110 Sentences With "royalism" | Random Sentence Generator

"There's a kind of spirit of royalism in him," said Mr. Blanchet, who had stopped between two market stalls to discuss politics.

"The wedding sparked a kind of royalism among a new and diverse sector of society, and sparked enthusiasm among the younger generation," CNN's Nia-Malika Henderson said.

Eugen Weber, Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth Century France, Stanford University Press, 1962, p. 194 Additionally, he designed busts for the Dukes of Guise and Orlean.

Pierre Boutang (20 September 1916 – 27 June 1998) was a French philosopher, poet and translator. He was also a political journalist, associated with the currents of Maurrasianism and Royalism.

Louis Gabriel Ambroise, Vicomte de Bonald (2 October 1754 – 23 November 1840), was a French counter-revolutionaryBeum, Robert (1997). "Ultra-Royalism Revisited: An Annotated Bibliography With A Preface," Modern Age, Vol. 39, No. 3, p. 302. philosopher and politician.

Mackie, Lenman and Parker, A History of Scotland, pp. 205–6. Disagreements over collaboration with Royalism created a major conflict between Protesters and Resolutioners, which became a long term divide in the Kirk.Lynch, Scotland: a New History, pp. 279–81.

Antoine Blanc de Saint-Bonnet (28 January 1815 - 2 June 1880) was a French philosopher,Beum, Robert (1997). "Ultra-Royalism Revisited: An Annotated Bibliography," Modern Age, Vol. 39, No. 3, p. 302. whose ideas were a precursor to modern sociology.

Beum, Robert (1997). "Ultra-Royalism Revisited: An Annotated Bibliography," Modern Age, Vol. 39, No. 3, p. 304. Together with Charles Maurras (who remained a lifelong friend), he co-founded (1907) and was an editor of the nationalist, integralist periodical Action Française.

By the end of 1903 Esher was meeting or corresponding with King Edward VII every day. He lived at 'Orchard Lea', Winkfield on the edge of the Great Park. During this period, he helped edit Queen Victoria's papers, publishing a work called Correspondence of Queen Victoria (1907).Kuhn, Democratic royalism, pp.

Maurras's nationalism is meant to be integral in that the monarchy is, according to him, part of the essence of the French nation and tradition. Royalism is integral nationalism because without a king, all that the nationalists want to keep will weaken first and then perish.Stéphane Giocanti, Maurras – Le chaos et l'ordre, éd. Flammarion, 2006, p. 181.

Hazani, p. 113. Danton’s criticism of the Terror won him some support, but a financial scandal involving the French East India Company provided a "convenient pretext" for his downfall. Robespierre again sent Saint-Just to the Convention to deliver a Committee "report" (31 March 1794) in which he announced the arrest of Danton and "the last partisans of royalism".

Sir James Altham (died 1617) was an English judge and briefly a member of parliament. A friend of Lord Chancellor Bacon, Altham opposed Coke but advanced the laws of equity behind the fastness of the Exchequer courts, so long considered almost inferior. Through advanced Jacobean royalism he helped to prosecute the King's enemies and centralise royal power of taxation.

Edward R. Tannenbaum, "Jacques Bainville", Journal of Modern History, 22#4 p 340 in JSTOR Bainville first came to prominence as an activist against Alfred Dreyfus. He believed in anti-Semitic conspiracies, but was sceptical of the integrity of The Protocols of the Elders of ZionWeber, Eugen. (1962). Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth Century France.

These works have been described as hagiography, with the subjects having in common Catholicism, culture and a noble background and character.Jason McElligott, David L. Smith,, Royalists and Royalism During the English Civil Wars (2007), p. 105. In 1651 he sent as a present to Ormonde his Arcana Aulica, or Walsingham's Manual of Prudential Maxims for the Statesman and the Courtier.

