance, Louisiana State University Press, 1987, pp. 294–295. By the late 1930s his anti-Stalinism isolated him from other Harlem intellectuals,Shlomo Katz, "From a Russian Shtetl to the Founding of Midstream." Midstream, June/July 1982, p. 33.

In the second issue of the journal he wrote against the rising Fascism and oppression of all kinds. As a member of the Communist Association des Écrivains et Artistes Révolutionnaires he signed a statement against the political indifference of artists. Critical of Stalinism, he left the Communist party in the 1940s. Beginning in 1942, Herbin developed a language of form and color, his "alphabet plastique".

In August 1939, shortly before the start of World War II, France and the PCF were shocked by news of the Nazi–Soviet Pact. The PCF leader Maurice Thorez took up the defense of Soviet policies, and consequently the PCF was banned by the Édouard Daladier cabinet; meanwhile, other communists voluntarily broke with Stalinism and sided with the Allies.Werth, pp. 182–192 Sadoul took a conciliatory position.

Connolly shared memories with Orwell of prep school, Eton and the Spanish Civil War. Orwell was working out his anger at the Communist purges under Joseph Stalin, and the iniquities of his time. 'Rat' ( a sort of agony aunt), 'Pig' (Stalinism), and Boxer ( the working classes), punctuate the action. The play ends after Orwell has died, with Sonia packing up his books and wanting to know more.

Prekerowa was born in Zapusta, into a family of local landowners, and raised in rural settings. During World War II, they resided in German-occupied Warsaw. Following the Soviet takeover and later, during the darkest days of Stalinism in Poland she worked at Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN founded in 1951. In the 1970s she moved to Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy specializing in communist literature, history, and philosophy.

Nacht wrote pro-Soviet articles in the 1920s using the pseudonym Max Nomad. He distanced himself from Stalinism in 1929. Writing in Scribner's Magazine in 1934, he coined the phrase capitalism without capitalists regarding the Soviet Union. A Guggenheim Fellow in 1937, he became a lecturer in politics and history at New York University, the New School for Social Research and the Rand School of Social Science.

Final Report, p.105; Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.347 Elected to the Central Committee on July 24, 1965, he was in office until his death.Final Report, p.45; Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.124, 239 Decorated a Hero of the Socialist Labor, Roman was also employed as a University professor. By the 1970s, he was becoming opposed to the Ceauşescu leadership and questioned Leninism itself; a diary entry of 1975 shows that he resented the massive enrollment of obedient cadres into the PCR,Cioroianu, p.414-415 and speculated that "when Lenin elaborated the concept of the new-type party he took inspiration from, he also thought of Ignacio de Loyola, of his «company of Jesus», of what it represented from the point of view of discipline, of obedience, hence there later emerged many negative consequences and, first of all, the deterioration of human character, of human integrity".

The campaign agreed three founding political principles at the founding conference: # We are in favour of a planned, democratic socialist society and against the market. # Socialism will be achieved in a single step when the working class seizes power over society, there are no intermediate "democratic" or other stages # The Campaign is against the destructive incubus of Stalinism and will seek to make clear the counter revolutionary and anti- human nature of the Stalinist regimes and Parties. Stalinism was responsible for mass slaughter, brutal incarceration and the atomisation of the people of the countries under its control. In addition the Stalinists were responsible for the most cynical and costly betrayals of the working class everywhere from Germany to South Africa – no Party which has as its aim the liberation of humanity can do other than condemn the Stalinist current and seek to undo the damage done to Marxism by it.

After Nina's death, her diary was found in Soviet archives by Irina Osipova, an activist with the human rights organisation Memorial. At the time, Osipova was conducting research into opposition to Stalinism and uprisings in the GULAG. Deeply impressed by the diary, Osipova decided to publish it. In 2003, the Moscow- based publisher Glas first"The Diary of a Soviet Schoolgirl: 1932-1937 (Glas, No. 32)", Nina Lugovskaya.

Melomani (English: Music lovers), also known as Hot-Club Melomani, was a pioneer Polish jazz band, created by the first self-styled Polish jazz musicians. It was founded in 1951 (or, according to other sources, in 1947) in Łódź, in the period of Stalinism, when jazz music was officially banned in Poland, as it was regarded synonymous with the reactionary American culture and considered as part of Western, rotten imperialism.

A 1974 stamp commemorating the 30th anniversary of Romania's "Liberation from Fascism" Liberation Day, officially known as the Liberation from Fascist Occupation Day () was observed on 23 August in Communist Romania to celebrate the Soviet occupation of Romania (styled by the regime as "liberation") in the lead up to the end of the Second World War. It coincides with the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism.

1 & 2, 1940. In 1942, a debate on the national question in Europe opened up between the majority of the SWP and a movement led by Van Heijenoort, Albert Goldman and Felix Morrow.The Fourth International During World War II (immediately afterward). This minority anticipated that the Nazi dictatorship would be replaced with capitalism rather than by a socialist revolution, leading to the revival of Stalinism and social democracy.

In 1937 he joined the Dewey Commission as a technical assistant. He and Eisner traveled to Mexico with the commission staff. Chaired by the philosopher John Dewey, the commission aimed to provide Leon Trotsky with a fair hearing of the charges made against him in the Soviet show trials of 1936. While they opposed Stalinism, he and Eisner, like most members of the commission, were not themselves Trotskyists.

Goşu; Stalinism pentru eternitate, p.38 In 1939, Tisminetski left for the Soviet Union, where he became a student of the Moscow State Linguistic University. After the start of Operation Barbarossa, in which Romania took part (see Romania during World War II), he worked with Ana Pauker, Leonte Răutu, and Vasile Luca for the Romanian language branch of Radio Moscow, first as a newsreader, then as a writer.

Jan C. Behrends (born 5 December 1969) is a German historian, who is known for his research on Stalinism, propaganda, public discourse, violence and wars in the Soviet and post-Soviet space. He is regarded as a leading expert on the history of Soviet and Russian security services. He is a senior researcher at the Centre for Contemporary History, and formerly worked at the WZB Berlin Social Science Center.

It provided the maxim "Whenever necessary and possible, private capital shall be encouraged to develop in the direction of state capitalism". After the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mao Zedong condemned Stalinism and the flaws in the Marxist–Leninist movement that peaked with the Hungarian Uprising of 1956. This gave Mao space in which to experiment with departure from the Soviet socialist economy.

The question has gained urgency since Vladimir learned that his mother was an informer for the Russians for years and spied even on him. Ali folds his drama around the tight, cult-like atmosphere of Communist Party life, peopled by idealists who find their lives encumbered by betrayals, power grabs and corruption and who, in the post-communist era, must come to terms with their complicity with Stalinism.

Moltmann's trinitarian theology of the cross instead says that God is a protesting God who opposes the gods of this world of power and domination by entering into human pain and suffering on the cross and on the gallows of Auschwitz. Moltmann's theology of the cross was later developed into liberation theologies from suffering people under Stalinism in Eastern Europe and military dictatorships in South America and South Korea.

Borilă was born to ethnic Bulgarian parents in the Southern Dobrujan city of Silistra,Tismăneanu, p.293 which was at the time part of the Bulgarian Principality (de jure under the Ottoman Empire) and, between 1913 and 1940, part of the Kingdom of Romania. He joined the newly outlawed Romanian Communist Party (PCR) in 1924, and became known under his adoptive name, at some point in the 1930s.Tismăneanu, Stalinism..., p.

He had begun working at the Kharkov Institute of Physics and Technology under Lev Landau the previous year, and remained a devoted collaborator with Landau. His first paper, in Nature, was published with Landau and Aleksander Akhiezer, entitled 'Scattering of light by light'. After Landau moved to the Kapitza institute in Moscow (to avoid arrest for comparing Stalinism to Nazism), Pomeranchuk also moved there, working for the tanning industry.

Khrushchev believed that once the stain of Stalinism was removed, the Party would inspire loyalty among the people. Beginning in October 1955, Khrushchev fought to tell the delegates to the upcoming 20th Party Congress about Stalin's crimes. Some of his colleagues, including Molotov and Malenkov, opposed the disclosure, and managed to persuade him to make his remarks in a closed session. The 20th Party Congress opened on 14 February 1956.

Dewey is considered left wing by historians,Alan Ryan, John Dewey and the high tide of American liberalismWilliam Paringer, John Dewey and the paradox of liberal reform (1990) p. 13 and sometimes was portrayed as "dangerously radical."William R. Caspary, Dewey on Democracy. (2000) Meanwhile, Dewey was criticized strongly by American communists because he argued against Stalinism and had philosophical differences with Marx, identifying himself as a democratic socialist.

" A. O. Scott of the New York Times writes that "with breathtaking concision and clarity—80 minutes of austere, carefully framed black and white—Mr. Pawlikowski penetrates the darkest, thorniest thickets of Polish history, reckoning with the crimes of Stalinism and the Holocaust." He concludes that "Mr. Pawlikowski has made one of the finest European films (and one of the most insightful films about Europe, past and present) in recent memory.

Wacław Lipiński to leave Poland. Publications and other materials were also sent to Poland, to Stanisław Płoski and others. These contacts were interrupted at the end of the 1940s during Stalinism and resumed after the "political thawing" in October 1956, when it became easier to travel from Poland to the West. At that time, Polish students who received scholarships from American foundations and from the Kościuszko Foundation began visiting the Institute.

Werth was an unclassifiable writer with an acid prose, who wrote of the inter-war period as well as advocating against colonialism (Cochinchine, 1928). He also wrote against the colonial period splendor of the French empire, and against Stalinism which he denounced as a leftist deception. He also criticized the mounting Nazi movement. In 1931 when he met Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, it was the beginning of a very close friendship.

Redens was married to Anna Sergeyevna Alliluyeva (1896–1964), sister of Stalin’s second wife Nadezhda Alliluyeva, also an Old Bolshevik and former Cheka officer who spent 6 years in prison under Stalin. Their son, Vladimir Alliluyev (Redens) (born 1935), published, in 1995, his memoirs "Chronicle of a Family" which advocated Russia's return to Stalinism and was condemned by Stalin’s daughter Svetlana Alliluyeva.Melissa Akin. Stalin’s daughter shuns public attention.

At the end of February 2007, vandals damaged the Star of David on a memorial plaque in Kurapaty honoring Jewish victims of Stalinism. On May 3, 2007, police in Borisov opened a criminal case in connection with vandalism at the Jewish cemetery. Vandals had removed and damaged 16 tombstones at the end of April. The case remained open at the end of the reporting period; no suspects were identified.

Ström was head of the Stockholm Comintern liaison with Western Europe from 1919–1920, and he frequently visited the Soviet Union for meetings including the third congress of the Communist International, held in Moscow in 1921. Ström supported Lenin, Trotsky and the October Revolution, but he disagreed with Stalinism and in 1926 he found his way back to the Swedish Social Democratic Party, although he still considered himself a communist.

Written in French, it was seen by some Russian emigres as "an act of capitulation before Stalinism." In the years to come, though, Adamovich became increasingly more disillusioned. These feelings were reflected to some extent in his 1955 collection of essays called Loneliness and Freedom (Одиночество и свобода). Adamovich continued to translate French literature into Russian including the works of Jean Cocteau, Saint-John Perse and Albert Camus (The Stranger).

27; Tismăneanu, p.57 In the opinion of Vladimir Tismăneanu, Rozvan's critique of fascism also alluded to the consequences of Stalinism inside the communist movement. Rozvan became a victim of the Great Purge: arrested on December 16, 1937, denounced through the forced confessions of other prisoners, he was indicted in a kangaroo trial,Arvatu; Dosarele Istoriei, p.27; "Letter and supporting materials..." and officially sentenced to ten years in prison.

The Gauche révolutionnaire left the SFIO to establish the Workers and Peasants' Socialist Party (Parti Socialiste Ouvrier et Paysan or PSOP), awkwardly between socialists and Stalinism. In fact, its ideology fluctuated from Marxist orthodoxy to a radical version of reformism. The PSOP was part of the International Revolutionary Marxist Centre. In 1940, it was outlawed after the fall of France to Nazi Germany, on orders of Vichy French leader Philippe Pétain.

As a section of the Committee for a Workers' International it has a Trotskyist analysis which rejects Stalinism as well the cultural revolution approach of Maoism. It also rejects social democracy, which it believes has become bourgeois. The SLP defines itself as a young, revolutionary pro-labour party. In 2001, the party stood in elections in Vienna and received 100 voters, 0.01% of the vote in communal elections of 2001.

Retrieved 24 December 2017. The Vama Samasamaja became the Nava Sama Samaja Party when it separated from the LSSP in December 1977 following a number of expulsions from the LSSP starting in 1972. The NSSP was a section of the CWI from its foundation until it left in 1989. Disagreements on areas of theory and policy (such as the analysis of Stalinism) with the CWI eventually led to a split.

The OSP was an orthodox Marxist, revolutionary socialist party, which opposed both the authoritarian stalinism of the Communist Party of the Netherlands and the moderate reformism of the Social- Democratic Workers' Party. The party's main goal was the proletarian world revolution, which would replace the capitalist system by a system of workers' councils. In the end this would result in a Communist society where inequality, exploitation and class would be eliminated.

International Commission For the Evaluation of the Crimes of the Nazi and Soviet Occupation Regimes in Lithuania, Deportations of the Population in 1944-1953 , paragraph 14 The deportees were allowed to return after Nikita Khrushchev's secret speech in 1956 denouncing the excesses of Stalinism, however many did not survive their years of exile in Siberia.Hiden & Salmon (1994). p. 129. After the war, the Soviets outlined new borders for the Baltic republics.

Towards the end of the war Kemp was stationed in liberated Marseille and met the Frenchwoman whom he married after the war. Kemp was a lifelong Francophile and wrote important texts on French economic history and the history of Stalinism in France. Kemp returned to his studies at LSE in 1946 and in 1950 joined the economics faculty of the University of Hull, where he taught for over 30 years.

Once established, the logo remained in use during the interwar period. The foundry survived the 1939 invasion of Poland and remained in private hands until 1949. During the darkest years of Stalinism in Poland it was appropriated by the state and renamed. Only after the Treblinka discovery, the star became the subject of intense scrutiny; described as the mullet of six points, pierced 12px similar to a Star of David.

Although Mounier was critical of the Moscow Trials of the 1930s, he has been criticized by the historian Tony Judt, among others, for his failure to condemn the excesses of Stalinism in the postwar period.Judt, Tony. Past Imperfect: French Intellectuals, 1944–1956 (2011, New York University Press). In 1939, Mounier commented in a restrained manner on the newly-elected Pope Pius XII remaining silent on the Italian invasion of Albania.

Anasintaxi (1918-1955): The Struggle of the Greek Communists against Revisionism. Retrieved: 2014-09-15. In order to make distinction between the old party and the new party that arose after 1955, they refer to today's KKE as "K"KE or "K"KE('56), adding scare quotes around the first K, which corresponds to the word communist. In contradiction with other anti-revisionist organisations, Anasintaxi uses regularly the term Stalinism.

In February 1956, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev denounced the cult of personality surrounding his predecessor Joseph Stalin and condemned crimes committed during the Great Purge. Khrushchev gave his four-hour speech, "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences", condemning the Stalin regime. Historian Robert V. Daniels holds that "neo-Stalinism prevailed politically for more than a quarter of a century after Stalin himself left the scene".Daniels, Robert Vincent.

They gradually developed an animosity towards Stalinism. By 1934 the party had changed name to the Socialist Party (Socialistiska partiet). At first, the Socialist Party still supported the Soviet Union but condemned the Stalinist leadership. But by the end of the 1930s, the party had changed its view and criticized the whole of the Soviet Union, a stance that gradually developed to a foreign policy embracing Nazi Germany.

In March 1932, Ion Vinea hosted in Facla Zissu's critique of Stalinism (and positive assessment of Trotskyism), with a caveat that noted its noncompliance with the editorial line. In May, the same newspaper hosted a rebuttal of Zissu's stance. Sanda Cordoș, "În câte revoluții a crezut Ion Vinea?", in Apostrof, Nr. 11/2012 In November 1933, Zissu debated with the increasingly radical Nae Ionescu about the "Jewish Question" in Romania.

After Stalin died and once the ensuing power struggle subsided, a period of de-Stalinization developed, as Soviets debated what Marxism–Leninism would be in the absence of its de facto enforced equivalence with Stalinism. During the Khrushchev Thaw, the answer that emerged was that it would continue to involve central planning to the nearly complete exclusion of market mechanisms, as well as the totalitarian version of collectivism and continuing xenophobia, but that it would no longer involve the extreme degree of state terror seen during the Great Purge era. This ideological viewpoint maintained the secular apotheosis of Lenin, treating the terror aspect of Stalinism as a perversion that had been belatedly corrected, rather than admitting that Lenin himself had built a legacy of state terror. This storyline persisted into the Gorbachev era and even mostly survived glasnost, being definitively debunked only after the dissolution of the union and still not rejected even today by many people.

The drilling rig of Boldești-Scăeni in 1959 Like Ralea and Stahl, Herseni became a noted supporter of the national communist, anti- Soviet, party line, promoted officially by the old party leadership from 1964, and subsequently taken up by the new General Secretary, Nicolae Ceaușescu.Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate. Polirom, Iași, 2005, , pp. 219–220 As Bucur notes, Herseni was now in a position where he himself generated "the new Marxist-Leninist normative discourse".

Dugin was forced to act in the peripheries of each group. In 1998, Dugin left the NBP and this led to the party moving further left in Russia's political spectrum. The NBP has denied any links to fascism, stating that all forms of antisemitism, xenophobia and racism were against the party's principles. The NBP has historically defended Stalinism, although later on the party said it did not wish to re-create that system.

In doing so, some historians have tried to distance Stalinism from Leninism in order to undermine the totalitarian view that the negative facets of Stalin were inherent in communism from the start.Moshe Lewin, Lenin's Last Testament, University of Michigan Press, 2005. Critics of this kind include anti- Stalinist communists such as Leon Trotsky, who pointed out that Lenin attempted to persuade the Russian Communist Party to remove Stalin from his post as its General Secretary.

In December 1943, they criticised the SWP's view as underestimating the rising prestige of Stalinism and the opportunities for the capitalists to use democratic concessions.Felix Morrow, "The First Phase of the Coming European Revolution", Fourth International, December 1944. The SWP's central committee argued that democratic capitalism could not revive, resulting in either military dictatorship by the capitalists or a workers' revolution."Perspectives and Tasks of the Coming European Revolution", Fourth International, December 1943.

This autobiographical work was to be in two parts. The first part, which appeared during Spinelli's life-time under the title Io Ulisse (1984), covers the life of the author until the Liberation (1943). Spinelli's writing on the second part (La goccia e la roccia) was interrupted by his death in 1986. In 1937 he was expelled from the Italian Communist Party, as opposing Stalinism, under accusation of undermining the Bolshevik ideology and supporting Trotskyism.

Aleksei Balabanov's crime film duology "Brother" became cult films in Russia Russian cinema of the 90s acquired new features and themes. Many films of that time dealt with Stalinism. The Chekist directed by Aleksandr Rogozhkin was a drama set in the period of Red Terror and told the story of a Cheka leader who gradually becomes unhinged. It was screened in the Un Certain Regard section at the 1992 Cannes Film Festival.

Friedrich Engels's famous work Anti-Dühring was also a polemic against Eugen Dühring. In the 20th century, George Orwell's Animal Farm was a polemic against totalitarianism, in particular of Stalinism in the Soviet Union. According to McClinton, other prominent polemicists of the same century include such diverse figures as Herbert Marcuse, Noam Chomsky, John Pilger and Michael Moore. A 21st century example is The Darkening Age a 2018 book by Catherine Nixey.

Similarly, several Trotskyists have emphasised Leon Trotsky's revolutionary-democratic socialism. Some such as Hal Draper spoke of "revolutionary-democratic socialism". Those third camp revolutionary-democratic socialists advocated a socialist political revolution that would establish or re-establish socialist democracy in deformed or degenerated workers' states. Draper also compared social democracy and Stalinism as two forms of socialism from above, contraposed to his own socialism from below as being the purer, more Marxist version of socialism.

Kossakówka manor Gloria Kossak was born in Kraków under the Nazi German occupation of Poland. During the postwar years, she lived with her mother and sister at their family manor, the legendary Kossakówka, built in 1897, in metropolitan Kraków. They were constantly harassed by the communist authorities (the father, Jerzy Kossak, died before the end of Stalinism, in 1955). Their garden was confiscated and built on, and their electric power was cut back.

In cooperation with the government of Sweden, the organization has carried out remembrance ceremonies on the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism. Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt, Minister of Education Jan Björklund and EU Ministers Cecilia Malmström and Birgitta Ohlsson have taken part in events hosted by the institute. The IICC has been involved in raising awareness about the Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism both in Sweden and internationally.

Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p. 356 "Lenin's corners", "political shrines for the display of propaganda about the god-like founder of the Soviet state" have been established in all schools. Schools conducted marches, songs and pledges of allegiance to Soviet leadership. One of the purposes was to instill in children the idea that they are involved in the World revolution, which is more important than any family ties.

Lukács's books The Young Hegel (Der junge Hegel, Zurich, 1948) and The Destruction of Reason (Die Zerstörung der Vernunft, Berlin, 1954) have been used to argue that Lukács was covertly critical of Stalinism as an irrational distortion of Hegelian- Marxism. He returned to Budapest in 1957. Lukács publicly abandoned his positions of 1956 and engaged in self-criticism. Having abandoned his earlier positions, Lukács remained loyal to the Communist Party until his death in 1971.

In the days following the disappearance of Ce soir, in March 1953, Aragon became the director of L'Humanité 's literary supplement, Les Lettres françaises. Assisted by its chief editor, Pierre Daix, Aragon started in the 1960s a struggle against Stalinism and its consequences in Eastern Europe. He published the writings of dissidents such as Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn or Milan Kundera. The monetary loss caused by Les Lettres françaises led to its ceasing publication in 1972.

Bernice Glatzer Rosenthal. New Myth, New World: From Nietzsche to Stalinism, Pennsylvania State University, 2002, , pp. 161–162. Following Bogdanov's lead, Vladimir Shamov and Sergei Yudin in the USSR pioneered the transfusion of cadaveric blood from recently deceased donors. Yudin performed such a transfusion successfully for the first time on March 23, 1930 and reported his first seven clinical transfusions with cadaveric blood at the Fourth Congress of Ukrainian Surgeons at Kharkiv in September.

During the period of Stalinism, the Gulag labor camps in the Soviet Union were officially called "Corrective labor camps." The term "labor colony"; more exactly, "Corrective labor colony", (, abbr. ИТК), was also in use, most notably the ones for underaged (16 years or younger) convicts and captured besprizorniki (street children, literally, "children without family care"). After the reformation of the camps into the Gulag, the term "corrective labor colony" essentially encompassed labor camps.

At the same time, in 1954, work on the Canal and other labor camps was halted, and beatings in prison outlawed.Grigore and Șerbu, p. 312 The Securitate was again on the alert just two years later, when de-Stalinization was officially introduced by the Soviet Union. When Romanian intellectuals first heard rumors about Nikita Khrushchev's Secret Speech, and began questioning Romania's own Stalinism, Drăghici extended secret police surveillance to the academic field.

The Internationalist League of Norway ( (FIN) is a group of revolutionary socialists, set up in 1999, working in sympathy with the Fourth International. Until 2002 FIN worked as a current within the Red Electoral Alliance advocating that the Red Electoral Alliance should be a broad party for revolutionaries on Norway, based on internationalism, anti-stalinism and internal democracy. Since 2002 FIN operates both within the Red Electoral Alliance and the Socialist Left Party.

Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1982 (p.21) and Albert Camus"From well before the Algerian war the Communists in particular held against Camus not so much his anti- Stalinism as his growing refusal to share political "positions" or get into public arguments..." Quoted in Tony Judt,The Burden of Responsibility: Blum, Camus, Aron, and the French Twentieth Century. University of Chicago Press, 2007 (p. 92) as well as the group around Marceau Pivert.

The Brezhnev Era was the time of samizdat (circulating unofficial manuscripts within the USSR) and tamizdat (illegal publication of work abroad). The three most prominent Soviet dissidents of that era were Alexandr Solzhenitsyn, Andrei Sakharov and Roy Medvedev. Of the tamizdat authors, Solzhenitsyn was the most famous, publishing The Gulag Archipelago in the West in 1973. Medvedev's Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism was published in 1971 in the West.

He was critical of the unscientific nature of Lysenkoism. Medvedev was expelled from the Communist Party in 1969 after his book Let History Judge was published abroad. The book criticized Stalin and Stalinism at a time when official Soviet propagandists were trying to rehabilitate the former General Secretary. Let History Judge reflected the dissident thinking that emerged in the 1960s among Soviet intellectuals who sought a reformist version of socialism like Medvedev.

Yet, in 1948, American Communists did campaign for the presidential run of Henry A. Wallace, President Franklin D. Roosevelt's vice-president. In February 1956, to the 20th congress of the C.P.S.U., Nikita Khrushchev delivered the secret speech, On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences, denouncing Stalinism and the cult of personality for Josef Stalin; those political revelations ended the ideological relationship between many fellow-travelers in the West and the Soviet version of Communism.

"Die deutsche Geschichtswissenschaft seit 1945: Bedingungen und Ergebnisse". Historische Zeitschrift. 225 (JG): 1–28. . In his 1951 book The True Believer, Eric Hoffer argues that mass movements such as fascism, Nazism and Stalinism had a common trait in picturing Western democracies and their values as decadent, with people "too soft, too pleasure-loving and too selfish" to sacrifice for a higher cause, which for them implies an inner moral and biological decay.

Sariya Akhmedovna Lakoba (; born Sariya Akhmedovna Dzhikh-Ogly ; 1904 – 16 May 1939), was a Soviet woman who was the spouse of Nestor Lakoba, the leader of Abkhazia. She came from a wealthy Adjarian noble family.Roy Aleksandrovich Medvedev, George Shriver, Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism, Columbia University Press, New York, 1989, . p. 495-496 Her family was Muslim and very conservative and she wore a veil in her youth.

Eugène Lanti was a pseudonym of Eugène Adam (19 July 1879 in Normandy, France – 17 January 1947 in Mexico). Lanti was an Esperantist, socialist and writer. He was a founder of Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda, and a longtime editor of the internationalist socialist magazine Sennaciulo. Lanti was a critic of Stalinism and the theoretician of a new doctrine, anationalism, which aimed to eliminate the very concept of the nation as a guiding idea of social organisation.

On 7 January 1945 Witorzeńć became commander of the No. 25 (Polish) Elementary Flying Training School (EFTS). He came back to Poland in 1948 but it was only in 1957, after the end of Stalinism, he was allowed to join the Polish People's Army Air Force. He served in the Air Force Command then he was given command of the Air Training Centre in Modlin. In 1968 he went into the reserve.

96 As argued by political scientist Vladimir Tismăneanu, such promotions signaled to the world that Ceaușescu was restoring links with the PCdR old guard—including veterans of Spain such as Vida, Roman, and Petre Borilă.Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate, pp. 238–239. Iași: Polirom, 2005. Though he pondered moving to a villa in Cotroceni (downtown Bucharest), Vida confessed in 1973 that he could not see himself removed from "my native land" in Maramureș.

Shabdar Osyp (Mari: Шабдар Осып, 8 April 1898, Malaya Luzhala – 11 November 1937) was a Mari author. He was born as Iosif Arkhipovich Shabdarov () in the village of Izi Luzhalu in Mari El. He started writing poetry in 1918. He studied at a pedagogical college in Kazan. Like most of the Mari intelligentsia at the time, he became a victim of stalinism and was executed in Yoshkar-Ola on 11 November 1937.

Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s. New York: Oxford University Press, 181. Most (but not all) prominent Left Opposition members recanted between 1929 and 1934, but they nearly all perished during the Great Purge of the mid-late 1930s along with the Oppositionists who remained unrepentant. Some of its members, while claiming to have given up on their old views, participated in the underground opposition in the USSR.

Vincent Raymond Dunne (17 April 1889 – 17 February 1970), also known as Vincent R. Dunne or Ray Dunne, was an American Trotskyist, teamster, lumberjack, and union organizer with the Industrial Workers of the World and the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. He is notable for his leading role in the 1934 Minneapolis general strike, his conviction and imprisonment under the anti-communist Smith Act, and his membership in the Socialist Workers Party and opposition to Stalinism.

In 1945–1946, Willenberg served in the Polish Army as a lieutenant. In 1947, he helped one of the Jewish organizations in Poland find Jewish children who had been taken in and rescued from the Holocaust by Polish Gentile families. He married Ada, who had escaped from the Warsaw Ghetto by climbing over a wall. In 1950, during the peak years of Stalinism in Poland, Willenberg emigrated to Israel with his wife and mother.

Thomas Nord was since 1976 a member of the SED, and practiced until 1984 volunteer functions. In the same year his appointment was followed in the FDJ district leadership, as full-time functionary of the Youth League and the Party. The political changes in 1989 led him to a dispute with his party communist past. He broke with Stalinism and started an open and public dealing with his biography and his Engagement in the PDS.

Memos, C. (2012) "Anarchism and Council > Communism on the Russian Revolution." Anarchist Studies, 20(2). Similarly, the exiled Russian anarchist Volin, who saw the Soviet state as totalitarian and as an "example of integral State capitalism", used the term "red fascism" to describe it. In a September 18, 1939 editorial, The New York Times reacted to the signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact by declaring that "Hitlerism is brown communism, Stalinism is red fascism".

Western thinkers such as Clement Greenberg had criticized socialist art, especially socialist realism, for being mass art and made it an aesthetic taboo. Groys re-evaluated socialist art production, challenging the norms of aesthetics by pushing a thesis based on Walter Benjamin in the very interpretation of politics, claiming that modernism had survived in the "total artwork" (Gesamtkunstwerk) of Stalinism.Groys, B. (1992). The total art of Stalinism : avant-garde, aesthetic dictatorship, and beyond.

Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism (University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003). p. 20 He served as general director of the Securitate and as an adjunct minister in the Ministry of the Interior until his retirement in 1963. In 1968, he was excluded from the Communist Party; nevertheless, he was decorated in 1971 by Nicolae Ceaușescu with the "Tudor Vladimirescu" medal. Pintilie died in Bucharest in 1985.

In the introduction to the first volume of the Was There An Alternative? series, Rogovin explains his position and the purpose of this work as follows.Note This section, unless otherwise referenced, is a summary of the introduction to the first volume of the series, Was There an Alternative? - Trotskyism: A Look Through the Years In the history of the Soviet Union a crucial question was to find out the reason for the emergence of the phenomenon of Stalinism.

He serves as president of the Public Information Bureau of the Institute of National Remembrance regional chapter in Wrocław, and is the author of numerous scientific papers and several monographs about contemporary Polish history, with special focus on the system of political repressions during the period of Stalinism in Poland,Krzysztof Szwagrzyk in translation: "Stereotype or Reality?" OBEP Wrocław (including footnotes). Retrieved October 2, 2011. and the anti- communist structures in Lower Silesia in the years of 1945–1956.

This group's successes were many, gaining power and control inside many workers' unions against Stalinism. Finally, the group of youth workers and the old veterans Trotskyists joined and created Συνδικαλιστικη Παραταξη – Εργατικη Πρωτοπορια (Syndicalist Union – Workers' Vanguard) in 1964. That was the legal title of the organization, due to the law 509 that prosecuted for high treason any organization that fought openly against the regime. The real, but illegal title, was ΕΔΕ – Επαναστατικη Διεθνιστικη Ενωση (Revolutionary Internationalist Union).

As an articulate and engaging spokesman for democratic socialism, Thomas had considerably greater influence than the typical perennial candidate. Although most upper- and middle-class Americans found socialism unsavory, the well-educated Thomas—who often wore three-piece suits and looked and talked like a president—gained grudging admiration. Thomas frequently spoke on the difference between socialism, the movement he represented, and communism, revolutionary Marxism. His early admiration for the Russian Revolution had turned into energetic anti-Stalinism.

141–71 Andrei Lankov has described the process as the "natural death of North Korean Stalinism". The average official salary in 2011 was equivalent to $US2 per month while the actual monthly income seems to be around $US15 because most North Koreans earn money from illegal small businesses: trade, subsistence farming, and handicrafts. The illegal economy is dominated by women because men have to attend their places of official work even though most of the factories are non-functioning.

Leon Trotsky Trotskyism is the political ideology and branch of Marxism developed by Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky. Trotsky self-identified as an orthodox Marxist and Bolshevik–Leninist. He supported founding a vanguard party of the proletariat, proletarian internationalism and a dictatorship of the proletariat based on working class self-emancipation and mass democracy. Trotskyists are critical of Stalinism as they oppose Joseph Stalin's theory of socialism in one country in favor of Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution.

He took an interest in historiography and in 1988, during the period of the collapse of the USSR when the whole corpus of Soviet history was being re-evaluated under what has been called an "historical glasnost", participated in a roundtable discussion by dissident, establishment and revisionist historiansThe others were I. Koval'chenko, A. Samsonov, lu. Poliakov, V. Zhuravlev, and R. Medvedev. of pressing historiographical problems such as access to archives, the treatment of Stalinism, and political rehabilitations.

Salvador Dalí in 1939. Photographer: Carl van Vechten Intentionally or not, the exhibition in 1938 turned out to be the last highlight and final manifestation of the surrealist movement. It had concentrated once again all of its energy in order to affirm its significance and potential for provocation. Political circumstances as well as personal, politically motivated differences (for example in 1938 between Breton and Éluard, who sympathized with Stalinism), led Éluard to leave the group of surrealists.

He returned to his homeland after the war. In 1950, during the darkest years of Stalinism in Poland, Trunk emigrated first to Israel where he lived for three years and then moved to Canada where he obtained the position of director at the Peretz School in Calgary. He moved to New York City a year later to work at YIVO, where he became a chief archivist in 1971. He died in New York at the age of 75.

Authoritarianism is a form of government characterized by strong central power and limited political freedoms. Political scientists have created many typologies describing variations of authoritarian forms of government. Authoritarian regimes may be either autocratic or oligarchic in nature and may be based upon the rule of a party or the military. In an influential 1964 work,Richard Shorten, Modernism and Totalitarianism: Rethinking the Intellectual Sources of Nazism and Stalinism, 1945 to the Present (Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), p.

He was jailed in 1925 after printing an advertisement for a birth control pamphlet in one of his newspapers. During the 1930s, Tresca was a staunch critic of both Benito Mussolini's fascist government in Italy and Stalinism in the Soviet Union. In 1937, he was a member of the Dewey Commission, which cleared Leon Trotsky of all charges made during the Moscow Trials. Tresca also used his newspapers to mount a public campaign criticising the Mafia.

However, his authority was shaken a year later by the death of Stalin, when Imre Nagy took over as prime minister. Gerő was retained as a counterweight to the reformers. Rákosi, having managed to regain control, was then undermined by Nikita Khrushchev's secret speech in early 1956 denouncing Stalinism and forced to leave office on 18 July 1956 by Anastas Mikoyan. He retained enough influence that the MDP designates Gerő to succeed him as party leader.

Upon his return to Sweden, he was given the nickname "Texas" by his comrades. Einar "Texas" Ljungberg was part of the left, pro-Bolshevik opposition within the Swedish Social Democratic Party, and, after the split of 1917, he joined the newly founded Swedish Communist Party. He took part in the third Congress of the Comintern (in Moscow, 1921). After the rise of Stalinism in the Soviet Union, he left the Communist Party and returned to the Social Democratic Party.

In 1945 he went to Italy where he was treated for his severe loss of vision. In 1946, Mala returned to Albania and started working in the National Library. As an opponent of any dictatorship and Stalinism and being considered a Trotskyist or Orthodox Marxist, he would become a target of the new Albanian communist leadership. Mala was arrested in 1945 accused of being an opponent the Yugoslav-Albanian relationship and the banning of political pluralism.

The cover photography of the first issue caused controversy in Poland as the photographer, Jürgen Teller, featured Rubik and Bela standing next to a vintage Soviet-produced Volga GAZ-24 car and with Warsaw's Palace of Culture and Science in the background. In Poland, this car and this building are perceived as symbols of Stalinism and the communist oppression, which raised questions about the political and ideological profile of the magazine and the aesthetics it was going to promote.

Merlin, 1978. Where the Soviet doctrines that existed during the lifetime of the dictator lacked systematisation, Althusser's theory gave Stalinism "its true, rigorous and totally coherent expression".Thompson, E. P., (1978) "The Poverty of Theory" in The Poverty of Theory & other essays, p. 333. Merlin, 1978. As such, Thompson called for "unrelenting intellectual war" against the Marxism of Althusser.Thompson, E. P., (1978) "The Poverty of Theory" in The Poverty of Theory & other essays, p. 381. Merlin, 1978.

Vinea's columns display a rejection of Stalinism and suggests that Nazism, a more palatable successor of revolutionary socialism, would eventually liberalize in the wake of Soviet defeat.Boia (2012), pp. 208–209 According to Monica Lovinescu, daughter of Vinea's competitor, such pieces are praiseworthy, "lucid [and] courageous".Lovinescu, p. 121 During the battle for Moscow, he received attention for his retrospective editorial on Lenin, "the Mongol revolutionist" and his "desperate, moronic" followers, including "the Great Priest" Stalin.

Valentin Shatalov, a Colonel-General in the Soviet Army and a KGB agent, is the sixth Crimson Dynamo. He used his rank to obtain the Crimson Dynamo armor from Dmitri Bukharin for his own use. He was the founder of Remont-4, a group of Russian superhumans who sought to return the Soviet Union to Stalinism. Shatalov and his allies (the cyborg Firefox and the original Unicorn among others) recruited the original Titanium Man to their cause.

Following his wife's death, Kruyt emigrated to Berlin where he joined Workers International Relief, then to Moscow in 1935 (presumably fleeing from the Nazis) to work at the Lenin State Library. Dissatisfied with Stalinism, he trained as a spy in the hopes of getting back to the Netherlands this way. From England, he parachuted into Belgium in June 1942. He broke his leg and was arrested by the German occupiers who detained him at Fort Breendonk.

Eternal Russia:Yeltsin, Gorbachev, and the Mirage of Democracy by Jonathan Steele, Harvard University Press, 1988, (page 218) The Russian language was the dominant vehicle, not just of government function, but of the media, commerce, and modernity itself. This was substantially less the case for western Ukraine, which escaped the artificial famine, Great Purge, and most of Stalinism. And this region became the center of a hearty, if only partial, renaissance of the Ukrainian language during independence.

Campaigns against the society of Imperial Russia continued well into the Soviet Union's history. One speaker recounted how men had had to serve for twenty-five years in the imperial army, to be heckled by an audience member that it did not matter, since they had had food and clothing.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p178 Children were informed that the "accursed past" had been left far behind them, they could become completely "Red".

"The Soviet Purge System" (PDF). Challenge. 2: 54–59 Although the term "purge" is largely associated with Stalinism because the greatest of the purges happened during Stalin's rule, the Bolsheviks carried out their first major purge of the party ranks as early as 1921. Approximately 220,000 members were purged or left the party. The Bolsheviks stated as justification the need to get rid of the members who had joined the party simply to be on the winning side.

Tismăneanu, p.342 This dispute saw writers attacking Union president Beniuc, who was identified with Stalinism—as a result of the confrontation, in what was an early sign of liberalization, Beniuc was dismissed from his post, and replaced with Zaharia Stancu. Valeriu Râpeanu, "Ce roman, viața lui Zaharia Stancu" , in Magazin Istoric, September 1998 According to literary historian Valeriu Râpeanu, Bogza, who attended the Conference, went so far as to demand that Beniuc's chair be burned.

In December 2013, NPI launched a website, Radix Journal, which describes itself as "a periodical on culture, race, metapolitics, critical theory, and society". The NPI received a grant from the Pioneer Fund, a racist pseudo-scientific organization. In 2016, Twitter suspended the accounts of the NPI, its leader Richard B. Spencer and others under its terms of use. Spencer said that "digitally speaking, there has been execution squads across the alt-right" and accused Twitter of "corporate Stalinism".

This documentary style places Kiš's later work in what he himself called a post-Borges period, but unlike Borges the documentation comes from "historically and politically relevant material", which in A Tomb for Boris Davidovich is used to denounce Stalinism. Unlike Borges, Kiš is not interested in metaphysics, but in "more ordinary phenomena"; in the title story of The Encyclopedia of the Dead, this means building an encyclopedia "containing the biography of every ordinary life lived since 1789".

With the Party, he fought in the French resistance against Nazi occupiers during Second World War. When Joseph Stalin disbanded the Comintern in 1943, Broué became strongly critical of Stalinism, resigning from the FCP as a result. By 1944, he became a Trotskyist, joined the Fourth International, and remained a Trotskyist for the rest of his life. In 1952, he followed Pierre Lambert during a split in the movement and continued as a "Lambertist" for many years.

Above all Schumann's speech opened the way for the party to reinvent itself, using a phrase that was later much quoted: "We break irrevocably with Stalinism as a system!""Wir brechen unwiderruflich mit dem Stalinismus als System!" A brief transitional period as the SED/PDS followed. By the end of 1989, the last hardline members of the party's Central Committee had either resigned or been pushed out, followed in 1990 by 95% of the SED's 2.3 million members.

The Main Questions of the Organization and Antonie Pannekoek.Antonie Pannekoek. "Party and Class" The answer to the extreme leftist criticism was given by Lenin in the brochure "Childhood Illness of "Leftism" in Communism", in turn Antonie Pannekoek answered to Vladimir Lenin in the work "World Revolution and Communist Tactics". In the 1920s and 1930s, the Left Opposition to Stalin adopted the self–designation "Bolshevik–Leninists", thereby emphasizing its continuity with the revolutionary tradition as opposed to Thermidorian Stalinism.

Whole academic organizations, such as the Bahaliy Institute of History and Culture, were shut down following the arrests. Repression of the intelligentsia occurred in virtually all parts of the Soviet Union.Roy Medvedev writes "Instead, Stalin once again looked for a scapegoat and found it in the form of the specialists from among the pre-revolutionary Russian (and Ukrainian) intelligentsia" Roy Medvedev, "Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism", Columbia University Press, 1989, , p. 256-258.

Ein Shakespearekommentar (Anatomy Titus: Fall of Rome. A Shakespearean Commentary). Interspersing the dialogue with a chorus like commentary, the adaptation was heavily political and made reference to numerous twentieth century events, such as the rise of the Third Reich, Stalinism, the erection of the Berlin Wall and the attendant emigration and defection issues, and the 1973 Chilean coup d'état. Müller removed the entire first act, replacing it was a narrated introduction, and completely rewrote the final act.

Born in Nagyvárad (today Oradea, in Austria- Hungary at the time), he was the child of Jewish parents whose first language was Hungarian.Final Report, p.45; Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.124, 320 In later testimonies, he indicated that his ethnic background was not entirely relevant to him: "Germans said I was a Hungarian, Hungarians that I was Romanian, Romanians said that I was Jewish, but Jews said I was a communist, although I was not yet one at the time".

Initially removed from his Army position in 1950, at the same time as all cadres who had fought in the International Brigades or the French Resistance,Corlăţan Roman was deposed from government office,Levy, p.161 purged from the PCR and Army on charges of "Titoism" and "espionage", and singled out for a possible show trial (1952).Levy, p.161; Tismăneanu, Stalinism, p.124, 320 He became subject to daily interrogations by the Party Control Commission.

Jacob Leib Talmon (Hebrew: יעקב טלמון; June 14, 1916 - June 16, 1980) was Professor of Modern History at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He has been categorised as a 'Cold War liberal' because of the anti-Marxism which permeates his main works. He studied the genealogy of totalitarianism, arguing that political Messianism stemmed from the French Revolution, and stressed the similarities between Jacobinism and Stalinism. He coined the terms "totalitarian democracy" and "Messianic democracy/political Messianism".

Chomsky himself often visited left-wing and anarchist bookstores when visiting his uncle in the city, voraciously reading political literature. He wrote his first article at age 10 on the spread of fascism following the fall of Barcelona during the Spanish Civil War and, from the age of 12 or 13, identified with anarchist politics. He later described his discovery of anarchism as "a lucky accident" that made him critical of Stalinism and other forms of Marxism–Leninism.

In effect the book exposes how, despite the honest intentions of Pankratov and older Bolsheviks like Kirov, Stalinism is destroying all their hopes. The novel is also notable for its portrayal of Joseph Stalin as a scheming and paranoid figure. The book, which was written between 1966 and 1983, was suppressedIntroduction to Children of the Arbat, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, 1988. until the Perestroika era (published for the first time as a feuilleton in 1987).

Czechoslovaks in 1972. The method by which the KSČ under Husák ruled was commonly summed up as "reluctant terror." It involved careful adherence to the Soviet Union's policy objectives and the use of what was perceived as the minimum amount of repression at home necessary to fulfill these objectives and prevent a return to Dubček-style reformism. The result was a regime that, while not a complete return to Stalinism, was far from being a liberal one either.

The Turnerites reorganized into an independent group, the Trotskyist Organizing Committee (TOC). At this point it had around thirty members spread out in New York, Chicago, San Francisco and Texas. It began making overtures to other Trotskyist parties based on a five point programme: recognition of the counter-revolutionary role of Stalinism, for the Fourth International, for the Transitional Program, a national organization of rank-and-file trade union caucuses and formation of a labor party.

Leon was born in Warsaw in 1918. His parents, adherents of "official petit-bourgeois Zionism", left Poland to pursue the Zionist dream in Palestine; the family quickly re- emigrated in 1926 to Belgium. Leon became a member and then leader of the Belgian branch of Hashomer Hatzair, a left wing Zionist youth movement. In 1936, after hearing speeches of the Trotskyist leader of the to militant Belgian coal miners, Leon was won over politically from Stalinism to Trotskyism.

Though Migjeni did not publish a single book during his lifetime, his works, which circulated privately and in the press of the period, were an immediate success. Migjeni paved the way for modern literature in Albania and other Albanian speaking territories. This literature was, however, soon to be nipped in the bud. Indeed, the very year of the publication of Free Verse saw the victory of Stalinism in Albania and the proclamation of the People's Republic.

Also, the Second World War contributed to the wreckage. After the war, a new project for the reconstruction of central Kyiv transformed Khreshchatyk avenue into a notable example of Stalinism in Architecture. However, by 1955, the new politics of architecture once again stopped the project from fully being realised. The task for modern Ukrainian architecture is diverse application of modern aesthetics, the search for an architect's own artistic style and inclusion of the existing historico- cultural environment.

In the mid-1960s, a number of writers who warned of a return to Stalinism were put on trial. One such a case was the 1966 trial of Yuli Daniel and Andrei Sinyavsky, two writers who had published satirical writings under pseudonyms in the West. They were sentenced to seven years in a labor camp for "anti-Soviet agitation". The trial was perceived by many in the intelligentsia as a return to previous Soviet show trials.

In 1937 Kilbom was expelled from the party after a few years of disputes and personal struggle between the two leaders. After the expulsion of Kilbom a majority of the members of the party left. The Socialist Party shrank dramatically and Flyg became more and more politically isolated. At the beginning of World War II, Flyg came out in opposition to fascism, and the Nazi-Soviet pact in his eyes proved that Stalinism was just as bad as fascism.

Moshe Lewin was born in 1921 in Wilno, Poland (now Vilnius, Lithuania), the son of ethnic Jewish parents who later died in the Holocaust. Lewin lived in Poland for the first 20 years of his life, fleeing to the Soviet Union in June 1941 just ahead of the invading Nazi army.Nick Lampert, "Preface" to Nick Lampert and Gábor Rittersporn, Stalinism: Its Nature and Aftermath: Essays in Honour of Moshe Lewin. Basingstoke, England: Macmillan, 1992, p. x.

From 1950 to 1953, the director was Juhan Truus, from 1953–1956 the position was held by Elmar Loodus. The restored southwest wing of the school The Russification and Stalinism era from 1944 to 1954 was not well received by the student body. Underground resistance groups such as "Blue-Black-White" (Sini-Must-Valge), named after the colours of the banned Estonian flag, were formed amongst the student body. Extracurricular activity, however, was quite active during that period.

The date was 27 June 1968, the day after preliminary censorship was abolished by the national assembly. In the "Two Thousand Words," Vaculík asked that the public "demand the resignation of people who have misused their power" by criticism, demonstrations, and strikes.Ludvík Vaculík, "Two Thousand Words to Workers, Farmers, Scientists, Artists, and Everyone," in From Stalinism to Pluralism: A Documentary History of Eastern Europe since 1945, ed. Gale Stokes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 130.

François Fontan (7 February 1929 - 19 December 1979) was a French politician. He was born into a family which came from Gascony (region of Bordeaux). Raised in a monarchic family, he first joined a political party : the Mouvement Socialiste Monarchique when he was about 15, but he quickly gave up monarchism and became closer to anarchism, and, then, to communists, but he got fed up with their stalinism. He moved to Nice and created the Occitan Nationalist Party there.

Any accusation that cast doubt on one-dimensional, positive portrayal of Russia's role in World War II has been seen as highly problematic for modern Russia's state, which sees Russia's victory in the war as one of "the most venerated pillars of state ideology", which legitimises the current government and its policies. In 2009, the European Parliament proclaimed 23 August, the anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, as the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism, to be commemorated with dignity and impartiality.. In connection with the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe parliamentary resolution condemned both communism and fascism for starting World War II and called for a day of remembrance for victims of both Stalinism and Nazism on 23 August. In response to the resolution, Russian lawmakers threatened the OSCE with "harsh consequences". A similar resolution was passed by the European Parliament a decade later, blaming the 1939 Molotov–Ribbentrop pact for the outbreak of war in Europe and again leading to criticism by Russian authorities.

In March 1952, in the late days of Stalinism, he was arrested while vacationing with his wife in Zakopane, as part of a broader wave of political persecution. Komar was arrested in November 1952; so was Stanisław Flato in February 1953, who together with Leder had been one of Komar's two deputies in the Second Department; committed suicide in February 1953. Leder was incarcerated in Warsaw, tortured, and held in solitary confinement. He was released and rehabilitated on December 6, 1954.

After being fired, Shtykov was demoted to major general on 3 February 1951 and was appointed deputy chairman of Kaluga Oblast. He later served as First Secretary of Novgorod and Primorskiy Oblast, before being named Ambassador to Hungary in 1959. Shtykov's hardline Stalinism clashed with János Kádár's Goulash Communism policies, and he was recalled in 1960. He served as Chairman of the State Control Commission for the Council of Ministers of the Russian Soviet Federal Republic before dying on vacation in 1964.

Fitzpatrick called for a social history that did not address political issues, in other words that adhered strictly to a "from below" viewpoint. This was justified by the idea that the university had been strongly conditioned to see everything through the prism of the state: "the social processes unrelated to the intervention of the state is virtually absent from the literature.""New Perspectives on Stalinism", p. 359. Fitzpatrick did not deny that the state's role in social change of the 1930s was huge.

Inspirations from the movement of body culture gave birth to early studies in the history of bodily positions and movements (Gaulhofer 1930; Marcel Mauss 1934). In German Socialist workers' sport, the concept of Körperkultur had a prominent place. The concept also entered into Russian Socialism where fiskultura became an alternative to bourgeois sport, uniting the revolutionary fractions of more aesthetical Proletkult and more health- oriented "hygienism" (Riordan 1977). Later, Stalinism forced the contradictory terms under the formula "sport and body culture".

It spans 20 years of the lives of the Jewish, immigrant Kahn family living in 1936 in London, and traces the downfall of their ideals in a changing world, parallel to the disintegration of the family.Synopsis from Arnold Wesker's homepage. . The protagonists are the parents, Sarah and Harry, and their children, Ada and Ronnie. They are communists, and Wesker explores how they struggle to maintain their convictions in the face of the Second World War, Stalinism, and the 1956 Hungarian Revolution.

At the beginning of the war, the UEC became the UELC (Union des étudiants et lycéens communistes, Union of Communist Students and Lycéens - lycéens being high school students). The Congrès des lycéens anti-fascistes (Congress of Antifascist Lycéens) merged into it. Dissolved after the Liberation, the UEC was re-created during the Fourth Republic, in 1956. Ten years later, "leftist" elements were excluded: those included Trotskyists who rejected Stalinism, such as Alain Krivine, future leader of the Trotskyist Revolutionary Communist League, and Maoists.

At the time of the Great Purge, Staszewski was arrested by the NKVD and in 1938 sentenced to eight years in Kolyma. On his release in 1945, he returned to Poland. During the reign of Stalinism in the Polish People's Republic, Staszewski was in charge of propaganda, education and culture in the Katowice Voivodeship organization of the Polish Workers' Party. After holding further positions in official press and in the party central press departments, Staszewski became deputy minister of agriculture in January 1954.

" During the Cold War, Rousseau was criticized for his association with nationalism and its attendant abuses, for example in . This came to be known among scholars as the "totalitarian thesis". Political scientist J.S. Maloy states that "the twentieth century added Nazism and Stalinism to Jacobinism on the list of horrors for which Rousseau could be blamed. ... Rousseau was considered to have advocated just the sort of invasive tampering with human nature which the totalitarian regimes of mid-century had tried to instantiate.

The fourth chapter describes, under the pseudonym Alpha, the life of Polish author Jerzy Andrzejewski and how he came to collaborate with Stalinism in Poland. Before the Second World War, Andrzejewski had been widely admired as the author of Catholic novels and considered himself a follower of Jacques Maritain. Milosz expresses a belief, however, that Andrzejewski's Catholic Faith went only skin deep. During the Nazi Occupation of Poland, Andrzejewski was one of the leaders of the literary wing of the Polish underground state.

His appreciation of the importance of the knowledge of real social movements is apparent from his studies: The development of Capitalism in Russia and his Notebooks on Imperialism. Lukacs' revolutionary career is made more problematic by his intellectual capitulation to the pressures of Stalinism. The essays from his period of active revolutionary leadership however are of unparalleled importance for their reassertion of Hegel's contribution to marxism. In addition his critical review of Bukharin published as Technology & Social RelationsBrewster, Ben (September–October 1966).

Unlike earlier codes that arranged for temporary and transitive laws as a step toward the revolutionary vision of family; the Code of 1936 marked an ideological shift away from Marxist / revolutionary visions of the nuclear family. Coinciding with the rise of Stalinism, the law demanded the stabilizing and strengthening of the family. “The “withering-away” doctrine, once central to socialist understand of the family, law, and the state, was anathematized.” The 1936 code emerged among along with an eruption of pro- family propaganda.

The Revolution Betrayed: What Is the Soviet Union and Where Is It Going? () is a book published in 1937 by the exiled Soviet Bolshevik leader Leon Trotsky. This work analyzed and criticized the course of historical development in the Soviet Union following the death of Lenin in 1924 and is regarded as Trotsky's primary work dealing with the nature of Stalinism. The book was written by Trotsky during his exile in Norway and was originally translated into Spanish by Victor Serge.

However, after Luxemburg's and Liebknecht's murders the term communist became generally associated solely with the parties and organisations following Lenin, along with their various derivations, such as Stalinism or Maoism. There is a considerable variety of views among self-identified communists. However, Marxism and Leninism, schools of communism associated with Karl Marx and of Vladimir Lenin respectively, have the distinction of having been a major force in world politics since the early 20th century. Class struggle plays a central role in Marxism.

The CCF was an attempt by John Dewey and other leftists to break with what they argued was the totalitarianism of the Communist Party USA and "cleanse" left-wing politics to make it more palatable to the mainstream of American voters.Kutulas, The Long War: The Intellectual People's Front and Anti-Stalinism, 1930–40, 1995, p. 157.Hartman, Education and the Cold War: The Battle for the American School, 2008, p. 39. But the goals of the group's founders were not uniform on this.

The political magazine The New Republic actively campaigned in its pages against the CCF.Bullert, The Politics of John Dewey, 1983, p. 140. The New Republic accused the CCF of actively aiding fascism and supporting a Trotskyist revolution in the U.S.Cooney, The Rise of The New York Intellectuals: 'Partisan Review' and Its Circle, 2004, p. 143–144. Freda Kirchwey, editor of The Nation (a liberal political magazine), strongly criticized the CCF for equating Stalinism and fascism without recognizing the two political systems' differences.

This opposition was controversial at the time, for many Americans perceived the Soviet Union to be acting as a bulwark against Nazi Germany and the territorial ambitions of Adolf Hitler. In early August 1939, more than 400 people signed a public letter denouncing the CCF's linkage of Stalinism and Nazism, and defending the Soviet Union.Cooney, The Rise of The New York Intellectuals: 'Partisan Review' and Its Circle, 2004, p. 144.Bell, Marxian Socialism in the United States, 1996, p. 152.

Hekmat supported the "return to Marx", and theorized that the working class is to rely only on itself - arguing that it had been the only class to impose beneficial changes in the 20th century. He opposed Stalinism and never accepted that either the Soviet Union or the People's Republic of China were socialist countries. He famously said "The basis of Socialism is the human being". Hekmat was also a practicing vegetarian and towards the end of his life became vegan.

Benét's Reader's Encyclopedia, Third Edition (1987) p. 588. Lukács has been described as the preeminent Marxist intellectual of the Stalinist era, though assessing his legacy can be difficult as Lukács seemed both to support Stalinism as the embodiment of Marxist thought, and yet also to champion a return to pre-Stalinist Marxism.Leszek Kołakowski ([1981], 2008), Main Currents of Marxism, Vol. 3: The Breakdown, W. W. Norton & Company, Ch VII: "György Lukács: Reason in the Service of Dogma", W.W. Norton & Co.

See also "Dastan" entry in the Great Soviet Encyclopedia, third edition. Despite the liberalization of the political climate after the denunciation of Stalinism by Nikita Khrushchev in February 1956, the same "Barthold" edition of the Book of Dede Korkut was re-published only in 1962 and in 1977. Problems persisted all the way to perestroika, when the last full edition in Azerbaijani language was sent for publication on July 11, 1985, but received permission for printing only on February 2, 1988.

In 1970, awards of literary prizes brought the Party leadership into open conflict with the Writers' Union. This determined the Party to recover the privilege of granting such awards and of determining their standards of value.Verdery, p. 113. Despite these forebodings of conflict, the Theses, with their promise of Neo-Stalinism, came as a shock. The Party was supposed to supervise the Theses' implementation closely and meticulously, but it was unable to do so with the same efficacy as in the 1950s.

Milner-Gulland also wrote, in an obituary in The Guardian, that "there was a brief stage when the development of Russian literature seemed almost synonymous with his name", and that amidst his characteristics of "sharpness, sentiment, populism, self- confidence and sheer enjoyment of the sound of language", he was "above all a generous spirit". Raymond H. Anderson stated in The New York Times that his "defiant" poetry "inspired a generation of young Russians in their fight against Stalinism during the Cold War".

Lyudmila, meanwhile, goes to visit her son from her first marriage, Tolya, in an army hospital, but he dies before her arrival. When she returns to Kazan, she is extremely detached and seems to still be expecting Tolya's return. Viktor finds himself engaging in anti-Soviet conversations at the home of his colleague, Sokolov, partly to impress Sokolov's wife, Marya (Lyudmila's only friend). He consistently compares political situations to physics, and remarks that Fascism and Stalinism are not so different.

In 1961, in the context of the demobilisation of Stalinism, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev demanded Hoxha's resignation. Instead, Hoxha severed his diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and was under the protection of Maoist China. The cooperation of the two countries did not work out and had as a result the isolation of Albania from the rest of the countries both Communist or not. Hoxha declared Albania as the first atheistic state in the world, whose only religion was Albanianism.

On December 3, 1965, Pomerants gave a lecture at the Institute of Philosophy in Moscow publicly denouncing Stalinism. It caused a sensation and became one of the early pieces of samizdat literature. In 1968, he co-signed a petition in support of the participants of the 1968 Red Square demonstration against the introduction of Soviet troops into Czechoslovakia. He also put his signature to Larisa Bogoraz and Pavel Litvinov's "Appeal to the World Public Opinion" in protest of Trial of the Four.

Together with Ture Nerman, they were the only two communists in the First Chamber. Later in 1929, Winberg was expelled together with the majority of the Communist Party's members as the Party followed the Stalinist course. In the 1930s, Winberg was active in the Communist opposition led by Karl Kilbom, independent from Moscow and opposing Stalinism. Winberg's memoir titled From Kvarnberget to Helgeandsholmen: the fate of a crofter's boy's fate (Från Kvarnberget till Helgeandsholmen : en torparpojkes livsöden) was published in 1945.

Stanisław Skalski after arrest by communist political police 1948 After the war Skalski returned to Poland in 1947 and joined the Air Force of the Polish Army. In 1948 however he was arrested under the false charge of espionage. Sentenced to death, he spent three years awaiting the execution, after which his sentence was changed to life imprisonment in Wronki Prison. After the end of Stalinism in Poland, in 1956 he was released, rehabilitated, and allowed to join the military.

Afterwards, the political opposition to the practical régime of Stalinism was denounced as Trotskyism (Bolshevik–Leninism), described as a deviation from Marxism–Leninism, the state ideology of the Soviet Union. Political developments in the Soviet Union included Stalin dismantling the remaining elements of democracy from the party by extending his control over its institutions and eliminating any possible rivals.Lee, p. 49. The party's ranks grew in numbers, with the party modifying its organisation to include more trade unions and factories.

Angelo Tasca (Moretta, 19 November 1892 – Paris, 3 March 1960) was an Italian politician, writer and historian. He was a founding member of the Communist Party of Italy, but was expelled in 1929 due to his opposition to Stalinism. Having experienced persecution by the fascist regime in Italy, he took refuge in France in 1926, gaining citizenship in 1936. After joining the French Section of the Workers' International in 1934, he worked as a writer for the newspaper Le Populaire.

Japan Revolutionary Communist League, National Committee (革命的共産主義者同盟全国委員会 Kakumeiteki Kyōsanshugisha Dōmei, Zenkoku Iinkai?) is a Japanese far-left revolutionary group, often referred to as Chūkaku-ha (中核派 Middle Core Faction) in Japanese. Their main goal is to have Japan, and the entire world, adopt communist policies. Chūkaku-ha reject imperialism and the Stalinism. With the group being founded in 1957 of elements of the anti-Stalinist left.

In 1943 Wirsing became editor of Nazi propaganda magazine Signal, later becoming its editor-in-chief in 1945. Until 1944, Wirsing wrote for the Deutsche Informationsstelle ("German Office of Information") in Berlin. The Deutsche Informationsstelle was an SS propaganda institute specializing in translations of propaganda into various European languages. He occasionally published under the pen name Vindex, as with the 1944 French- language propaganda booklet Stalinisme: la politique sovietique pendant la deuxieme guerre mondiale ("Stalinism: Soviet politics during the Second World War").

93 But the NSV also explicitly stated that all such benefits would only be available to "racially superior" persons. Martina Steber and Bernhard Gotto, Visions of Community in Nazi Germany: Social Engineering and Private Lives, Oxford: UK, Oxford University Press, 2014, p. 93 NSV administrators were able to mount an effort towards the "cleansing of their cities of 'asocials'," who were deemed unworthy of receiving assistance for various reasons.Michael Geyer, Sheila Fitzpatrick, Beyond Totalitarianism: Stalinism and Nazism Compared, Cambridge University Press, 2009, p.

177, 339, note 112. and it was quickly overturned. Many of those who entered the party during Pauker's mass recruitment campaign would be purged between 1948 and 1950, and mass arrests would return with a vengeance in 1947 (including members of the National Peasants' Party and the National Liberal Party, as well as the amnestied members of the Iron Guard).Vladimir Tismaneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003, pp. 92–93, 127.

Olga Romanova wrote that Stalin was not pleased by the portrayal of his youthful self by Mikheil Gelovani, and therefore did not award The Unforgettable Year 1919 a Stalin Prize; it was Chiaureli's only personality cult film to be denied the prize.Olga Romanova. Divine Stalin: Chaiureli's Stalinism. urokiistori.ru. In 1952, a Der Spiegel critic wrote that, in 1919, "Young Stalin stands in white-silk armor and arranges the defense of Leningrad... While the traitors receive their deserved bullet in the head".

An example of changing visual history is the Party motivated practice of altering photographs. In the Historiography of the Cold War, a controversy over negationist historical revisionism exists, where numerous revisionist scholars in the West have been accused of whitewashing the crimes of Stalinism, overlooking the Katyn massacre in Poland, disregarding the validity of the Venona messages with regards to Soviet espionage in the United States,John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr. In Denial: Historians, Communism, and Espionage. Encounter Books, 2003. pp.

It was planned as a huge centre of heavy industry around the new Lenin Steelworks. The town was to become an ideal town for the communist propaganda and populated mostly by industrial workers (see: Socialist realism in Poland). In 1951 it was joined with Kraków as its new district and the following year tramway communication was started. Since the fall of Communism the city district that was once a showpiece for Stalinism now boasts many tributes to ardent anti-Communism.

At the end of the Battle of Târgu Frumos the frontline stabilised. However, it was from these positions that the Soviets launched the successful Jassy–Kishinev Offensive in late August 1944. On a political level, the battle accelerated the activities of anti-German forces in Romania, leading to negotiations between the traditional political parties and the Romanian Communist Party, represented by Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu.Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003, p. 86.

Between 1932 and 1936, Soviet architects began to transition from the Constructivism of the 1920s to Stalinist architecture. Two groups of architects - constructivists and neoclassicists - converged on the same transitional style, known as postconstructivism (or simply early Stalinism) and featuring classical shapes without classical detail; in which the architects stopped experimenting with shapes. However, they remained reluctant to accept classical order. Instead, they invented their own order, in which they combined large window surfaces with slim, capital-less supporting columns.

Thirdly, > the complete exposure of the National Frontists, the legal Communists, the > germ-carriers of anti-revolutionary Stalinism. Fourthly, the rapid > revolutionisation of the masses. Fifthly, the ripening of the ideological > premises for the growth of real leftism as a result of the political > development, both national and international. The national revolution in > India has definitely jumped over the hurdles of Gandhism and has scornfully > rejected the petty bourgeois Congress Socialism which is at the service of > the Indian bourgeoisie.

Sheng referred to them as "a skillful, vital application of Marxism, Leninism, and Stalinism in the conditions of the feudal society of economically and culturally backward Sinkiang". They served as the ideological basis of Sheng's rule. With the proclamation of the Six Great Policies, Sheng adopted a new flag with a six-pointed star to represent these policies. With Sheng's rapprochement with the Central government, the Kuomintang spread throughout the province, replacing the People's Anti-Imperialist Association, which was disbanded in April 1942.

Self-criticism (Russian: Самокритика, samokritika; Chinese: 自我批评, zìwǒ pīpíng) is a philosophical and political concept developed within the ideology of Marxism–Leninism, Stalinism, and Maoism. According to David Priestland, the concept of "criticism and self-criticism" developed within the Stalinist period of the Soviet Union as a way to publicly interrogate intellectuals who were suspected of possessing counter-revolutionary positions. The concept would play a major component of the political philosophy of Chinese Marxist leader Mao Zedong.

It was first published in the GDR in > 1969 after Helene Weigel had insisted on its inclusion in a collected > edition of Brecht's works. Brecht's involvement in agitprop and lack of clear condemnation of purges resulted in criticism from many contemporaries who became disillusioned in communism earlier. Fritz Raddatz who knew Brecht for a long time described his attitude as "broken", "escaping the problem of Stalinism", ignoring his friends being murdered in the USSR, keeping silence during show trials such as Slánský trial.

The battle line between the > political right in Germany and the Bolsheviks had achieved its aggressive > contour before Stalinism employed methods that led to the death of millions > of people. Thoughts about the extermination of the Jews had long been > current, and not only for Hitler and his satraps. Many of these found their > way to the NSDAP from the Deutschvölkisch Schutz-und Trutzbund [German > Racial Union for Protection and Defiance], which itself had been called into > life by the Pan-German Union.

Locke became convinced that the New Zealand Communist Party should develop a more "home-grown ideology". At the same time, she was an internationalist, and it was this, according to the New Zealand Journal of History, "that drew her into the Communist Party and ultimately made her leave it, in 1956". Locke, like many others, left in protest both over the Soviet response to the Hungarian Revolution, and the "excesses" of Stalinism. However, her husband Jack remained a communist until his death.

An excerpt from The Envoy of Mr. Cogito, Gdańsk The year 1956 in Poland marked the end of Stalinism and as a result also of social realism as the only and obligatory style in art and literature. This enabled Herbert's debut as a poet. Thanks to this, his material position also improved. In 1957 supported by Jerzy Zawieyski he received a small studio to live in (in Warsaw) one of the flats distributed for young writers by the Polish Union of Writers (ZLP).

A communist ideologically committed to the Leninist interpretation of Marxism, Stalin formalised these ideas as Marxism–Leninism, while his own policies are known as Stalinism. Born to a poor family in Gori in the Russian Empire (now Georgia), as a youth Stalin joined the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. He went on to edit the party's newspaper, Pravda, and raised funds for Vladimir Lenin's Bolshevik faction via robberies, kidnappings, and protection rackets. Repeatedly arrested, he underwent several internal exiles.

While involuntarily remaining in Stalinist Russia, Tucker was greatly influenced by psychoanalytical theories of neurosis, paranoia, and self-idealization. He recognized such traits in Stalin and hypothesized that "psychological needs," "psychopathological tendencies", and "politicized psychodynamics" were not only core elements of Stalin's "ruling personality", but also of Stalinism as a "system of rule" and Stalinization as the process of establishing that rule—"Neo-Tsarist Autocracy".Tucker, "The Dictator and Totalitarianism," in The Soviet Political Mind, rev. ed., 30-32, 42; and Stalin in Power, 1-9 ff.

Karen Fiss, Grand Illusion: The Third Reich, the Paris Exposition, and the Cultural Seduction of France, University of Chicago Press, 2009, p. 201 Beginning in 1943, however, he became disillusioned by the New Order, and turned to the study of Eastern spirituality.He expressed his disappointment in Les Chiens de Paille (1944), his last novel in which he represents himself as a cynical man with anarchist tendencies. In a final, provocative act, he again embraced Jacques Doriot's PPF, simultaneously declaring in his secret diary his admiration for Stalinism.

Teil II. A. L. Abramov-Mirov und V. G. Knorin in Verhörprotokollen des KGB. Aus dem Russischen übersetzt von Olaf Kirchner. In: The International Newsletter of Historical Studies on Comintern, Communism and Stalinism 4/5 (1997/98), 9–13, p. 216–229. Among the various accusations, it was said that he had used the OMS to channel money to Trotsky, who had fallen foul of Stalin some years earlier but was, at this stage, still alive and living in exile while trying to hide from Soviet agents.

Borilă returned to Romania with the Red Army after the Soviet occupation. As the Luca-Pauker group ensured a main role in leading the reunited PCR (known for a while afterwards as the Romanian Workers' Party, or PMR), he himself rose to prominence: following the establishment of a Communist regime (1947), he was a member of the Central Committee (1948-1969) and of the Politburo (1952-1965).Tismăneanu, Stalinism..., p.168, 293 He was also among those charged with politically supervising its new secret police, the Securitate.

Poale Zion Left opposed the decision by Poale Zion to rejoin the World Zionist Organization, viewing it as essentially bourgeois in character, and viewed the Histadrut as reformist and non-socialist. Aside from differing attitudes towards Zionism and Stalinism, the two wings of Poale Zion parted ways over Yiddish and Yiddish culture. The Left was more supportive of the latter, similar to the members of the Jewish Bund, while the Right bloc identified strongly with the emerging modern Hebrew movement in the early 20th century.

Tismăneanu, p.102 The party's professional interrogator as part of repressive actions initiated by the Securitate secret police, he took over the latter post in 1960 as Constantin Pîrvulescu was purged for his silence several years earlier in a plot to unseat Gheorghiu-Dej.Tismăneanu, p.170 By 1961, the Comintern veteran was among those advocating a turn toward national communism. He left his control commission post in 1969. Coliu was a hardliner within the leadership of the PCR, an unconditional follower of Joseph Stalin and of Stalinism.

The Gulag was officially established on April 25, 1930 as the ULAG by the OGPU order 130/63 in accordance with the Sovnarkom order 22 p. 248 dated April 7, 1930. It was renamed as the Gulag in November of that year. The hypothesis that economic considerations were responsible for mass arrests during the period of Stalinism has been refuted on the grounds of former Soviet archives that have become accessible since the 1990s, although some archival sources also tend to support an economic hypothesis.

In October 1964, while Khrushchev was on holiday in Crimea, the Presidium unanimously voted him out of office and refused to permit him to take his case to the Central Committee. He retired as a private citizen after an editorial in Pravda denounced him for "hare-brained schemes, half−baked conclusions, hasty decisions, and actions divorced from reality." However, Khrushchev must also be remembered for his public disavowal of Stalinism, significant liberalization in the country, and the greater flexibility he brought to Soviet leadership.

The third camp, also known as third camp socialism or third camp Trotskyism, is a branch of socialism that aims to oppose both capitalism and Stalinism by supporting the organised working class as a "third camp". The term arose early during World War II and refers to the idea of two "imperialist camps" competing to dominate the world: one led by the United Kingdom and France and supported by the United States; and the other led by Nazi Germany and supported by Fascist Italy.

In 1973 he wrote, with George Johnson, 'On the Nature of the Vietnamese Communist Party' (International Socialist Review, Volume 34, no 7, July/August 1973, pp. 4–9, 63–90) and later 'Vietnam, Stalinism and the Postwar Socialist Revolutions' (International Socialist Review, Volume 35, no 4, April 1974, pp. 26–61). These two articles helped develop a deep discussion in the Fourth International on the topic. In 1974 he co-authored 'The first three Internationals, their history and lessons' with George Novack and Dave Frankel.

Like much of Solzenitsyn's work, the timescale of the novel is brief – a few weeks in the spring of 1955. This places the action after the death of Stalin and the fall of secret police chief Lavrenti Beria, but before Nikita Khrushchev's 1956 "secret speech" denouncing aspects of Stalinism, one of the heights of the post-Stalin "thaw" in the USSR. A purge of the Supreme Court and the fall of the senior Stalinist Georgy Malenkov take place during the time of the novel's action.

Within a few years, film production was heavily controlled by the state and films were not allowed to undermine Stalinism. Psychologising was frowned upon and characters became cardboard cut-outs subservient to political ideals. A dominant feature of film poetics of this period was descriptive-symbolic stylization. Even the titles of films like Dam (Priehrada, Paľo Bielik, 1950), Young Hearts (Mladé srdcia, Václav Kubásek, 1952), and Hamlets Have Started Off (Lazy sa pohli, Paľo Bielik, 1952) were designed to represent social and societal change.

Lise London (15 February 1916 – 31 March 2012) was a French Communist politician and activist. She participated in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War and the French Resistance during World War II. She was the widow of Artur London, a Czechoslovak communist politician and co- defendant in the Slánský Trial. Following her husband's show trial and imprisonment, she became a strong critic of Stalin and Stalinism. London was born Élizabeth Ricol in Montceau-les-Mines, France, in 1916 to parents from Spain.

Deletant & Ionescu, p.9-13; Frunză, p.426-428-434; Tismăneanu, p.19-23 The Hungarian rebellion also sparked student protests in such places as Bucharest, Timișoara, Oradea, Cluj and Iași, which contributed to unease inside the PMR and resulted in a wave of arrests.Deletant & Ionescu, p.10-11, 34; Tismăneanu, p.21, 31 While refusing to allow dissemination of Soviet literature exposing Stalinism (writers such as Ilya Ehrenburg and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn), Romanian leaders took active part in the campaign against Boris Pasternak.Frunză, p.

In the course of the 1968 Polish political crisis, he lost his job at Warsaw University and was prevented from obtaining any other academic post.Clive James (2007) Cultural Amnesia, p. 353 He came to the conclusion that the totalitarian cruelty of Stalinism was not an aberration, but a logical end-product of Marxism, whose genealogy he examined in his monumental Main Currents of Marxism, his major work, published in 1976 to 1978.Gareth Jones (17 July 2009) "Polish philosopher and author Kołakowski dead at 81".

The party upholds a strict anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninist line, and states that it "consistently fights revisionism, opportunism and its main form, anti- Stalinism." It recognizes the DDR, the Soviet Union, especially during the leadership of Stalin, and other former Soviet satellite states as examples of real existing socialism. It also holds a positive view on the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, its leadership, both Kim Jong-il and his successor Kim Jong-un, and the leading ideologies of the nation, being Juche and Songun.

Kershaw argued that the speech recognised the aloofness of Hitler's charismatic leadership and thus encouraged officials to second-guess Hitler's wishes and act accordingly. Kershaw suggests that Adolf Eichmann's rise from minor functionary to a leading role in the SS was built on this principle of "working towards the Führer".Ian Kershaw, Moshé Lewin, Stalinism and Nazism: Dictatorships in Comparison, Cambridge University Press, 1997, pp. 104-6 Indeed, such was Kershaw's use of Willikens' phrase that his tribute book even bore it as a title.

Staff was born in Lwów (then in the Austrian partition; now Lviv, Ukraine) during the military partitions of Poland. He was one of three children of the local confectioner of Czech & German origin. He studied law and philosophy at the Lwów University, and in 1918 settled in Warsaw at the cusp of Poland's return to independence. He died at the age of 78 in Skarżysko-Kamienna soon after the end of Stalinism in postwar Poland, and was buried in Warsaw at the renowned Powązki Cemetery.

The final sections separate out "six strains of Socialism from Above" (philanthropism, elitism, plannism, communionism, permeationism, and Socialism from Outside) and conclude with a call to intellectuals "to choose the road of Socialism from Below." Notably, the pamphlet does not devote consideration to the question of whether the Soviet Revolution at its inception was guided by the principles of Socialism from Below or Socialism from Above, although the entire pamphlet is implicitly guided by the moral and political opposition to Stalinism that shaped Draper's life work.

He became friends with many people during his prison term. Among them was a red-haired man known as Prostoserdov, a Menshevik and vocal opponent of Stalinism. It is assumed that Prostoserdov's execution would have made him a martyr; as a result, he was among the most elect prisoners in terms of treatment and privileges. Petrov's run-ins with Prostoserdov serve as one of the work's most poignant refrain; each encounter shows how each man has changed, and how they have struggled to remain themselves.

He is the co-author, with his brother Gabriel Cohn-Bendit, of Obsolete Communism: The Left-Wing Alternative (Linksradikalismus: Gewaltkur gegen die Alterskrankheit des Kommunismus, 1968). This book combines an account of the events of May 1968 with a critique of Stalinism, the French Communist Party and the trade union establishment. The authors acknowledged their intellectual debt to the libertarian socialist group Socialisme ou Barbarie, especially Cornelius Castoriadis ("Pierre Chaulieu") and Claude Lefort.Daniel Cohn- Bendit, Gabriel Cohn-Bendit, Obsolete Communism: The Left-Wing Alternative, trans.

Brandys published his first book during the Stalinist era, the propagandist Początek opowieści (The Beginning of a Story) about the factory workers of Nowa Huta. After the fall of Stalinism, he focused on writing historical novelsMarian Brandys, Koniec świata szwoleżerów, Tom 1, Czcigodni weterani, MG, Warszawa 2010. This the first in a hugely popular series, originally published by Iskra in 1972, about members of the light cavalry who had served in Napoleon's Russian campaign and children's books. He left the communist party in 1966.

Andrzejewski's wartime writings, which inspired the Anti- Nazi Home Army, and in turn his post-war work as a propagandist for Stalinism in Poland are analyzed in Czesław Miłosz's The Captive Mind. In that book, Miłosz refers to Andrzejewski only as "Alpha." According to Miłosz, Andrzejewski's writing is "sainted and supercilious," and other poets and writers in postwar Poland considered him a "respectable prostitute." On 23 September 2006, Jerzy Andrzejewski was posthumously awarded the Commander's Cross of the Order of Polonia Restituta by Polish President Lech Kaczyński.

Both sided with Nikolai Bukharin's agrarian policies, which ran counter to the line set down by Stalin. They also familiarised him with the ideas of the Left Opposition to Stalinism associated with Grigory Zinoviev. His two Uzbek friends were killed shortly afterwards, victims of Stalin's Great Purge. Sidqi had first hand experience of Nazi Germany, having travelled through the country in 1936, and when, later, party loyalty dictated silence after the signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, he refused to buckle under and conceal his disagreement.

Ture Nerman condemned the rise of Stalinism in Russia, but when Zeth Höglund broke with the Communist Party in 1924, Ture Nerman remained, although less involved in the leadership. The party's new leadership was composed of Karl Kilbom and Nils Flyg. In 1929 the Comintern made sure that the power of the Swedish Communist Party was taken over by the minority fraction of Stalinists led by Hugo Sillén. The majority of the party's members, the non-Stalinists, were expelled, including Ture Nerman, Karl Kilbom and Nils Flyg.

This continued to exist, at least in some form, until as late as 1974.Stalinism and Trotskyism in Vietnam, pp. 50-54 By the early 1980s the history of the Vietnamese Trotskyist movement, which in the 1930s may been the most important expression of left opposition in Asia (possibly greater in its scope than in China and in advance of its emergence in IndiaAlexander, International Trotskyism 1929-1985), had been "all but forgotten by the Trotskyists themselves." Robert Alexander suggests two reasons for this.

Eysenck left Nazi Germany to live in Britain and was not shy in attacking Stalinism, noting the anti-Semitic prejudices of the Russian government, the luxurious lifestyles of the Soviet Union leadership and the Orwellian "doublethink" of East Germany's naming itself the German Democratic Republic despite being "one of the most undemocratic regimes in the world today".Eysenck, H.J. (1981). "Left-Wing Authoritarianism: Myth or Reality?, by Hans J. Eysenck" Political Psychology While Eysenck was an opponent of Nazism, his relationship with fascist organizations was more complex.