Lys rouge, "Quarterly journal of royalist studies", was a quarterly monarchist French magazine established in Paris in 1976 and discontinued in 2006. The publisher was Yvan Aumont and the editor-in-chief Jean-Philippe Chauvin. The magazine focused on the history of French royalism, on the action of monarchists in other countries, and on the debates about the political positions of the movement.

At the turn of the century, the name of Mandat-Grancey would be associated with the royalism of Charles Maurras and the Action Française. He was one of the first contributors to the Revue d'Action française (founded by Henri Vaugeois and Maurice Pujo in 1899). He collected his articles in one volume as Le Clergé français et le Concordat (Paris, Perrin) in 1905.

Meanwhile, France's external wars in 1794 were going prosperous, for example in Belgium. In 1795, the government seemed to return to indifference towards the desires and needs of the lower classes concerning freedom of (Catholic) religion and fair distribution of food. Until 1799, politicians, apart from inventing a new parliamentary system (the 'Directory'), busied themselves with dissuading the people from Catholicism and from royalism.

He is famous for his critical vision of the French Revolution, notably in The French Revolution (1928),Beum, Robert. "Ultra-Royalism Revisited," Modern Age, Summer 1997. and for his rehabilitation of the French 18th century (Louis XV's Century, 1933). He is also known as a far-right-wing journalist of the Entre-deux-Guerres period, with links to the Action française and the newspaper Je suis partout.

He sat in Richard Cromwell's parliament for Member of Parliament for Dublin City, and endeavoured to take his seat in the restored Rump Parliament of 1659. He was made President of the Council of State in February 1660, and in the Convention Parliament sat for Carmarthen. The anarchy of the last months of The Protectorate converted him to royalism, and he showed great activity in bringing about the English Restoration.

A royalist supports a particular monarch as head of state for a particular kingdom, or of a particular dynastic claim. In the abstract, this position is royalism. It is distinct from monarchism, which advocates a monarchical system of government, but not necessarily a particular monarch. Most often, the term royalist is applied to a supporter of a current regime or one that has been recently overthrown to form a republic.

Cemented by anti-clericalism, the desire to secularise the State and social life, faithful to the French Revolution.Timothy Verhoeven. Transatlantic Anti‐Catholicism: France and the United States in the Nineteenth Century (Palgrave MacMillan, 2010) The schools became political battlegrounds after the end of the Second Empire. On the left was a coalition determined to weaken Catholicism in France, and especially its political support for royalism and its opposition to republicanism.

Boissy saluting Féraud's head by Alexandre-Évariste Fragonard (1831) He was protractor of the committee which drew up the Constitution of the Year III which established the French Directory; his report shows apprehension of a return of the Reign of Terror, and presents reactionary measures as precautions against the re-establishment of "tyranny and anarchy". This report, the proposal that he made (27 August 1795) to lessen the severity of the revolutionary laws, and the eulogies he received from several Paris sections suspected of Royalism, resulted in his being obliged to justify himself (15 October 1795). As a member of the Council of Five Hundred, Boissy d'Anglas became more and more suspected of Royalism himself. He presented a measure in favour of full liberty for the press, which at that time was almost unanimously reactionary, protested against the outlawry of returned émigrés, spoke in favour of the deported priests and attacked the Directory.

Vergniaud suggested to arrest Hanriot. Robespierre attacked Vergniaud and accused the Girondins of royalism. He urged the arrest of the Girondins, who had supported the installation of the Commission of Twelve. Around ten in the morning 12,000 armed citizens appeared to protect the Convention against the arrest of Girondin deputies. In the afternoon the Commune demanded the creation of a Revolutionary army of sansculottes in every town of France, including 20,000 men in Paris.

He argued that frequent parliamentary elections were in the best interest of both the crown and the people of England. This letter circulated widely in manuscript form. The Duke of York was opposed to Danby's strict enforcement of the penal laws against Catholics, and by April 1675, he had reached out to Shaftesbury to make a truce between them whereby they would be united in opposition to Danby's brand of Anglican royalism.

Jefferson later associated Hamilton and the Federalists with "Royalism," and said the "Hamiltonians were panting after ... crowns, coronets and mitres." Due to their opposition to Hamilton, Jefferson and James Madison founded and led the Democratic-Republican Party. He worked with Madison and his campaign manager John J. Beckley to build a nationwide network of Republican allies. Jefferson's political actions and his attempt to undermine Hamilton nearly led Washington to dismiss Jefferson from his cabinet.

State Papers, i. 316, 368, 416, ii. 19 His next publication was A Faithfull and Faire Warning, reissued as Englands Complaint (1648): Gatford called upon "Inhabitants of the county of Suffolk" to help the royalist garrison at Colchester holding out against the New Model Army,Jason McElligott, Royalism, print and censorship in revolutionary England, Boydell Press, 2007, p.34 and expressed fears that parliament would grant toleration to Catholics, who would consequently return to power.

The Dansey family owned the house for 500 years before it died out in the early nineteenth century. Roger Dansey (1588-1658), who was a High Sheriff in 1631 during the personal rule, owed his loyalties to royalism. During the Civil War when the estate was estimated to be worth £800 per annum, he married Ann Smyth, daughter of Richard Smyth of Credenhill; their fourth and eldest surviving son, William Dansey was a captain in the King's army.

Moreau was a personal friend of Charles Maurras, whom he met in 1892 when Moreau was editorial secretary of the Revue encyclopédique Larousse and Maurras was a literary critic. Moreau was definitely converted to royalism by 1903. He became a regular contributor to the journal L'Action Française. The political organization of Henri Vaugeois's Action Française movement, the Ligue d'Action Française, was launched in the spring of 1905, as was the Action Française Federation of Students, directed by Lucien Moreau.

During the interwar period, the Action française (AF) and its youth militia, the Camelots du Roi, were very active in Paris.Eugen Weber, Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth Century France (1962). Apart from the AF, various far-right leagues were formed and opposed both Cartel des gauches (Coalition of the left) governments. Pierre Taittinger thus formed the Jeunesses Patriotes in 1924, which imitated the style of the Fascists, although it remained a more traditional authoritarian movement.

Monarchism in the United States is the advocacy of a monarchical form of government in the United States of America. The two primary monarchism movements are divided into two main groups. People who advocate for a return to British rule, a form of Royalism; and people who advocate for a new American monarchy, completely separate from the British Crown. Another group includes people who advocate for membership in the Commonwealth of Nations while maintaining the current Republican government.

In the context of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Orangism is royalism that favors the House of Orange's rules as kings and queens. Orangism became a political force in the 1860s, when it was embraced by the dominant liberal tendency. Though presented as a national, a-political stance, to gather the support of monarchist Protestants and Catholics, liberal Orangism was in fact an attempt at achieving national unity at the expense of socialist and denominational politics.

They found the Charter of 1814 to be too revolutionary. The ultra-royalists wanted a return to absolute monarchy, the re-establishment of privileges, a major political role for the Catholic Church, and a politically active, rather than ceremonial, king: Charles X.Nora Eileen Hudson, Ultra-royalism and the French restoration (1936). Prominent ultra-royalist theorists were Louis de Bonald and Joseph de Maistre. Their parliamentary leaders were François Régis de La Bourdonnaye, comte de La Bretèche and, in 1829, Jules de Polignac.

As anti-royalism increased along with threat of foreign invasion, the king tried to flee and join France's enemies. He was captured and on 21 January 1793, having been convicted of treason, he was guillotined. On 20 September 1792 the National Convention abolished the monarchy and declared France a republic. Due to the emergency of war, the National Convention created the Committee of Public Safety, controlled by Maximilien de Robespierre of the Jacobin Club, to act as the country's executive.