Slonim was focusing his attention on writing counter-propaganda descriptions of Socialist Realism, which was entering the official Soviet literary and political discourse under Joseph Stalin. Readers of his work provide contrasting reviews: Aucouturier finds his 1930 study on Stalinism in Literature "important";Aucouturier (1999), p. 388 however, according to the Russian sociologist Evgeny Dobrenko, Slonim's contribution here "overstep[s] the boundaries of scholarship."Evgeny Dobrenko, The Making of the State Writer: Social and Aesthetic Origins of Soviet Literary Culture, p. 409. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001.

Since it was signed in 2008, the Prague Declaration has been opposed by various groups. The Economist states: "It has attracted support in bodies such as the European Parliament. But it has infuriated some, if not all, Jewish activists; left-wing politicians (mostly from western Europe); and inevitably, Russia." Notably, Russia protested against the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe's support for the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism; its delegation tried but failed to have the resolution withdrawn.

Sâr found many of Karl Marx's denser texts difficult, later saying he "didn't really understand" them. But he became familiar with the writings of Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, including The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks). Stalin's approach to Marxism—known as Stalinism—gave Sâr a sense of purpose in life. Sâr also read Mao's work, especially On New Democracy, a text outlining a Marxist–Leninist framework for carrying out a revolution in colonial and semi-colonial, semi-feudal societies.

Stalin said: "it can hardly be doubted that Comrade Chicherin is better informed about the mood in foreign investment circles that any of us." It was rare for Stalin to acknowledge that someone was more knowledgeable than himself.Reiman, Michal: Birth of Stalinism, pp.39-40 John Holroyd-Doveton Maxim Litvinov p 99 Although known for his workaholic habits he became sidelined because from November 1926 to June 1927, and from September 1928 until January 1930 Chicherin was receiving medical treatment in Germany or the French Riviera.

In the 2000s (decade), Ginzburg was politically active, supporting the Russian liberal opposition and human rights movement. He defended Igor Sutyagin and Valentin Danilov against charges of espionage put forth by the authorities. On 2 April 2009, in an interview to the Radio Liberty Ginzburg denounced the FSB as an institution harmful to Russia and the ongoing expansion of its authority as a return to Stalinism. Ginzburg worked at the P. N. Lebedev Physical Institute of Soviet and Russian Academy of Sciences in Moscow since 1940.

Charles Plisnier (1896–1952), born in Mons, won the Prix Goncourt in 1936, for his novel Mariages and for Faux Passeports (short stories denouncing Stalinism, in the same spirit as Arthur Koestler). He was the first foreigner to receive this honour. The Walloon Georges Simenon is likely the most widely read French-speaking writer in the world, according to the Tribune de Genève.L'écrivain français le plus dans le monde More than 500 million of his books have been sold, and they have been translated into 55 languages.

Postmodernism arose after World War II as a reaction to the perceived failings of modernism, whose radical artistic projects had come to be associated with totalitarianismCf. Groys, Boris: The Total Art of Stalinism, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. or had been assimilated into mainstream culture. The basic features of what we now call postmodernism can be found as early as the 1940s, most notably in the work of Jorge Luis Borges.See Barth, John: “The Literature of Exhaustion.” The Atlantic Monthly, August 1967, pp. 29–34.

The main cause of this phenomenon was the struggle between capitalism and communism-led societies. The enforced uniformity of the Soviet thought and the heavy weight of its dictatorship were the only politically correct form of view, lifestyle and self-expression permitted during Stalinism. Therefore, the stilyagi sought to follow the modern ideology and morality in order to avoid Soviet pressure and its influence on society. The stilyagi were largely repressed until Stalin's death in 1953, which let the style grow into a counterculture.

They married in 1949. After Chomsky was made a Fellow at Harvard, the couple moved to the Allston area of Boston and remained there until 1965, when they relocated to the suburb of Lexington. In 1953 the couple took a Harvard travel grant to Europe, from the United Kingdom through France, Switzerland into Italy, and Israel, where they lived in Hashomer Hatzair's HaZore'a kibbutz. Despite enjoying himself, Chomsky was appalled by the country's Jewish nationalism, anti-Arab racism and, within the kibbutz's leftist community, pro-Stalinism.

The thesis would become a hallmark of Stalinism. Trotsky, the prime force behind the Left Opposition, was defeated by a triumvirate formed by Stalin, Zinoviev, and Kamenev, with the support of Bukharin. At the Fourteenth Party Congress in December 1925, Stalin openly attacked Kamenev and Zinoviev, revealing that they had asked for his aid in expelling Trotsky from the Party. By 1926, the Stalin-Bukharin alliance ousted Zinoviev and Kamenev from the Party leadership, and Bukharin enjoyed the highest degree of power during the 1926–1928 period.

He expressed (translated from the Spanish) "the strongest condemnation" of the CIA's actions against intellectuals "who had demonstrated independence against Fascism and Stalinism", being "victim of slander of the organized reaction of the McCarthyist or Stalinist gangs" and of "the deceit" of "the CIA or other corrupters from other sides". Monegal 1967, primary sources. This article, and its follow-up two months later, did not amuse Monegal's backers. Escalating disagreements with the Ford Foundation and the ILARI eventually led to Monegal's resignation in July 1968.

The policy aimed to integrate individual landholdings and labour into collectively-controlled and state-controlled farms: Kolkhozy and Sovkhozy accordingly. The Soviet leadership confidently expected that the replacement of individual peasant farms by collective ones would immediately increase the food supply for the urban population, the supply of raw materials for the processing industry, and agricultural exports. Planners regarded collectivization as the solution to the crisis of agricultural distribution (mainly in grain deliveries) that had developed from 1927.McCauley, Martin, Stalin and Stalinism, p.

During World War II he stayed in Poland and worked under the German occupation as a teacher in technical schools. After Poland's liberation in 1945, Bartel worked in the Polish Civil Aviation Department of Ministry of Communication, but in 1948, with the advent of Stalinism in Poland, the communist authorities removed him from work in aviation, along with many other pre-war experts. He worked among other places in the Polish Normalization Institute. From 1951 he was a professor at the Warsaw University of Technology.

He was excluded from KPÖ in 1958 when he started—in the wake of the Hungarian Uprising of 1956—to challenge Stalinism. Alienated from the KPÖ, Langbein 1960 was relieved of his post as general secretary of the IAC and excluded the following year also from its management. In 1963 Langbein was Secretary of the "Comité International des Camps". On October 18, 1961, the West German Radio broadcast a three-hour feature about Auschwitz conceived by Langbein and H. G. Adler: Topography of an extermination camp.

Trotsky was expelled from the Communist Party and deported from the Soviet Union in the Great Purge. As the head of the Fourth International, he continued in exile to oppose the Stalinist bureaucracy in the Soviet Union, and was eventually assassinated in Mexico by Ramón Mercader, a Soviet agent who used an ice axe to fatally stab Trotsky. Trotsky's ideas form the basis of Trotskyism, a variation of communist theory, which remains a major school of Marxist thought that is opposed to the theories of Stalinism.

Rooted firmly in the Marxist tradition, the Situationist International criticized Trotskyism, Marxism–Leninism, Stalinism and Maoism from a position they believed to be further left and more properly Marxist. The situationists possessed a strong anti-authoritarian current, commonly deriding the centralized bureaucracies of China and the Soviet Union in the same breath as capitalism. Debord's work The Society of the Spectacle (1967) established situationist analysis as Marxist critical theory. The Society of the Spectacle is widely recognized as the main and most influential Situationist essay.

The McCarthy Cold War era had taken a heavy toll on the Communist Party USA, as many American members were called to testify to congressional committees. In addition, due to the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956, many members became disenchanted and left the party. They were also moved by the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev's dismissal of Stalinism. In the United States, the rise of the New Left and the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 created hostility between leftists and the CPUSA, marginalizing it.

In addition to prose fiction and translations, he also published several critical essays, and is considered one of the pioneers of Freudian criticism in Ukraine. In 1927, at the age of 26, Pidmohylny won recognition as a major author with the publication of his novel Misto (The City), which was also translated into Russian. As harsh Stalinism solidified in Ukraine, Pidmohylny had increasing difficulty publishing his work, especially magnified because of questions of his commitment to the Soviet system. In 1934, he was arrested.

William Wainwright's pamphlet Clear out Trotsky's Agents warned: You must train yourself to round up these other more cunning enemies ... they are called Trotskyists'. "Resolution of the Central Committee of the R.C.P.", May 1925; Black, Stalinism in Britain, pg. 190. which aimed to increase productivity, and supported the National Government that was led by Winston Churchill (Conservative) and Clement Attlee (Labour). At the same time, given the influence of Rajani Palme Dutt in the Party, the issue of Indian independence and the independence of colonies was emphasised.

"Editorial: The Russian Betrayal", The New York Times, September 18, 1939. The editorial further opined: > The world will now understand that the only real 'ideological' issue is one > between democracy, liberty and peace on the one hand and despotism, terror > and war on the other. During the period while the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact was in force, Benito Mussolini positively reviewed Stalinism as having transformed Soviet Bolshevism into a Slavic fascism.MacGregor Knox, Mussolini Unleashed, 1939-1941: Politics and Strategy in Italy's Last War, pp. 63–64.

General Emil August Fieldorf, as well as 40 members of the Wolność i Niezawisłość (Freedom and Independence) organisation, various Church officials and many other opponents of the new regime including Witold Pilecki, condemned to death during secret trials. Bierut signed many of those death sentences. Bierut's mysterious death in Moscow in 1956 (shortly after attending the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union) gave rise to much speculation about poisoning or a suicide, and symbolically marked the end of Stalinism era in Poland.

The largest number of volunteers came from France (where the French Communist Party had many members) and communist exiles from Italy and Germany. Many Jews from the English-speaking world and Eastern Europe also participated. Republican volunteers who were opposed to Stalinism did not join the Brigades but instead enlisted in the separate Popular Front, the POUM, formed from Trotskyist, Bukharinist and other anti- Stalinist groups, which did not separate Spaniards and foreign volunteers (such as George Orwell),Homage to Catalonia. Author: Orwell, George.

These themes were developed from comparative, theoretical, and interdisciplinary perspectives and were documented at length in Tucker's magnum opus, the two published volumes of an unfinished three-volume biography of Stalin, and in other important works on Stalin and Stalinism.Robert C. Tucker, Stalin as Revolutionary, 1879-1929: A Study in History and Personality (New York: Norton, 1973); Robert C. Tucker, Stalin in Power: The Revolution from Above, 1928-1941; Robert C. Tucker and Stephen F. Cohen, eds., The Great Purge Trial (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1965); and Tucker, ed., Stalinism.

Tucker rejected the view that Stalinism was an "unavoidable," "ineluctable," or "necessary" product of Leninism. He highlighted the similarities between tsarist and Stalinist nationalism and patrimonialism, as well as the warlike brutality of the "Revolution from Above" in the 1930s. The chief causes of this revolution were Stalin's voracious appetite for personal, political, and national power and his relentless quest for personal, political, and national security. The chief consequences were the consolidation of Stalin's personal dictatorship, the creation of a military-industrial complex, and the collectivization and urbanization of the peasantry.

Orthodox Marxism is contrasted with later variations of Marxism, notably revisionism and Stalinism. In contrast to Stalin's idea of the socialism in a single backward country, orthodox Marxists said that Imperial Russia was too backwards for the development of socialism and would first have undergo a capitalist (bourgeois) phase of development even if a Marxist party would head its government. Lenin urged a socialist revolution in Russia to inspire a socialist revolution in Germany and in the majority of the developed countries. His and Trotsky's New Economic Policy was to develop capitalism in Russia initially.

Although GS appreciated the visceral anti-Stalinism in Rassinier's writings, such as his accusations that Communist Party members collaborated in the functioning of the camps, they 'failed' to mention that Rassinier was equally antisemitic. Extracts from the article were used on a wall poster titled Qui est le juif ?(Who is the Jew?), which Guerre Sociale published in defence of Robert Faurisson, at the time an obscure professor of literature with a taste for controversy. He claimed he was being 'persecuted' for declaring that the gas chambers had not existed.

Trotsky with Vladimir Lenin and soldiers in Petrograd Trotsky founded the International Left Opposition in 1930. It was meant to be an opposition group within the Comintern, but anyone who joined or was suspected of joining the ILO was immediately expelled from the Comintern. The ILO, therefore, concluded that opposing Stalinism from within the communist organizations controlled by Stalin's supporters had become impossible, so new organizations had to be formed. In 1933, the ILO was renamed the International Communist League (ICL), which formed the basis of the Fourth International, founded in Paris in 1938.

The Fourth International (FI) is a revolutionary socialist international organization consisting of followers of Leon Trotsky, also known as Trotskyists, whose declared goal is the overthrowing of global capitalism and the establishment of world socialism via international revolution. The Fourth International was established in France in 1938, as Trotsky and his supporters, having been expelled from the Soviet Union, considered the Third International or Comintern as effectively puppets of Stalinism and thus incapable of leading the international working class to political power. Thus, Trotskyists founded their own competing Fourth International.The Transitional Program.

Goşu; Stalinism pentru eternitate p.320 Their son, Vladimir Tismăneanu, is a political scientist, who headed the Presidential Commission for the Study of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania, which presented a report on the crimes of the communist regime in Romania. In an extended polemic with Vladimir Tismăneanu, Goma has indicated his mistrust in the latter's ability to exercise impartial judgment, allegedly calling him "a Bolshevik offspring".Goşu The Final Report of the Presidential Commission lists Leonte Tismăneanu among the group of prominent party activists responsible with indoctrination.

Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, p.176, 194. University of California Press, 2003, In February 1968, he headed the Romanian delegation to a meeting in Budapest that made preparations for the following year's International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties. There, he made a striking gesture, leaving the room in protest at Soviet attacks on Romania's position of defending the principle of equality and independence within the global communist movement, in particular Czechoslovakia's right to carry out the reforms of the Prague Spring.

There have been attempts to incorporate democracy, republicanism, and industrialism into Chinese philosophy, notably by Sun Yat-Sen at the beginning of the 20th century. Mao Zedong added Marxism, Stalinism, Chinese Marxist Philosophy and other communist thought. When the Chinese Communist Party took over the reign, previous schools of thought, excepting notably Legalism, were denounced as backward, and later even purged during the Cultural Revolution, whereas their influences on Chinese thoughts remain until today. The current government of the People's Republic of China is trying to encourage a form of market socialism.

He also criticized Soviet handling of Eastern Europe and the numerous "mini-Stalins" such as Hungary's Matyas Rakosi. East Germany particularly was in a tenuous situation in 1953 as the attempt by its premier Walter Ulbricht to impose all- out Stalinism had cause a mass exodus of people to the West. Beria suggested that East Germany should just be forgotten about entirely and there was "no purpose" for its existence. He revived the proposal Stalin had made to the Allies in 1946 for the creation of a united, neutral Germany.

He was the principal witness before Justice Lowe's royal commission of 1949–50 into communism in Victoria, and was little moved by Khrushchev's revelations about Stalinism in 1956. Gibson published My Years in the Communist Party in 1966, and following his wife's death in 1978 published a memoir of her, One Woman's Life, in 1980. He later published The People Stand Up in 1983 and The Fight Goes On in 1987, two exhaustive histories of communism in Australia and the world. He died at East Malvern in 1989 and was cremated.

He had never been a member of the Communist Party, and the Soviet occupation of Poland after the war caused MacLean to become disillusioned with the Soviet Union and Stalinism. He retained his socialist world-view and strong belief in social justice. During this period, he frequently reviewed poetry and continued to make friends in literary circles, including the younger poets Iain Crichton Smith and George Mackay Brown. He became particularly close to Sydney Goodsir Smith, who shared a flat with MacLean and his family for more than a year.

Thiriart attempted to put his ideas into practice by being instrumental in the formation of the National Party of Europe, an unsuccessful attempt at creating a Europe-wide nationalist party. Seeking to support radical revolutionaries in Latin America and Black Power movements in the United States, Thiriart began to develop the idea of creating Political Soldiers, and set up training camps to facilitate indoctrination. He also became an admirer of Nicolae Ceauşescu, indicating a sympathy towards Stalinism that displayed strong Nationalist characteristics. He also admired the People's Republic of China for these same reasons.

The “Organic Act of Integrated Protection Measures against Gender Violence” resulted in an epidemic of false allegations against innocent men. Judge Maria Sanahuja said: “The gender violence law is a disgusting violation of human rights in Spain. It is a madness that creates abuse and destroys the burden of proof. We are abusing thousands of children, thousands of fathers, thousands of men, thousands of grandfathers”. Judge said “a penal code with different laws for different categories of persons existed in 20th century Europe only under Nazism and Stalinism.

A range of characters are depicted, including those who benefited from Stalinism, resisted or acquiesced. Like Solzhenitsyn, the main character, the Russian Oleg Kostoglotov, spent time in a labour camp as a "counter-revolutionary" before being exiled to Central Asia under Article 58. The story explores the moral responsibility of those implicated in Stalin's Great Purge (1936–1938), when millions were killed, sent to camps or exiled. One patient worries that a man he helped to jail will seek revenge, while others fear that their failure to resist renders them as guilty as any other.

Established in 1957, after Stalinism had subsided in Poland, Polityka slowly developed a reputation for moderately critical journalism, promoting economical way of thinking, although always remaining within the communist-imposed boundaries that still constrained the press. Notably, Polityka was launched to replace the more radical Po prostu (1947–1957). The first editor-in-chief of Polityka was Stefan Żółkiewski who served in the post from 1957 to 1958. Mieczysław Rakowski was a long-time editor of the publication and he served in the post between 1958 and 1982.

Deczkowski after release from Pawiak prison, March 1942 Deczkowski left school in 1939, the year of the September Campaign, and joined the Home Army. During the invasion, he became a runner with the Polish Scouting Association, which was then operating as the underground Szare Szeregi. In 1944, he took part in the Warsaw Uprising as a member of the Batalion Zośka. In 1949, during the darkest years of Stalinism in Poland he was arrested by the Polish security service and sentenced by a military court to 5 years in prison.

The work was written soon after the author's defection from Stalinist Poland in 1951. While writing The Captive Mind Milosz drew upon his experiences as an illegal author during the Nazi Occupation and of being a member of the ruling class of the postwar People's Republic of Poland. The book attempts to explain the allure of Stalinism to intellectuals, the thought processes of those who believe in it, and the existence of both dissent and collaboration within the post-war Soviet Bloc. Miłosz describes the book as having been written "under great inner conflict".

He was born in the village of Bubło, Rohatyn County, in Stanisławów Voivodeship (currently Ukraine). Jastrzębski is a survivor of the World War II massacres of Poles in Volhynia, during which he witnessed the UPA murder of his family. Following Nazi and Soviet invasions of Poland, Jastrzębski was a soldier of Armia Krajowa and member of the Polish self-defence unit in Stanisławów, where he fought against OUN-UPA pacification raids. A political prisoner under Stalinism in the Polish People's Republic, he graduated from the Faculty of Law at the University of Wrocław.

In doing so, it refers to the theory and practice of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong. It rejects the terms "Stalinism" and "Maoism" as anti-communist fighting terms that divide the Marxist–Leninist movement. Whilst criticizing particular aspects of the political works of StalinMLPD homepage (German) and Mao,MLPD homepage (German) MLPD openly defends those works, standing in contrast to most left-wing groups in Germany. It participates in the International Conference of Marxist–Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO) and the International Coordination of Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (ICOR).

Soon, he became a member of the provincial party cell in Kraków, and eventually deputy to the Sejm (Polish parliament) in the People's Republic of Poland. He was selected editor-in-chief of Życie Literackie magazine under Stalinism (1952) and became a prolific writer of ideological propaganda and coarse, often embarrassing polemics supporting the communist party line. He has also been known on occasion to attack the authorities of other communist countries (such as Romania), but his criticism was tolerated. It is said he always carried a bottle of vodka in his hollow briefcase.

Most of his writings were confiscated by the State Political Directorate, but the letter on Soviet "bureaucratism" he addressed to Nikolai Valentinov survived, and became notorious as a critique of Stalinism (under the title "Professional Dangers" of Power).Rakovsky, in Fagan, Opposition and Exile; Tismăneanu, p.61-62 Mistrusting Stalin's new leftist policies, he foresaw the renewed moves against the Left Opposition (inaugurated by Trotsky's 1929 expulsion). As his health deteriorated, he was allowed to move to Saratov upon requests addressed by Krestinsky to Kaganovich, the Secretary of the Central Committee.

International political tensions in the mid-1930s and Stalinism becoming wary of foreigners made Meyer return to Switzerland in 1936. Püschel returned to Germany in May 1937. Three of the other members of the Red Bauhaus Brigade were arrested by the Soviet authorities in the late 1930s and early 1940s. Béla Scheffler was accused of being a spy and executed by firing squad in 1942, Antonin Urban died in a gulag in 1942; Klaus Meumann disappeared in the late 1930s and is assumed to have died in a gulag as well.

During Kim Il- sung's absence, Pak Chang-ok (the new leader of the Soviet faction after the suicide of Ho Ka-i), Choe Chang-ik, and other leading members of the Yan'an faction devised a plan to attack Kim Il-sung at the next plenum of the Central Committee and criticise him for not "correcting" his leadership methods, developing a personality cult, distorting the "Leninist principle of collective leadership" his "distortions of socialist legality" (i.e. using arbitrary arrest and executions) and use other Khrushchev-era criticisms of Stalinism against Kim Il-sung's leadership.

His intellectual promise earned him a trip to Moscow in 1950, where he saw communism in practice and found it repulsive. He broke with Stalinism, becoming a "revisionist Marxist" advocating a humanist interpretation of Karl Marx. One year after the 1956 Polish October, Kołakowski published a four-part critique of Soviet-Marxist dogmas, including historical determinism, in the Polish periodical Nowa Kultura.Foreign News: VOICE OF DISSENT, TIME Magazine, 14 October 1957 His public lecture at Warsaw University on the tenth anniversary of Polish October led to his expulsion from the Polish United Workers' Party.

During the party's years of underground activity, he helped orient it toward Bolshevism (specifically Stalinism). He shunned real intellectual problems and the debates of the Marxist left, instead idolizing Joseph Stalin. He was most influenced by the latter's The Problems of Leninism, a sort of thumbnail sketch of revolutionary theory; once he had read the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) Short Course, with its blatant falsifications, he looked no further than Stalin for ideological guidance. A devoted Comintern man, he was unconcerned with Romania's cultural and political history and context.

With the Nazi-Soviet pact and the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, Tribune initially adopted the CPGB's position of denouncing the British and French declarations of war on Germany as imperialist. After the Soviet invasion of Finland, with Cripps off on a world tour, Strauss and Bevan became increasingly impatient with Hartshorn's unrelenting Stalinism. Strauss fired Hartshorn in February 1940, replacing him as editor with Raymond Postgate. Under Postgate's editorship, the Soviet fellow travellers at Tribune were either dismissed, or in Postgate's words, "left soon after in dislike of me".

Stalinism was the theory and practice of communism practiced by Joseph Stalin, leader of the Soviet Union from 1928–1953. Officially it adhered to Marxism–Leninism, but whether Stalin's practices actually followed the principles of Marx and Lenin is a subject of debate and criticism. In contrast to Marx and Lenin, Stalin made few new theoretical contributions. Stalin's main contributions to communist theory were Socialism in One Country and the theory of Aggravation of class struggle under socialism, a theoretical base supporting the repression of political opponents as necessary.

In the context of the former Soviet Union, and the Post-Soviet states, rehabilitation (, transliterated in English as reabilitatsiya or academically rendered as reabilitacija) was the restoration of a person who was criminally prosecuted without due basis, to the state of acquittal. Mass amnesty of the victims of Soviet repressions started after the death of Joseph Stalin. Initially, in 1953, this did not entail any form of exoneration. This release became coupled with rehabilitations after Nikita Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalinism in his 1956 speech On the Personality Cult and its Consequences.

The head forester uses this opportunity to establish a new order based on dictatorial rule, large numbers of mindless followers and the use of violence, torture and murder. The tale may readily be understood as a parable on national socialism, the evil and "jovial" head forester being Hermann Göring. Others see it as a description of Germany's fight against the threat of Stalinism or communism, the head forester (or "chief ranger") being Joseph Stalin.Cf. Guido Giacomo Preparata (2005): Conjuring Hitler – How Britain and America made the Third Reich.

The Committee for Cultural Freedom (CCF) was founded on May 14, 1939.Martin, The Education of John Dewey: A Biography, 2002, p. 441. The genesis of the CCF was a disagreement among communists, socialists, leftists, and centrists in the United States over the value of forming a popular front and the need for violence, revolution, and dictatorship in establishing a more just society. Many American far left-wing intellectuals in the 1920s and 1930s were Trotskyists who believed in democracy and were opposed to the totalitarianism advocated by Joseph Stalin and Stalinism.

Knickerbocker Holiday is both a romantic comedy and a thinly veiled allegory equating the New Deal of Franklin D. Roosevelt with fascism. (A Roosevelt ancestor is one of the characters on the corrupt New Amsterdam council in the play.) Playwright Anderson believed that government was necessary in society, but that it must always be watched because it is swayed by the self-interests of those in power. He saw FDR's New Deal as an American version of the corporatism and concentration of political power which had given rise to Nazism and Stalinism.

After the war, she was decorated with the Order of the Red Star. She married Aleksandr Kondrátiev, a soldier, and gave birth to their daughter Yelena. However, the progressive rise of Stalinism spelled a similar fate for her father as that of other Spanish Civil War veterans – he was arrested in 1951, at the age of 63, accused of Trotskyism, held for five years in the Gulag, and released after Stalin's death. Kondrátieva earned a doctorate at Moscow State University and became head of the Spanish chair at the Pedagogical Institute.

The aggravation of the class struggle along with the development of socialism is a component of the theory of Marxism–Leninism. The theory was one of the cornerstones of Stalinism in the internal politics of the Soviet Union. Although the term class struggle was introduced by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and the aggravation of the class struggle was an expression originally coined by Vladimir Lenin in 1919 to refer to the dictatorship of the proletariat,Thesis and Report on Bourgeois Democracy and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat (4 March 1919). "Address to the Comintern".

Senator Joseph McCarthy In the postwar period, Hand shared the dismay of his compatriots about Stalinism and the onset of the Cold War. At the same time, he was sensitive to the domestic problems created by what he saw as a hysterical fear of international Communism. Already in 1947, he noted that "the frantic witch hunters are given free rein to set up a sort of Inquisition, detecting heresy wherever non-conformity appears".; Hand was distressed by the crusade against domestic subversion that became part of American public life after the war.

The last edition appeared in Autumn 2010. Workers Power has also published many pamphlets and books, the two most important in terms of their tradition being Death Agony of the Fourth International and The Degenerated Revolution. Other pamphlets include "Marxism and the Trade Unions", "Women's Oppression", "Black Liberation", "LGBT Liberation", a critique of the SWP/Cliff tradition and on the crisis of Stalinism after 1989. In 2007 they republished "The Road to Red October", a pamphlet originally released in 1987, to commemorate the 90th anniversary of the Russian Revolution.

Kiernan made immense contributions to the post-war flowering of British Marxist historiography that transformed the understanding of social history. Seeking escape paths from a congealing Stalinism, this intellectual movement grew from several figures among them - E.P. Thompson, Christopher Hill, Rodney Hilton, Kiernan and Eric Hobsbawm. Brash and confident in wielding the best of the British Left's cultural arsenal, they welcomed open-ended dialogue with non- Marxist traditions. Some of this dialogue was on display in the journal Past & Present, a journal of social history that became the most prestigious in the English-speaking world.

Henri Lefebvre ( , ; 16 June 1901 – 29 June 1991) was a French Marxist philosopher and sociologist, best known for pioneering the critique of everyday life, for introducing the concepts of the right to the city and the production of social space, and for his work on dialectics, alienation, and criticism of Stalinism, existentialism, and structuralism. In his prolific career, Lefebvre wrote more than sixty books and three hundred articles. He founded or took part in the founding of several intellectual and academic journals such as Philosophies, La Revue Marxiste, Arguments, Socialisme ou Barbarie, Espaces et Sociétés.

Kołodziej later claimed to have founded an active religious group in 1921, the Holy Circle of Worshippers of Światowid (Święte Koło Czcicieli Światowida), although there is no documentation of this group's activities. After the interruption of World War II, he tried to reestablish and develop his network, but Stalinism became a major obstacle. Many of his pre-war collaborators had either died during the war, become expatriates, or did not want to be public about their religious views. Kołodziej himself was arrested by the communist authorities in 1950.

After the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the group in June 1948, the seat was moved to Bucharest, Romania. The expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Cominform for Titoism initiated the Informbiro period in that nation's history. The intended purpose of the Cominform was to coordinate actions between Communist parties, and scores of Communist-controlled professional, artistic and intellectual groups under Soviet direction. The Kremlin had set up the Cominform in the early years of the cold war to coordinate the activities of the Cominform acted as a tool of Soviet foreign policy and Stalinism.

Politician and government official Kasym Tynystanov tried to get the poem published in 1925, but this was prevented by the growing influence of Stalinism. The first extract of the poem to be published in the USSR appeared in Moscow in 1946, and efforts to nominate the poem for the Stalin Prize in 1946 were unsuccessful. Ideologist Andrei Zhdanov, Stalin's "propagandist in chief", prevented this, calling the poem an example of "bourgeois cosmopolitanism". The struggle continued inside Kyrgyzstan, with different newspapers and authors taking different sides; one of its supporters was Tugelbay Sydykbekov.

Abarchuk is incapable of understanding the reality of his situation: that he has been wrongly imprisoned and will suffer in spite of his innocence, as has happened to so many others. Abarchuk is so completely immersed in the aura of the Party and so dedicated to the Stalinist religion that he cannot see the ethical violations occurring all around him. He is a reflection of the “religious frenzy” of Stalinism; the prisoner simply refuses to comprehend his situation and instead chooses to focus on his faith and devotion to the Party (Buruma).

Like Anton Ackermann, Wolfgang Leonhard thought that the creation of a German socialist state would follow a more democratic pattern than the developments he had experienced in the Soviet Union. His first criticism and doubts about Stalinism came as early as in 1936, when his mother was arrested,Die Revolution entlässt ihre Kinder, p. 38 but his basic belief in Marxism–Leninism persisted for years. On April 16, 1948, Walter Ulbricht gave a five-hour speech at the SED college outlining the plans for the Soviet-occupied sector.

After the collapse of Communism in Albania, the Communist Party of New Zealand gradually changed its views, renouncing its former support of Stalinism, Maoism, and Hoxhaism. Instead, under the leadership of its last general secretary, Grant Morgan, it developed a State Capitalist analysis of the Stalinist states. The party now believed that the Soviet Union had never been socialist at all, not even in Stalin's time. Opponents of this change departed and established the Communist Party of Aotearoa (a Maoist group) and the Marxist–Leninist Collective (a pro-Hoxha group).

Gauck has lauded the SPD for distancing itself from The Left. Joachim Gauck is a founding signatory of both the Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism (2008), with Václav Havel, and the Declaration on Crimes of Communism (2010), both calling for the condemnation of communism, education about communist crimes and punishment of communist criminals. The Prague Declaration proposed the establishment of the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism, that was subsequently designated by the European Parliament. In 2010, Gauck criticized the political left of ignoring communist crimes.

Finnish Security Police Valpo and Military headquarters arranged her interrogation but Nuorteva was silent for many months. She only told her story when the chief of the Turku office of Valpo, Paavo Kastari, brought Arvo "Poika" Tuominen, a Finnish communist and an old friend of her father who had begun to help the Finnish police, to the interrogations to talk with her. Tuominen succeeded in convincing her that Stalinism had betrayed and destroyed communism, and managed to crack her ideology. Nuorteva's worldview broke down and, psychologically broken, she confessed everything.

Lucyna Tychowa and Andrzej Romanowski, Tak, jestem córką Jakuba Bermana [Yes, I'm the Daughter of Jakub Berman], pp. 140–141. Following Berman's repeated interventions with Vyacheslav Molotov and other Soviet authorities, the Ossolineum collections were transferred from Lviv to Wrocław in 1946 and 1947.Lucyna Tychowa and Andrzej Romanowski, Tak, jestem córką Jakuba Bermana [Yes, I'm the Daughter of Jakub Berman], p. 150. In the spring of 1955, Berman authorized the creation of the Crooked Circle Club, a free discussion forum in Warsaw, which marked the gradual departure from Stalinism.

Agriculture in the Soviet Union was mostly collectivized, with some limited cultivation of private plots. It is often viewed as one of the more inefficient sectors of the economy of the Soviet Union. A number of food taxes (prodrazverstka, prodnalog, and others) were introduced in the early Soviet period despite the Decree on Land that immediately followed the October Revolution. The forced collectivization and class war against (vaguely defined) "kulaks" under Stalinism greatly disrupted farm output in the 1920s and 1930s, contributing to the Soviet famine of 1932–33 (most especially the holodomor in Ukraine).

If this was not possible, he said, he would donate anything beyond his parliamentary salary to Thuringian organizations, such as the Association of Victims of Stalinism or the Arbeitsgemeinschaft zur Aufarbeitung der SED-Diktatur. When criticism was voiced that former AfD members were also active in the former association, he withdrew his announcement in this regard. After Bodo Ramelow was re-elected as his successor, it was clear that the total payments (including transitional allowance and payment for the whole of March) to Kemmerich would amount to approximately 110,000 euros.

Since Yugoslavia was a non-aligned country at the time, criticism of Stalinism or other "deviant" forms of socialism was generally permitted. His best-known play is "The Affair" (Afera), set during the anti-Fascist resistance in Northern Italy, but in fact a metaphorical account of the trial against the dissident Jože Pučnik. In the play "Dialogues" (Dialogi), set in an anonymous Eastern European country, Kozak described the paranoic atmosphere of the Stalinist show trials. The play "Congress" (Kongres) deals with ideological struggles at the university and student protests.

Greene, p. 64-65. Scholar M. Keith Booker notes that the episode presents Kirk "at his most American", valuing struggle against obstacles as the highest virtue and denouncing the Betan utopia (equated with Stalinism) as dehumanizing.Booker, p. 205. Scholars Michael A. Burstein and John Kenneth Muir note that the plot of "The Return of the Archons" (in which Kirk and company discover a stagnant society worshiping a god-like being whom Kirk destroys with human illogic) became something of a cliché in the decades after the series ended.

Alycia Smith Howard, Studio Shakespeare: The Royal Shakespeare Company at The Other Place, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006, pp. 19–20. Following its premiere in Manchester the previous year,Michael Patterson, Strategies of Political Theatre: Postwar British Playwrights, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 69. the eventual RSC production in 1971 of Occupations, Griffiths first full-length stage play, was directed by Buzz Goodbody. Intending to affect "bourgeois theatre" with his viewpoint, Griffiths has described his approach as being "committed to analysing Marxism and to condemn Stalinism without discrediting socialism in the eyes of the world".

The 'Council of United Struggle' at the university declared that they were "aristocratic anarchists", struggling not on behalf of the worker but for themselves, attempting to deny their own aristocratic attributes by engaging in political struggle. Ōsawa, for example, approved of the use of violent tactics, but feared that it was too separated from the masses, claiming that "it would come to a new Stalinism" even if it did succeed. The separation of the Japanese Anarchist Federation from the contemporary political protests demonstrated the weakness of the organisation. In 1968, the organisation was finally disbanded.

This tournament lives on, but since 1992 it is called the Russian Government Cup and is arranged by the Russian government instead. The newspaper has friendly ties with the Communist Party. During the time of the Soviet Union, Sovetskaya Rossiya was known for its opposition to Gorbachev and support for Neo-Stalinism. Notably, it published “A Word to the People,” a letter signed by, among others, three of the Gang of Eight who participated in the August Coup against others. It also published “I Cannot Forsake my Principles,” an infamous Stalinist critique of Gorbachev.

The anti-Stalinist left comprises various kinds of left-wing politics opposing Joseph Stalin, Stalinism and the actual system of governance Stalin implemented as dictator of the Soviet Union between 1927–1953. It may also refer to centre-left wing opposition to dictatorships, cults of personality, totalitarianism and police states, all being features commonly attributed to Stalinist regimes such as Kim Il-sung, Enver Hoxha and others, including in the former Eastern Bloc.Dennis H Wrong The American Left and Cuba Commentary FEB. 1, 1962Julius Jacobson Reflections on Fascism and Communism.

105, 201–202. pushed for Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu's trial and execution,Tismaneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, pp. 118–119. and was a rigid Stalinist; however, he resented some strains of Soviet influence (which would become clear at the time of de-Stalinization when, as leader of Communist Romania, he was a determined opponent of Nikita Khrushchev).Vladimir Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej and the Romanian Workers' Party: From De- Sovietization to the Emergence of National Communism, (Working Paper No. 37) Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., 2002.

6 # See Hiroshi Oda. "Criminal Law Reform in the Soviet Union under Stalin", in The Distinctiveness of Soviet Law, Dordrecht, the Netherlands, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1987, p. 90-92 # Quoted from the official protocols published in 1938 by Roy A. Medvedev in "New Pages from the Political Biography of Stalin" published in Stalinism: Essays in Historical Interpretation, edited by Robert C. Tucker, originally published by W.W. Norton and Co in 1977, revised edition published by Transaction Publishers (New Brunswick, New Jersey) in 1999, p. 217 # See Donald D. Barry and Yuri Feofanov.

Encyclopedia of World Cultures - P 225. by David Levinson In 1937, during the period of Stalinism, many Kurds in Armenia, along with Kurds in Azerbaijan, became victims of forced migration, and were forcibly deported to Kazakhstan."(McDowall - A Modern History of the Kurds, page 492)"Kurdish Culture and Society: An Annotated Bibliography - P. 22. by Lokman I. Meho, Kelly L. Maglaughlin In the period between 1992-94 the Kurdish minority of Lachin and Kelbajar districts of Azerbaijan was forced to flee due to the Armenian invasion during the Nagorno-Karabakh War.

When Stalin was alive, luxury empire and mass construction coexisted; endorsement of Lagutenko did not mean demise for Rybitsky. It changed in November 1954, when critics openly criticized the "excesses" and the will to build 10–14 storey buildings, Stalin's own will; according to Khmelnitsky, this must have been started by Khrushchev personally. Throughout the next year the campaign grew, preparing the public for an end of Stalinism. The decree On liquidation of excesses... (November 4, 1955) provides some data on the cost of Stalinist excesses, estimated at 30–33% of total costs.

This was followed by two collections of literary essays Visions and Revisions (1915) and Suspended Judgment (1916). In Confessions of Two Brothers (1916), a work that also contains a section by his brother Llewelyn, Powys writes about his personal philosophy, something he elaborated on in The Complex Vision (1920), his first full length work of popular philosophy. He also published three collections of poetry between 1916 and 1922. Politically, Powys described himself as an anarchist and was both anti- fascist and anti-Stalinist: "Powys already regarded fascism and Stalinism as appalling, but different, totalitarian regimes".

Toward the mid-1920s, Wegner reached the peak of his popularity as a writer and as a co-creator of German Expressionism. In 1927-8, he and his wife traveled to the Soviet Union and also visited the Soviet Socialist Republic of Armenia, where he met with several Armenians he had befriended in Berlin in 1918–1920. Based on his journey, Wegner authored Five Fingers Over You, the success of which made him a celebrity. The text described the underlying political violence of the Soviet Communist model, foretelling the advent of Stalinism.

In 1932, he wed Frances Marion Stone, three years his junior. That same year he returned to California as a doctoral student in economics at the University of California, Berkeley and worked as a teaching assistant. Fascinated by Stalinism and the emerging economics in the Soviet Union, Merriman earned a scholarship to study for one year in Moscow along with his wife. There he became interested in the anti-fascist movement and left before his year was up to move to Spain while his wife stayed in Moscow, where she was working.

In 1936 he became a member of the Central Committee of the PCR. Arrested, tried and sent to prison several times for his activities, he was detained at Galata (Iași), Suceava and Jilava before being sent to Doftana prison. There, as an ethnic Romanian and a worker, he was the only rival for leadership of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, who had made a name for himself in the Grivița Strike.Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003, p.123.

Cornelius Castoriadis, theorist of the group Socialisme ou Barbarie In the mid-20th century, some libertarian socialist groups emerged from disagreements with Trotskyism which presented itself as Leninist anti-Stalinism. As such, the French group Socialisme ou Barbarie emerged from the Trotskyist Fourth International, where Castoriadis and Claude Lefort constituted a Chaulieu–Montal Tendency in the French Parti Communiste Internationaliste in 1946. In 1948, they experienced their "final disenchantment with Trotskyism",, p. 133 leading them to break away to form Socialisme ou Barbarie, whose journal began appearing in March 1949.

Gravoin was born in south-west France at MontaubanManuel... le Montalbanais sur La Dépêche du Midi, 16 June 2012 where two generations earlier Dr Corenfeld, her maternal grandfather, had settled after completing his medical studies at Strasbourg. He had emigrated from the Soviet part of Moldavia, then the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, in order to escape the predations of Stalinism. Anne Gravoin's mother became an English teacher. Her father, whose family came from Bourbonnais in the centre of the country, was a professional violinist with the Radio France Philharmonic Orchestra.

In 2016, political scientist Thomas Sherlock argues that Russia has pulled back somewhat on its neo-Stalinist policies: :The Kremlin is unwilling to develop and impose on society historical narratives which promote chauvinism, hypernationalism, and re-Stalinization. Although such an agenda has some support among incumbent elites and in society, it remains subordinate. [...] Instead, the regime is now extending support to [...] a critical assessment of the Soviet era, including Stalinism. This emerging criticism of the Soviet past serves a number of important goals of the leadership, including re- engagement with the West.

The novel was very successful, selling all 45,000 copies of the first edition in a single day. It drew criticism from the authorities for mentioning the Great Purge and other negative aspects of Stalinism; in late 1954 the Second Congress of Soviet Writers harshly criticized it, along with Vera Panova's novel The Seasons and Leonid Zorin's play Guests. Konstantin Simonov, then secretary of the Union of Writers of the USSR, accused Ehrenburg "of caricaturing ... artistic life." However, Ehrenburg was given a chance to defend himself in the Literaturnaya Gazeta.

Palace of Culture and Science in Warsaw, constructed in 1955. At the time of its completion it was one of the tallest buildings in Europe The architecture in Poland under the Polish People's Republic had three major phases – short-lived socialist realism, modernism and functionalism. Each of these styles or trends was either imposed by the government or communist doctrine. Under Stalinism in the late 1940s and 1950s, the Eastern Bloc countries adopted socialist realism, an idealized and monumental realistic art intended to promote communist values, such as the emancipation of the proletariat.

In the meantime, Trotsky founded the International Left Opposition in 1930. It was meant to be an opposition group within the Comintern, but members of the Comintern were immediately expelled as soon as they joined (or were suspected of joining) the ILO. The ILO therefore concluded that opposing Stalinism from within the communist organizations controlled by Stalin's supporters had become impossible, so new organizations had to be formed. In 1933, the ILO was renamed the International Communist League (ICL), which formed the basis of the Fourth International, founded in Paris in 1938.

In 1948, the Tito–Stalin split took place. In the first years following the split, the political repression worsened, as it extended to Communists accused of Stalinism. Hundreds of Slovenes were imprisoned in the concentration camp of Goli Otok, together with thousands of people of other nationalities. Among the show trials that took place in Slovenia between 1945 and 1950, the most important were the Nagode trial against democratic intellectuals and left liberal activists (1946) and the Dachau trials (1947–1949), where former inmates of Nazi concentration camps were accused of collaboration with the Nazis.

This situation would last for almost 10 years before, in 1928, Dunne became a victim of the "Factional War", when members of the party who opposed Joseph Stalin and supported the theses of Leon Trotsky were purged. Unfazed, Dunne and his comrades formed the Communist League of America (later renamed the Socialist Workers Party) in alignment with Trotsky's Left Opposition to Stalinism. Dunne was a vocal critic of the Communist Party after the expulsion of the Left Opposition, especially regarding Communist Party "raids" on Communist League-controlled front organizations and co-operative businesses.

But when Hitler broke the pact with Stalin, and Germany launched the invasion against the Soviet Union, Flyg decided that he had to support the Nazis against Stalin, hoping it would lead to the end of Stalinism. Financial constraints led him to approach the German High Commission in Stockholm. Initially, the Germans turned down his request for funding, but in the final stages of the war (when the Germans felt a more urgent need for allies in the Swedish politics) funding was granted. Gradually, Flyg and his party developed a pro-Nazi position.

In fact, the Communists' support for the war was so vociferous that they launched a campaign for a Second Front in order to support the USSR and speed the defeat of the Axis. In industry, they now opposed strike action and supported the Joint Production Committees,The patriotic stance of the CPGB was such that in 1943 at a by-election in Cardiff they actively campaigned for the Conservative Party candidate against Fenner Brockway, the Independent Labour Party candidate. Robert Black, Stalinism in Britain: A Trotskyist Analysis. London: New Park Publications, 1970; pp. 170–171.

In the early 1960s, the authority of Maurice Thorez was challenged by some members of the Politburo. Laurent Casanova and Marcel Servin pleaded for a critique of Stalinism in the light of the 1956 secret speech by Khrushchev, and they considered the political positions of the Gaullists to be distinct from the atlantist line of the government of the French Fourth Republic. They were expelled from the Politburo. Little by little, however, the PCF began to escape its political isolation and it was joined in opposition by centre-left and centrist parties.

However, by 1947 the investigation against him was dropped without any charges being presented and Gęborski was promoted to the rank of captain. In 1956, during the Khrushchev Thaw following the end of Stalinism in Poland, the investigation was resumed and Gęborski was arrested, but the court declared him not guilty. Gęborski then continued his career in the ranks of the Służba Bezpieczeństwa. In the 1960s he demanded compensation for the 22 months spent in prison prior to his trial, but the court declared that the arrest had been necessary.

The term Stalinism is also used to describe these positions, but it is often not used by its supporters who opine that Stalin simply synthesized and practiced orthodox Marxism and Leninism. Because different political trends trace the historical roots of revisionism to different eras and leaders, there is significant disagreement today as to what constitutes anti-revisionism. Modern groups which describe themselves as anti- revisionist fall into several categories. Some uphold the works of Stalin and Mao Zedong and some the works of Stalin while rejecting Mao and universally tend to oppose Trotskyism.

Lefebvre argued here that Marx's dialectic was not a "Dialectics of Nature" (as set forth by Friedrich Engels) but was instead based on concepts of alienation and praxis. In the wake of the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian Uprising of 1956, Lefebvre - together with Kostas Axelos, Jean Duvignaud, Pierre Fougeyrollas and Edgar Morin - founded the journal Arguments. This became the centre of a Marxist humanist critique of Stalinism. In his theory of alienation, Lefebvre drew not only from the Manuscripts, but also from Sartre, to proffer a critique that encompassed the styles of consumption, culture, systems of meaning and language under capitalism.

This failed attempt saw the return of the cult through solely the focus on the height of Stalin's leadership, the defeat of Germany's Nazis. During this period, Russia had lost its role as a global super power. Bringing the famed legacy of Stalin back into the country laid a foundation for the rebirth of the symbolic role Stalin held at the height of his legacy. The Third Wave, as it was called, aimed to program a reassessment of Stalinism and commemorate the victims of his totalitarian regime, drawing focus, primarily, away from the political and social connections as a whole.

Jerzy Katlewicz (April 2, 1927 Bochnia – November 16, 2015 Kraków) was a Polish music conductor, pianist and Professor of the Academy of Music in Kraków since 1990. Katlewicz graduated from the same Academy in 1952 (then called Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Muzyczna in Kraków), and served as conductor of the Kraków Philharmonic between 1952 and 1958 during the period of Stalinism in Poland (and its aftermath). He was appointed artistic director there a decade later, in 1968 and remained at his post until 1981. In 1961-68 he was artistic director of Polish Baltic Opera and Philharmonic in Gdańsk.

Other important films of early post-World War II period were The Last Stage (1948), directed by Wanda Jakubowska, who continued to make films until the transition from communism to capitalism in 1989, and Border Street (1949), directed by Aleksander Ford. By the mid 1950s, following the end of Stalinism in Poland, Film production was organised into film groups. A film group was a collection of film makers, led by an experienced film director and consisting of writers, film directors and production managers. They would write scripts, create budgets, apply for funding off the Ministry of Culture and produce the picture.

"The Marxist Roots of Stalinism", 1975; reprinted in Is God Happy? Selected Essays (2013) NY: Basic Books. The way Trotskyists organise to promote their beliefs has been criticised often by ex-members of their organisations. Dennis Tourish, a former member of the CWI, asserts that these organisations typically value doctrinal orthodoxy over critical reflection, have illusions in the absolute correctness of their own party's analysis, a fear of dissent, the demonising of dissenters and critical opinion, overworking of members, a sectarian attitude to the rest of the left and the concentration of power among a small group of leaders.

Georgian film director Tengiz Abuladze based the character of dictator Varlam Aravidze on Beria in his 1984 film Repentance. Although banned in the Soviet Union for its semi-allegorical critique of Stalinism, it premiered at the 1987 Cannes Film Festival, winning the FIPRESCI Prize, Grand Prize of the Jury, and the Prize of the Ecumenical Jury. Beria was played by British actor Bob Hoskins in the 1991 film Inner Circle, by Roshan Seth in the 1992 HBO television film Stalin and by David Suchet in Red Monarch. Simon Russell Beale played Beria in the 2017 satirical film The Death of Stalin.

Trotskyists regard themselves as working in opposition to both capitalism and Stalinism. Trotsky advocated proletarian revolution as set out in his theory of "permanent revolution", and believed that a workers' state would not be able to hold out against the pressures of a hostile capitalist world unless socialist revolutions quickly took hold in other countries as well. This theory was advanced in opposition to the view held by the Stalinists that "socialism in one country" could be built in the Soviet Union alone.Leon Trotsky, In Defence of October Furthermore, Trotsky and his supporters harshly criticized the increasingly totalitarian nature of Joseph Stalin's rule.

", is answered by Tismăneanu as follows: "An inept and frightened elite, whose social mobility was linked to the nationalist-chauvinist line promoted by Ceaușescu. A sectarian and exclusive vision of socialism, a political style based on terror, manipulation and liquidating one's enemy. An unbound contempt for the spirit and a no less total conviction that humans are a mere maneuverable mass .... But most of all ... an immense scorn for principles, a trampling of all things dignified and honorable, a mental and moral corruption that continues to ravage this social universe that is still being haunted by the ghosts of national Stalinism.

Altiero Spinelli (31 August 1907 – 23 May 1986) was an Italian politician, political theorist and European federalist, referred to as one of the founding fathers of the European Union. A communist and militant anti-fascist in his youth, he spent 10 years imprisoned by the Fascist regime. Having grown disillusioned with Stalinism, he broke with the Italian Communist Party in 1937. Interned in Ventotene during World War II he, along with fellow democratic socialists, drafted the Manifesto for a free and united Europe (most commonly known as the Ventotene Manifesto) in 1941, considered a precursor of the european integration process.

The dictates of socialist realism, which began being forced upon Soviet composers in 1932 meant no great changes for Steinberg, as his style was already very similar to the 19th century composers whom Joseph Stalin admired. As Stalinism tightened its grip, Steinberg drew also on the folk music of the Soviet Union's ethnic minorities, particularly those from Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. He also let himself be inspired more and more by musical and literary folklore. Steinberg played an important role in Soviet music life as the teacher and of composers Dmitri Shostakovich, Galina Ustvolskaya, and Yuri Shaporin.

In the same year he began to work for Berner Student the university students' newspaper, where he eventually became an editor. In 1947 he joined the Zofingia fraternity whose Bern chapter also included Ahmed Huber and Jean Ziegler. His doctoral thesis in 1952 treated Die theoretischen Grundlagen des Stalinismus und ihre Auswirkung auf die Wirtschaftspolitik der Sowjetunion [The theoretical basics of Stalinism and its effects on the economical policy of the Soviet Union]. After that, Sager visited the Soviet Union Program at Harvard University for two years where Alexander Gerschenkron, Merle Fainsod, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Robert Lee Wolff and Isaiah Berlin were teaching.

In 1953 relations with Greece and Yugoslavia were re-established, some political amnesties were granted, and planners discussed increasing production of consumer goods and reducing the prices of commodities. After 1953 Chervenkov was in an insecure position, and made several steps in order to gain political support – he gave up his leadership of the Party in 1954, reduced Soviet intervention in Bulgarian economic and political life, reduced the pace of collectivisation and released some 10,000 political prisoners by 1955. In April 1956, following Khrushchev's de-Stalinisation, the Bulgarian Communist Party denounced Stalinism (and implicitly, Chervenkov's authoritarianism). He resigned the same year.

When communist authorities threatened his safety, he defected to France and ultimately chose exile in the United States, where he became a professor at the University of California, Berkeley. His poetry—particularly about his wartime experience—and his appraisal of Stalinism in a prose book, The Captive Mind, brought him renown as a leading émigré artist and intellectual. Throughout his life and work, Miłosz tackled questions of morality, politics, history, and faith. As a translator, he introduced Western works to a Polish audience, and as a scholar and editor, he championed a greater awareness of Slavic literature in the West.

He also argued, in a spectacularly eclectic fashion, for what he called the organic unity of the SRG and Ted Grant's group of fellow ex-RCPers. He was replied to with regard to the Stalinist parties by Duncan Hallas whose article was later reprinted in the collection The Origins of the International Socialists. In the event he was expelled and the group's politics as a Trotskyist tendency differing only in its analysis of Stalinism was confirmed. Although it began by asserting its fidelity to Trotskyism the SRG would move way from the 'orthodox' Trotskyism which they took from their origins in the RCP.

Following the heavy destruction of the Second World War, a new project for the reconstruction of central Kyiv was unveiled. This transformed the Khreshchatyk avenue into one of the finest examples of Stalinism in Architecture. A total of individual 22 projects were drawn up, when the initial competition began in 1944, none of which was realised due to extensive critique and finally in 1948 KyivProekt institute submitted its final version, headed by architects A. Vlasov and from 1949 Anatoly Dobrovolsky. For the next two decades, this figure would dominate all of the major projects in the capital.

Trotsky was a central figure in the Comintern during its first four congresses. During this time, he helped to generalize the strategy and tactics of the Bolsheviks to newly formed Communist parties across Europe and further afield. From 1921 onwards, the united front, a method of uniting revolutionaries and reformists in the common struggle while winning some of the workers to revolution, was the central tactic put forward by the Comintern after the defeat of the German revolution. After he was exiled and politically marginalized by Stalinism, Trotsky continued to argue for a united front against fascism in Germany and Spain.

Bierut's legend was sustained and cultivated during the 1970s. Gierek and his team, according to Eisler, idealized Bierut and his period and introduced a soft version of Stalinism, lacking the terror component of the original. During the brief but turbulent Solidarity period, the University of Wrocław attempted to reclaim its original name, but the Ministry of Higher Education declined to implement the faculty resolution in January 1982. Bolesław Bierut and Józef Cyrankiewicz during the opening of the Warsaw W-Z Route, 2 July 1949 On 1 June 1987, a factory in Skierniewice was given Bierut's name, which was likely the last such outcome.

All texts published under Soviet rules were strictly censored. Much of Polish literature written during the Occupation of Poland appeared in print only after the conclusion of World War II, including books by Nałkowska, Rudnicki, Borowski and others. The Soviet takeover of the country did not discourage Émigrés and exiles from returning, especially before the advent of Stalinism. Indeed, many writers attempted to recreate the Polish literary scene, often with a touch of nostalgia for the prewar reality, including Jerzy Andrzejewski, author of Ashes and Diamonds, describing (according to Communist design) Anti-communist resistance in Poland.

In the 1930s, Tresca became an outspoken opponent of Soviet Communists and Stalinism, particularly after the Soviet Union had engineered the destruction of the anarchist movement in Catalonia and Aragon during the Spanish Revolution. In 1937, Tresca was a member of the Dewey Commission, which cleared Leon Trotsky of all charges made during the Moscow Trials. In early 1938, Tresca publicly accused the Soviets of kidnapping Juliet Stuart Poyntz to prevent her defection from the Communist Party USA underground apparatus. Tresca alleged that before she had disappeared, Poyntz had talked to him about "exposing the communist movement".

A Japanese student protest in June 1968 A Zenkyoto helmet The All Campus Joint Struggle Committee (Japanese: 全学共闘会議; Zengakukyôtokaigi), commonly known as the Zenkyoto, was a basic Japanese student organization consisting of anti- Japanese Communist Party and non-sectarian radicals. Unlike other student movement organizations, graduate students and young teachers were allowed to participate. Active in the late 1960s, Zenkyoto was the driving force behind clashes between Japanese students and the police. Zenkyoto was not as political as it was a reaction to "American imperialism", Japanese "Monopoly Capitalism", and "Russian Stalinism".

The darkest years of Stalinism in Poland were yet to come. Interrogated by Romkowski's subordinates from January 9, 1949 till June 6, 1951, Moczarski endured 49 different types of torture later described in his memoir. Beatings included truncheon blows to bridge of nose, salivary glands, chin, shoulder blades, bare feet and toes (particularly painful), heels (ten blows each foot, several times a day), cigarette burns on lips and eyelids and burning of fingers. Sleep deprivation, resulting in – meant standing upright in a narrow cell for seven to nine days with frequent blows to the face – a hallucinatory method called by the interrogators "Zakopane".

In 1956 Nikita Khrushchev secretly denounced Stalinism in his speech "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences". This speech went unreported in official Party organs, so the Stalinist Japanese Communist Party did not offer any reaction. But copies of it circulated around the world and had a great impact on youth and student Communist organizations. In 1957 the Japan Trotskyist League was founded by young dissidents from the Communist Party such as Kuroda Kan'ichi and Ryu Ota, which quickly split into a Fourth International and an "post-Trotskyist, anti- Stalinist" party called the Revolutionary Communist Party.

With his sister Crystal Eastman, he co-founded in 1917 The Liberator, a radical magazine of politics and the arts. While residing in the Soviet Union from the fall of 1922 to the summer of 1924, Eastman was influenced by the power struggle between Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin and the events leading to Stalin's eventual takeover. As a witness to the Great Purge and the Soviet Union's totalitarianism, he became highly critical first of Stalinism and then of communism and socialism in general. While remaining atheist, he became an advocate of free market economics and anti-communism.

Writing under the pseudonyms Walter and Beryl Storm (to avoid anti-Semitism), they worked as war correspondents during the Second World War, and covered the Nuremberg trials after the war. The couple moved to Czechoslovakia and together they wrote the book We meet the Czechoslovaks, an account of their early years in Czechoslovakia, also under the Storm pseudonyms. Beryl later played an active role in editing, advising and typing the manuscripts for his subsequent books. Fearful for their security as Stalinism gained strength in post-war Eastern Europe, they returned to South Africa, and settled in Bramley, Johannesburg.

Jürgen Habermas In 1923, Carl Grünberg founded the Institute for Social Research, drawing from Marxism, Freud's psychoanalysis and Weberian philosophy, which came to be known as the "Frankfurt School". Expelled by the Nazis, the school reformed again in Frankfurt after World War II. Although they drew from Marxism, they were outspoken opponents of Stalinism. Books from the group, like Adorno’s and Horkheimer’s Dialectic of Enlightenment and Adorno’s Negative Dialectics, critiqued what they saw as the failure of the Enlightenment project and the problems of modernity. Postmodernists consider the Frankfurt school to be one of their precursors.

Back in the academic world, in 1986 he was appointed to a full professorship at the Walter Ulbricht Academy. He is remembered for the frequently repeated assertion, "We break irrevocably with Stalinism as a system!","Wir brechen unwiderruflich mit dem Stalinismus als System!" which he delivered to the extraordinary SED Party Conference of 16 December 1989. As matters turned out it would be the last SED conference before the party began its slightly awkward conversion process into the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) in preparation for a democratic future which after the events of the previous month was widely anticipated.

In 1948, they developed criticisms of its policies, claiming that the party should endorse the Marshall Plan and also Norman Thomas' presidential candidacy. Having come to believe that only capitalism could defeat Stalinism, they left to join the Socialist Party of America. During the late 1960s, disenchanted with the political "center", while impressed with the SWP's involvement in the Civil Rights and US anti- Vietnam War movements, he reestablished communication with his former comrades of two decades earlier. Farrell attended one or more SWP-sponsored Militant Forum events (probably in NYC), but never rejoined the Trotskyist movement.

He revisited the subject of his doctoral dissertation by editing the correspondence of Otto Brahm with Arthur Schnitzler (1953). To escape the summer heat in Columbus, Seidlin regularly taught at the Middlebury Summer School up to 1957, and he often spent the remaining summer weeks with Cunz and Plant on holiday at the beach of Manomet, Massachusetts, where they hobnobbed with the vacationing Hannah Arendt. In the following years, Seidlin's political outlook shifted strongly to the right under the influence of Arendt's concept of totalitarianism yoking together Nazism and Stalinism. Starting in 1954, Seidlin traveled frequently to West Germany to give guest lectures.

Kosovo was seen by Ranković as a security threat for the country and its unity. Following the Yugoslav-Soviet Union split (1948), local Albanians were viewed by the state as possible collaborators of pro-Soviet Albania and consequently Kosovo became an area of focus for the secret service and police force under Ranković. During Ranković's campaign, members of the Albanian intelligentsia were targeted, whereas thousands of other Albanians underwent trials and were jailed for "Stalinism". Ranković was one of Tito's close political and influential associates that oversaw the purges of communists accused of being pro-Stalin following the Soviet-Yugoslav split.

Socialism from Below would proceed from a very different conception of common ownership, with power instead flowing from the workers themselves, with decision-making capacities broadly distributed. The divide between these two souls of socialism, Draper argues, underlies all other divisions such as "reformist or revolutionary, peaceful or violent, democratic or authoritarian, etc." Most of the pamphlet is a detailed typology and strongly worded criticism of various forms of Socialism from Above. Among the practitioners of Socialism from Above, Draper includes such varied forms of socialism as utopian socialism, Communist dictatorship and Stalinism, social democracy, and anarchism.

The CCF was the inspiration for several anti-communist groups like Americans for Intellectual Freedom and the American Committee for Cultural Freedom. In 1951, Hook reorganized the CCF into the American Committee for Cultural Freedom (ACCF).Kutulas, The Long War: The Intellectual People's Front and Anti-Stalinism, 1930–40, 1995, p. 159. In August 1948, the Soviet Union sponsored the World Congress of Intellectuals in Defense of Peace in Wroclaw, Poland, during which Western and democratic culture were widely denounced.Hemingway, Artists on the Left: American Artists and the Communist Movement, 1926–1956, 2002, p. 198–199.

The New Reasoner was preceded by a journal entitled The Reasoner, first published in July 1956 by John Saville and E.P. Thompson. The editors proposed the use of the journal as a forum for the discussion of "questions of fundamental principle, aim, and strategy," critiquing Stalinism as well as the dogmatic politics of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). The Reasoner took its name from an early 19th-century publication which had attempted to renew and reinvigorate a flagging Jacobin Radicalism. Over its five months of existence, the journal angered many within the leadership of the CPGB.

This concept can also be traced back to the rules of the First International which stated: "the emancipation of the working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves."Rules of the International Workingmen's Association (accessed 2008-05-29) They see this as distinguishing themselves from other socialist groups, particularly both from reformist parties such as the Labour Party (described as a "capitalist workers' party")Cliff, Gluckstein. The Labour Party, p.2 and from various forms of what they disparagingly term Stalinism—forms of socialism usually associated with the former Soviet Bloc and the old Communist Parties.

Richard Overy, The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia, p259 While these heroes had to stem from the people, they were set apart by their heroic deeds. Stakhanov himself was well suited for this role, not only a worker but for his good looks like many poster hero and as a family man. The hardships of the First Five-Year Plan were put forth in romanticized accounts.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p35 In 1937–8, young heroes who accomplished great feats appeared on the front page of Pravda more often than Stalin himself.

He was unconvinced by Kołakowski's argument that Stalinism was the logical conclusion of the work of Lenin, and considered Kołakowski's treatment of the impact of the Soviet Union on Marxism in other countries inadequate. He agreed with some, but not all, of Kołakowski's criticisms of the Frankfurt School. He concluded that Main Currents of Marxism did not give as good a sense of Marxism as an intellectual enterprise as it could have. Joravsky saw the book as a continuation of arguments over Marxism that Kołakowski had previously engaged in while a member of the Communist Party of Poland.

Rădăceanu, in Scurtu Equally opposed to Bolshevism, he wrote several analytical articles which criticized Stalinism and the Soviet Union. In 1935, he expressed his views on the risks of the Popular Front tactic as proposed by the Soviets: > The will communism has to collaborate cannot be sincere, as long as -- > instead of collaborating with the Russian Social-Democrats -- they torture > them in prisons.Rădăceanu, Lumea Nouă, February 17, 1935, in Frunză, p.83 However, he was staunchly opposed to the authorities' crackdown on the outlawed Romanian Communist Party (PCR), and wrote pieces in defence of communist activists prosecuted for their activities.

Both domestic and international services restarted that year, first to Berlin, Paris, Stockholm and Prague.Jońca, Adam (1985). Samoloty linii lotniczych 1945-1956, 2nd cover In 1947 there were added routes to Bucharest, Budapest, Belgrad and Copenhagen. Five modern, although troublesome SE.161 Languedoc joined the fleet for a short period in 1947-1948, followed by five Ilyushin Il-12B in 1949; 13-20 Ilyushin Il-14s then followed in 1955-1957. After the end of Stalinism in Poland, few Western aircraft would be acquired; five Convair 240s in 1957 and three Vickers Viscounts in 1962 proved to be the last until the 1990s.

Het Vrije Woord, October 1940 In total, he published approximately 2,000 articles and around 30 books during his life in German, Dutch, French, English and other languages, which were in turn translated into many more languages. During the Second World War, he was one of the editors of the underground newspaper, Het Vrije Woord. In addition, he edited or contributed to many books, maintained a voluminous correspondence, and was booked for speaking engagements worldwide. He considered it his mission to transmit the heritage of classical Marxist thought, deformed by the experience of Stalinism and the Cold War, to a new generation.

In 1950, during the years of Stalinism in Poland, Tyrmand was removed from the editorial board of popular Przekrój magazine for a review of a boxing tournament in which he criticized the Russian judges for their pro-Soviet bias and unfair decisions that spurred protests among the boxing fans that lead to police intervention. With the help of an old friend, Stefan Kisielewski, he found work in the Catholic Tygodnik Powszechny magazine. However, in March 1953, Tygodnik Powszechny closed after refusing to print the official obituary of Stalin in 1953. Tyrmand then suffered from an unofficial ban on publications.

He reversed Dubček's reforms and purged the party of its liberal members in 1969–1971. In 1975, Husák was elected President of Czechoslovakia. During the two decades of Husák's leadership, Czechoslovakia became one of Moscow's most loyal allies. In the first years following the invasion, Husák managed to appease the outraged civil population by providing a relatively satisfactory living standard and avoiding any overt reprisals like was the case in the 1950s. His regime was not a complete return to the heavy-handed Stalinism that prevailed during the first 20 years of Communist rule in the country.

Ustrialov and others sympathetic to the Smenovekhovtsy cause, such as Aleksey Nikolayevich Tolstoy and Ilya Ehrenburg, were eventually able to return to the Soviet Union and following the co-option of aspects of nationalism by Stalin and his ideologue Andrei Zhdanov enjoyed membership of the intellectual elite under the designation non-party Bolsheviks.S. V. Utechin, Russian Political Thought: A Concise and Comprehensive History, JM Dent & Sons, 1964, pp. 254–255 Similarly. B. D. Grekov's National Bolshevik school of historiography, a frequent target under Lenin, was officially recognised and even promoted under Stalin, albeit after accepting the main tenets of Stalinism.

Marxism–Leninism is a politico-economic theory developed by Joseph Stalin in the 1920s. According to its proponents, it is a synthesis of the theories of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and Vladimir Lenin while critics term it Stalinism. It was Stalin who succinctly defined that "Leninism is the Marxism of the era of imperialism and the proletarian revolution" in his famous pamphlet titled Foundations of Leninism, and this tenet forms the basis of Marxism–Leninism. It builds on Marx's theory that capitalism divides society into two classes, namely the bourgeoisie or property-owning class and the proletariat or labouring class.

Mission to Moscow is a 1943 film directed by Michael Curtiz, based on the 1941 book by the former U.S. ambassador to the Soviet Union, Joseph E. Davies. The movie chronicles the experiences of the second American ambassador to the Soviet Union and was made in response to a request by Franklin D. Roosevelt. It was made during World War II, when the Americans and Soviets were allies, and takes an extremely solicitous view of not only the USSR in general but of Stalinism and Stalinist repressions in particular. For that reason, it was scrutinized by the House Committee on Un-American Activities.

In 1957 Mattei was expelled from the Italian Communist Party because of her opposition to Stalinism and to the Togliatti politics. She later became national director of the (UDI) and introduced the use of mimosa for the Women's Day at the request of Luigi Longo. Mattei felt that the French symbols of IWD, violets and lilies of the valley, were too scarce and expensive to be used in poor, rural Italian areas, so she proposed the mimosa as an alternative. She died in Lari, Tuscany, aged 92, the last living female member of the Constituent Assembly of Italy.

Its official foundation would occur a year later at the Catholic school Colégio Sion (Sion High School) in São Paulo. PT is a result of the approach between trade unionists of the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT), intellectuals, artists, Catholics influenced by liberation theology, and the old Brazilian left. The party, however, can be described as a New Left party, once it refused "taking the path of the old Latin American left, in the form of the guerrilla movement or Stalinism". In 1984, the Landless Workers' Movement was created as a reaction to the military regime's failed land reform program.

Third Force () was a loosely organized non-aligned political movement in Iran which advocated an independent, socialist–nationalist philosophy of development. Though not a modern party, it maintained organization within activists and press. It did not become an important party, however made an enormous impact on Iranian democracy struggle after 1953 Iranian coup d'état. The group was established in 1948 as a breakaway split from the communist Tudeh Party of Iran, when they rejected the party's Stalinism and pro-soviet oil concession stance in favor of democratic socialism and centrist Marxism, supporting nationalization of the Iran oil industry movement.

The Information Research Department (IRD) was a propaganda unit set up by the Labour government in 1948 at the Foreign Office, after the start of the Cold War. Celia Kirwan, a close friend of Orwell who had just started working as Robert Conquest's assistant at the IRD, visited Orwell at a sanatorium where he was being treated for tuberculosis in March 1949. Orwell wrote a list of names of persons he considered sympathetic to Stalinism and therefore unsuitable as writers for the Department, and enclosed it in a letter to Kirwan. The list became public in 2003.

However, others (both Stalin's contemporaries and later) do not confuse "Bolshevism" and "Stalinism" proper, considering them to be multidirectional (revolutionary and thermidorian) phenomena.See various works by Trotsky, Martemyan Ryutin (Stalin and the Crisis of the Proletarian Dictatorship), Fyodor Raskolnikov (An Open Letter to Stalin), Boris Kagarlitsky, Alexander Tarasov The expression "Bolshevism", as well as "communism" later, has become established in Western historiography in the sense of a certain set of features of Soviet power in a certain political period. At present, the very name "Bolsheviks" is actively used by various groups of Marxist-Leninists and Trotskyists.

The history of the Soviet Union between 1927 and 1953 covers the period in Soviet history from the establishment of Stalinism through victory in the Second World War and down to the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953. He sought to destroy his enemies while transforming Soviet society with aggressive economic planning, in particular a sweeping collectivization of agriculture and rapid development of heavy industry. Stalin consolidated his power within the party and the state and fostered an extensive cult of personality. Soviet secret- police and the mass-mobilization Communist Party served as Stalin's major tools in molding Soviet society.

Canadian refugee communities were instrumental in establishing Black Ribbon Day in Canada in 1986, and became the inspiration for the Baltic Way during the Revolutions of 1989. In 2009, the House of Commons of Canada unanimously adopted 23 August as Black Ribbon Day, the national day of remembrance in Canada of the victims of Stalinism and Nazism. The resolution was introduced by Liberal MP Bob Rae and co-sponsored by Borys Wrzesnewskyj. The Central and Eastern European Council of Canada representing 4 million Canadians has organized annual Black Ribbon Day commemorations in cities across Canada since 2010.

Lubomyr Kuzmak was born August 2, 1929, in Ukrainian family in Baligrod, Poland. Despite growing up in the totalitarian environment of oppressive Hitlerism and Stalinism, Dr. Kuzmak made the most of his youth, being an avid participant in competitive sports, such as skiing, swimming and motorcycle racing. He graduated in 1953 from the medical school in Lodz, Poland, and continued postgraduate studies in surgery for 7 years at the Bytom campus of the Silesian University. He joined the faculty of this university in 1961, advanced to the rank of Associate Professor, and obtained the degree of Doctor of Science (ScD) in 1965.

He was involved in Uniunea Tineretului Comunist while a student, becoming its First Secretary and then Minister of Youth Issues, being elected to the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party in 1982.Vladimir Tismăneanu (2005) Stalinism pentru eternitate, Polirom, Iaşi. p. 295. . As an apprentice in politics, he was mentored by Ștefan Andrei, Ion Traian Ștefănescu and Cornel Pacoste. Toward the end of the 1980s, he was made a member of the Executive Committee of the Romanian Communist Party and in 1987 the leader for Sibiu County, being prepared by his parents to be his father's successor.

Yugoslavia began collectivization and forcing the peasants to start collective farms as early as 1947, in an effort to appease its communist ally the Soviet Union, when Joseph Stalin accused Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito of deviating from Socialism in the direction of capitalism. Then, in June 1948, Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform. To disprove the claim of revisionism, the leadership in Belgrade decided instead to speed up collectivization, demonstrating that it was not Yugoslavia but the Soviet Union and its allies that had strayed from the path of Stalinism. Agricultural production was down by more than half over pre-war figures.

In 1959, in the middle of the Algerian War, he and Marie-Thérèse Maugis formed the Maspero publishing house, Éditions François Maspero. They later were joined by Jean-Philippe Bernigaud and Fanchita Gonzalez Batlle, and then by Émile Copfermann. Their first two collections, "Cahiers libres" and "Textes à l'appui", focused on the Algerian War from an anti-colonialist perspective, and on contestation of the French Communist Party's unreformed Stalinism. Maspero published Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth (1961), censored by the French authorities, with a preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, as well as Fanon's L'An V de la Révolution algérienne.

Marx has been described as one of the most influential figures in human history. Revolutionary socialist governments espousing Marxist concepts took power in a variety of countries in the 20th century, leading to the formation of such socialist states as the Soviet Union in 1922 and the People's Republic of China in 1949. Many labour unions and workers' parties worldwide are influenced by Marxism, while various theoretical variants, such as Leninism, Stalinism, Trotskyism, and Maoism, were developed from them. Marx is typically cited, with Émile Durkheim and Max Weber, as one of the three principal architects of modern social science.

Even after the relative thaw after the fall of Stalinism or after the collapse of the communist regimes, Nestor Ignat was unapologetic, never denied the opinions expressed in his writing and never attempted to justify or to explain them. Except for the period from 1945 to 1955, Nestor Ignat's publications show a completely different ideological picture. The poems published before 1944, such as "Magic" are impregnated with a mysticism similar with the one found in Blaga's works, which he later exposed as a sign of bourgeois decadence. His publications of the 1972–1980 seem to avoid ideological involvement.

A travelogue of his experiences in Italy in 1957 and the United States in 1960, Both Sides of the Ocean, which was unusually open for its time, was published in 1962 and denounced by Nikita Khrushchev in 1963. After Khruschev's ouster in October 1964, Nekrasov joined other Soviet intellectuals in protesting what he saw as the new government's gradual restoration of Stalinism. He signed numerous open letters protesting government policies in 1966-1973 and was expelled from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1973. In 1974 he emigrated to France, where he became an associate editor of the emigre magazine Kontinent.

231–232 The same issue had been raised in 1963 by his exiled former employer, Pamfil Șeicaru: "Voitec was well trained in Marxist sociology and knew the history of Soviet Russia. What then could he expect from those who invaded our Country? [...] Romanian democrats, whatever their political affiliation, had the heads of poultry."Șeicaru & Marcovici, pp. 240–241 However, in 1949, anarchist Alberto Casanueva argued that ministers such as Voitec, Gheorghiu-Dej, and Mihail Lascăr had lost prominence because of their failure to uphold the Soviet line, whereas Pauker and Pârvulescu were rewarded for their staunch Stalinism.

This came at a time when Pauker won the trust of Soviet leaders such as Molotov, Kaganovich and Kliment Voroshilov—in contrast, her main rival, Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, sought support from Georgy Malenkov and Beria.Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate, Polirom, Iaşi, 2005, p.160. At a lower level, Pauker's relations with Kavtaradze were replicated by the close relationship between Gheorghiu- Dej and Mark Borisovich Mitin, the Cominform activist and Stalinist theorist. During September 1945, as Soviet specialists on Romanian issues, Kavtaradze and his fellow diplomat, former prosecutor Andrey Vyshinsky, were present in Moscow at a meeting between a Romanian delegation and Stalin.

But archival evidence has led Vladimir Tismăneanu to conclude that "Ana Pauker's downfall did not occur merely, or even primarily, because of Gheorghiu-Dej's skillful maneuvering—as some Romanian novels published in the 1980s would have us believe—but foremost because of Stalin's decision to initiate a major political purge in Romania."Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, p. 133. Pauker, Luca, and Georgescu were purged in May 1952, consolidating Gheorghiu-Dej's own grip over country and Party. The charges against Ana Pauker increasingly focused on her positions on Zionism and Israel.

Robert cannot contain his political leanings even when talking to Lady Camilla, finding fault with Doctor Bottwink, "Has your new Jew friend asked you to go back to Palestine with him yet?" Doctor Bottwink, a well- educated Jew from Eastern Europe, who managed to escape Nazi concentration camp, is sympathetic to Communist ideas but despises Soviet Stalinism. Sergeant Rogers inquires Doctor Bottwink whether the Doctor was in Vienna during Dolfuss régime, and Doctor Bottwink clarifies that he was anti-Dolfuss, anti-clerical, and anti-Fascist. Sir Julius identifies himself as socialist despite being a first cousin of Lord Warbeck.

In the first issue of 1956 Francesco De Martino became the co-editor (Pietro Nenni would be the editor-in-chief until 1958) and, with the editorial Prospettive della politica socialista, De Martino sets new tasks of the magazine, and until 1959 the magazine would focus on the issues of Stalinism, the relationship between socialism and democracy, with the help of the then new young co-editor Raniero Panzieri. It also enriched the themes of cultural interest and publishes texts of Balzac, Brecht, Blasco Ibáñez. A scientific-literary insert will be written by Carlo Muscetta and Carlo Castagnoli between March and December 1958.

In 1956, together with the pro-Soviet Iosif Chișinevschi, Constantinescu observed the increasingly hostile relations between Nikita Khrushchev and Gheorghiu-Dej, and ultimately decided to attack the latter in public (identifying him with Stalinism and citing the history of Securitate political violence).Cioroianu, p.136, 206-207; Frunză, p.425; Tismăneanu, p.145-147, 260 The two had been probably encouraged by Khrushchev,Frunză, p.425; Tismăneanu, p.157-158 and attempted in vain to rally Alexandru Moghioroș to their cause.Tismăneanu, p.157-158 Accused of "attempt to direct the party towards liberal anarchy and revisionism",Tismăneanu, p.

Trotsky, L., Literature and Revolution, 1924 Kovel believes that, in Stalin's "revolution from above" and mass terror in response to the early 1930s economic crisis, Trotsky's writings "were given official imprimatur", despite the fact that Trotsky himself was eventually purged, as Stalinism attacked "the very notion of ecology... in addition to ecologies". Kovel adds that Stalin "would win the gold medal for enmity to nature", and that, in the face of massive environmental degradation, the inflexible Soviet bureaucracy became increasingly inefficient and unable to emulate capitalist accumulation, leading to a "vicious cycle" that led to its collapse.

Shulman joined the Young Communist League in 1930 and went on in 1936 to serve with the Lincoln Brigade for 26 months during the Spanish Civil War and in United States Army during World War II. In the early 1950s he worked in the South as part of the Party's organizing efforts with African Americans. He was for several years William Z. Foster's secretary. Shulman was dissatisfied by the Communist Party USA's turn away from Stalinism following Nikita Khrushchev's "Secret Speech" in 1956. Following his resignation from the Party, Shulman traveled to Albania and China in pursuit of his political objectives.

In Eastern European countries where Stalinism was the system of domination, the legitimacy of the system was dependent on the instillment of fear among citizens and the charisma of the state leader. This was the strategy that worked for Stalin, himself, in the Soviet Union, as his brand of terror and charisma inspired a strong personality cult that placed authority and legitimacy in Stalin's hands alone. For other Eastern European states, however, Soviet communism was a foreign system that had to be imported. This proved to be a major problem, as the communist leaders in other Eastern European states lacked Stalin's charisma.

For example, in September 1975 the Birmingham branch decamped in order to join the Workers' Socialist League. A few years after the RCG's foundation, disagreements emerged amongst its members regarding such topics as Stalinism and the South African government. One group, dominated by Frank Furedi (1947-), a sociologist at the University of Kent who used the pseudonym of "Frank Richards", began to argue against the views put forward by David Yaffe and his supporters. Yaffe himself later remarked that Furedi had been "organising among a clique of middle-class members, and became their self- styled guru".

Initially the NSSP was affiliated with the Committee for a Workers' International but, in the opinion of the CWI, never fully agreed with the analysis that it had made of Stalinism, of developments in the former colonial and semi-colonial world and the national question. It departed with CWI in 1988, in a process described by some as expulsion, but by the CWI as a split. The remaining CWI members formed the United Socialist Party. Since 1991 the NSSP, led by Vikramabahu Karunaratne, has been the Sri Lankan section of the Fourth International alongside other Samasamaj parties.