Losing interest in the group, he enlisted in Milice, which was commanded by his uncle by marriage Joseph Darnand and took over editing duties on their journal Combats. The journal appeared weekly, initially in Vichy and then in Paris.Eugen Weber, Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth Century France, Stanford University Press, 1962, p. 451 Despite this Charbonneau was not overly enthusiastic about the existence of the Milice, and encouraged members to enlist in the Waffen-SS and serve on then Eastern Front.

He also had links to the Society of Jesus and defended them at the Academy when it was politically unwise to do so. His zeal for his faith may have led to his caring for Charles Hermite during his illness and leading Hermite to become a faithful Catholic. It also inspired Cauchy to plead on behalf of the Irish during the Great Famine of Ireland. His royalism and religious zeal also made him contentious, which caused difficulties with his colleagues.

Born in Aretxabaleta, Gipuzkoa into a noble family - his father was the Viscount of San Enrique - Ansaldo joined the army to fight in the Rif War. He remained until 1931 and the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic, retiring with the rank of major.Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990. p. 12 A great admirer of Charles Maurras and Action Française,Eugen Weber, Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth Century France, 1962, p.

Gerard died with undaunted courage on 10 July 1654 at Tower Hill, avowing his Royalism, but denying all participation in the conspiracy. The Royalist writers published a copy of his prepared speech, and affirmed that he fell into a trap set by Cromwell. This view has been elaborately restated by Reginald Palgrave in the English Historical Review for October 1888, in the course of a controversy between that writer and C. H. Firth. However, no certain proof has been adduced of Cromwell's complicity.

Les fêtes de Jeanne d'Arc, Paris, 1927. Front row left to right: Bernard de Vésins, Charles Maurras, Léon Daudet, Antoine Schwerer, Unidentified (with hat) In his memoirs, published in 1933, Schwerer states that he rejected the French Third Republic in favour of royalism at an early age. After his retirement in 1924 Schwerer devoted himself to the royalist League of the Action francaise, becoming one of the movement's most active leaders. He became president of the League in 1930, succeeding Bernard de Vésins in difficult circumstances.

Often though, royalism or patriotism simply provided a banner to organize the aggrieved, and the political causes could be discarded just as quickly as they were picked up. The Venezuelan Llaneros switched to the patriot banner once the elites and the urban centers became securely royalist after 1815, and it was the royal army in Mexico that ultimately brought about that nation's independence.Lynch, Spanish American Revolutions, 118–121, 197–198, 200, 204–207, 306–313. Rodríguez, Independence of Spanish America, 113–122, 132, 159–167.

In the mid-1990s, Mark Robson discovered "Poems breathed forth by the Noble Hadrassas", a previously unknown set of poems by Pulter, and "The Unfortunate Florinda" in the Leeds University Brotherton Library. The Leeds manuscript includes about 130 folios of poems and 30 folios of an unfinished manuscript of a prose named "The Unfortunate Florinda." (See image here) It was likely written during the 1640s-1650s, and copied in the mid 1650s. The manuscript demonstrates Hester's knowledge in writing and astronomy, as well as her extreme Royalism.

Musée du Hiéron. The Hiéron du Val d'Or (English: "Sanctuary of the Golden Valley") was a Catholic esoteric secret society in France, which existed from 1873 until 1926. It was founded by a Jesuit Victor Drevon and the half-Basque, half-Russian Alexis de Sarachaga... It was allied to concepts of royalism and was culturally conservative; it sought to erect a Catholic hermetic freemasonry, contrary to the “secular” freemasonry of the anti-clerical Grand Orient de France and was particularly devoted to Christ the King.

In 1644 he was sent to Westminster School as a King's Scholar where his headmaster was Dr. Richard Busby, a charismatic teacher and severe disciplinarian.Hopkins, David, John Dryden, ed. by Isobel Armstrong, (Tavistock: Northcote House Publishers, 2004), 22 Having been re-founded by Elizabeth I, Westminster during this period embraced a very different religious and political spirit encouraging royalism and high Anglicanism. Whatever Dryden's response to this was, he clearly respected the headmaster and would later send two of his sons to school at Westminster.