He was against the Albanian population gaining further autonomy in Kosovo and Ranković had misgivings and a strong dislike of Albanians. Kosovo was seen by Ranković as a security threat for the country and its unity. Following the Yugoslav-Soviet Union split (1948), local Albanians were viewed by the state as possible collaborators of pro-Soviet Albania and consequently Kosovo became an area of focus for the secret service and police force under Ranković. During Ranković's campaign, members of the Albanian intelligentsia were targeted, whereas thousands of other Albanians underwent trials and were jailed for "Stalinism".

SAT was founded in 1921 by Eugène Lanti (pseudonym of Eugène Adam) and others as an organisation of the workers' Esperanto movement. It was largest and most active between the two World Wars. At its high point in 1929-1930 it had 6524 members in 1674 communities in 42 countries. It suffered heavy attrition soon after, however, when "cosmopolitan" activities, a category into which Esperanto fell, began to be persecuted in the Soviet Union after the onset of Stalinism, and after the ban on the workers' Esperanto movement in Germany that took effect immediately after the Nazi takeover in 1933.

Stalinist solidarity: Mao Zedong of the PRC and Enver Hoxha of Socialist Albania were united in retaining Stalinism as the form of government for their countries. In the 1950s, the looming occurrence of the Sino-Soviet split was manifested in public denunciation and criticism of the socialist countries respectively allied to the PRC and the USSR. China denounced the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1945–1992) as insufficiently socialist for having a mixed economy. Mao personally criticized Marshal Tito as an ideological deviationist for pursuing a politically non-aligned foreign policy that was separate and apart from Sino-Soviet geopolitics.

Some sources claim that this was mostly due to the denunciation of Stalinism during the Khrushchev Thaw. He eventually committed suicide by shooting himself in the heart at his dacha in Peredelkino, leaving a letter from which one can see his negative attitude to both the old and new leaders of the Party.Sovlit.net: Fadeyev's suicide note and KGB report on his death He referred to Stalin as a "satrap" in the note. His suicide followed his being denounced by his friend Mikhail Sholokhov and blamed for the poor state of Soviet Literature at the 20th Party Congress.

Maclean's relationship with Tito's Partisans was not always easy, partly because they were Communist, while he came from an upper class Scottish background, and had witnessed Stalinism in action (see above). As Churchill personally told him, Maclean's mission was not to concern himself with how Yugoslavia was to be run after the war, but "simply to find out who was killing the most Germans and suggest means by which we could help them to kill more."Maclean, F: Eastern Approaches, p. 287. Jonathan Cape; Thirteenth Impression edition (1951) In the late summer of 1944, together with Tito, he planned and implemented Operation Ratweek.

A part of the structure was rebuilt by 1917; in 1923-1925 two more floors were added for storage and offices for Mosselprom, the Moscow Rural Cooperative Administration (),Lewis H. Siegelbaum and Andrei K. Sokolov (eds.), Stalinism As a Way of Life: A Narrative in Documents (Yale University Press, 2004; ), p. 89. which combined flour, confectionery, and chocolate factories, breweries, and tobacco companies. In the 1930s it reverted to an apartment building; the linguist Viktor Vinogradov lived there from 1964 to 1969. It was restored in 1997, and it currently houses a branch of the Russian Academy of Theatre Arts.

93 Călinescu records how, during meetings with his friends at Casa Capşa and in other contexts, Paul Georgescu refused to talk official literature while openly discussing his admiration for foreign writers whose aesthetic choices or open rejection of Stalinism had made them unpublishable behind the Iron Curtain: André Gide, Arthur Koestler, André Malraux, Ignazio Silone and Paul Valéry.Călinescu & Vianu, p.149-150 According to a late memoir by Eugen Campus, one of his subordinates at Gazeta Literară during the early 1950s, the editor was "prudent", keeping "underneath the dreary ashes of an apparent conformism, the lively embers of his ideals."Manea, p.

In August, Sandu asked the State Chancellery to prepare a draft decree where 23 August was declared to be the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism instead of the regular Liberation Day. The decree was opposed by her coalition partner, the PSRM, with Moldova's President and ex-PSRM leader Igor Dodon announcing that he will celebrate the date in the old style, rejecting Sandu's proposal. Under Maia Sandu, Moldova began taking steps towards the European Union as Sandu herself is pro-European. Maia Sandu was ousted as prime minister on 12 November 2019, following a vote of no-confidence.

Retreating from public life during World War II, in protest against Ion Antonescu's fascist dictatorship (see Romania during World War II), Constantinescu was a member of Romania's Gheorghe Tătărescu-led delegation to the Paris Peace Conference (1946). During his later years, he became close to the Romanian Communist Party, created a minor political party named Liga Patrioţilor (League of Patriots) which described itself as "progressive" (and was ultimately led by the communist Petre Constantinescu-Iaşi), and authored a volume supportive of Stalinism and the Soviet Union (Continentul URSS, "The USSR Continent"). A hall at the National Bank is named after him.

Before the worst of the Terror and in the decades after Stalin, Soviet trade unions did have some input regarding production plans, capital improvements in factories, local housing construction, and remuneration agreements with management. After Stalin, unions also were empowered to protect workers against bureaucratic and managerial arbitrariness, to ensure that management adhered to collective agreements, and to protest unsafe working conditions. However, strikes were still more or less restricted, representing an element of Stalinism that persisted even during the Khrushchev Thaw.. Unions remained partners of management in attempting to promote labor discipline, worker morale, and productivity. Unions organized socialist emulation "competitions" and awarded prizes for fulfilling quotas.

Aside from several memorials in Germany, after the war Litten remained unknown for decades because neither western nor communist governments found him suitable for their cold war propaganda. For the west, Litten had been too involved with communists and for communists, Litten's rejection of Stalinism made him a pariah.Jon Kelly, "Hans Litten: The man who annoyed Adolf Hitler" BBC News (August 19, 2011). Retrieved September 4, 2011 Memorial for Hans Litten in Berlin-Mitte Bust of Hans Litten at the Berlin District Court When East and West Germany were reunited, the lawyers association of Berlin chose to call itself the Hans Litten Bar Association.

The Day of the Liberation of Moldova from Fascist Occupation (, ) is a public holiday celebrated annually in Moldova to commemorates the anniversary of the allied victory in the Jassy–Kishinev Offensive during World War Two. It is celebrated on 24 August and is also associated with the former Liberation from Fascist Occupation Day (which was a public holiday there from 1949 to 1990) and the present day European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism in Romania. It is used to commemorate Moldova's role in the defeat of from Nazi Germany in 1945. It is also recognized by the partially recognized Dniester Republic.

Modern readers are more often introduced to Orwell as a novelist, particularly through his enormously successful titles Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four. The former is often thought to reflect degeneration in the Soviet Union after the Russian Revolution and the rise of Stalinism; the latter, life under totalitarian rule. Nineteen Eighty-Four is often compared to Brave New World by Aldous Huxley; both are powerful dystopian novels warning of a future world where the state machine exerts complete control over social life. In 1984, Nineteen Eighty-Four and Ray Bradbury's Fahrenheit 451 were honoured with the Prometheus Award for their contributions to dystopian literature.

The situation in Poland in the immediate aftermath of World War II has been described as an all-out civil war,Civil war in Poland. Europe since 1945: an encyclopedia, Volume 2, Bernard A. Cook or near civil war by many historians, "Stalinism in Poland: 1945-1956" by Dr John Bates, 2000, at www.arts.gla.ac.uk as members of the independence movement carried out numerous attacks on both Soviet and Polish communist offices and institutions. In return, the Stalinist authorities carried out brutal pacifications of partisans and civilians, mass arrests (see: Augustów chase 1945), deportations, as well as executions (see: Mokotów Prison murder, Public execution in Dębica) and many secret assassinations.

Quinney (2007) pp. 44-45 At the same time, Ionesco also attacked in Rhinoceros the French intelligentsia, a disproportionate number of whom were proud members of the French Communist Party in the 1950s. As an anti-Communist Romanian émigré living in France, Ionesco was often offended by the way in which so many French intellectuals embraced Stalinism and would either justify or deny all of the crimes of the Stalin regime under the grounds that the Soviet Union was a "progressive" nation leading humanity to a better future. Ionesco satirized French Communist intellectuals with the character of Botard, who is clearly the most left-wing character in the play.

He received the Romanian-American Academy of Arts and Sciences's Prize for his 1998 volume Fantasies of Salvation: Democracy, Nationalism, and Myth in Post- Communist Europe and the 2003 Barbara Jelavich Award, presented by the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies for his Stalinism for All Seasons. During the late 1990s, he collaborated with the German-based radio station Deutsche Welle, with a series of broadcasts, most of which he published in Romania as Scrisori din Washington ("Letters from Washington", 2002). Mircea Iorgulescu, "Românul transatlantic", in Revista 22, Nr. 651, August–September 2002 He also worked as editor of Dorin Tudoran's Agora, a political journal of the Romanian diaspora.

The conflict within the leadership of the KPH over their stance towards the HSS, the Cvetković–Maček Agreement, and Stalinism, led to the purge of "dissidents" in the KPH, focused around the Croatian writer Miroslav Krleža. The KPH leadership was replaced at the 5th Land Conference, held in Zagreb in August 1940. In December 1939, a new railway bridge over the Sava River was opened by Šubašić, Maček, and Archbishop Aloysius Stepinac. In late 1939 and in 1940, the HSS Guards units and the police conducted mass arrests of the Ustaše and communists, and arrested the leadership of the newly formed Croatian National Socialist Party.

Over the following ten years a majority of the two sides developed similar approaches to a number of major international problems: opposing Stalinism during the 1956 crises in Poland and Hungary, and supporting the Algerian War of Independence and the 1959 Cuban Revolution. At the same time, parties in the ISFI had retreated from Pablo's orientation to the communist parties. In 1960, the sections of the ICFI and ISFI reunited in Chile, India and Japan. In 1962, the political convergence between the majorities on both sides was strong enough for the ISFI and ICFI to establish a Parity Commission to prepare a joint World Congress.

That congress aimed to reunify the Fourth International. Some groups on both sides did not support the movement towards reunification. In the run- up to the 1961 congress of the ISFI the supporters of the Argentine Juan Posadas, a leader of the Latin American Secretariat, found themselves in agreement with the supporters of Michel Pablo in stressing the primacy of the anti-colonial revolution: the majority in the ISFI placed a greater emphasis on developing activity in Europe. However, Posadas and Pablo developed different reactions to the split in Stalinism: Posadas tended towards Mao Zedong, while Pablo was closer to Nikita Khrushchev and Josip Broz Tito.

At first an 'young unquestioning fanatic' in his own words, he was a party activist, and was re- elected to the Trade Union Committee and the comsomol bureau multiple times. Tokaty became disillusioned with socialism later in his life, and joined an opposition group with the aims of taking down Stalin. He reported in his memóirs that his right-wing group wanted to establish a liberal democracy. He also reported how the opposition in the USSR behaved and how they planned a coup and assassinations against the soviet government and its leaders, sometimes even with the help of high-ranking party members who became disillusioned with Stalinism.

A strong parallel was found by some between the way the commission (who was not elected by the residents) had not listened to the local residents and Stalinism in the Soviet Union. The chairman of the Flag Committee of the Society of Natives noted: A citizen had similar views. He describes his vision of the flag which he considers "a misfit for a flag to represent the seat of government of the greatest free country of the earth": Over time attitudes toward the design changed and it went from being rejected to being embraced including by the Statehood movement in the District of Columbia.

From the late 1940s to 1960s, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party served as the opposition Party in Sri Lanka, whilst being recognised as the Sri Lankan wing of the Fourth International, an organisation characterised by Trotskyism and Anti-Stalinism. Through this, Goonewardene attempted to reform the former British Colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising organisations in the banking, education, industry, media, and trade sectors. In 1959, despite being one of the largest landowners in Sri Lanka through inheritance, Goonewardene re-introduced inheritance tax to the country, despite the opposition of wealthy established parliamentarians. With its increased popularity, the LSSP was looking to grow.

The drama Burnt by the Sun (1994) by Nikita Mikhalkov is set in a small countryside community in the time when Stalinism starts to disrupt their idyllic retreat and alter their characters and fates. The film received an Oscar for Best Foreign Language Film and the Grand Prix du Jury at the 1994 Cannes Film Festival. In the context of the Russian World War II history Pavel Chukhrai filmed The Thief (1997), a movie about a mother who becomes romantically involved with a criminal who impersonates an officer. The film was awarded with 6 national prizes Nika, got a special prize in Venice and became the Oscar nominee.

This allowed the anger and resentment that came with the ravages of neoliberalism (i.e. economic misery, hopelessness, unemployment and rising inequality throughout the former Eastern Bloc and much of the West) to be channeled into nationalist movements in the decades that followed. David L. Hoffmann, Distinguished Professor of History at Ohio State University, raises the issue of whether authoritarian socialist practices of state violence derived from socialist ideology. Placing authoritarian socialist ideologies such as Stalinism in an international context, he argues that many forms of state interventionism used by the Stalinist government, including social cataloguing, surveillance and concentration camps, predated the Soviet regime and originated outside of Russia.

This type of socialism is contrasted to that of the "authoritarian, antidemocratic creed" and "the various totalitarian collectivist ideologies which claim the title of socialism" as well as "the many varieties of 'socialism from above' which have led in the twentieth century to movements and state forms in which a despotic 'new class' rules over a statified economy in the name of socialism", a division that "runs through the history of the socialist movement". Lipow identifies Bellamyism and Stalinism as two prominent authoritarian socialist currents within the history of the socialist movement.Lipow, Arthur (1991). Authoritarian Socialism in America: Edward Bellamy and the Nationalist Movement.

Moreover, Socialist Review would reprint material from its pages, for example from Chinese and Ukrainian revolutionaries, and Cliff would contribute to New International in his turn. Early editions of Socialist Review closely mirror the concerns of the SRG in its first years as they sought to recruit from former RCPers and in the Labour Party. A great deal of the material in the magazine concerns Stalinism and world politics in general terms. One particular example would be the attempt to provide the Socialist fellowship, a grouping of left wing Labour Party members strongly influenced by Gerry Healy's Club, with an alternative statement of policy.

Pawilon Wyspiański 2000 is a rare piece of Postmodern architecture present in Kraków's Old Town Since the style of the Renaissance was generally regarded as the most revered in old Polish architecture, it was also used for augmenting Poland's Socialist national format. However, in the course of incorporating the principles of Socialist realism, there were quite a few deviations introduced by the communists. One of these was to more closely reflect Soviet architecture, which resulted in the majority of works blending into one another. From 1953, critical opinions in the Party were increasingly frequent, and the doctrine was given up in 1956 marking the end of Stalinism.

Tismăneanu, Stalinism..., p.160, 293 At the time, he also had close contacts with other prominent Romanian communist exiles, including Luca, Pauker, Leonte Răutu, and Valter Roman -- this nucleus - "the Muscovite faction" - representing a distinct group inside the PCR, planned to take over the entire party upon their return to Romania. In this, they were opposed by the "prison faction", whose members, including its leader Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, had been arrested and were serving time in Romania. According to historian Vladimir Tismăneanu, Borilă had grown aware that support for his faction was fragile, and, in order to ensure his political survival, chose to always maintain close contacts with Gheorghiu- Dej.

He also drew attention to the pre-nazistoid tendencies in the work of Norway's great writer, Knut Hamsun. Further he radically criticized other totalitarian ideologies of the time including Stalinism and Fascism, underscoring that they undermined the individuality and responsibility of man, as man is primarily to be understood as a spiritual being. And though Larsen considered himself a Christian, he strongly rejected the then widespread message of the Oxford Group, most notably represented by the evangelist Frank Buchman, claiming that they represented a materialistic mentality. In Janus Larsen also presented the work of many international writers to the Norwegian public, both in the form of reviews and first-time translations.

Barnes argued that anticapitalist revolutions typically began with a "workers' and farmers' government" which initially concentrated on bourgeois-democratic measures and only later moved on to the abolition of capitalism. Barnes also argued that the Trotskyist label unnecessarily distinguished leftists in that tradition from leftists of other origins, such as the Cuban Communist Party, or the Sandinista National Liberation Front. He argued that the SWP had more in common with these organizations than with many groups calling themselves Trotskyist. The SWP has continued to publish numerous books by Trotsky and advocate a number of ideas commonly associated with Trotskyism, including Trotsky's analysis of Stalinism.

However, the Moscow trials were generally viewed negatively by most Western observers including many liberals. The New York Times noted the absurdity in an editorial on March 1, 1938: "It is as if twenty years after Yorktown somebody in power at Washington found it necessary for the safety of the State to send to the scaffold Thomas Jefferson, Madison, John Adams, Hamilton, Jay and most of their associates. The charge against them would be that they conspired to hand over the United States to George III."MOSCOW'S NEW PURGE - New York Times For Bertram Wolfe, the outcome of the Bukharin trial marked his break with Stalinism.

Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, p.154. University of California Press, 2003, Within the party, he was a member of the central committee from 1945, and with Ceaușescu's rise to general secretary in 1965, he first became alternate member of the politburo and then member of the executive committee. He died after a failed ulcer operation that resulted in much speculation. In May 1966, he had participated in a rancorous meeting in Moscow with Soviet Marshal Andrei Grechko, with the latter demanding increased Romanian military participation in the Warsaw Pact and the Romanian side, increasingly assertive of independence, hesitating to embrace the idea.

Intertwining of reality and staged scenes of present and recollections about the past as well as the very subject of cinematography reminds of Yanovsky's "Master of ship". The novel of short stories "Tronka" (1963) was the first major work of Honchar commemorating to a contemporary peaceful life. Constructed in the form of an original "wreath of novellas" revealing different aspects of life of ordinary people, residents of the Ukrainian steppes, the novel paints a complete panorama of characters, images, situations. In "Tronka" for the first time in the Ukrainian literature was acutely posed the problem of Stalinism eradication, the struggle of old with new.

He did not adhere to any aesthetic direction though every his painting had its certain concept. The style problem had never been principal for him. Some of his largest shows were: exhibitions of the International Federation in "Manezh"; exhibition of the Associations "Ecology" and "Memories of victims of Stalinism" in Central House of Artists (CHA, Crymsky Val street); "The golden brush" - 1997, 1998, 1999. His works are kept in galleries and private collections of about 30 countries including the State Central Museum of modern history of Russia (6 works), Museum of Mayakovsky (Moscow), Museum "Aleksanrovskaya Sloboda" in Aleksandrov, the gallery "Creativity Union" (Moscow, 43 works).

The movie is set in against the dusk of the Soviet Union and associated changes in economical and social life. Near one of Moscow's train stations, on a landfill site, a group of vagrants lives. Due to a variety of reasons, once prosperous people have lost their jobs, homes, loved ones and began living at a landfill. Among them are: Anthemia, a talented artist; her brother Fedor Yelistratov, who was repressed in the days of Stalinism; Solomon, a former engineer, who lost his job because his family emigrated to Israel; and former cook and housemaid Katya, who was beaten and kicked out of her house by her drunkard son.

Seidner, Stanley S. Marshal Edward Śmigły-Rydz Rydz and the Defense of Poland, New York, 1978. He also had the right to issue decrees and veto acts passed by the Sejm non-constructively. Among the most notable features of the new constitution was the president's right to name his successor in the case of war. That was used as the legal base for the existence of the Polish Government in Exile during and after the World War II. The constitution was officially abolished in 1944 by the Soviet-backed communist authorities of Poland, which officially returned to the March Constitution and introduced many laws based on Stalinism.

Kotkin has authored several nonfiction books on history as well as textbooks and is perhaps best known for Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as a Civilization which exposes the realities of everyday life in the Soviet city of Magnitogorsk during the 1930s. In 2001, he published Armageddon Averted, a short history of the fall of the Soviet Union. Kotkin is a frequent contributor on Russian and Eurasian affairs and writes book and film reviews for various publications, including The New Republic, The New Yorker, The Financial Times, The New York Times and The Washington Post. He also contributed as a commentator for NPR and the BBC.

The BLPI released details of issues within the Indian National Congress; these notably included its close connection to the landlords and its ignorance of promises made during the mass civil disobedience movements in the earlier part of the century. The BLPI also maintained a strained relationship with the Communist Party of India, who they argued had become corrupted by Stalinism. The BLPI also used the Communist Party's war stances to gain political leverage. Whereas the Communist Party of India (CPI) supported anti-fascism before the war, this changed with the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact of August 1939, leading the CPI to change their stance to that of opposition of war.

Pro-natalist policies encouraging women to have many children were justified by the selfishness inherent in limiting the next generation of "new men."Richard Overy, The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia, p257 "Mother-heroines" received medals for ten or more children.Robert Service, A History of Modern Russia, from Nicholas II to Putin p 246 Stakhanovites were also used as propaganda figures so heavily that some workers complained that they were skipping work.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p194 The murder of Pavlik Morozov was widely exploited in propaganda to urge on children the duty of informing on even their parents to the new state.

Eduard Shevardnadze, then a Komsomol leader in Kutaisi and eventually to become President of post-Soviet Georgia, later recalled that Khrushchev's ironic remark on Georgians at the end of his speech was particularly hurtful to the pride of Georgian youth. The painful reaction caused by de-Stalinization in Georgia has been variously interpreted. It has been seen by many as a revival of Stalinism and by others as the first open expression of Georgian nationalism since the abortive revolt in 1924. Sergei Arutiunov of the Russian Academy of Sciences relates: The events in Georgia passed largely unreported in the Soviet press and became a taboo theme for several decades to come.

Upon his return to Europe in October 1943 he rejoined the 302 Polish Fighter Sqn as its commanding officer, eventually rising to the rank of CO of the entire 3rd Polish Fighter Wing (10 March 1945) and the No. 1 Polish Wing (July 1945). Altogether during the war Wacław Król flew 286 missions, is credited with 8.5 or 9 confirmed shootdowns of enemy planes with 3 additional probable kills. After the war he returned to communist-controlled Poland and took a series of menial jobs. After the end of Stalinism he was allowed to join the Polish Army and eventually rose to the rank of Colonel.

In contrast with this view, Romsics quotes Valter Roman, one of the heads of the Romanian Communist Party, as writing in his memo of April 1944: "the two parts of Transylvania should be reunited as an independent state."Ignác Romsics, The Paris Peace Treaty of 1947, In: Storia & Diplomazia Rassegna dell’Archivio Storico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri, 2013, p. 18 The Romanian Communist politicians' behavior were depicted as nationalist, and this circumstance brought about the concept of National Communism, which amalgamated elements of Stalinism and Fascism.Costica Bradatan, Serguei Oushakine, In Marx's Shadow: Knowledge, Power, and Intellectuals in Eastern Europe and Russia, Lexington Books, 2010, p.

Khlevniuk has suggested that Ordzhonikidze was reluctant to openly challenge Stalin regarding wrecking in the NKTP, and instead only wanted to change his mind on the subject, and that instances of wreckers were highly exaggerated. Even to do that would take a massive toll on Ordzhonikidze's health, which was already in a weakened state. That several other Bolsheviks had committed suicide over political affairs previously also gave credence to the idea that Ordzhonikidze killed himself. Details of Ordzhonikidze's death were not widely discussed within the Soviet Union until Nikita Khrushchev gave his "Secret Speech" criticizing Stalinism in 1956, and this helped keep rumours of a targeted killing alive.

Mandel died at his home in Brussels in 1995 after suffering from a heart attack. Mandel is probably best remembered for being a popularizer of basic Marxist ideas, for his books on late capitalism and Long-Wave theory, and for his moral-intellectual leadership in the Trotskyist movement. Despite critics claiming that he was 'too soft on Stalinism', Mandel remained a classic rather than a conservative Trotskyist: writing about the Soviet bureaucracy but also why capitalism had not suffered a death agony. His late capitalism was late in the sense of delayed rather than near-death. He still believed though that this system hadn’t overcome its tendency to crises.

374-375 His Diary was only published, selectively, two decades after his death, under the Nicolae Ceaușescu regime. The newer edition contains the censored discourse of an embittered Galaction, who had become heavily critical of Stalinism, while reviewing his own beliefs in an "Evangelical and cloud-like" socialism.Galaction, in Mihăilescu Galaction was also noted for the support he gave to Constantin Galeriu, who later became a celebrated priest and theologian. Galeriu, who had been one of Galaction's favourite students, was rescued by the latter in 1952, after he was arrested and imprisoned at the Danube-Black Sea Canal (Galaction successfully called on Prime Minister Petru Groza to intervene in his favor).

Following the harsh reviews afforded to Yellow Dog, Amis relocated from London to Uruguay with his family for two years, during which time he worked on his next novel away from the glare and pressures of the London literary scene. In September 2006, upon his return from Uruguay, Amis published his eleventh novel. House of Meetings, a short work, continued the author's crusade against the crimes of Stalinism and also saw some consideration of the state of contemporary post-Soviet Russia. The novel centres on the relationship between two brothers incarcerated in a prototypical Siberian gulag who, prior to their deportation, had loved the same woman.

He stood unsuccessfully for the ILP in the 1934 Upton by-election (Upton was a division of West Ham), placed a remote third with only a 3.5% share of the votes cast, and in Norwich in the 1935 election. He also wrote a book on the arms trade, The Bloody Traffic, published by Gollancz Ltd in 1934. According to David Howell, after 1932 Brockway "sought to articulate a socialism distinct from the pragmatism of Labour and the Stalinism of the Communist Party".David Howell, "Brockway, (Archibald) Fenner, Baron Brockway" in H.C.G. Matthew and Brian Harrison (eds.) Oxford Dictionary of National Biography: From the earliest times to the year 2000.

He was particularly critical of the CLN's muted response to the Foibe massacres, ethnic cleansing in Yugoslavia and over the issue of Italian prisoners still held in the Soviet Union after the end of the war. For Pannunzio anti-Stalinism went hand in had with anti-Fascism, a political viewpoint that was far from mainstream on the Italian left, and not universal among many in the political centre. At the end of 1947 Roberto Lucifero was appointed General Secretary of the Italian Liberal Party. This reflected events at the Party Congress of November 1947 which had been widely interpreted as a take-over by the party's right wing.

Those inside the camp, including Mostovskoy, are extremely interested in what is going on in the war. Grossman uses Mostovskoy's character to reveal the philosophical tension that pervaded Europe during World War II. Mostovskoy is constantly involved in philosophical arguments with fellow prisoners such as Major Yershov and Ikonnikov, a former Tolstoyan. He is eventually singled out by the German officer Liss for a strange series of one-on-one conversations, during which Liss holds forth regarding what he sees as the essential similarities between Stalinism and Nazism. Mostovskoy is disturbed, but remains defiant, choosing to go to his death in a doomed prisoners' rebellion.

This worldview is reflected in Ch. 40 of Part I, when Grossman describes Abarchuk and his love for Stalinism. “He [Abarchuk] had repeated, 'You don't get arrested for nothing,' believing that only a tiny minority, himself among them, had been arrested by mistake. As for everyone else—they had deserved their sentences. The sword of justice was chastising the enemies of the Revolution. He had seen servility, treachery, submissiveness, cruelty... And he had referred to all this as 'the birthmarks of capitalism,' believing that these marks were borne by people of the past... His faith was unshakeable, his devotion to the Party infinite” (179).

Jessica Lucy "Decca" Freeman-Mitford (11 September 1917 - 23 July 1996) was an English author, one of the six aristocratic Mitford sisters noted for their sharply conflicting politics. Jessica married her second cousin Esmond Romilly, who was killed in World War II, and then American civil rights lawyer Robert Treuhaft, with whom she joined the American Communist Party and worked closely in the Civil Rights Congress. Both refused to testify in front of the House Un-American Activities Committee, and later resigned from the party out of disillusion with Stalinism. Her memoirs Hons and Rebels, and a social commentary The American Way of Death, both became classics.

Weeks later, Zotov twice asks about the actor only to be told that he "has been taken care of" and "we never make mistakes" – leaving the reader to guess Tveritinov's fate. Solzhenitsyn uses Zotov's restricted mind and overly suspicious thinking as a symbol of Soviet ideology and the workings of the Stalinist police state, but among those of Solzhenitsyn's characters that are overtly loyal to Joseph Stalin, Zotov is one of the more sympathetically written, and who has qualities that the author admires: he is hardworking, eager to do his best and a man of the people. Still, he becomes a tool of the paranoia of Stalinism.

Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p374 On behalf of the Soviet Council of People's Commissars, Nadezhda Krupskaya (Vladimir Lenin's wife and the People's Commissar of State for Education) was one of the main contributors to the cause of the Pioneer movement. In 1922, she wrote an essay called "Russian Union of the Communist Youth and boy-Scoutism." However, it was the remaining scoutmasters themselves who supported the Komsomol and the Red Army, who introduced the name "Pioneer" to it and convinced the Komsomol to adapt the Scout symbols and rituals. Sebastian Waack: Lenins Kinder: Zur Genealogie der Pfadfinder und Pioniere in Russland 1908-1924.

Prague Spring's end became clear by December 1968, when a new presidium of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia accepted the so-called Instructions from The Critical Development in the Country and Society after the XIII Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. Under a guise of "normalisation", all aspects of neo-Stalinism were returned to everyday political and economic life. In 1987, the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev acknowledged that his liberalizing policies of glasnost and perestroika owed a great deal to Dubček's socialism with a human face. When asked what the difference was between the Prague Spring and his own reforms, Gorbachev replied, "Nineteen years".

At the age of fourteen Narkevičius was sent to Vilnius by his parents to study in the art boarding school where he matured surrounded by students who came from similar backgrounds. According to the artist, during this period, still in the Soviet Union, everything was quite impersonal, and at the beginning of his artistic career, he was trying to personalise what he was doing to motivate himself. Artists at that time were seen as advertisers of the regime – which compared with post-war Stalinism was relatively liberal. However, the primary purpose of artists still was to provide an ideological service, he or she always had to be prepared for it.

"Why I Write" (1936) (The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell Volume 1 – An Age Like This 1945–1950 p. 23 (Penguin)) was a critic of Joseph Stalin and was hostile to Moscow-directed Stalinism—an attitude that had been shaped by his experiences during the Spanish Civil War.Gordon Bowker, Orwell p. 224 ; Orwell, writing in his review of Franz Borkenau's The Spanish Cockpit in Time and Tide, 31 July 1937, and "Spilling the Spanish Beans", New English Weekly, 29 July 1937 The Soviet Union, he believed, had become a brutal dictatorship, built upon a cult of personality and enforced by a reign of terror.

80 However, by 1946 and his discharge from the armed forces, Grossman was ready to break from Stalinism and the Communist Party. As Mason Klein observed, “Grossman's major formal breakthrough occurred when he was in the air force, stationed in Panama...”Klein, Mason. “Of Politics and Poetry: The Dilemma of the Photo League" p. 23 There he was away from the Party and the day-to-day affairs of The Photo League, and he used the opportunity “to experiment and move on.” He “began to challenge the honest and straight documentary approach that he had long espoused.”Klein, Mason. “Of Politics and Poetry: The Dilemma of the Photo League" p.

At the death of Stalin in 1953, Nikita Khrushchev became leader of the Soviet Union and of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and then consolidated an anti-Stalinist government. In a secret meeting at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Khrushchev denounced Stalin and Stalinism in the speech On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences (25 February 1956) in which he specified and condemned Stalin's dictatorial excesses and abuses of power such as the Great purge (1936–1938) and the cult of personality. Khrushchev introduced the de- Stalinisation of the party and of the Soviet Union.

293 The person who took initiative in bringing her to trial was Securitate deputy chief Alexandru Nicolschi.Golpenţia During repeated interrogations by the Securitate, Constante tried to fend off false accusations of "Titoism" and "treason", but, the victim of constant beatings and tortureCesereanu; Golpenţia (much of her hair was torn from the roots), and confronted with Zilber's testimony -- which implicated her --, she eventually gave in and admitted to the charges.Tismăneanu, "Memorie...", Stalinism..., p.294 Throughout the rest of her life, she maintained a highly critical view of Zilber, and expressed her admiration for Pătrăşcanu, who had for long resisted pressures and had been executed in the end.

Howe attended City College of New York and graduated in 1940, alongside Daniel Bell and Irving Kristol; by the summer of 1940, he had changed his name to Howe for political (as distinct from official) purposes.Edward Alexander, Irving Howe - Socialist, Critic, Jew (Indiana University Press, 1998; ), p. 10. While at school, he was constantly debating socialism, Stalinism, fascism, and the meaning of Judaism. He served in the US Army during World War II. Upon his return, he began writing literary and cultural criticism for the independent socialist Partisan Review and became a frequent essayist for Commentary, politics, The Nation, The New Republic, and The New York Review of Books.

In late 1968, known military opponents of North Korea's Juche (or self-reliance) ideology such as Kim Chang-bong (minister of National Security), Huh Bong-hak (chief of the Division for Southern Intelligence) and Lee Young-ho (commander in chief of the DPRK Navy) were purged as anti-party/counter-revolutionary elements, despite their credentials as anti-Japanese guerrilla fighters in the past. Kim's personality cult was modeled on Stalinism and his regime originally acknowledged Stalin as the supreme leader. After Stalin's death in 1953, however, Kim was described as the "Great Leader" or "Suryong". As his personality cult grew, the doctrine of Juche began to displace Marxism–Leninism.

24–25) Mannin later stated that: "His socialism went a great deal deeper than any politics or party policy; it was the authentic socialism of the Early Christians, the true communism of 'all things in common' utterly-and tragically-remote from Stalinism". When at boarding school, following the outbreak of World War One, Mannin was asked to write an essay on "Patriotism". Hoping to impress her favourite teacher (a Communist sympathiser) Mannin's essay was an advocacy of anti-patriotic and anti-monarchist ideas. For writing the essay, Mannin's headmistress scolded her in front of the whole school and made her kneel in the school hall all afternoon.

Anarchists such as Emma Goldman were initially enthusiastic about the Bolsheviks, particularly after dissemination of Vladimir Lenin's pamphlet State and Revolution which had painted Bolshevism in a libertarian light. However, the relations between the anarchists and the Bolsheviks soured in Soviet Russia (for example, in the suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion and the Makhnovist movement). Anarchists and Stalinist Communists were also in armed conflict during the Spanish civil war. Anarchists are critical of the statist, totalitarian nature of Stalinism and Marxism–Leninism in general as well as its cult of personality around Stalin and subsequent leaders seen by anarchists as Stalinists such as Kim Il-sung or Mao Zedong).

In the Soviet Union, Joseph Stalin was in the ascent and developed a policy of what is known as Stalinism; which the CPGB leadership upheld. Subsequently, internal divisions emerged, as the first official (endorsed by Leon Trotsky's International Left Opposition) British Trotskyist group, the Communist League, was founded in 1932. Some communists took part in the League against Imperialism, which primarily attacked the Franco-British empires. In the 30s, Communists and Trotskyists also worked within the Revolutionary Policy Committee and Guild of Youth inside the Independent Labour Party (ILP), in the Labour League of Youth, and within the Labour-affiliated Socialist League and Scottish Socialist Party.

Ana Pauker was a steeled and tested Stalinist who was "fanatically loyal to Stalin and the Soviet Union", who once admitted that "[i]f a Soviet official told me something, it was the gospel for me... If they had told me that the USSR needed it, I would have done it... [I]f they had told me to throw myself into the fire, I would have done it".Levy, pp. 3, 157. Nevertheless, Pauker paradoxically promoted a number of policies counter to those of the Kremlin during the Cominform period of "high Stalinism", when the Soviet Union imposed a single, hegemonic line on all its satellites.

In 1946, Haston led a delegation of the RCP to a conference of some of the sections of the Fourth International in Paris; he considered the conference as a congress of the movement. This motivated in part by the opposition of the RCP to the demoralisation of the German comrades of the International Communists of Germany (IKD). Politically more important were the amendments that Haston wrote, along with Bill Hunter, to the resolutions of the FI leadership put forward at the meeting. In contrast to the FI leadership, the RCP amendments recognise that Stalinism had emerged from the war strengthened, and that an economic crisis was unlikely in the near future.

Therefore, it was argued, political demands and expectations had to recognise these changes and not pose revolutionary tasks in the absence of a revolutionary situation. The FI majority around Ernest Mandel and Michel Pablo, backed by the Socialist Workers Party in the United States, prevailed however. The dispute with the leadership of the FI deepened with time, and became centred on three interlinked questions. Firstly, there was the role of Stalinism in Eastern Europe where the RCP took a different position to the FI; in particular, when the latter began to support the split of Josip Broz Tito in Yugoslavia from the USSR, the RCP became very critical.

In Germany on September 24, 1922, the USPD, one of the main components of the IWUSP, merged with the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), a member of the Berne International. Discouraged by the intransigent position of the Third International, the Second International and the IWUSP merged to form the Labour and Socialist International (LSI) at a joint congress in Hamburg in May 1923. Some, such as the FPSR, refused to join the new body. In the 1930s, a similar effort was made to create an international between the reformism of the Second and the Stalinism of the Third, as the London Bureau of left-wing socialist parties.

He was survived by wife Marie-Zéline, youngest daughter of the art historian Élie Faure and grandniece of geographer Élisée Reclus.Brun & Ferretti, pp. 100–101, 152 She was herself involved with the PCF, which also organized Ary's funeral service. During the mid 1930s, Sadoul served as a direct link between the Soviet diplomats and Pierre Laval, the French Prime Minister and signer of the Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance.Sabine Dullin, "Les ambassades soviétiques en Europe dans les années 1930", in Communisme, Issues 49–50, 1997, p. 23 Sadoul was by then an outspoken supporter of Stalinism, completely revising his earlier praise for Trotsky.

After the sometimes confrontational encounters and negotiations, they soon returned to Moscow, where the Soviet leader announced on 21 October that the idea of an armed intervention in Poland should be abandoned. This position was reinforced by pressure from communist China, which demanded that the Soviets leave the new Polish leadership alone. On 21 October in Warsaw Gomułka's return to power was accomplished, giving rise to the era of national communism in Poland. Gomułka pledged to dismantle Stalinism and in his acceptance speech raised numerous social democratic-sounding reformist ideas, giving hope to the left-wing revisionists and others in Polish society that the communist state was, after all, reformable.

Charles K. Armstrong in The Journal of Asian Studies states that the conclusions of the book are "not news". He explains that historian Bruce Cumings, whom Myers excoriates, addresses the influence of "Japanese colonial militarism" on North Korea. Armstrong faults Myers for exaggerating the Japanese angle and suggests that North Korea is "actually closer to European fascism" than to Imperial Japanese fascism, because Imperial Japan lacked a charismatic leader and a mass-mobilizing party. Alzo David-West in Journal of Contemporary Asia claims Myers writes "in the tradition of 'axis of evil' cultural criticism", obscures the differences between Nazism and Stalinism, and overlooks the historical influence of Maoism in North Korea.

Following the split of Committee for a Workers International (CWI), a Trotskyist international, The Struggle, also suffered a split and Farooq Tariq, along with perhaps one dozen Struggle members, and went on to build an independent workers party in Pakistan. Farooq Tariq and his comrades announced the formation of Labour Party Pakistan in 1997. In November 2012, Farooq Tariq's Labour Party Pakistan, the Awami Party, and Workers Party merged to form the Awami Workers Party (AWP) in an unprecedented effort to build a genuine Left alternative to mainstream political forces in Pakistan. The AWP promotes the Left unity and includes members from all Communist tendencies: Trotskyism, Stalinism, and Maoism.

Writing in 2007, the British Trotskyist group Permanent Revolution characterised the RCG's position as being "distinctive on the British left by their open espousal of left Stalinism, which essentially consists of an uncritical support for the leadership of anti-imperialist struggles, an uncritical support for the Cuban regime, a completely undemocratic internal structure, an active participation in anti-racist struggles and complete rejection of any united front work within the British labour movement, trade unions or Labour Party."Permanent Revolution 2007. Group members see this as a caricature of the RCG, and instead claim that the RCG is a democratic- centralist organisation in the Leninist tradition.

At the macro level, power turns into a dictatorship, but the supreme power is helpless in wanting to control everything. Zinoviev's views on the history of real communism, Stalinism and the figure of Stalin are set forth in the novel "The Wings of Our Youth", other works and speeches. The events of 1917 were more like the collapse of the Russian Empire than a revolution, and, like the Civil War, were only a "foam of history". The deep-seated processes Zinoviev considered the emergence and maturation of a new society: institutional and bureaucratic changes, the growth and complication of the system of power, the formation of social cells, etc.

Park Szwedzki (Swedish Park) during winter Since the fall of socialism, the city that was once a showpiece for Stalinism now boasts many tributes to ardent opponents of the ideology. Streets formerly named after Vladimir Lenin and the Cuban Revolution have been renamed to honor Pope John Paul II and the Polish World War II hero Władysław Anders. Other streets were renamed after Edward Rydz-Śmigły and Ignacy Mościcki, politicians of the pre-World War II Sanation government. In 2004, Plac Centralny, Nowa Huta's central square, which once was home to a giant statue of Lenin \- on display at the High Chaparral Museum in Hillerstorp, Sweden, was renamed Plac Centralny im.

During his military service, Allen was imprisoned for assault and a fellow inmate introduced him to the ideals of socialism. Allen was a passionate socialist for the rest of his life, although he detested Stalinism and refused to be associated with the Communist Party of Great Britain. In 1958, he joined the Socialist Labour League (SLL), the forerunner of the Workers' Revolutionary Party (WRP) led by Gerry Healy, a small group then pursuing entryist tactics within the Labour Party. The SLL objected to the close association between the CPGB and the National Union of Mineworkers, and Allen was a prominent campaigner for the SLL.

In 1953 (the height of Stalinism), due to having his freedom of doing philosophical research limited, Wolniewicz quit his academic career, getting a job at the W-8 department of the Labor Union Association (Poznań), the Institute of Hydraulic Engineering at the Polish Academy of Sciences (Gdańsk), the Voivodeship Council of Trade Unions and at one of the State Agricultural Farms. In 1956 he started working at the Department of Philosophy at the Pedagogical University in Gdańsk. In 1962 he became a doctor of humanities, his dissertation "Semantics of plain language in Wittgenstein’s new philosophy" written under supervision of prof. Czeżowski and reviewed by Izydora Dąmbska and Henryk Elzenberg.

Anasintaxi's header has the hammer and sickle symbol in the center, the phrase "Workers of all countries unite" on the top, "in the road of Marxism-Leninism- Stalinism" under the title and it's followed by a small section containing the heads of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin on the left and of Nikos Zachariadis on the right. Anasintaxi is published biweekly. On the first page of this issue the reader can see a photo of J. V. Stalin The Movement for the Reorganization of the Communist Party of Greece 1918–55 (), is a minor Greek political party. It is better known as Anasintaxi (Reorganization).

Though his father was one of the founding member of the fascist Falange, Ferlosio was a leftist militant whose politics gradually moved further away from Stalinism and orthodox leftism towards anarchism following the death of Franco. He was first a militant in the Partido Comunista de España, but after visiting the People's Socialist Republic of Albania and seeing the repressive and hypocritical government there, as well as becoming influenced by his friend the poet Agustín García Calvo, he turned away from all forms of communism and considered himself an anarchist. His new stance could be summed up in his belief that "ideas are for men, and not men for ideas".

Kurt Landau was born on 29 January 1903 in Vienna, the son of the wine merchant Abraham Simon (1872-1940 murdered in a concentration camp) and Rosa Feldmann (1878-1935). He studied in Vienna and was a member of and chairman of the Währing section of the Communist Party of Austria (KPÖ) from 1921 to 1926. He began a relationship in 1923 with Julia Lipschutz (born 1895 or 1905, died after 1984), who became his wife under the name Katia Landau. He defended Leon Trotsky and his positions against those of the party line of the KPÖ and became one of the central figures in opposition to the slowly forming Stalinism.

In 1977 the CWO majority adhered to the international conferences initiated by the Internationalist Communist Party (Battaglia Comunista) from Italy, also known as the PCInt. In the course of these conferences, the CWO became convinced by the PCInt that the positions the latter had defended since 1943 were the best product of the left communist tradition. The two organisations formed the International Bureau for the Revolutionary Party in 1983. Due to their opposition to Stalinism/Marxism–Leninism, Maoism, and Trotskyism – as well as their theoretical basis originating in the Italian left – the CWO has erroneously been referred to as a "Bordigist" or "council–communist" organisation by some authors.

In the late 1980s, Milošević allowed the mobilization of Serb nationalist organizations to go unhindered by actions from the Serbian government, with Chetniks holding demonstrations, and the Serbian government embracing the Serbian Orthodox Church and restored its legitimacy in Serbia. Croatia and Slovenia denounced Milošević's actions and began to demand that Yugoslavia be made a full multi-party confederal state. Milošević claimed that he opposed a confederal system but also declared that a confederal system be created, with the external borders of Serbia being an "open question". Tensions between the republics escalated to crisis beginning in 1988, with Slovenia accusing Serbia of pursuing Stalinism while Serbia accused Slovenia of betrayal.

They began to concentrate primarily on securing and maintaining their power base by killing all their political adversaries, and secondarily on preserving Albania's independence and reshaping the country according to the precepts of Stalinism so they could remain in power. Political executions were common with between 5,000 and 25,000 killed in total under the communist regime.15 Feb. 1994 Washington Times"WHPSI": The World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators by Charles Lewis Taylor8 July 1997 NY Times Albania became an ally of the Soviet Union, but this came to an end after 1956 over the advent of de-Stalinization, causing the Soviet-Albanian split.

In 1991 while living in Australia, Hulett joined the International Socialist Organisation after becoming radicalised by the Gulf War. In 1995, Hulett co-founded the Australian Trotskyist organisation Socialist Alternative, while often playing political benefits and rallies with Roaring Jack. Hulett wrote songs in support of Indigenous Australians, the Builders Labourers Federation, the Maritime Union of Australia, Scottish socialist John Maclean and Chilean singer-songwriter and political activist Victor Jara, and songs attacking Stalinism, Australian Imperialism, former Australian Labor Party Prime Ministers Bob Hawke and Ben Chifley, Postmodernists and Canadian singer-songwriter Leonard Cohen over his support for Israel.Alistair Hulett - comrade and friend Socialist Alternative, 30 January 2010.

In 1935–36, Stalin oversaw a new constitution; its dramatic liberal features were designed as propaganda weapons, for all power rested in the hands of Stalin and his Politburo. He declared that "socialism, which is the first phase of communism, has basically been achieved in this country". In 1938, The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), colloquially known as the Short Course, was released; Conquest later referred to it as the "central text of Stalinism". A number of authorised Stalin biographies were also published, although Stalin generally wanted to be portrayed as the embodiment of the Communist Party rather than have his life story explored.

Despite its brutality, Stalinism as a political culture would have achieved the goals of a democratic revolution. The center of attention was always focused on the victims of the purges rather than its beneficiaries, noted the historian. Yet as a consequence of the "Great Purge", thousands of workers and communists who had access to the technical colleges during the first five-year plan received promotions to positions in industry, government and the leadership of the Communist Party. According to Fitzpatrick, the "cultural revolution" of the late 1920 and the purges which shook the scientific, literary, artistic and the industrial communities is explained in part by a class struggle against executives and intellectual bourgeois.

Starting in the late 1950s, Roger Garaudy, for many years the chief philosophical spokesman of the French Communist Party, offered a humanistic interpretation of Marx stemming from Marx's early writings that called for dialogue between Communists and existentialists, phenomenologists and Christians. Leszek Kołakowski The period following the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953 saw a number of movements for liberalization in Eastern Europe. Following Nikita Khrushchev's secret speech, where he denounced Stalinism, Marx's 1844 Manuscripts were used as the basis for a new "socialist humanism" in countries such as Hungary, Poland and Czechoslovakia. The Petofi Circle, which included some of Lukács's disciples, was a centre of what was termed "revisionism" in Hungary.

Pressman was important enough in American politics to have Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. single him out as recent example in Schlesinger's concept of the Vital Center as first described in a long New York Times article in 1948 entitled "Not Left, Not Right, but a Vital Center." In it, Schlesinger argues first that the 19th Century concept of "linear" spectrum Left and Right did not fit developments of the 20th Century. Rather, he promoted the "circular" spectrum of DeWitt Clinton Poole, in which Fascism and Nazism would meet at the circle's bottom with Soviet Communism (Leninism, Stalinism). He himself promotes the term "Non-Communist Left" (NCL) as an American modification of Leon Blum's Third Force.

According to historian Vladimir Tismăneanu, Cioculescu, like George Călinescu and Vladimir Streinu, was persuaded by the national communist discourse adopted by previously Stalinist leader Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, which implied a rapprochement between the regime and the intellectuals.Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003, p.183. In 1961, his brother, Radu Cioculescu, was a victim of communist repression, dying as a political prisoner in Dej penitentiary. According to a testimony by fellow inmate Ion Ioanid, the last months of Radu Cioculescu's life were marked by a fall-out with his brother, probably caused by their ideological rift: he was returning packages sent by Șerban and repeatedly denying him visits.

11 Her writing can be said to fall into two periods – the early work (1912–25) and her later work (from around 1936 until her death), divided by a decade of reduced literary output. Her work was condemned and censored by Stalinist authorities, and she is notable for choosing not to emigrate and remaining in the Soviet Union, acting as witness to the events around her. Her perennial themes include meditations on time and memory, and the difficulties of living and writing in the shadow of Stalinism. Primary sources of information about Akhmatova's life are relatively scant, as war, revolution and the Soviet regime caused much of the written record to be destroyed.

His sweeping reform proposals represented the only Party attempt at the internal restructuring of the GDR before it collapsed. He pushed for free elections, the admission of legal opposition groups, and the dissolution of the Stasi, the secret police of General Erich Mielke, leading others to often look at his ideas as Utopian, but was granted the title of "most brilliant head in the SED." Agreeing with Bloch and Lukács, Harich criticized Stalinism and believed in renewing Marxism from a humanist and naturalist point of view. Harich produced a manifesto and presented his ideas in October–November 1956 to Georgy Pushkin, the Soviet ambassador and to Walter Ulbricht, the first secretary of the Socialist Unity Party, himself.

In the 1950s and 60s Kuczynski openly rejected the newly fashionable denunciation of Stalin as a "continuation of Stalinism" ("Fortsetzung des Stalinismus"), developing a line of argument that will have appealed to the leadership of the German Democratic Republic. He was never ready to accept that it might be better to mention Stalin less frequently after the latter had fallen into deep disrepute. Viewing the world through his prism of Economic History, Kuczynski highlighted two major achievements under Stalin. Rapid industrialisation had been achieved with the creation of a vast heavy industrial sector across rural Russia, and that had been a necessary precondition for Stalin's second achievement, the defeat of Nazi Germany.

In Adam Ważyk's poem The River Stalin's wisdom is compared to a great river which circles the Earth, uniting people all over the world to bring them peace and joy. Władysław Broniewski wrote the lyric A few words about Stalin in which Stalin is described as the driver of "history's train". In 1955 poet Adam Ważyk (a member of the Polish United Workers' Party and a staunch supporter of Communism) published A Poem for Adults ("Poemat dla dorosłych"), which described postwar Poland in a critical way. Although Ważyk was a voice of Stalinism beforehand, he eventually rejected it, and criticised the results of it in the country, but only at the time of its impending disintegration.

Draitser grew up in a Jewish family in the Soviet Union in the post-World War II years, in the anti-Semitic atmosphere of late Stalinism, at a time when Jews were forced to be silent about their religion and often tried to change their Jewish names. It was an oppressive childhood filled with suspicion and mistrust. As a young student, Draitser excelled at literature and decided that he wanted to be a journalist, despite his mother's preference that he study engineering. At that time, Jews attempting to enter the humanities encountered resistance, as Soviet system saw those areas as politically vulnerable and felt that Jews entering them would try to subvert the system.

L'individu qui vient … après le libéralisme ("The Individual that Appears … after liberalism"), published in 2011, is a new step in Dufour's work. He considers that he has sufficiently deconstructed the liberal anthropology in his previous works and is now to enter a constructive line of work in his research for new possible axioms for a real civilizational policy. He first states that western civilization, after a century of two forceful turbulences, nazism and stalinism, now is drawn into today's neoliberalism. This produces a crisis in a hitherto unseen extension, the nature of which is political, economical, ecological, moral, subjective, esthetical, intellectual … Dufour, however, sees nothing fatal in this third historical dead end during a century.

This may be taken as a first general statement of programme by the SRG given its all encompassing nature and, apart from its position on Stalinism, is informed by a conception of transitional politics that is characteristic of Trotskyism. Meanwhile, entrist work in the Birmingham Labour Party led to the expulsion of SRG members from the Labour Party. The SRG also had its internal controversies of which the first was the expulsion of Ellis Hillman, later a London councillor, who argued that the Stalinist parties were embryonic state capitalist societies. In this he was echoing the positions of the Johnson-Forrest tendency, C. L. R. James and Raya Dunayevskaya, and directly challenging Cliff's analysis of state capitalism.

The European Parliament resolution was preceded by the Council of Europe resolution 1481, the European Public Hearing on Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regimes, the Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism, and the European Public Hearing on European Conscience and Crimes of Totalitarian Communism: 20 Years After, as well as by the European Parliament's 2008 proclamation of the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe's Vilnius Declaration reiterated the call to take a "united stand against all totalitarian rule from whatever ideological background."Vilnius Declaration. oscepa.org The Platform of European Memory and Conscience was established as an initiative of the Polish EU presidency in 2011.

From a Trotskyist point of view in From Stalinism to Eurocommunism: The Bitter Fruits of 'Socialism in One Country' , Ernest Mandel views Eurocommunism as a subsequent development of the decision taken by the Soviet Union in 1924 to abandon the goal of world revolution and concentrate on social and economic development of the Soviet Union, the doctrine of socialism in one country. According to this vision, the Eurocommunists of the Italian and French communist parties are considered to be nationalist movements, who together with the Soviet Union abandoned internationalism. From an anti-revisionist point of view, Enver Hoxha argued in Eurocommunism is Anti-CommunismEurocommunism is Anti- Communism. that Eurocommunism is the result of Nikita Khrushchev's policy of peaceful coexistence.

Patenaude, Bertrand M. (2009) Trotsky: Downfall of a Revolutionary New York: HarperCollins. His final move was a few blocks away to a residence on Avenida Viena in April 1939, following a break with Rivera. James Cannon and Felix Morrow with a bust of Trotsky Trotsky wrote prolifically while in exile, penning several key works, including his History of the Russian Revolution (1930) and The Revolution Betrayed (1936), a critique of the Soviet Union under Stalinism. He argued that the Soviet state had become a "degenerated workers' state" controlled by an undemocratic bureaucracy, which would eventually either be overthrown via a political revolution establishing a workers' democracy, or degenerate into a capitalist class.

Wheatcroft excludes all famine deaths as "purposive deaths" and claims those that do qualify fit more closely the category of "execution" rather than "murder". Others posit that some of the actions of Stalin's regime, not only those during the Holodomor, but also dekulakization and targeted campaigns against particular ethnic groups, can be considered as genocide at least in its loose definition. Modern data for the whole of Stalin's rule was summarized by Timothy Snyder, who concluded that Stalinism caused six million direct deaths and nine million in total, including the deaths from deportation, hunger and Gulag deaths. Michael Ellman attributes roughly 3 million deaths to the Stalinist regime, excluding excess mortality from famine, disease and war.

"Trotsky, the Left Opposition and the Rise of Stalinism: Theory and Practice" Libertarian Marxism is also critical of reformist positions such as those held by social democrats."The Retreat of Social Democracy ... Re-imposition of Work in Britain and the 'Social Europe'" "Aufheben" Issue #8 1999. Libertarian Marxist currents often draw from Marx and Engels' later works, specifically the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France;Ernesto Screpanti, Libertarian communism: Marx Engels and the Political Economy of Freedom, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2007. emphasizing the Marxist belief in the ability of the working class to forge its own destiny without the need for a revolutionary party or state to mediate or aid its liberation.

The book shows a stark view of Communist organizations during the Cold War, and presents a very critical portrait of leading figures of the PCE, including Santiago Carrillo and Dolores Ibárruri. What a Beautiful Sunday (Quel beau dimanche!), his novel of life in Buchenwald and after liberation was published by Grasset in 1980. It purports to tell what it was like to live one day, hour by hour, in the concentration camp, but like Semprún's other novels, the narrator recounts events that precede and follow that day. In part, Semprún was inspired by A Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, and the work contains a criticism of Stalinism as well as fascism.

Intellectuals associated with the political right allege that Sartre's politics are indicative of authoritarianism. Brian C. Anderson denounced Sartre as an apologist for tyranny and terror and a supporter of Stalinism, Maoism, and Castro's rule over Cuba. The historian Paul Johnson asserted that Sartre's ideas had inspired the Khmer Rouge leadership: "The events in Cambodia in the 1970s, in which between one-fifth and one-third of the nation was starved to death or murdered, were entirely the work of a group of intellectuals, who were for the most part pupils and admirers of Jean-Paul Sartre – 'Sartre's Children' as I call them."Johnson, Paul, "The Heartless Lovers of Humankind", The Wall Street Journal, 5 January 1987.

Virgil Lazăr, "Lupta comunismului cu caii" , România Liberă, June 22, 2012; accessed June 22, 2012 In 1956, following the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, some within the PMR, notably Miron Constantinescu and Iosif Chișinevschi, called for a change in direction that would have threatened Gheorghiu-Dej's position. At the time, Moghioroș was among the latter's main allies, along with Gheorghe Apostol, Emil Bodnăraș and Petre Borilă. Constantinescu approached Moghioroș in an attempt to enlist him on his side, which prompted Moghioroș to go to Gheorghiu-Dej immediately and inform him that an "antiparty platform" had arisen.Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism, p. 146–47.

A list of prohibited publications and black- listed writers was created in 1950 during the darkest years of Stalinism in Poland with some 1,682 items, and subsequently modified many times by the communist authorities in the Polish People's Republic. Some writers popular before World War II, for example Wacław Kostek-Biernacki who was sentenced to death as an enemy of the state in 1953, had their books not only removed from libraries, but also meticulously destroyed. In addition to the censorship of the publications, the state also jammed foreign radio stations, such as Radio Free Europe and Voice of America. The decades of relentless censorship fed the underground press and publications in Poland (called bibuła in Polish).

He was visited by Louis Fischer, who recorded Rakovsky's determination not to submit to Stalin (contrasting his option with those of Radek, Yevgeni Preobrazhensky, Alexander Beloborodov and Ivar Smilga). Instead, Rakovsky incited further resistance to Stalinism, and issued a declaration of the united opposition; following this, he was sent to Barnaul, which he called a "hole in the barren cold ground". In another critical letter to the Party leadership (April 1930), he called for, among other things, the restoration of civil liberties, a reduction in the party apparatus, the return of Trotsky, and an end to forced collectivization. Little is known of Rakovsky's life between that moment and July 1932, the moment when he was allowed a medical leave.

Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.345-352; Deletant & Ionescu, p.13-15 As early as 1956, Romania's political apparatus reconciled with Josip Broz Tito, which led to a series of common economic projects (culminating in the Iron Gates venture).Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.214; Frunză, p.442, 445, 449–450 An drastic divergence in ideological outlooks manifested itself only after autumn 1961, when the PMR's leadership felt threatened by the Soviet Union's will to impose the condemnation of Stalinism as the standard in communist states.Tismăneanu, p.37-38, 47–48 Following the Sino-Soviet split of the late 1950s and the Soviet-Albanian split in 1961, Romania initially gave full support to the Khrushchev's stance,Tismăneanu, p.

In the 1950s, her skepticism of the sheriff led to his denouncing her as a liar and a communist, resulting in her frequent editorials against Stalinism and the evils of the communist system in Russia. Reese was also instrumental in the re-admittance of four student of Irish-Indian background who McCall banned from going to school in Lake County after he decided that they were 'black'. For the stories of the Platt family children she was nominated for a Pulitzer prize. The story drew national attention to her feud with Sheriff McCall and resulted in Newsweek and Time magazine articles, many readers wrote in support of her position gaining her national recognition.

Feeling that the proposed party could not succeed without him, they called the conference off as it was due to start in a packed room in the Mansion House, Dublin. At the September 1927 general election, Larkin ran (a huge surprise for all) in Dublin North and was elected. However, as a result of a libel award against him won by William O'Brien, which he had refused to pay, he was an undischarged bankrupt and could not take up his seat. Larkin was unsuccessful in his attempts in the following years to gain a position as a commercial agent in Ireland for the Soviet Union, which may have contributed to his disenchantment with Stalinism.

Immediately after the revolution, books were treated with less severity than newspapers, but the nationalizing of printing presses and publishing houses brought them under control.Richard Pipes, Russia Under the Bolshevik Regime, p294-5, In the Stalinist era, libraries were purged, sometimes so extremely that works by Lenin were removed.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p84 In 1922, the deportation of writers and scholars warned that no deviation was permitted, and pre- publication censorship was reinstated.Robert Service, A History of Modern Russia, from Nicholas II to Putin p 137 Due to a lack of Bolshevist authors, many "fellow travelers" were tolerated, but money only came as long as they toed the party line.

"Moscow-Volga Canal" In 1939, a rationing plan was considered but not implemented because it would undermine the propaganda of improving care for the people, whose lives grew better and more cheerful every year.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p253 During World War II, the slogans were altered from overcoming backwardness to overcoming the "fascist beast" but continued focus on production.Richard Overy, Why the Allies Won p 188-9 The slogan proclaimed "Everything for the Front!"Robert Service, A History of Modern Russia, from Nicholas II to Putin p 278 Teams of Young Communists were used as shocktroops to shame workers into higher production as well as spread socialist propaganda.

People were arrested because of alleged ties to the Nazis, because they were hindering the establishment of Stalinism, or at random.Kai Cornelius, Vom spurlosen Verschwindenlassen zur Benachrichtigungspflicht bei Festnahmen, BWV Verlag, 2004, p.128, The legal basis for the arrests was the Beria-order No. 00315 of 18 April 1945, ordering the internment without prior investigation by the Soviet military of "spies, saboteurs, terrorists and active NSDAP members", heads of Nazi organizations, people maintaining "illegal" print and broadcasting devices or weapon deposits, members of the civil administration, and journalists.Petra Weber, Justiz und Diktatur: Justizverwaltung und politische Strafjustiz in Thüringen 1945-1961 : Veröffentlichungen zur SBZ-/DDR -Forschung im Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2000, p.

The anarchist and communist concept of free association is often considered by critics to be utopian or too abstract to guide a transforming society. Advocates assert that free association is not a utopian ideal, but rather a necessity for the proletariat to remedy deprivation of property by the state and the wealthy. Some factions (especially social democracy and Marxism–Leninism) advocate postponing the adoption of free association for an indefinite period in order to make progress in adopting other aspects of socialism. Socialist and communist states under Stalinism (such as the Soviet Union) virtually abandoned the idea of free association just as have countries governed by parties in the social democracy movement.

At various times were arrested (and later killed) his grandfather, V.M. Galitsyn, his father, his older brother Vladimir, one brother-in-law and numerous cousins. Later he recalled these years in his Memoirs of a Survivor: The Golitsyn Family in Stalin's Russia, an account of how revolution dramatically transformed life for one of Russia's elite families. Written in secret and published only in 1990, after his death it describes the impact of the revolution upon his family, whilst also painting a picture of life in Russia as Bolshevism turned to Stalinism. After finishing school in 1927, having decided to become a writer, he enrolled to Higher Literature Courses (later to become the Maxim Gorky Literature Institute).

The League also fought hard in mobilizing to defend the Soviet Union and East Germany from what they termed capitalist counterrevolution. Their group in Germany waged a campaign in 1989 calling for political revolution against Stalinism and opposition to the capitalist reunification. Today, the Spartacists defend what they see as the remaining deformed workers' states and have called for the defense of North Korea's right to nuclear arms as a necessary component keeping it free of U.S. military intervention. This is a continuation of their earlier positions on what they consider the deformed workers states of the Republic of Cuba, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Socialist Republic of Vietnam, and the People's Republic of China.

Tismăneanu, p.94-95 The reshuffling of the PCdR's leadership structure also signified a boost in the political careers of, among others, Filipescu, Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu, Bela Breiner, Gheorghe Stoica, Nicolae Goldberger, and Vanda Nicolski, all of whom were nominated to the Central Committee. This was an attempt to resolve factional disputes as well as assert Stalin's control over the local party.Tismăneanu, p.95 The core group of activists welcomed Stefanski's appointment as a positive step in the PCdR's history.Tismăneanu, p.95, 318 Historian Vladimir Tismăneanu believes this acceptance of Stalinism on the part of the Romanian group marks a clear break with the legacy of the Socialist Party of Romania, from which the PCdR had emerged during the 1920s.

I Am Twenty began production in 1959, Marlen Khutsiev > Biography during the de-Stalinization period of the Khrushchev thaw, when Soviet society experienced several years of unprecedented freedom of speech. By the time the film was finished, the thaw was waning and the film's openly critical view of Stalinism was deemed unacceptable, as was its portrayal of the lives of everyday Soviet youth worrying about money and jobs and listening to Western music. At a speech in March 1963, Khrushchev personally attacked the film and denounced Khutsiev and his collaborators for "[thinking] that young people ought to decide for themselves how to live, without asking their elders for counsel and help."Russia: Marlen Khutsiev's Mne dvadtsat' let (1961). Kinoeye.

Diana even married the British Union of Fascists' Leader, Sir Oswald Mosley. Upon the outbreak of war between the UK and Nazi Germany, Unity tried to commit suicide in Munich and Diana and her husband were interned without trial for the duration of the war. Jessica (always known as Decca) later described her father as "one of nature's fascists", renounced her privileged background at an early age and became an adherent of Stalinism. Mitford said that her parents had "appeased Hitler and Nazism. ... He had crushed the trade unions, he had crushed the communist party and he had crushed the Jews ... and don’t forget there’s a huge strain of anti-Semitism that runs through that class in England".

As a result Western commentators have widely accused Russia of historical negationism. Vladimir Putin's government has vehemently attacked Black Ribbon Day, and the Russian government delegation walked out when the OSCE adopted the Vilnius Declaration in support of the remembrance day.Resolution on Stalin riles Russia. BBC. 3 July 2009 In 2019 the European Parliament adopted its resolution titled "Importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe", that accused "the current Russian leadership [of distorting] historical facts and [whitewashing] crimes committed by the Soviet totalitarian regime", which the resolution described as an "information war waged against democratic Europe;" the resolution highlighted the importance of the European Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Stalinism and Nazism.

Memorial plate at the Stalinist-era Jaworzno concentration camp (1945–1956) From February 1949 to November 1951 Morel was commander of Jaworzno concentration camp, a Stalinist- era concentration camp for political prisoners (designated "enemies of the nation") in Poland. By that time he already had a reputation in Poland as an "exceptional sadist."Wzorowy polski łagier, Polityka During Morel's time as the commandant the prisoners were primarily Poles who were arrested for their opposition to Stalinism, and included soldiers of the Polish Home Army and members of other Polish underground resistance organisations such as Freedom and Independence that was active from 1945 to 1952. Prisoners were often tortured and subjected to forced labor.

Since his incarceration, Öcalan has significantly changed his ideology through exposure to Western social theorists such as Murray Bookchin, Immanuel Wallerstein, Fernand Braudel, and Friedrich Nietzsche (who Öcalan calls "a prophet").Tarihli Görüşme Notları PWD- Kurdistan, 16 March 2005 Abandoning his old Marxism-Leninism and Stalinism beliefs, Öcalan fashioned his ideal society called democratic confederalism, heavily inspired on Bookchin's libertarian socialist idea of communalism. Democratic Confederalism is a "system of popularly elected administrative councils, allowing local communities to exercise autonomous control over their assets, while linking to other communities via a network of confederal councils."Paul White, "Democratic Confederalism and the PKK's Feminist Transformation," in The PKK: Coming Down from the Mountains (London: Zed Books, 2015), pp. 126–149.

Alexander Van der Bellen (; born 18 January 1944) is the current President of Austria. He previously served as a professor of economics at the University of Vienna, and after joining politics, as the spokesman of the Austrian Green Party. As a descendant of the Russian aristocratic von der Bellen (Van der Bellen) family of patrilineal Dutch ancestry, he was born in Austria to Russian and Estonian parents who were refugees from Stalinism, and became a naturalized citizen of Austria together with his parents in 1958. He was a member of the National Council representing the Green Party there from 1994 to 2012, and served as both leader of the party as well as its parliamentary group.

They were defeated by Kim at the August Plenum of the party. By 1960, 70 per cent of the members of the 1956 Central Committee were no longer in politics. Kim Il-sung had initially been criticized by the Soviets during a previous 1955 visit to Moscow for practicing Stalinism and a cult of personality, which was already growing enormous. The Korean ambassador to the USSR, Li Sangjo, a member of the Yan'an faction, reported that it had become a criminal offense to so much as write on Kim's picture in a newspaper and that he had been elevated to the status of Marx, Lenin, Mao, and Stalin in the communist pantheon.

Decked with properly couched official People's Democratic terminology of international Stalinism, a call was thus given in effect for the immediate launching of revolutionary mass struggles against the Congress Governments all over the country. Under the impact of the crisis and as the result of growing disillusionment amongst the masses with the Congress Government "larger and larger sections of masses will be set in motion" it was confidently hoped. The party rank and file were, therefore, straight away ordered to throw themselves at the head of this imaginary mass upsurge. We need hardly enter into the detailed history of these "revolutionary" mass-actions under the leadership of the Communist Party and their outcomes.

In the late 1930s he broke with Stalinism and gravitated toward Trotskyism, joining the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). In the early 1940s, he worked in a foundry in Bayonne, New Jersey, where he was an organizer and shop steward for the United Electrical Workers as well as a recruiter for the SWP. Within the SWP, he adhered to the Goldman-Morrow faction, which broke away after the war ended. He was an auto worker and UAW member at the time of the great General Motors strike of 1945-46. In 1949, while speaking to a Zionist youth organization at City College, Bookchin met a mathematics student, Beatrice Appelstein, whom he married in 1951.

According to Laruelle, the most politicised current of Rodnovery has given rise to organisations including the Church of the Nav (Це́рковь На́ви), founded by Ilya Lazarenko and inspired by German Ariosophy; the Dead Water movement and its parties which participated to the Duma elections in 2003; Aleksandr Sevastianov's National Party of the Russian Great Power, which has had links with politicians close to the former mayor of Moscow Yury Luzhkov (1936–2019); and the Party of Aryan Socialism led by Vladimir Danilov. The ideas of these Rodnover political groups span from extreme right-wing nationalism and racism, to Stalinism, seen by some of them as the most successful political expression of Paganism.

The novel tells the story of a Jewish family in Eastern Europe over four centuries, from its escape from a blood libel in medieval Germany to Russia in the early twentieth century. On the example of the Boyar's family history, author tells us about the fate of Jewish people throughout the 20th century – from the end of the Russo-Japanese War until the end of World War IIII and creation the state of Israel. The novel paints a rich and intricate gallery of characters facing consistent persecution, while ideology ranges from Czarism to Stalinism and Nazism.The Boiar family, although it suffered heavy losses by brutal upheavals of the era, never stopped fighting for its spiritual and physical survival.

Hitler greets British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and Lord Halifax on the steps of the Berghof German business leaders disliked Nazi ideology but came to support Hitler, because they saw the Nazis as a useful ally to promote their interests. Business groups made significant financial contributions to the Nazi Party both before and after the Nazi seizure of power, in the hope that a Nazi dictatorship would eliminate the organized labour movement and the left-wing parties. Hitler actively sought to gain the support of business leaders by arguing that private enterprise is incompatible with democracy. Although he opposed communist ideology, Hitler publicly praised the Soviet Union's leader Joseph Stalin and Stalinism on numerous occasions.

As early as 1934, Tzara, together with Breton, Éluard and communist writer René Crevel, organized an informal trial of independent-minded Surrealist Salvador Dalí, who was at the time a confessed admirer of Hitler, and whose portrait of William Tell had alarmed them because it shared likeness with Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin.Carlos Rojas, Salvador Dalí, or the Art of Spitting on Your Mother's Portrait, Penn State University Press, University Park, 1993, p.98. Historian Irina Livezeanu notes that Tzara, who agreed with Stalinism and shunned Trotskyism, submitted to the PCF cultural demands during the writers' congress of 1935, even when his friend Crevel committed suicide to protest the adoption of socialist realism.Livezeanu, p.

Conversations with an Executioner () is a book by Kazimierz Moczarski, a Polish writer and journalist, officer of the Polish Home Army who was active in the anti-Nazi resistance during World War II. On 11 August 1945, he was captured and imprisoned in a maximum-security prison by the notorious UB secret police under Stalinism. For a time, he shared the same cell with the Nazi war criminal Jürgen Stroop, who was soon to be executed. They engaged in a series of conversations. The book is a retelling of those interviews.Andrzej Szczypiorski (1977), Moczarski Kazimierz, Rozmowy z katem text with Notes and Biography by Andrzej Krzysztof Kunert (PDF 1.86 MB, available from Scribd.com).

In addition, China resented the closer Soviet ties with India, and Moscow feared Mao was too nonchalant about the horrors of nuclear war.John W. Garver, China's Quest: The History of the Foreign Relations of the People's Republic (2016) pp 113-45. In 1956, Nikita Khrushchev denounced Stalin and Stalinism in the speech On the Cult of Personality and its Consequences (25 February 1956) and began the de- Stalinization of the USSR. Mao and the Chinese leadership were appalled as the PRC and the USSR progressively diverged in their interpretations and applications of Leninist theory. By 1961, their intractable ideological differences provoked the PRC's formal denunciation of Soviet communism as the work of "revisionist traitors" in the USSR.

317–318 It was not until the CCF became the New Democratic Party (NDP) and the Mine-Mill versus USW war was over, in 1967, that another social democrat – Elie Martel in Sudbury East – was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario from the city.MacDonald, p.145 Lewis and Millard's crusade to limit communist influence received an unexpected boost from the Soviet Union, in Nikita Khrushchev's 1956 denunciation of Stalinism. In his "Secret Speech", On the Personality Cult and its Consequences, delivered to a closed session of the 20th Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Khrushchev denounced Stalin for his cult of personality, and his regime for "violation of Leninist norms of legality".

His literary career began in 1935, when he began writing a series of short stories, starting with Kajin (佳人, Lady), and Hinkyu mondo (貧窮問答, Dialog on Poverty) in which he depicted the struggles of a solitary writer attempting to create a Parnassian fiction. In 1936 he won the fourth annual Akutagawa Prize for his story Fugen (普賢, The Bodhisattva). In early 1938, when Japan's war against China was at its height, Ishikawa published the brilliantly ironic Marusu no uta (マルスの歌, Mars' Song), an antiwar story soon banned for fomenting antimilitary thought. His first novel, Hakubyo (白描, Plain Sketch, 1940) was a criticism of Stalinism.

The circle of human rights activists in the Soviet Union formed as a result of several events in 1966-68. Marking the end of Khrushchev's relative liberalism (Khrushchev Thaw) and the beginning of the Brezhnev epoch (Brezhnev stagnation), these years saw an increase in political repression. A succession of writers and dissidents warning against a return to Stalinism were put on trial, and the beginnings of political liberalization reforms in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic (Prague Spring) were crushed with military force. Critically minded individuals reacted by petitioning against abuses and documenting them in samizdat (underground press) publications, and a small group turned towards protesting openly and eventually began to appeal to the international community.

Every organization, association or profession is thus subordinated to the planning of the state. The differences of opinion, one of the values of democracy, is abolished so that the entire social body is directed towards the same goal; even personal tastes become politicized and must be standardized. The aim of totalitarianism is to create a united and a closed society, in which the components are not individuals and which is defined completely by the same goals, the same opinions and the same practices. Stalinism thus knew the "identification of the people to the proletariat, of the proletariat to the party, of the party to the management, of the management to the 'Égocrate'".

As President of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito prided himself on Yugoslavia's independence from the Soviet Union, with Yugoslavia never accepting full membership in Comecon and Tito's open rejection of many aspects of Stalinism as the most obvious manifestations of this. The Soviets and their satellite states often accused Yugoslavia of Trotskyism and social democracy, charges loosely based on Tito's form of workers' self-management and the theory of associated labor (profit sharing policies and worker-owned industries initiated by him, Milovan Đilas and Edvard Kardelj in 1950). It was in these things that the Soviet leadership accused of harboring the seeds of council communism or even corporatism. In 1948, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia held its Fifth Congress.

Appointed deputy director of the Center for Marxist Studies and Research, between 1972 and 1975 he published a 4-volume history of the Soviet Union (Histoire de l'URSS) in which he diverted substantially from the orthodox version that had been expressed since 1945 by Jean Bruhat. In line with the policy of openness of the time of the Union of the Left and Eurocommunism, his history was authorised by the PCF. Further exploiting his freedom to speake, in 1975 Elleinstein published History of the Stalinist phenomenon in which he analyzes Stalinism as the unfortunate product of historical circumstances. The 22nd French Communist Party Congress in 1976 was marked by an attempted break with the Soviet system spearheaded by .

The paper advocates a vote for the Labour Party in most seats, except for the handful in which the Communist Party of Britain has a candidate. The Morning Star retains "its reputation for bone-headed Stalinism", according to Paul Anderson, a former editor of the left-wing Tribune weekly. "It runs articles extolling the virtues of single-party "socialist" states on a regular basis – North Korea, Cuba, China, Vietnam. Its default position on just about everything happening in the world is that anything any Western power supports – but particularly the United States – must be opposed, which has led to it cheering on Putin, Hamas, Assad and a lot of other real nasties".

On one hand, Crow was known for his robust political views and macho interests: described by George Eaton of the New Statesman as "an apologist for Stalinism", he also wished the UK to withdraw from the European Union. Since childhood, he had supported Millwall Football Club, and as RMT leader he kept a photograph of the club on the wall of his office. He was known to be a fan of boxing, and in an interview from 2011, claimed to work out six days a week, and be able to bench-press one hundred and twenty kilos (265 lb). He also had a pet Staffordshire bull terrier whom he named Castro after the Cuban Marxist–Leninist leader Fidel Castro.

89, No. 3, The Russian Intelligentsia (Summer, 1960), pp. 648–668 The author, like his protagonist Yuri Zhivago, showed more concern for the welfare of individual characters than for the "progress" of society. Censors also regarded some passages as anti-Soviet, especially the novel's criticisms of Stalinism, Collectivisation, the Great Purge, and the Gulag. Pasternak's fortunes were soon to change, however. In March 1956, the Italian Communist Party sent a journalist, Sergio D'Angelo, to work in the Soviet Union, and his status as a journalist as well as his membership in the Italian Communist Party allowed him to have access to various aspects of the cultural life in Moscow at the time.

The memorial plaque on the building where Pechersky lived After the war, Pechersky returned to Rostov-on-Don, where he lived before the war and started work as administrator in an operetta theater. The mass murder of Jews at the Sobibor death camp became part of the charges against leading Nazis at the Nuremberg Trials. The International Tribunal at Nuremberg wanted to call Pechersky as a witness but the Soviet government would not allow him to travel to Germany to testify. In 1948, during Stalin's persecution of Jews, known as the 'Rootless cosmopolitan' campaign targeting those who allegedly lacked true loyalty and commitment to Stalinism and the Soviet Union, Pechersky lost his job and was briefly arrested.

Rooms of the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum contain thousands of photos of victims which were taken by the Khmer Rouge. In Cambodia, a genocide was carried out by the Khmer Rouge (KR) regime which was led by Pol Pot between 1975 and 1979 in which an estimated 1.5 to 3 million people died. The KR group wanted to transform Cambodia into an agrarian socialist society which would be governed according to the ideals of Stalinism and Maoism. The KR's policies which included the forced relocation of the Cambodian population from urban centers, torture, mass executions, the use of forced labor, malnutrition, and disease caused the death of an estimated 25 percent of Cambodia's total population (around 2 million people).

He later wrote that he encouraged a living understanding of Marxism as a theory in need of further development, and discouraged a tendency to see Stalinism as the definitive version of it. Joseph Stalin's death on 5 March 1953 did not lead to an outburst of liberalism east of the "Iron Curtain", but in some of the quieter recesses of people's homes and in the universities there seems to have been some relaxation of the taboo on questioning aspects of Stalin's record. Three months later the East German uprising was little reported in the west and rapidly (and brutally) suppressed on the ground, but it deeply shook the confidence of the East German ruling establishment.

With a high number of excess deaths occurring under his rule, Stalin has been labeled "one of the most notorious figures in history". These deaths occurred as a result of collectivisation, famine, terror campaigns, disease, war and mortality rates in the Gulag. As the majority of excess deaths under Stalin were not direct killings, the exact number of victims of Stalinism is difficult to calculate due to lack of consensus among scholars on which deaths can be attributed to the regime. Interior of the Gulag Museum in Moscow Official records reveal 799,455 documented executions in the Soviet Union between 1921 and 1953; 681,692 of these were carried out between 1937 and 1938, the years of the Great Purge.

Starting in 1928, the five-year plans began building a heavy industrial base at once in an underdeveloped economy without waiting years for capital to accumulate through the expansion of light industry, and without reliance on external financing. The New Economic Policy was rapidly abandoned and replaced by Stalinism. The country now became industrialized at a hitherto unprecedented pace, surpassing Germany's pace of industrialization in the 19th century and Japan's earlier in the 20th century. After the reconstruction of the economy in the wake of the destruction caused by the Russian Civil War was completed and after the initial plans of further industrialization were fulfilled, the explosive growth slowed down until the period of Brezhnev stagnation in the 1970s and 1980s.

Having moved from a loose Marxist vision, shaped under the influence of neo-Marxist and Western Marxist scholarship, he became a noted proponent of classical liberalism and liberal democracy. This perspective is outlined in both his scientific contributions and volumes dealing with Romania's post-1989 history, the latter of which include collections of essays and several published interviews with literary critic Mircea Mihăieș. Vladimir Tismăneanu completed his award-winning synthesis on Romanian communism, titled Stalinism for All Seasons, in 2003. Tismăneanu's background and work came under scrutiny after his 2006 appointment by Romanian President Traian Băsescu as head of the Presidential Commission for the Study of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania, which presented its report to the Romanian Parliament on December 18, 2006.