In the English Civil War (1642–1649) Buckinghamshire was mostly Parliamentarian, although some pockets of Royalism did exist. The Parliamentarian John Hampden was from Buckinghamshire, known particularly for his significant and successful battle tactics at Aylesbury in 1642. Some villages to the west of the county (Brill and Boarstall for example) were under constant conflict for the duration of the war, given their equidistance between Parliamentarian Aylesbury and Royalist Oxford. Many of these places were effectively wiped off the map in the conflict, but were later rebuilt.

269 and 278. While over 95% of Scots were members of the kirk, they were divided over structure i.e. Presbyterian Episcopalian, with clans like the MacDonalds further split into Catholic and Presbyterian factions. Archibald Campbell, 1st Marquess of Argyll, leader of the Presbyterian Kirk Party Royalism was most prominent in the Highlands and the north-east of Scotland, due to a mix of religious, cultural and political reasons; Montrose switched sides because he distrusted Argyll's ambition, fearing he would eventually dominate Scotland and possibly depose the King.

At this point he vainly petitioned the king for permission to travel in Turkey, Armenia, and Abyssinia, in order to collect materials for civil and ecclesiastical history. Later, Lydiat's staunch royalism and uncompromising expression of his opinions brought him under the notice of the parliamentarians. His rectory was pillaged more than once, and he was carried off to prison, once to Warwick, and again to Banbury. He died at Alkerton, 3 April 1646, and was buried the next day in the chancel of his church.

It was at this period that, to use his own words, he "passed per saltum from frivolity to philosophy". He began with psychology, which he made the study of his life. After the Reign of Terror, Maine de Biran took part in politics and was elected to parliament in 1812, 1815, and 1820. Having been excluded from the Council of the Five Hundred on suspicion of royalism, he took part with his friend Joseph Lainé in the commission of 1813, which first expressed direct opposition to the will of the emperor Napoleon.

Bell was born in February 1625 in central London. He attended Merchant Taylors' School before progressing, in 1643, to St John's College, Oxford.British History On-line Here he graduated in 1647 and became a fellow of the college. However, Oxford was a bastion of Royalism during the English Civil War which had ravaged the country since 1642, and after they had captured the king in 1647, an increasingly assertive parliament appointed a team of "Visitors" who descended on Oxford and expelled large numbers of academics, including Bell, from their positions.

To the Chetniks, Tito's pan-ethnic policies seemed anti-Serbian, whereas the Chetniks' royalism was anathema to the communists. In the early part of the war Partisan forces were predominantly composed of Serbs. In that period names of Muslim and Croat commanders of Partisan forces had to be changed to protect them from their predominantly Serb colleagues. After the German retreat forced by the Soviet- Bulgarian offensive in Serbia, North Macedonia and Kosovo in the autumn of 1944, the conscription of Serbs, Macedonians and Kosovar Albanians increased significantly.

In November 1909 the revolutionary syndicalist Marius Riquier helped Janvion and the writer Georges Darien to found the anti- republican journal Terre Libre (Free Land). Janvion decided to cooperate with royalists, and in return received support for the Terre Libre. He worked with Léon Daudet and Mahon, leader of the Amicale royaliste, to arrange workers' meetings. As part of the drive to gain support for royalism among syndicalists, Janvier and three other syndicalists hung a bust of Marianne (symbol of the republic) from the front of the Bourse de Travail in Paris.

"Weaned off uncritical royalism by the actions of Queen Mary ... The political thinking of men like Ponet, Knox, Goodman and Hales." In 1553, Mary I, a Roman Catholic, succeeded her Protestant half-brother, Edward VI, to the English throne. Mary set about trying to restore Roman Catholicism by making sure that: Edward's religious laws were abolished in the Statute of Repeal Act (1553); the Protestant religious laws passed in the time of Henry VIII were repealed; and the Revival of the Heresy Acts were passed in 1554. The Marian Persecutions began soon afterwards.