In the same year, Harich also received the prestigious Heinrich Mann Prize for editing and journalism, conferred by the GDR Academy of Fine Arts. Upon his arrest, Der Spiegel devoted its cover story to Harich in 1956, stating that West German intellectuals regarded him highly and saying, "despite his youth, probably the only GDR intellectual capable of calling into question the current foundation of the communist state, the doctrine of hard-frozen Stalinism." They even called him "an intellectual phenomenon" and "a pure intellect on two feet." In the 1970s, Harich published Communism without Growth: Babeuf and the Club of Rome with Rowohlt Verlag, which argued that a neo-Stalinist state with dictatorial authority to enforce environmental standards could avert an ecological catastrophe.

In May 1945 World War II ended in Europe. But as Norman Davies wrote in No Simple Victory, even after Victory Day the war was not completely over: "In all Soviet-occupied countries the NKVD was hunting down a variety of political opponents and freedom fighters (...) Stalin and Stalinism were still in place - unregenerate, as murderous as ever, and victorious". On May 7, a major battle between the Polish anti-communist resistance organization, National Military Alliance (Narodowe Zjednoczenie Wojskowe, NZW) and NKVD units took place in the village of Kuryłówka, located near Leżajsk (Subcarpathian Voivodeship). According to several sources, this was the biggest battle in the history of the Polish anti-communist movement, in which reportedly up to 70 NKVD agents died.

Alexandru Toma (occasionally known as A. Toma, born Solomon Moscovici; February 11, 1875 – August 15, 1954) was a Romanian poet, journalist and translator, known for his communist views and his role in introducing Socialist Realism and Stalinism to Romanian literature. Having debuted as a Symbolist, Toma was influenced by 19th-century writer Mihai Eminescu, an admiration which came to characterize his entire work. The official poet during the early years of the Communist regime and appointed a full member of the Romanian Academy, he is considered by many commentators to have actually been a second-shelf writer, with a problematic legacy. Toma was, alongside novelist Mihail Sadoveanu, one of the literary figures whose writings were associated with the early years of Communism in Romania.

In the Cuban intellectual discussion, the concept of ideological diversionism is sometimes referred as having direct influence from the era of Stalinism [6]. Although in the Stalinist historiography the direct concept is never articulated as such, one could point for a possible intellectual origin the 1929 text "On Right Deviation in our Party", where Stalin heavily critiques Bukharin, the kulak culture, and "social democracy" tendencies within the Soviet Communist Party. Deviations, according to Stalin, unlike Mao, must never be present in the Party, since it a structure of division in the vanguard of the People [7]. Stalin's deviation differs from the "diversionist" position to the extent that it never seeks to establish a "foreign" influence or a linguistic appropriation of Marxist categories as an aesthetic of concealment.

Carlo Tresca (March 9, 1879 – January 11, 1943) was an Italian-American newspaper editor, orator, and labor organizer who was a leader of the Industrial Workers of the World during the 1910s. He is remembered as a leading public opponent of fascism, Stalinism, and Mafia infiltration of the trade union movement. Born, raised, and educated in Italy, Tresca was editor of an Italian socialist newspaper and secretary of the Italian Federation of Railroad Workers before he emigrated to the United States in 1904. After a three-year spell as secretary of the Italian Socialist Federation of North America, he joined the Industrial Workers of the World in 1912, and was involved in strikes across the United States over the rest of the decade.

In 1968 he joined the demonstrations against the government, standing on a barrel to address striking workers at the Renault factory in Billancourt. The legends of Saint-Germain-des-Prés describe him a frequenting the jazz clubs of the neighborhood, but Sartre wrote that he rarely visited them, finding them too crowded, uncomfortable and loud. Simone de Beauvoir (1902–1986), the lifelong companion of Sartre, was another important literary figure, both as an early proponent of feminism and as an autobiographer and novelist. Other major literary figures in Paris during the period included Albert Camus (1913–1960), like Sartre a writer and novelist of the left but a vocal critic of Stalinism; André Maurois, François Mauriac, André Malraux and Marcel Pagnol.

In 1948, Tony Cliff argued that it is difficult to make a critique of bureaucratic collectivism because authors such as Shachtman never actually published a developed account of the theory. He asserted that the theoretical poverty of the theory of bureaucratic collectivism is not accidental and tried to show that the theory is only negative; empty, abstract, and therefore arbitrary. Cliff proposed “state capitalism” as an alternative theory that more accurately describes the nature of the Soviet Union under Stalinism. In a 1979 Monthly Review essay, Ernest Mandel argued that the hypothesis that the Soviet bureaucracy is a new class does not correspond to a serious analysis of the real development and the real contradictions of Soviet economy and society in the last fifty years.

Kazimierz Damazy Moczarski (July 21, 1907 - September 27, 1975) was a Polish writer and journalist, officer of the Polish Home Army (noms de guerre: Borsuk, Grawer, Maurycy, and Rafał; active in anti-Nazi resistance). Kazimierz Moczarski is primarily known for his book Conversations with an Executioner, a series of interviews with a fellow inmate of the notorious UB secret police prison under Stalinism, the Nazi war criminal Jürgen Stroop, who was soon to be executed. Thrown in jail in 1945 and pardoned eleven years later during Polish October, Moczarski spent four years on death row (1952–56), and was tried three times as an enemy of the state while in prison.Stéphane Courtois, Mark Kramer, Livre noir du Communisme: crimes, terreur, répression.

Rieber was sympathetic to fascist regimes and illegally supplied cheap oil on credit to the Nationalists in direct violation of the American arms embargo. Hochschild explains how Stalinist repressed the non-communist leftists and anti-Stalinist POUM members, which in turn disillusioned many of the American volunteers. George Orwell was inspired by the experience to write Homage to Catalonia, and anti-Stalinism was a key theme in his later works such as Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four. Hochschild points out that Hitler and Mussolini used the Spanish Civil War to test out weapons and strategies that they would later employ in World War II. This includes the 1937 bombing of Guernica which was the first ever aerial bombing of civilians by a military air force.

Reza Alamouti was an Iranian political activist, considered to be known as one of the youngest Central Committee Members of the Organization of Iranian People's Fedai Guerrillas (OIPFG) in the 1990s. He is also known as one of the first Iranian Socialist Feminist activists who introduced the Iranian left: a new Iranian Socialist movement that distanced itself from Stalinism and adopted more of a Trotskyist Agenda. A quick review of OIPFG's history and recent political changes clarifies Reza Alamouti's role in the party's political life: The Fedaian Guerrillas were a Marxist- Leninist Organization formed in the 1960s to fight the US backed Government of Pahlavi. At that point of time, Iran was a monarchy adopting capitalism as its economic system.

He supported a structuralist view of Marx's work, influenced by Cavaillès and Canguilhem, affirming that Marx left the "cornerstones" of a new science, incomparable to all non-Marxist thought, of which, from 1960–1966, he espoused the fundamental principles. Critiques were done to Stalin's cult of personality and Althusser defended what he called "theoretical anti-humanism", as an alternative to Stalinism and the Marxist humanism—both popular at the time. At mid-decade, his popularity grew to the point that it was virtually impossible to have an intellectual debate about political or ideological theoretical questions without mentioning his name. Althusser's ideas were influential enough to arouse the creation of a young militants group to dispute the power within the PCF.

The murder of Rytmann attracted much media attention, and there were several requests to treat Althusser as an ordinary criminal. The newspaper Minute, journalist and Minister of Justice Alain Peyrefitte were among those who accused Althusser of having "privileges" because of the fact he was Communist. From this point of view, Roudinesco wrote, Althusser was three times a criminal. First, the philosopher had legitimated the current of thought judged responsible for the Gulag; second, he praised the Chinese Cultural Revolution as an alternative to both capitalism and Stalinism; and finally because he had, it was said, corrupted the elite of French youth by introducing the cult of a criminal ideology into the heart of one of the best French institutions.

He only became a member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee (then named the Presidium of the Party's Central Committee) in 1952 but was demoted in 1953 when the body was reduced in size. Following the death of Stalin, Shvernik was removed as titular president of the USSR and replaced by Kliment Voroshilov on 15 March 1953. Shvernik returned to his work as the chairman of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions. In 1956, after his work in the Pospelov Commission, which was the basis of Khrushchev's "Secret Speech" denouncing Stalinism, Khrushchev recommended Shvernik for the post of chairman of the Party Control Committee and later put him in charge of rehabilitating the victims of Stalin's purges (Shvernik Commission).

There seems to have been a tendency within the KPO which wanted it to break more clearly from any support of Stalinism and in 1939 a Group of International Marxists appeared after its founders left the ranks of the KPO. This group signed a declaration of independent socialist parties, many associated with the International Workers' Front which had left the ICO and KPO. From this point on, there is little mention of either the new group or the KPO itself, with the fall of France, the leadership of the KPO had been forced to flee again and the organisation was effectively dissolved. Of the leading figures in the KPO, Brandler and Thalheimer were to spend the war exiled in Cuba, where the latter was to perish.

As he was opposed to Stalinism, he left for West Germany, where he was appointed professor in political science at Marburg in 1950. Abendroth also served as a senior judge in the state court of Hesse. In the late 1950s, at the University of Marburg, Abendroth oversaw the habilitation in political science of major German philosopher, sociologist, and political theorist Jürgen Habermas. Habermas dedicated his habilitation work, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, to Abendroth, in particular because Habermas valued Abendroth's role in re-founding postwar West Germany as a liberal constitutional state and in engaging in vigorous public debate in the spirit of the ideal Habermas laid out in his first major study.

Central to many of Portnoy's projects is his tongue-in-cheek concept of 'Relational Stalinism', a form of relational aesthetics that works against "the fashionable promise that an artwork might offer a democratic magic, transforming inter-relational codes into something nicer…"Tirdad Zolghadr. Creamier: Contemporary Art in Culture: 10 Curators, 100 Contemporary Artists, 10 Sources, Phaidon Press, 2010, pp. 192-193. Unlike other artists who produce participatory artworks, Portnoy undermines the creation of a harmonious community by setting as many limitations as possible on the participants and then introducing destabilizing mechanisms, such as changing the rules in the middle of the game. This breed of absurdist, dictatorial interaction with participants is "a clarification of the artist's imperious role as producer and performer".

However, Ralph Miliband countered that Kolakowski had a flawed understanding of Marxism and its relation to Leninism and Stalinism. In Defence of Marx's Labour Theory of Value Economist Thomas Sowell wrote in 1985: > What Marx accomplished was to produce such a comprehensive, dramatic, and > fascinating vision that it could withstand innumerable empirical > contradictions, logical refutations, and moral revulsions at its effects. > The Marxian vision took the overwhelming complexity of the real world and > made the parts fall into place, in a way that was intellectually > exhilarating and conferred such a sense of moral superiority that opponents > could be simply labelled and dismissed as moral lepers or blind > reactionaries. Marxism was – and remains – a mighty instrument for the > acquisition and maintenance of political power.

Hofstadter, influenced by his wife, was a member of the Young Communist League in college, and in April 1938 he joined the Communist Party of the USA; he quit in 1939. Hofstadter had been reluctant to join, knowing the orthodoxy it imposed on intellectuals, telling them what to believe and what to write. He was disillusioned by the spectacle of the Moscow Show Trials, but wrote: "I join without enthusiasm but with a sense of obligation... my fundamental reason for joining is that I don't like capitalism and want to get rid of it." He remained anti-capitalist, writing, "I hate capitalism and everything that goes with it," but was similarly disillusioned with Stalinism, finding the Soviet Union "essentially undemocratic" and the Communist Party rigid and doctrinaire.

The class enemy was a pervasive feature of Soviet propaganda.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p12 With the civil war, the newly formed army moved to massacre large numbers of kulaks and otherwise promulgate a short lived "reign of terror" to terrify the masses into obedience.Robert Service, A History of Modern Russia, from Nicholas II to Putin p 108 Lenin proclaimed that they were exterminating the bourgeois as a class, a position reinforced by the many actions against landlords, well-off peasants, banks, factories, and private shops.Piers Brendon, The Dark Valley: A Panorama of the 1930s, p12 Stalin warned, often, that with the struggle to build a socialist society, the class struggle would sharpen as class enemies grew more desperate.

Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. (Accessed February 1, 2010) Myers asserts that the North Korean political system is not based on communism or Stalinism, and he contends that the official Juche idea is a sham ideology for foreign consumption and intended to establish Kim Il-sung's credentials as a thinker alongside Mao Zedong. Myers also claims that post-Cold War attempts to understand North Korea as a Confucian patriarchy, based on the filial piety of Kim Jong-il and the dynastic transfer of power from his father, are misguided and that the North Korean leadership is maternalist rather than paternalist. Myers furthers his argument about the status of Juche as a non-ideology in his book North Korea's Juche Myth (2015).

During the height of the Cold War, it became increasingly difficult in the United States to hear Robeson sing on commercial radio, buy his music or see his films. In 1956, in the United Kingdom, Topic Records, at that time part of the Workers Music Association, released a single of Robeson singing "Joe Hill", written by Alfred Hayes and Earl Robinson, backed with "John Brown's Body". Joe Hill (1879–1915) was a labor activist in the early 20th century, and "Joe Hill" sung by Robeson is the third favorite choice of British Labour Party politicians on the BBC radio program Desert Island Discs. Nikita Khrushchev's denunciation of Stalinism at the 1956 Party Congress silenced Robeson on Stalin, although Robeson continued to praise the Soviet Union.

Conquest argued that Stalinism was a natural consequence of the system established by Vladimir Lenin, although he conceded that the personal character traits of Stalin had brought about the particular horrors of the late 1930s. Neal Ascherson noted: "Everyone by then could agree that Stalin was a very wicked man and a very evil one, but we still wanted to believe in Lenin; and Conquest said that Lenin was just as bad and that Stalin was simply carrying out Lenin's programme".Brown, A. (2003, February 15) Scourge and Poet, The Guardian retrieved 06.08.2015 In the book, Conquest sharply criticized Western intellectuals for their blindness towards the realities of the Soviet Union, both in the 1930s and in some cases even in the 1960s.

In 1965, after a phase of theoretical clarification within the group, it assumed the name of Lotta Comunista that continued the line of abstention strategy against the participation of the party in elections and to what is defined as "bourgeois parliamentary democracy." Unlike other extra- parliamentary groups, Lotta Comunista has never implemented or supported forms of armed struggle, even during the 1960s and 1970s. The party thinks that a revolution cannot take place if an ideology is not well-established locally, nationally and internationally otherwise the revolution will degenerate into state capitalism like Stalinism or a social democracy. So it is devoted only to peaceful propaganda of Marxist ideas, waiting for an event of global reach, like a world war to start a revolution.

Beginning summer 1956, the communist regime clamped down on the cultural environment, its apprehension motivated by events in Communist Poland, the scene of anti-communist workers' protests, and Communist Hungary, where an anti-Soviet revolt eventually broke out. According to historian Vladimir Tismăneanu, Baconsky was one of the writers informed of the decision taken by communist leader Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej not to endorse liberalization and destalinization, particularly after the events in Hungary threatened to disrupt communism throughout the Eastern Bloc, and at a time when the regime condemned advocates of change (Miron Constantinescu, Mihail Davidoglu, Alexandru Jar and Ion Vitner).Vladimir Tismăneanu, Stalinism pentru eternitate, Polirom, Iaşi, 2005, p.187. Anatol E. Baconsky was again present in poetry with the 1957 volume Dincolo de iarnă ("Beyond Winter").

After his short affiliation to Surrealism, a style which is almost entirely absent from his published work, Baconsky embraced a style which reflected his communist sympathies, and which is most often seen as the source of some of his poorest work. Cornel Ungureanu describes the early 1950s Baconsky as "an exponent of socialist realism" and a "passionate supporter of the communist utopia"; his stance in respect to the authorities was described by literary historian Alex Drace-Francis as "conformist"Drace-Francis, p.72 (a word also used by Călinescu), while Paul Cernat circumscribes Baconsky to the "pure and tough Stalinism" of the day. His early works are seen by literary critic Sorin Tomuţa as "an unfortunate debut with conjectural lyrics".

After a private screening for cultural and political leaders in Zagreb, a decision was made not to permit public showing of Ciguli Miguli. A brief but intense media harangue against the film followed in the Vjesnik daily newspaper, spearheaded by Frane Barbieri, Vjesnik's editor-in-chief, and Milutin Baltić, a high- ranking Communist Party official. Characterization of main antagonist Ivan Ivanović - whose Russian-sounding name seems to be more than just a coincidence - was not seen as a satire on Stalinism, or as a criticism of excesses of Yugoslav socialism, but rather as an all-out attack on socialist authorities. The detractors were unhappy with the oafish portrayal of Ivanović, as opposed to depiction of petty bourgeois music societies' leaders as likable slackers.

Before World War II, the Soviet Union used draconian procedures to ensure compliance with directives to invest all assets in state planned manners, including the collectivisation of agriculture and utilising a sizeable labor army collected in the gulag system. This system was largely imposed on other Eastern Bloc countries after World War II. While propaganda of proletarian improvements accompanied systemic changes, terror and intimidation of the consequent ruthless Stalinism obfuscated feelings of any purported benefits. Stalin felt that socioeconomic transformation was indispensable to establish Soviet control, reflecting the Marxist–Leninist view that material bases, the distribution of the means of production, shaped social and political relations. Moscow trained cadres were put into crucial power positions to fulfill orders regarding sociopolitical transformation.

From the late 1940s to 1960s, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party served as the opposition Party in Sri Lanka, whilst being recognised as the Sri Lankan wing of the Fourth International, an organisation }}characterised by Trotskyism and Anti-Stalinism. Through this, the party, led by Goonewardene, attempted to reform the former British Colony of Ceylon into a socialist republic by nationalising organisations in the banking, education, industry, media, and trade sectors. In 1959, despite being one of the largest landowners in Sri Lanka through inheritance, Vivienne and Leslie fought for the re-introduction of inheritance tax to the country, despite the opposition of wealthy established parliamentarians. Their party also introduced a limit on the number of houses one could own.

Hewison succeeded William Kashtan as general secretary of the Communist Party of Canada in 1988 at a time when the Communist world was being convulsed by Mikhail Gorbachev's reforms in the Soviet Union. He was leader of the Canadian party when the USSR and the Soviet bloc collapsed. The Communist Party of Canada had long been relatively uncritical supporters of Moscow, not least Hewison himself, and was severely disoriented by the collapse of Soviet Communism in Eastern Europe. As a major discussion about the causes for the collapse of the Soviet Union and the significance for Communists in Canada and internationally opened, the leadership of the party under Hewison's leadership began to increasingly question the legacy of Stalinism within the Party.

As the period of Sovietization and Stalinism began, the PZPR was anything but united. The most important split among the communists occurred before the union with the PPS, when the Stalinists forced Gomułka out of the PPR's top office and suppressed his native communist faction. The PZPR became divided into several factions, which espoused different views and methods and sought different degrees of the Polish state's distinction and independence from the Soviet Union. While Marxism–Leninism, the official ideology, was new to Poland, the communist regime continued, in many psychologically and practically important ways, the precepts, methods and manners of past Polish ruling circles, including those of the Sanation, the National Democracy, and 19th century traditions of cooperation with the partitioning powers.

Harry's Place was originally started by a blogger, using the nom de plumes Harry Steele and Harry Hatchet or just Harry, who was originally the sole writer. The 11 September 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center served as a "wake up call" according to Harry, prompting him to try to better understand what political forces led up to it. In 2002, he began blogging as a way to clarify his own thoughts on political issues such as the impending war in Iraq, moving away from his Communism to embrace a more moderate social-democratic worldview. He made a public break with his former views in a Workers' Liberty message board discussion in October 2002, where he said Stalinism was a viewpoint "I now reject totally".

Victor Frunză, Istoria stalinismului în România ("The History of Stalinism in Romania"), Humanitas, Bucharest, 1990, p.104 Arrested by the Gestapo on 6 November 1943, she was subject to torture, but refused to give information about her comrades. After the arrest of the Manouchian Group, the Gestapo published a series of propaganda posters, named l'Affiche Rouge, which depicted its members, Bancic included, as "terrorists". On 21 February 1944, she, Manouchian, and 21 others were sentenced to death—all male defendants were executed later that day at Fort Mont-Valérien; since a law prevented women from being executed on French soil, Bancic, the only female in the Group, was deported to Stuttgart and decapitated in the local prison's courtyard on the date of her 32nd birthday.

An award- winning novel, it was subsequently translated into English under UNESCO sponsorship, and made into a well-known 1956 movie. In 1948, he wrote Scars, set in northern China, which Takeyama had visited in 1931 and 1938. In 1950, during the height of the popularity of socialism in Japanese politics, Takeyama again spoke out, this time against Stalinism, and warned that totalitarianism can come from the left end of the political spectrum, as well as the right. In 1951, Takeyama resigned his teaching position in favor of literary criticism, publishing Shōwa no Seishin-shi ("A Psychological History of the Shōwa period") and Ningen ni Tsuite ("On Human Beings"); however, throughout his career, Takeyama had a very diverse range of interests.

After the split between Leon Trotsky and Stalin, Trotskyists have argued that Stalin transformed the Soviet Union into a bureaucratic and repressive one-party state and that all subsequent Communist states ultimately followed a similar path because they copied Stalinism. There are various terms used by Trotskyists to define such states, such as "degenerated workers' state" and "deformed workers' state", "state capitalist" or "bureaucratic collectivist". While Trotskyists are Leninists, there are other Marxists who reject Leninism entirely, arguing, for example, that the Leninist principle of democratic centralism was the source of the Soviet Union's slide away from communism. Maoists view the Soviet Union and most of its satellites as "state capitalist" as a result of destalinization and some of them also view modern China in this light.

Dimisianu & Elvin, p.93-94 The positive accounts, conservative critic Dan C. Mihăilescu notes, gravitate around the perception that Georgescu discreetly criticized Stalinism from the Left Opposition camp, and was a covert adherent to Trotskyism. Mihăilescu records several currents in interpreting Georgescu's relationship with the regime: "The generation colleagues and communist party comrades remember the writer's unshakable faith in the socio-political ideals of Trotskyism, in parallel with his non-extinguishable idiosyncrasy toward all things on the Right [...]. The literary generations of the '50-'80 years remember the opportunistic-cynical figure of the party kulturnik, the aficionado of literary backstairs, the artisan of cabals compromising the entire realm of old aristocrats, the 'dictator' at Viaţa Românească, the man always in Leonte Răutu's shadow".

A statement adopted by Russia's legislature said that comparisons of Nazism and Stalinism are "blasphemous towards all of the anti-fascist movement veterans, Holocaust victims, concentration camp prisoners and tens of millions of people ... who sacrificed their lives for the sake of the fight against the Nazis' anti-human racial theory." British journalist and Labour Party aide Seumas Milne posits that the impact of the post-Cold War narrative that Stalin and Hitler were twin evils, and therefore Communism is as monstrous as Nazism, "has been to relativise the unique crimes of Nazism, bury those of colonialism and feed the idea that any attempt at radical social change will always lead to suffering, killing and failure."Seumas Milne: The battle for history. The Guardian.

The first one is the coincidence of the goals in this respect of two major historical schools: of the official pro-Soviet school with the tradition of demonizing of Trotsky and Trotskyism and of the anti- Soviet, anti-Communist school, with its tradition of demonizing the whole Communist movement, for which purpose it was convenient to attribute the traits of Stalinism to Communism as a whole. The second reason is that with a few exceptions of émigrés, all Trotskyists were physically eliminated by Stalin so that there are virtually no memoirs, and nearly all documents of the Left Opposition were made inaccessible. Therefore the historical picture has become distorted in this area for both subjective and objective reasons. During Perestroika a large amount of memoirs of repressed people have become available.

From the end of World War II to his death in April 1985, Enver Hoxha pursued a style of politics informed by hardline Stalinism as well as elements of Maoism. He broke with the Soviet Union after Nikita Khrushchev embarked on his reformist Khrushchev Thaw, withdrew Albania from the Warsaw Pact in 1968 in protest of the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, and broke with China after U.S. President Richard Nixon's 1972 visit to China. His regime was also hostile towards the country's immediate neighbours. Albania did not end its state of war with Greece, left over from the Second World War, until as late as 1987 – two years after Hoxha's death – due to suspicions about Greek territorial ambitions in southern Albania as well as Greece's status as a NATO member state.

The Old Bolsheviks Joseph Stalin, Lenin and Mikhail Kalinin were members of the Bolshevik faction before the October Revolution In post-Revolutionary Russia, Stalinism (socialism in one country) and Trotskyism (permanent world revolution) were the principal philosophies of communism that claimed legitimate ideological descent from Leninism, thus within the Communist Party, each ideological faction denied the political legitimacy of the opposing faction.Chambers Dictionary of World History (2000) p. 837. Until shortly before his death, Lenin countered Stalin's disproportionate political influence in the Communist Party and in the bureaucracy of the Soviet government, partly because of abuses he had committed against the populace of Georgia and partly because the autocratic Stalin had accumulated administrative power disproportionate to his office of General Secretary of the Communist Party.Lewin, Moshe. Lenin's Last Struggle. (1969).

Second, Dean asserts that the seventy-year history of the Soviet Union is condensed to the twenty-six years of Joseph Stalin's rule. Third, Dean thinks it is reductive to consider Stalin's violence, political suppression, and authoritarian rule—the purges, the great famines and the gulag—as the events that accurately represent communism because that ignores the industrialization of the economy, the successes of the Soviet space program, and the relative increase in the standard of living in the formerly agrarian economy. Fourth, Dean holds that the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 was the result of the political and economic rigidity of Stalin and his successors, until Gorbachev began glasnost and perestroika. Thus, in Dean's view, the history of Stalinism becomes the basis on which discussions around alternatives to capitalism are silenced.

Tudorel Urian, "Avatarurile anticomunismului", in România Literară, Nr. 26/2007 Tismăneanu received the Romanian Cultural Foundation's award for the whole activity (2001), and was awarded Doctor honoris causa degrees by the West University of Timișoara (2002) and the SNSPA university in Bucharest. In its Romanian edition of 2005, Stalinism for All Seasons was a bestseller at Bookarest, the Romanian literary festival. In 2006, Romanian President Traian Băsescu appointed him head of the Presidential Commission for the Study of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania, which presented its report to the Romanian Parliament in December of that year. As of 2009, Tismăneanu is also Chairman of the Academic Board, Institute of People's Studies—an institution affiliated with the Democratic Liberal Party, which in turn is the main political group supportive of Băsescu's policies.

With Stalinism for All Seasons, Tismăneanu provides a synthesis of his views on Communist Romanian history leading back to Arheologia terorii, documenting the Romanian Communist Party's evolution from the Bolshevik wing of the Socialist Party to the establishment of a one-party state. Tismăneanu himself, reflecting on the purpose of the book, stated his vision of communism as an "eschatological" movement, adding: "Romanian communism was a subspecies of Bolshevik radicalism, itself born out of an engagement between Russian revolutionary tradition and the voluntarist version of Marxism." Adrian Cioroianu notes that "Tismăneanu was the first who could ever explain the mirage and the motivation [felt by] Romania's first communists of the '20-'30 decade." The focus on communist conspiracies and inner-Party struggles for power is constant throughout the book.

One will reach > it through a certain present, just because one participated in it. Although her point of view was often misunderstood as a prejudice against Judaism, because she often also described forms of opportunism among Jewish citizens, her main concern was totalitarianism and the anachronistic mentality of the ancien régime, as well as a postwar criticism, which was concerned with the limits of modern democracy. Her method was arguably idiosyncratic. For instance, she used Marcel Proust's romance "À la recherche du temps perdu" as a historical document and partly developed her arguments on Proust's observations of Faubourg de Saint Germain, but the publication of her book in 1951 made her very popular, because she also included an early analysis of Stalinism.. Seven years later she finally published her biographical study about Rahel Varnhagen.

However, he was framed and labelled into a "Trotskyist and Japan's spy" and arrested by the Chinese Communist Security led by Kang Sheng (Chinese: 康生), a leader of the organization who was under the influence of Stalinism at that time and led the Cultural Revolution with Jiang Qing later, and executed in 1938. He was reinstated by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in January 1983 after his son had requested the recovery of his father's honor in 1978. He was posthumously awarded the Order of Merit for National Foundation by the South Korean government in 2005, since the anti-communist denial of recognizing the historical contributions of those, who had been fighters for Korean Independence on the leftist side during the Japanese rule, was loosened after democratization in South Korea.

Roman Werfel Roman Werfel (1906 in Lwów - 2003 in Great Britain), was a communist apparatchik in communist Poland, active during the reign of Stalinism in the People's Republic of Poland. He was an editor-in-chief of "Nowe Drogi", the leading organ of the Central Committee of the communist United Workers' Party (1952-1959), and from 1948 director of party publishing house Książka i Wiedza. Roman Werfel took part in preparing the acts of indictment in practically all major political trials (Rzepecki, Mierzwa & Niepokolczycki, Puzak, Tatar, bishop Kaczmarek) and had this to say about the much-hated Communist secret police, the UB or Bezpieka: "There's one principle you have to stick to, in beating: Johnny has to be beaten by Johnny, and not by Moshe." (Torańska, p. 109).

After the September 11, 2001, attacks, The End of History was cited by some commentators as a symbol of the supposed naiveté and undue optimism of the Western world during the 1990s, in thinking that the end of the Cold War also represented the end of major global conflict. In the weeks after the attacks, Fareed Zakaria called the events "the end of the end of history", while George Will wrote that history had "returned from vacation".History Is Still Going Our Way, Francis Fukuyama, The Wall Street Journal, October 5, 2001 Fukuyama did discuss radical Islam briefly in The End of History. He argued that Islam is not an imperialist force like Stalinism and fascism; that is, it has little intellectual or emotional appeal outside the Islamic "heartlands".

Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p374 On behalf of the Soviet Council of People's Commissars, Nadezhda Krupskaya (Vladimir Lenin's wife and the People's Commissar of State for Education) was one of the main contributors to the cause of the Pioneer movement. In 1922, she wrote an essay called "Russian Union of the Communist Youth and boy-Scoutism." However, it was the remaining scoutmasters themselves who supported the Komsomol and the Red Army, like Innokentiy Zhukov and some others around Nikolaj Fatyanov's "Brothers of the fire", who introduced the name "pioneer" to it and convinced the Komsomol to keep the scout motto "Be prepared!" and adapt it to "Always prepared!" as the organizational motto and slogan. Sebastian Waack: Lenins Kinder: Zur Genealogie der Pfadfinder und Pioniere in Russland 1908-1924.

Himself an author and dissident, Virgil Tănase reflected back on the period: "Corrupted and sagged by a too lengthy and complacent convenience [...], Romanian writers viewed Paul Goma's effort with mistrust. A letter from Ion Negoiţescu and the support of Nicolae Breban, that is desperately little...""Paul Goma vu par... Virgil Tănase", in Bernard Camboulives, La Roumanie littéraire, Éditions le Manuscrit, Paris, 2005, p.330. While political scientist Vladimir Tismăneanu attributes to Goma and Negoiţescu's "quixotic stances, all the more heroic since [they] could not count on solidarity or support from colleagues", the status of a singular reaction against the local prolongation of Stalinism,Tismăneanu (2005), p.246 Matei Călinescu's account partly connects this issue with Negoiţescu having "miscalculated the reaction of his friends" by believing his gesture would be reciprocated.

Objectively, this was forcing the bureaucrats to "tighten the screws," promote neo-Stalinism or, most likely, reestablish downright bourgeois relations, restore capitalism. Consequently, any legal revolutionary activity had become impossible, creating the necessary for an underground organization and underground struggle. The ruling soviet bureaucracy learnt from the events of the October Revolution of 1917. This is precisely why the representatives of the working class in the USSR (specifically those concentrated on large industrial enterprises) firstly, were a subject of particularly strong ideological control; secondly, the regime was constantly "flirting" with the workers, praising them and simultaneously imposing on them the ideology of ruling bureaucracy, corrupting them by mass culture; and thirdly, any attempts to create independent trade unions or other working class organizations were nipped in the bud.

Unfortunately the political hiatus caused by the largely unexpected collapse of the Soviet Union, resulted in a widespread fragmentation and demoralisation even amongst those marxist writers who were critical of the stalinist state formations. The nature of the Soviet Union, the political tenacity and character of stalinism itself, an explanation of the political hold of and contemporary forms of Reformism in the working class and the restatement of the fundamentals of the marxist struggle against the state, and the bourgeois ideological weapons of nationalism, imperialism and the oppression of nations and nationalities, racial and women's oppression and the economic role of the family under capitalism. This tendency has yet to re- articulate Marx's critique of ideological power of the politics of productivity theoretically in challenging the revisionist acceptance of technological mystification.

New Left thinker John Saville, reader in economics at the University of Hull, was a particular inspiration for many SocSoc students. He played a role in bringing many left-wing working- class Ruskin College graduates to Hull University, and was also helpful in arranging for his acquaintances in the New Left to come and speak to the Club. By the mid-1950s, changes in the British left, most notably the formation of the first New Left in Britain, were beginning to have an effect on left-wing student politics in the country. In 1956, Khrushchev's Secret Speech denouncing Stalinism was acquired by the United States and leaked to the world, and - almost simultaneous to the Franco-British invasion of Suez - the Soviets suppressed a democratic socialist revolt in Hungary.

These ideas were adopted by Lenin in 1917 just prior to the October Revolution in Russia and published in The State and Revolution. With the failure of the worldwide revolution, or at least European revolution, envisaged by Lenin and Leon Trotsky, the Russian Civil War and finally Lenin's death, war measures that were deemed to be temporary such as forced requisition of food and the lack of democratic control became permanent and a tool to boost Joseph Stalin's power, leading to the emergence of Marxism–Leninism and Stalinism as well as the notion that socialism can be created and exist in a single state with theory of socialism in one country. Lenin argued that as socialism is replaced by communism, the state would "wither away"Lenin, Vladimir (1917). The State and Revolution. p. 70. cf.

Another manifestation of this changing social landscape was the rise of mass discontent, including the radical student movement, both in the United States – where it was driven mainly by opposition to the Vietnam War, and in Europe. Aside from the Civil Rights Movement, in which socialists participated, the anti-war movement was the first left-wing upsurge in the United States since the 1930s, but neither there nor in Europe did the traditional parties of the left lead the movement. In the mid-20th century some libertarian socialist groups emerged from disagreements with Trotskyism which presented itself as Leninist anti- stalinism. As such the French group Socialisme ou Barbarie emerged from the Trotskyist Fourth International, where Castoriadis and Claude Lefort constituted a Chaulieu–Montal Tendency in the French Parti Communiste Internationaliste in 1946.

Richard Overy, The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia, p234 During the Stalinist era, all opposition leaders were routinely described as traitors and agents of foreign, imperialist powers.Roy Medvedev, Let History Judge p93 The Five Year Plan intensified the class struggle with many attacks on kulaks, and when it was found that many peasant opponents were not rich enough to qualify, they were declared "sub-kulaks."Robert Service, A History of Modern Russia, from Nicholas II to Putin p 179-80 "Kulaks and other class-alien enemies" were often cited as the reason for failures on collective farms.Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p54 Throughout the First and Second Five Year plans, kulaks, wreckers, saboteurs and nationalists were attacked, leading up to the Great Terror.

Lewis Stegelbaum and Andrei Sokolov, Stalinism As A Way Of Life, p358 When hot breakfasts were provided for schoolchildren, particularly in city schools, the program was announced with great fanfare. Since Communist society was the highest and most progressive form of society, it was ethically superior to all others, and "moral" and "immoral" were determined by whether things helped or hindered its development.Richard Overy, The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia, p267 Tsarist law was overtly abolished, and while judges could use it, they were to be guided by "revolutionary consciousness".Richard Overy, The Dictators: Hitler's Germany, Stalin's Russia, p290 Under the pressure of the need for law, more and more was implemented; Stalin justified this in propaganda as the law would "wither away" best when its authority was raised to the highest, through its contradictions.

He agreed with Kołakowski's that Trotsky's views were no different in essentials from those of Stalin and that Stalinism can be justified on Leninist principles. However, he criticized Kołakowski for his treatment of some Marxists, and for ignoring the sociologist Lewis Samuel Feuer's "research on the influence of American utopian socialist colonies on Marx." He was unconvinced by Kołakowski's discussions of the differences between Marx and Engels and between Marx and Lenin, and criticized him for endorsing Lukács's reading of Marx. He rejected Kołakowski's view that Marx consistently adhered to "Feuerbach's notion of the species nature of man", questioned his view of Marx's development as a thinker, and rejected his view that Marx's historical materialism amounted to a form of technological determinism, as well as his interpretation of Marx's theory of knowledge.

Grant Webster, The Republic of Letters (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979), pp. 252. The anti-Stalinist implications in The Liberal Imagination exist in the ways Trilling articulates a critical stance against reductive, simplifying, and systematized ideological thinking.Russel J. Reising, “Lionel Trilling, The Liberal Imagination, and the Emergence of the Cultural Discourse of Anti-Stalinism,” boundary 2, Vol. 20, No. 1 (Spring 1993), pp. 96. The publication of The Liberal Imagination also stands as a critical moment in Trilling’s career as he developed his position as a public intellectual. As a representative of complexity, Trilling, in place of an applicable theory of reading, offers a “certain temper” to serve as the basis of a critical analysis of politics, culture, and literature.Krupnick, Lionel Trilling and the Fate of Cultural Criticism, pp. 62.

Anti-revisionism is a position within Marxism–Leninism which emerged in the 1950s in opposition to the reforms of Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. Where Khrushchev pursued an interpretation that differed from his predecessor Joseph Stalin, the anti-revisionists within the international communist movement remained dedicated to Stalin's ideological legacy and criticized the Soviet Union under Khrushchev and his successors as state capitalist and social imperialist due to its hopes of achieving peace with the United States. The term Stalinism is also used to describe these positions, but it is often not used by its supporters who opine that Stalin simply synthesized and practiced orthodox Marxism and Leninism. Because different political trends trace the historical roots of revisionism to different eras and leaders, there is significant disagreement today as to what constitutes anti-revisionism.

This was in response to the events of October 1993. In 1997, Baklanov was awarded the State Prize of the Russian Federation for his novella I togda prikhodyat marodyory (And then come the pillagers). The novella depicts Russia's lawlessness and corruption of the 1990s as an outcome of Stalinism, which had never been uprooted in the country. The novella ends symbolically: a gang of Russian neo-fascists attacks and kills the main protagonist, a veteran of World War II. In October 2008, one year before he died, the writer said in an interview for the TV channel Kultura: “Of all the human deeds I know (I have neither experienced a ghetto or a concentration camp), war is the most terrible and inhumane deed.” Baklanov died in Moscow on December 23, 2009, at age 86.

The new Criminal Codes of the 1920s introduced the offence of Anti-Soviet Agitation and Propaganda as one of the many forms of counter-revolutionary activity grouped together under Article 58 of the Russian RSFSR Penal Code. The article was put in force on 25 February 1927 and remained in force throughout the period of Stalinism. Article 58:10, "propaganda and agitation that called to overturn or undermining of the Soviet regime", was punishable with at least 6 months of imprisonment, up to and including the death sentence in periods of war or unrest. As applied under Stalin's regime, the phrase in practice could mean virtually anything that a State security interrogator or informant wanted it to mean; consequently, the charge became an exceedingly potent weapon in political or personal quarrels and intrigues.

At that time, a thesis was popular (and, indeed, was furthered by the authorities), claiming that the crimes of the Stalinist era were a result of "violating Leninist principles", whereas Soloukhin interpreted Stalinism as the logical consequence of Lenin's policies. The main theme of Soloukhin's work is the Russian countryside, its present and future. His works strives to demonstrate the necessity of preserving the national traditions, and ponders the ways to further develop ethnic Russian art. Vladimir Soloukhin is considered to be a leading figure of the "village prose" group of writers. In 1975, the journal Moskva published his autobiographical story “Verdict” («Приговор»), where the protagonist is diagnosed with cancer and undergoes surgical operation; in essence the author is describing thoughts of a person who has received death sentence.

Anti-communist freedom fighter Joachim Gauck, the President of Germany from 2012 to 2017, proposed the remembrance day together with Václav Havel The former President of Germany, Joachim Gauck, was one of the statesmen, alongside Václav Havel, who proposed the establishment of the remembrance day. The European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism has since been observed by various German government bodies, including the federal government. One of the first government bodies to observe the day was the Federal Foundation for the Reappraisal of the SED Dictatorship, a federal government entity created by the Bundestag to research and document the communist dictatorship in East Germany. In 2020 the remembrance day was officially commemorated by the German federal government and the German presidency of the European Union.

Throughout his time in office, Tito prided himself on Yugoslavia's independence from the Soviet Union, with Yugoslavia never accepting full membership in Comecon and Tito's open rejection of many aspects of Stalinism as the most obvious manifestations of this. The Soviets and their satellite states often accused Yugoslavia of Trotskyism and social democracy, charges loosely based on Tito's samoupravljanje (self-management) and the theory of associated labor (profit sharing policies and worker-owned industries initiated by him, Milovan Đilas and Edvard Kardelj in 1950). It was in these things that the Soviet leadership accused of harboring the seeds of council communism or even corporatism. The propaganda attacks centered on the caricature of "Tito the Butcher" of the working class, aimed to pinpoint him as a covert agent of Western imperialism.

The origins of this organization go back to the 1950s, when some former partisans of GAAP (Anarchist Groups of Proletarian Action) who supported the FCL (Libertarian Communist Federation), and who were subsequently expelled from FAI (Italian Anarchist Federation) because they became Leninists, subsequently joined the group called Azione Comunista. It had been expelled from the Italian Communist Party (PCI) as a result of the position it had taken in favor of the 1956 Hungarian insurgents, who were harshly repressed by the Soviets. Stalinism was defined as the reactionary policy of the counterrevolution after the death of Lenin. The group also protested against the positions of the Italian Communist Party, considered dependent on the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and dominated by the foreign policy of the USSR.

In the unstable political climate of the previous few years, the social activist and revolutionary leader Farabundo Martí helped found the Communist Party of Central America, and led a Communist alternative to the Red Cross called International Red Aid, serving as one of its representatives. Their goal was to help poor and underprivileged Salvadorans through the use of Marxist-Leninist ideology (strongly rejecting Stalinism). In December 1930, at the height of the country's economic and social depression, Martí was once again exiled because of his popularity among the nation's poor and rumours of his upcoming nomination for president the following year. Once Arturo Araujo was elected president in 1931, Martí returned to El Salvador, and along with Alfonso Luna and Mario Zapata began the movement that was later truncated by the military.

Ana Pauker was recast by Romania's leaders in the official party history as having been a staunch ultra-orthodox Stalinist, even though she had opposed or had attempted to moderate a number of Stalinist policies while she was in a leadership position. As the historian Robert Levy concluded: "No other communist leader save Tito has been shown to have resisted the Soviet-imposed line [during the Cominform period of "high Stalinism"] as she did—whether on collectivisation, the fight against the kulaks and the urban bourgeoise, the prosecution of Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu, the purge of the Spanish Civil War and French Resistance veterans, the dimensions of the Five-Year Plan, the staging of a show trial of Romanian Zionists, or the facilitation of mass Jewish emigration".Levy, pp. 233–234.

Following the events of 1968, several projects of ideologically divergent groups of the so-called old and the new left arose in the Federal German Republic to build a new communist party. In addition to the German Communist Party (DKP), which is widely known as the West German KPD successor party and publishes the newspaper Unser Zeit as a party organ , various competing small communist parties , the so-called K groups , were founded, each of which was associated with different ideological concepts of communism (from Maoism to Stalinism to Trotskyism ). Out of these groupings, there were several newspaper projects in the 1970s called Rote Fahne. The Communist Party of Germany (KPD), a fringe party founded in 1990 by disgruntled members of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, publishes its own version of Die Rote Fahne.

During Stalinism, the preferred Soviet policy was to keep sensitive posts in the hands of non-Poles. As a result, "all or nearly all of the directors (of the widely despised Ministry of Public Security of Poland) were Jewish" as noted by Polish journalist Teresa Torańska among others. A recent study by the Polish Institute of National Remembrance showed that out of 450 people in director positions in the Ministry between 1944 and 1954, 167 (37.1%) were of Jewish ethnicity, while Jews made up only 1% of the post-war Polish population. While Jews were overrepresented in various Polish Communist organizations, including the security apparatus, relative to their percentage of the general population, the vast majority of Jews did not participate in the Stalinist apparatus, and indeed most were not supportive of Communism.

When in April 1948 Shepilov approved Yuri Zhdanov's speech critical of Soviet biologist and Stalin favorite Trofim Lysenko, it started an intense political battle between Andrei Zhdanov on the one hand and his rivals who were using the episode to discredit Zhdanov.See Alexei Kojevnikov. "Games of Stalinist Democracy: ideological discussions in the Soviet sciences 1947–1952" in Stalinism: New Directions, ed. Sheila Fitzpatrick, London, Routledge, p.158-159 On 1 July 1948, Zhdanov's main rival, Georgy Malenkov, took over at the Communist Party Secretariat while Zhdanov was sent on a two-month vacation, where he died. Shepilov, however, not only survived this change at the top, but even improved his position and was appointed as the next head of the Propaganda and Agitation Department on 10 July 1948.

He acted mostly as an advocate of modernism in cultural matters, later becoming embroiled in Brazil's 1960s political struggles as a Trotskyist sympathizer and a left-wing nationalist, while at the same time keeping a distance from both Stalinism and Latin American populism. After spending the 1970s as an exile and expatriate in the US, in the 1980s he forsook his leftist views for Americanism's sake, performing a sharp political turn into aggressive conservatism, defending the free-market economics and political liberalism, and became an uncompromising anti-leftist. In this capacity, he estranged himself from the Brazilian intelligentsia and became mostly a media figure, a role that entangled him in a legal suit until his death in 1997. Critical evaluations of his work have been made by media scholar Bernardo Kucinski and historian Isabel Lustosa.

Joseph Stalin and Nikita Khrushchev, 1936; the death of Stalin (right) and accession of Khrushchev (left) in 1953, alongside the following political thaw, allowed cybernetics to be legitimised in the Soviet Union. The reformed academic culture of the Soviet Union, after the death of Stalin and reforms of the Khrushchev era, allowed cybernetics to tear down its previous ideological criticisms and redeem itself in the public view. To Soviet scientists, cybernetics emerged as possible vector of escape from the ideological traps of Stalinism, replacing it with the computational objectivity of cybernetics. Military computer scientist Anatoly Kitov recalled stumbling onto Cybernetics in the secret library of the Special Construction Bureau and realising instantly, cybernetics was "not a bourgeois pseudo-science, as official publications considered it at the time, but the opposite - a serious, important science".

Posadas became the leader of the Latin America Bureau of the Fourth International in the 1950s and, under his guidance, the movement gained some influence in the region, particularly among Cuban railway workers, Bolivian tin miners and agricultural workers in Brazil. When the Fourth International split in 1953, Posadas and his followers sided with Michel Pablo and the International Secretariat of the Fourth International. By 1959, however, he and his followers were quarrelling with the leadership of the ISFI accusing them of lacking confidence in the possibility of revolution. They also differed over the issue of nuclear war with Posadas taking the view that "War–Revolution" would "settle the hash of Stalinism and Capitalism" and that nuclear war was inevitable as a socialist society would rise from the ashes.

The Soviet administrators used slogans about class struggle and dictatorship of the proletariat, as they applied the policies of Stalinism and Sovietization in occupied eastern Poland. On 22 and 26 October 1939, the Soviets staged elections to Moscow-controlled Supreme Soviets (legislative bodies) of the newly created provinces of Western Ukraine and Western Byelorussia to legitimize the Soviet rule. The new assemblies subsequently called for the incorporation into the Soviet Union, and the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union annexed the two territories to the already existing Soviet republics (the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic) on 2 November. All institutions of the dismantled Polish state were closed down and reopened with new directors who were mostly Russian and in rare cases Ukrainian or Polish.

By this time, the signing of such letters was done at considerable personal risk: Signatories faced demotion or dismissal from work; party members faced expulsion and hindered careers. In January 1968, linguist Larisa Bogoraz (wife of imprisoned writer Yuli Daniel) and physics teacher Pavel Litvinov wrote an open letter protesting the trial of Ginzburg and Galanskov. The appeal departed from the accepted tradition of addressing appeals to Soviet officials and became the first direct appeal by dissidents to the international public. Reminding readers of the terror of Stalinism, Bogoraz and Litvinov listed in great detail the violations of law and justice committed during the trial, and asked the Soviet and world public to demand that the prisoners be released from custody and that the trial be repeated in the presence of international observers.

907 Finally a group led by Sy Landy left in 1976 to form the League for the Revolutionary Party, in part because they disagreed with the RSL's call for the formation of a Labor Party in the US. They also alleged that the leadership of the RSL was acting in a bureaucratic fashion. Over time, the RSL moved closer to anarchism. In 1985 they released a statement What we stand for that proclaimed their adherence to the ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky but emphasized the theoretical contributions of Marx and Engels, Trotsky's fight against Stalinism and Lenin's "conception of the party, stress on the importance of national liberation struggles and the anti-statism shown in the State and Revolution". It also identified "with the best of anarchism, particularly its libertarian spirit".

A. James Gregor, a professor of political science emeritus at the U.C. Berkeley, contended that fascism was a “variant of Sorelian syndicalism” which also included components of neo- idealism and elitist socialism.A. James Gregor, The Ideology of Fascism: The Rationale of Totalitarianism, New York, NY, The Free Press, 1969, p. 317, Gregor took the position that Stalinism and Fascist totalitarianism would have been impossible without the “transmogrified Marxism, that infilled both.”A. James Gregor, Marxism, Fascism & Totalitarianism: Chapters in the Intellectual History of Radicalism, Stanford University Press, 2009, p. 293 According to Gregor: > Fascism was a variant of classical Marxism, a belief system that pressed > some themes argued by both Marx and Engels until they found expression in > the form of ‘national syndicalism’ that was to animate the first Fascism.

The organization heralded Ukrainian dissidents such as Vyacheslav Chornovil. In late February, large public rallies took place in Kyiv to protest the election laws, on the eve of the March 26 elections to the USSR Congress of People's Deputies, and to call for the resignation of the first secretary of the Communist Party of Ukraine, Volodymyr Shcherbytsky, lampooned as "the mastodon of stagnation". The demonstrations coincided with a visit to Ukraine by Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. On February 26, 1989, between 20,000 and 30,000 people participated in an unsanctioned ecumenical memorial service in Lviv, marking the anniversary of the death of 19th-century Ukrainian artist and nationalist Taras Shevchenko. On March 4, 1989, the Memorial Society, committed to honoring the victims of Stalinism and cleansing society of Soviet practices, was founded in Kyiv.

Scott began his adult life as an idealistic socialist of democratic socialist character and traveled to the Soviet Union in 1932 to be part of the early Soviet zeitgeist of enthusiastically building socialism. He worked as a welder, chemist, and foreman at the new city of Magnitogorsk and married and had children there. He was disillusioned in 1937 and 1938 by the Great Purge, which removed him from normal Soviet life as a suddenly distrusted foreigner and which disappeared many of his Russian colleagues. In the late 1930s and early 1940s, he remained sympathetic to socialist ideals but had soured on Stalinism as the path for socialist development, although he believed that the Soviet economy was succeeding in raising the standard of living of the populace and that the Soviet regime would endure as long as that remained true.

Monument to victims of KGB / NKVD operations in Vilnius, Lithuania During the Cold War, the KGB actively sought to combat "ideological subversion" – anti-communist political and religious ideas and the dissidents who promoted them – which was generally dealt with as a matter of national security in discouraging influence of hostile foreign powers. After denouncing Stalinism in his secret speech On the Personality Cult and its Consequences in 1956, head of state Nikita Khrushchev lessened suppression of "ideological subversion". As a result, critical literature re-emerged, including the novel One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich (1962), by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, who was code-named PAUK ("spider") by the KGB. After Khrushchev's deposition in 1964, Leonid Brezhnev reverted the State and KGB to actively harsh suppression; house searches to seize documents and the continual monitoring of dissidents became routine again.

Through Bracher criticized the Great man theory of history as an inadequate historical explanation, Bracher argued that social historians who claim that social developments were more important than the role of individuals were mistaken.Bracher, Karl Dietrich "The Role of Hitler" pages 211–225 from Fascism: A Reader's Guide Harmondsworth, 1976 page 214. Bracher wrote about the "Hitler Wave" of the 1970s that the obsession with Hitler seemed odd given all of the dramatic events of the last thirty or so years such as the Cold War, the rise and decline of Stalinism, the Hungarian Uprising, the Suez War, the Vietnam War, and the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, where somehow Hitler, despite being dead, remained in "the background" of all these events.Bracher, Karl Dietrich "The Role of Hitler" pages 211–225 from Fascism: A Reader's Guide Harmondsworth, 1976 page 211.

" He denied, however, that capitalism's doom is inevitable, writing "capitalism has within it the seeds of its own destruction, but only seeds... Capitalism will have to be pushed off the stage." Singer believed that this push "will require a revolution." While Singer was an opponent of Stalinism, and believed the French Communist Party in large part responsible for De Gaulle's success in taking power in 1958 and his failure to be overthrown in 1968, he had a nuanced view on the question. He wrote that, "while the totalitarian nature of Stalin's Russia is undeniable, I find the thesis of "totalitarian twins" both wrong and unproductive, and recognised the deep working-class implantation of the CP.Exploiting a Tragedy, or Le Rouge en Noir Singer retained an optimism about the prospects for socialism, writing shortly before his death: > There is no certainty about the future.

Throughout his life, Taylor was sympathetic to the foreign policy of the Soviet Union, and after 1941 he was overjoyed to have the Soviet Union as Britain's ally, as this was the realisation of his desire for an Anglo-Soviet alliance. The Second World War further increased Taylor's pro-Soviet feelings, as he was always profoundly grateful for the Red Army's role in destroying Nazi Germany. Despite his pro-Soviet views, he was strongly critical of Stalinism, and in 1948 he attended and did his best to sabotage a Stalinist cultural congress in Wrocław, Poland. His speech, which was broadcast live on Polish radio and via speakers on the streets of Wrocław, about the right of everyone to hold different views from those who hold power, was enthusiastically received by the delegates and was met with thunderous applause.

Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy Imienia Ossolińskich, (1980). . (another ally of Roman Dmowski); Czesław Czaplicki; Andrzej Sołdrowski, political prisoner under Stalinism; Lubomir Czupkiewicz; Piotr Kosobudzki; Maciej Giertych, a member of the European Parliament who created a scandal with his antisemitic writing;"Dateline World Jewry", April 2007, World Jewish CongressThe President of the European Parliament Stanisław Jastrzębski, veteran Polish underground fighter during World War II; controversial politologist Edward Prus; Stanisław Żurek; Norbert Tomczyk; Stanisław Sosenkiewicz; Henryk Komański; Szczepan Siekierka; Witalij Masłowśkyj; Aleksander Korman; Mieczysław Dobrzański; Feliks Koneczny, a Polish historian and social philosopher who claimed that Jews were conspiring to destroy Latin- Christian civilization and that Nazism was example of Jewish civilization type;Joanna Beata Michlic, Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present, U of Nebraska Press, 2006, Google Print, p.179 Michał Poradowski; Stanisław Bełza; Izabella Wolikowska and others.

Rakovsky's nephew Boris Stefanov, whom he encouraged to join the Romanian socialist movement before World War I, later became a general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party, before being himself purged in 1940.Ilarion Ţiu, "Aliatul lui Stalin" ("Stalin's Ally"), in Jurnalul Naţional, June 7, 2005 By 1932, Rakovsky's name was frequently invoked in the heated debate involving Panait Istrati and his political adversaries. Istrati, having returned to Romania in disillusion over Soviet realities, was initially attacked in the local right-wing newspapers Curentul and Universul; writing for the former, Pamfil Şeicaru defined Istrati as "the servant of Racovski".Şeicaru, in Tănase, "The Renegade Istrati" Having published To the Other Flame, in which he exposed Stalinism, he consequently became the target of intense criticism and allegations from various pro-Soviet writers, led by the Frenchman Henri Barbusse.

They broke up when he met Franca Madonia, a philosopher, translator, and playwright from a well-off Italian bourgeois family from Romagna. Madonia was married to Mino, whose sister Giovanna was married to the Communist painter Leonardo Cremonini. Every summer the two families gathered in a residence in the village of Bertinoro, and, according to Roudinesco, "It was in this magical setting ... that Louis Althusser fell in love with Franca, discovering through her everything he had missed in his own childhood and that he lacked in Paris: a real family, an art of living, a new manner of thinking, speaking, desiring". She influenced him to appreciate modern theater (Luigi Pirandello, Bertolt Brecht, Samuel Beckett), and, Roudinesco wrote, also on his detachment of Stalinism and "his finest texts (For Marx especially) but also his most important concepts".

After the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Soviet Union planted a number of long-term, deep-cover sleeper agents all over the United States, spies so thoroughly brainwashed that even they did not know they were agents and can be activated only by a special code phrase. (The phrase is a line from the Robert Frost poem "Stopping by Woods on a Snowy Evening", followed by the agent's real first name.) Their mission was to sabotage crucial parts of the civil and military infrastructure in the event of conflict. More than 20 years pass, and the Cold War gradually gives way to détente. Narrowly escaping a relentless purge of old Stalinism loyalists, Nikolai Dalchimsky (Donald Pleasence), a rogue KGB headquarters clerk, travels to America, taking with him the Telefon Book which contains the names, addresses and telephone numbers of all the sleeper agents.

Bohumil Hrabal became the most prominent of the contemporary prose authors, with his works full of colloquialisms and non-traditional narrative structures, and the absence of official moral frameworks. Toward the end of the decade, novels of disillusionment, skepticism, and a need to find one's place in the world and history begin to appear (Vaculík, M. Kundera, Hrubín), as do modern historical novels (Oldřich Daněk, Jiří Šotola, Vladimír Körner, Ota Filip). The 1960s also brought the debuts of a new generation of authors who grew up during the excesses of Stalinism, and thus had no ideals about world utopias — their works dealt not with changing the world, but with living in it: authenticity, responsibility both moral and literary. These included the poets Jiří Gruša, Josef Hanzlík, Antonín Brousek, Jiří Kuběna, and playwrights Ivan Vyskočil, Jiří Šlitr, Václav Havel, Milan Uhde, Josef Topol.

However, he lacked influence in the military, and was viewed very suspiciously by most Central Committee and Government officials outside his faction, who were well- aware of his ambitions. Alexander Solzhenitsyn suggested that Shelepin had been the choice of the surviving Stalinists, who asked "what had been the point of overthrowing Khrushchev if not to revert to Stalinism?" As far as his own views on the role of Soviet policy went, Shelepin opposed the relaxation of tensions with the United States in foreign affairs, and favored a return to domestic policies that promoted discipline and centralization within the wider Union. Shelepin's reward was to be made a full member of the most important political body, the Politburo, in November 1964, following the successful overthrow of Khrushchev —by a significant margin its youngest member, at the age of 46.

He considered Kołakowski lacking in detachment, and criticized him for not considering alternatives to his view that Marx's thought was a philosophical anthropology settled in its essential features by the time of The German Ideology, and for relying on "the notion of totalitarianism", which he considered "worthless as a tool of political analysis". He argued that because Kołakowski viewed Marxism as a philosophy he gave insufficient attention to "the use of Marxism as a means of political calculation or to the substantive questions of political and economic analysis posed in numerous Marxist attempts at concrete analysis". He accused Kołakowski of providing misleading discussions of Marxist writers such as Kautsky, and of Lenin's politics and the development of Stalinism. He described Kołakowski's account of Marxism as a "grotesque and offensive caricature" that failed to explain Marxism's impact on the modern world.

The book was at once a passionate critique of Marxism, a creative synthesis of the democratic socialist revisionism (Bernstein, Turati and Treves) and of classical Italian Liberalism (Benedetto Croce, Francisco Saverio Merlino and Gaetano Salvemini). But it contained also a shattering attack on the Stalinism of the Third International, which had, with the derisive formula of "socialfascism", lumped together social democracy, bourgeois liberalism and fascism. It was not surprising, therefore, when one of the most important Italian Communists, Togliatti, defined "liberal Socialism" "libellous anti-socialism" and Rosselli "a reactionary ideologue who has nothing to do with the working class". Giustizia e Libertà joined the Concentrazione Antifascista Italiana (The Italian Anti-Fascist Concentration), a union of all the non-communist anti- fascist forces (republican, socialist, nationalist) trying to promote and to coordinate expatriate actions to fight fascism in Italy.

Orwell, a democratic socialist, was a critic of Joseph Stalin and hostile to Moscow-directed Stalinism, an attitude that was critically shaped by his experiences during the Spanish Civil War. The Soviet Union had become a brutal dictatorship built upon a cult of personality and enforced by a reign of terror. In a letter to Yvonne Davet, Orwell described Animal Farm as a satirical tale against Stalin ("'"), and in his essay "Why I Write" (1946), wrote that Animal Farm was the first book in which he tried, with full consciousness of what he was doing, "to fuse political purpose and artistic purpose into one whole". The original title was Animal Farm: A Fairy Story, but U.S. publishers dropped the subtitle when it was published in 1946, and only one of the translations during Orwell's lifetime kept it.

We have to defend them, every day of the year." In 2017 the Estonian EU Presidency hosted the International Conference on the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Communism and Nazism in Tallinn, where the remembrance day was observed by all the ministers of justice of the European Union. On the occasion of the European Day of Remembrance for Victims of Stalinism and Nazism in 2018 eight EU countries signed a joint statement on "the continued investigation of crimes committed by the communist regime via national law enforcement agencies and the intensification of transnational cooperation in this area." The governments of Poland, Romania, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia released a joint statement in 2019, that called upon "the governments of all European countries to provide both moral and material support to the ongoing historical investigation of the totalitarian regimes.

Vronsky was the writer-producer- director of Mondo Moscow, a feature-length documentary on incipient Stalinism and underground culture in the USSR, 1990. In 1991 Vronsky investigated Lee Harvey Oswald's activities in the USSR in 1959–1962 and was the first Westerner ever to interview Oswald's friends, lovers and acquaintances in Russia. Vronsky was the cameraman-line producer on The Hunt for Red Mercury, an investigative one-hour documentary (Discovery Channel – CTV) on nuclear weapons material smuggling in Chechnya, 1992. He was the writer-director of The Uncanadians, a NFB feature documentary 1994–1995 but withdrew his name from the director's credit in a dispute with the National Film Board over the film's controversial contents.) Vronsky was the Head of English Language Production, Panavideo, Venice Italy – service producer for Italy's national television network, RAI, 1997–1999.

Some astute observers noted that he would allow only what was in the written confession and refuse to go any further. There are several interpretations of Bukharin's motivations (besides being coerced) in the trial. Koestler and others viewed it as a true believer's last service to the Party (while preserving the little amount of personal honor left) whereas Bukharin biographer Stephen Cohen and Robert Tucker saw traces of Aesopian language, with which Bukharin sought to turn the table into an anti-trial of Stalinism (while keeping his part of the bargain to save his family). While his letters to Stalin – he wrote 34 very emotional and desperate letters tearfully protesting his innocence and professing his loyalty – suggest a complete capitulation and acceptance of his role in the trial, it contrasts with his actual conduct in the trial.

He suggested that it had been influenced by a wide range of ideologies, among them forms of Marxism like Stalinism and Maoism, as well as African nationalist ideologies like Nkrumaism, Ujamaa, Garveyism, Négritude, Pan-Africanism, and African neo- traditionalism. Mugabeism sought to deal with the problem of white settler racism by engaging in a project of anti-white racism that sought to deny white Zimbabweans citizenship by constantly referring to them as "amabhunu/Boers", thus enabling their removal from their land. ZANU–PF claimed that it was influenced by Marxism–Leninism; Onslow and Redding stated that in contrast to the Marxist emphasis on the urban proletariat as the main force of socio- economic change, Mugabe's party accorded that role to the rural peasantry. As a result of this pro-rural view, they argued, Mugabe and the ZANU–PF demonstrated an anti-urban bias.

J. Arch Getty, Victims of the Soviet Penal System in the Prewar Years: A First Approach on the Basis of Archival Evidence, (with Gabor T. Rittersporn, and V. N. Zemskov), American Historical Review, 98:4, Oct. 1993Stephen G. Wheatcroft, Victims of Stalinism and the Soviet Secret Police: The Comparability and Reliability of the Archival Data-Not the Last Word Europe-Asia Studies Volume 51, Issue 2, 1999 Robert Conquest and Steven Rosefielde have disputed the accuracy of the data from the Soviet archives, maintaining that the demographic data and testimonials by survivors of the Gulag labor camps indicate a higher death toll.Robert Conquest, "Excess deaths and camp numbers: Some comments", Soviet Studies Volume 43, Issue 5, 1991Steven Rosefielde, Red Holocaust, Routledge, 2009; Rosefielde posits that the release of the Soviet Archive figures is disinformation generated by the modern KGB.Steven Rosefielde.

At first, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the regime it established through the successful war of liberation against the Axis invaders by the partizans was modeled on that of Soviet Union, and Tito was considered to be "Stalin's most faithful pupil". However, in 1948, the two leaders broke apart and Tito's aides (most notably Edvard Kardelj, Milovan Đilas, and Moša Pijade) began a theoretical effort to develop a new brand of Socialism that would be both Marxist–Leninist in nature and anti-Stalinist in practice. The result was the Yugoslav system of socialist workers' self-management, also known as Titoism, based on the organizing of every productive activities of society into "self- managed units". Đilas, particularly, wrote extensively against Stalinism and was radically critical of the bureaucratic apparatus built by Bolshevism in the Soviet Union.

As historian Robert Levy put it: "Long the party's propagandists' scapegoat as the source of all the horrors of the Stalinist period, Ana Pauker continues to be vilified in post-communist Romania as the party leader most culpable for the post-war years' repression. But the truth is that this perpetually contradictory figure, though a Stalinist herself, and one who played a key role in imposing Communism on Romania, paradoxically presented an alternative to the rigid, harsh Stalinism that soon emblemised Romanian party life and left a hidden legacy as a persistent patron of Romania's peasantry within the communist hierarchy. The fall of Ana Pauker was a significant step in a process that precluded any reformist leadership from prevailing in Romania and fated its citizens to endure the extreme hardship that would culminate in the Ceaușescu regime."Levy, p. 238.

Other debates were on how to promote national independence and socialism in a US territory where, unlike colonial regimes in Africa or Asia, the colonial establishment was a part of modern capitalism and managed to relatively satisfy social and economic needs of the popular classes, skilled labor and high wages were common, wide health and school systems existed, and commerce and financial activity were extensive given the gradual integration of Puerto Rico into the economy of the United States. The party adopted a new program in 1978 proposing a more modern form of politics that recognized the "democratic- bourgeois" modernizing aspects of US presence on the island. The new program indirectly criticized practices of nationalist desperation and Stalinism. It reassured the concept of the Leninist vanguard party while assigning importance to civil society, grass-roots movements, alliances, and mass politics.

Lefort was part of the political theorists who put forward the relevance of a notion of totalitarianism which was relevant to Stalinism as well as fascism, and considered totalitarianism as different in its essence from the big categories used in the western world since ancient Greece, like the notions of dictatorship or tyranny. However, contrary to the authors like Hannah Arendt who limited the notion to Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union between 1936 and 1953, Lefort applied it to the regimes of Eastern Europe in the second half of the century, that is, to an era when terror, a central element of totalitarianism for the other authors, had lost its most extreme dimensions. It is in the study of these regimes, and the reading of The Gulag Archipelago (1973) by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, where he developed his analysis of totalitarianism.

In Stalin: History and Criticism of A Black Legend (2008), Losurdo stimulated a debate about Joseph Stalin, on whom he claimed it is built a kind of black legend intended to discredit all communism. Opposed to the comparison of Nazism and Stalinism, Losurdo criticised the concept of totalitarianism, especially in the works of Hannah Arendt, François Furet, Karl Popper and Ernst Nolte, among others. He argued that totalitarianism was a polysemic concept with origins in Christian theology and that applying it to the political sphere required an operation of abstract schematism which makes use of isolated elements of historical reality to place Nazi Germany and other fascist regimes and the Soviet Union and other socialist states in the dock together, serving the anti-communism of Cold War-era intellectuals rather than reflecting intellectual research.Losurdo, Domenico (2014).

Democratic socialism is generally defined as an anti-Stalinist left-wing big tent that opposes authoritarian socialism, rejecting self-described socialist states as well as Marxism–Leninism and its derivatives such as Maoism and Stalinism. Besides social democrats, democratic socialists also include some anarchists, classical Marxists, democratic communists, libertarian socialists, market socialists, orthodox Marxists such as Karl Kautsky and Rosa Luxemburg as well as revisionists such as Eduard Bernstein. As a term, democratic socialism represents social democracy prior to the 1970s, when the post-war displacement of Keynesianism by monetarism and neoliberalism caused many social-democratic parties to adopt the Third Way ideology, accepting capitalism as the current status quo and redefining socialism in a way that maintains the capitalist structure intact. Like modern social democracy, democratic socialism tends to follow a gradual, reformist or evolutionary path to socialism rather than a revolutionary one.

The conference was attended by the likes of Soviet Foreign Minister Andrey Vyshinsky, composer and pianist Dmitri Shostakovich, and writer Alexsander Fadeyev. Tension mounted during the controversial event, and culminated when Shostakovich, in front of a crowd of some 800 people, launched a scathing attack on western civilization, announcing, "a small clique of hatemongers was preparing world public opinion for the transition from cold war to outright aggression". The event was picketed in a counterattack by anti-Stalinists running under the banner of America for Intellectual Freedom, and prominent individuals such as Irving Howe, Dwight Macdonald, Mary McCarthy, Robert Lowell, and Norman Mailer angrily denounced Stalinism at the hotel. In 1954, Israeli statesman and archaeologist Yigael Yadin met secretly with the Syriac Orthodox Archbishop Mar Samuel in the basement of the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel to negotiate the purchase of four Dead Sea Scrolls for Israel.

He was among the most prominent collaborators of Gheorghiu- Dej. As members of the so-called prison faction, opposed to the large group of Party members who had taken refuge in the Soviet Union prior to 1944, Gheorghe Apostol and Gheorghiu-Dej walked the fine line between Stalinism and reformism. Thus, Communist Romania did not steer away from Soviet policies until 1953, and Gheorghiu-Dej even got Joseph Stalin's approval for the removal of rival Ana Pauker on charges of right wing deviance and cosmopolitism, as well as for the elimination of Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu (a Romanian communist who was not completely loyal to the Party). After Stalin's death in 1953, the regime in Romania, headed by the same inner circle, was largely opposed to Nikita Khrushchev and de-Stalinization, while carrying out its own reforms and attempting to cut off most economic ties to the Soviet Union.

Pol Pot, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Kampuchea and Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea In power, the movement's ideology was shaped by a power struggle during 1976 in which the so-called Party Centre led by Pol Pot defeated other regional elements of its leadership. The Party Centre's ideology combined elements of Marxism with a strongly xenophobic form of Khmer nationalism. Due in part to its secrecy and changes in how it presented itself, academic interpretations of its political position vary widely, ranging from interpreting it as the "purest" Marxist–Leninist movement to characterising it as an anti-Marxist "peasant revolution". Its leaders and theorists, most of whom had been exposed to the heavily Stalinist outlook of the French Communist Party during the 1950s, developed a distinctive and eclectic "post-Leninist" ideology that drew on elements of Stalinism, Maoism and the postcolonial theory of Frantz Fanon.

Throughout this period, Nagy remained steadfastly committed to Marxism; but his conception of Marxism was as "a science that cannot remain static", and he railed against the "rigid dogmatism" of "the Stalinist monopoly".Stokes, Gale. From Stalinism to Pluralism. p. 82–3 He did not intend a full return to multi-party liberal democracy but a limited one within a socialist framework, and was willing to allow the function of the pre-1948 coalition parties.Sándor Révész: Communists in the Revolution, Gábor Gyáni – Rainer M. János (ed.): Thousand Ninety- Seventy in the New Historical Literature, Symbol and Idea History of the Revolution , p. 2007. 1956 Institute, Budapest, Nagy was appointed to the temporary leadership committee of the newly-formed Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party, which replaced the disintegrated Hungarian Working People's Party on 31 October. This was originally intended as a "national-communist" party that would preserve the gains of the Revolution.

The final decade of Nedelciu's life witnessed his struggle with Hodgkin's disease, a rare type of lymphoma with which he was diagnosed in 1988, and which severely impaired his motor skills. Gheorghe Crăciun, "Meteorologie, arheologie şi presiune subacvatică", in Observator Cultural, Nr. 51, February 2001 His treatment involved difficult surgery, performed with French assistance; in 1995, he was subject to a bone marrow autograft, carried out in Romania with additional help from Marseille's Paoli-Calmettes Institute. Although he was eventually forced to use a wheelchair, Nedelciu continued to be active on the literary scene, both through his involvement with the Writers' Union and his founding of Euromedia, a Franco-Romanian company specialized in distributing literature. He also briefly served as editor of Contrapunct, a magazine launched by the Optzecişti, and, after accusing the Writers' Union of "Stalinism", joined other disgruntled authors in creating the Association of Professional Writers.

The winning entry by Boris Iofan marked the start of eclectic historicism of Stalinist Architecture, a style which bears similarities to Post-Modernism in that it reacted against modernist architecture's cosmopolitanism, alleged ugliness and inhumanity with a pick and mix of historical styles, sometimes achieved with new technology. Housing projects like the Narkomfin were designed for the attempts to reform everyday life in the 1920s, such as collectivisation of facilities, equality of the sexes and collective raising of children, all of which fell out of favour as Stalinism revived family values. The styles of the old world were also revived, with the Moscow Metro in particular popularising the idea of 'workers' palaces'. A.Kuznetsov, V.Movchan, G.Movchan, L.Meilman, All-Union Electrotechnical Institute, Moscow, 1927–1930 (video) By the end of the 1920s Constructivism was the country's dominant architecture, and surprisingly many buildings of this period survive.

Salemme and Joerger offered "the most damning alternative analyses that had yet been advanced within the ranks of the Trotskyist movement. The Salemme-Joerger document, entitled 'The U.S.S.R. and Stalinism', declared that the 'victory of Stalin in the party, the adoption of the theory of 'Socialism in One Country', the expulsion of the Left Opposition and the crushing of the workers' democracy and workers' control, signified that at the head of the U.S.S.R. there ruled a counter-revolutionary group which ruled in the interests of a new Russian bourgeoisie.'" The document went on to declare that the Soviet Union was "capitalist and fascist" and that revolutionaries must "stand for no 'material aid' to the Russian regime in time of war nor to its allies." They also attacked Trotsky as a "juridical cretin" for insisting that nationalized property meant that Stalinist Russia remained a workers state.

In the 1980s, he was one of the founders of the Fundació Andreu Nin, which focused on the total rectification of the prestige of that communist politician and the clarification of the mystery of his death at the hands of the NKVD, and at the same time the defense of revolutionary Marxism and dialogue with all the tendencies of the socialist labor movement. Solano is the author of a biography of Nin, a history of the JCI, and numerous essays on the POUM, the exile of Spanish revolutionaries in France, and the problems posed by the fall of the USSR and the collapse of Stalinism. He was a major advisor to and collaborator on films such as Ken Loach's Land and Freedom and the documentary Operación Nikolai. 1999 saw the release of Solano's book-length study of the POUM and Nin's role in the Spanish revolution, El POUM in la Historia.

"Kossakówka" family manor Jerzy Kossak (Kraków, 11 September 1886 – 11 May 1955, Kraków) was a Polish realist painter specializing in military scenes; son of painter Wojciech Kossak and grandson of painter Juliusz Kossak — a third-generation artist from a well-known and sought after family of painters, writers and poets. Jerzy Kossak was a prolific painter of mostly historic scenes featuring the famed Polish Uhlans on horses, usually sold on the spot, but also used for barter at times of the postwar economic slump, until his death before the end of Stalinism in Poland. His paintings, along with those of his antecessors remain best-selling at Polish art auctions. Jerzy Kossak was a brother: to poet Maria Pawlikowska-Jasnorzewska and novelist Magdalena Samozwaniec, as well as the father of: biologist Simona Kossak and painter Gloria Kossak residing at the historic family manor called "Kossakówka", in metropolitan Kraków.

Some critics of the Open Letter counter that the SWP and their co-thinkers in The Club had failed to defend the French majority against Pablo, and that they had shared the 1951 perspectives of International on war-revolutions and the need for deep entryism in the Communist Parties. The Club's entryism into the Labour Party in Britain resembled entrism sui generis. However, Pablo aimed for the FI to implement entryism more deeply than the leaders of the ICFI felt wise: They were also concerned by Pablo preparedness to enforce entrism, if necessary by splitting sections or appointing new leadership teams. The Open Letter went on to explain that, in the SWP's view, what it described as Pabloite Revisionism was the result of a lack of confidence in the revolutionary capabilities of the working class and an impressionistic, overly positive, assessment of the strength and prospects of Stalinism.

By the 1980s, with the rise of conservative neoliberal politicians such as Ronald Reagan in the United States, Margaret Thatcher in Britain, Brian Mulroney in Canada and Augusto Pinochet in Chile, the Western welfare state was attacked from within, but state support for the corporate sector was maintained. According to Kristen Ghodsee, the triumphalist attitudes of Western powers at the end of the Cold War and the fixation with linking all leftist and socialist ideals with the excesses of Stalinism allowed neoliberalism to fill the void. This undermined democratic institutions and reforms, leaving a trail of economic misery, unemployment, hopelessness and rising economic inequality throughout the former Eastern Bloc and much of the West in the following decades. With democracy weakened and the anti-capitalist left marginalised, the anger and resentment which followed the period of neoliberalism was channeled into extremist nationalist movements in both the former and the latter.

Called a "compact masterpiece" and an "eerily beautiful road movie", the film has also been said to "contain a cosmos of guilt, violence and pain", even if certain historical events (German occupation of Poland, the Holocaust and Stalinism) remain unsaid: "none of this is stated, but all of it is built, so to speak, into the atmosphere: the country feels dead, the population sparse". Ida won the 2015 Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film, becoming the first Polish film to do so. It had earlier been selected as Best Film of 2014 by the European Film Academy and as Best Film Not in the English Language of 2014 by the British Academy of Film and Television Arts (BAFTA). In 2016, the film was named as the 55th best film of the 21st century, from a poll of 177 film critics from around the world.

Beginning in 1956, after Nikita Khrushchev denounced Stalin and Stalinism in the speech On the Cult of Personality and its Consequences (25 February 1956), the PRC and the USSR had progressively divergent interpretations of Marxist ideology; by 1961, their intractable differences of ideologic interpretation and praxis provoked the PRC's formal denunciation of Soviet communism as the work of "revisionist traitors" in the USSR. Among the Eastern bloc countries, the Sino-Soviet split was about who would lead the revolution for world communism, China or Russia, and to whom would the vanguard parties of the world turn for political advice, financial aid, and military assistance.Robert A. Scalapino, "Sino-Soviet Competition in Africa", Foreign Affairs (1964) 42#4, pp. 640–654 in JSTOR In that vein, the USSR and the PRC competed for ideological leadership through the communist parties native to the countries in their spheres of influence.

Retrieved 4 October2020. Writing for Quillette, Ben Burgis criticized Peterson for having only re-read The Communist Manifesto and not other works by Marx, for equating Marxism with Stalinism and equality of outcome, for having ignored that Marx cited the Paris Commune (a radical democratic experiment) as an example of dictatorship of the proletariat and that it is Communist China, described as "full of private businesses these days, but the state continues to play an outsized role in shaping the Chinese economy", which has driven the most in global poverty reduction Peterson attributes to free-market capitalism, asking: "If one of the primary drivers of the global decline of extreme poverty is its decline in the People's Republic, is this a success story for 'free market' capitalism or for a modified and liberalized form of state socialism?"Burgis, Ben (24 April 2019). "Marx Deserves Better Critics". Quillette.

Miliband wrote that Kołakowski had provided a comprehensive survey of Marxism. However, while he praised much of Kołakowski's discussion of Marxism, he considered him too hostile to Marxism for his description of his work as a "handbook" to be accurate, and maintained that his approach to Marxism and its history was "fundamentally misconceived." He argued that Kołakowski's view of the relation of Marxism to Leninism and Stalinism was mistaken, and that Kołakowski ignored important differences between Marx's early and later work, falsely portraying Marx as an "unchanging philosophical visionary" rather than primarily as an "economic and social theorist". He described Kołakowski's view that Marxism aimed at "a society of perfect unity, in which all human aspirations would be fulfilled and all values reconciled" as "absurdly overdrawn", and inconsistent with some of Kołakowski's other observations, maintaining that Kołakowski did not provide sufficient argument to support his conclusions.

119 Nenarokov called Carr a "honest, objective scholar, espousing liberal principles and attempting on the basis of an enormous documentary base to create a satisfactory picture of the epoch he was considering and those involved in it, to assist a sober and realistic perception of the USSR and a better understanding of the great social processes of the twentieth century". However, Nenarokov expressed some concern about Carr's use of Stalinism language such as calling Nikolai Bukharin part of the "right deviation" in the Bolshevik Party without the use of the quotation marks. Nenarokov took the view that Carr had too narrowly reduced Soviet history after 1924 down to a choice of either Joseph Stalin or Leon Trotsky, arguing that Bukharin was a better, more humane alternative to both Stalin and Trotsky. The pro-Soviet slant in Carr's The History of Soviet Russia attracted some controversy.