Joseph-Marie, comte de Maistre (; 1 April 1753 – 26 February 1821) was a Savoyard philosopher, writer, lawyer and diplomat who advocated social hierarchy and monarchy in the period immediately following the French Revolution.Beum, Robert (1997). "Ultra-Royalism Revisited," Modern Age, Vol. 39, No. 3, p. 305. Despite his close personal and intellectual ties with France, Maistre was throughout his life a subject of the Kingdom of Sardinia, which he served as a member of the Savoy Senate (1787–1792), ambassador to Russia (1803–1817)"Joseph de Maistre," The Dublin Review, Vol.

Mgr Claude-Henri PLANTIER by Melchior Doze about 1855Claude-Henri Plantier (1813-1875) was the Catholic Bishop of Nîmes from 1855. He was strongly Ultramontanist and anti-ProtestantBrian Fitzpatrick, Catholic Royalism in the Department of the Gard 1814-1852 (2002), p. 182n. He was an important figure in the debates on papal infallibility, with Louis Pie, Bishop of Poitiers, leading up to and at Vatican I. Some of his comments brought a reaction from Bismarck. He was also an opponent of bullfighting, publishing a pastoral letter hostile to it in 1863.

James Sharp, leading Resolutioner and later Archbishop of St. Andrews The Kirk that had been established at the Reformation, had been largely united since the Declaration of the Covenant in 1638. In the period after the defeat at Dunbar, it became divided, partly in the search for scapegoats for defeat. Different factions and tendencies produced rival resolutions and protests, which gave their names to the two major parties as Resolutioners, who were willing to make an accommodation with royalism, and more hard line Protesters who wished to purge the Kirk of such associations. Subsequently, the divide between rival camps became almost irrevocable.

This last battle was disastrous for the Confederates, as their Leinster army was all but wiped out at it. In general he was skilled in the art of siegecraft, but never had a very good understanding of mobile warfare. Preston played a major part in the Confederates' internal strife, siding at first with radicals who opposed the first Ormonde peace, but later siding with the moderates who signed a conclusive treaty with Ormonde and the Royalists in 1648. His Royalism was motivated by his Old English roots and his extreme personal dislike of Owen Roe O'Neill, who led the opposing faction.

He was part of the team that negotiated with Charles I and his representative in Ireland, James Butler, Earl of Ormond, to secure an alliance between the Irish Confederates and English Royalists in the context of the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. Ormond was his brother-in-law. Muskerry was sympathetic towards royalism and disliked the more intransigent clerical faction of the Confederates led by Giovanni Battista Rinuccini and Owen Roe O'Neill. Muskerry took over the command of the Confederate Munster army from Barry some time after its defeat on 3 September 1642 at the Battle of Liscarroll against Inchiquin.

Seeking to renew royalism, in alignment with Christianity, with his friend Michel Vivier he founded the weekly La Nation Française in 1955, to which Les Hussards and also Marcel Aymé, Gustave Thibon, and Armand Robin contributed. He wanted to create "a Sartre shelter" that also functioned against the adherents of nihilism. He veered between supporting Charles de Gaulle and opposing him, insisting notably on the monarchical model on which, in his view, the constitution of the Cinquième République rested. Though he denounced the "terror" for which the FLN (Front de Libération Nationale Algérien) was responsible, Boutang refused to support the OAS.

He stood down from the Committee of Public Safety on 13 Vendemiaire Year IV (5 October 1795). The Convention had decided that two thirds of the seats in the Council of Five Hundred, constituted under the 1795 constitution, were to be reserved for former members of the Convention itself, and on 4 Brumaire Year IV (26 October 1795)he was chosen as one of the deputies to serve in the new body. In the Council he sat on the benches of the right, suspected of royalism. On 19 January 1796 he protested against the reorganisation of the navy by the Directory.

After the Thermidorean Reaction, Gamon was recalled to the Convention, where he supported the reactionary policies of the majority; the restitution of the property of those who had been condemned under the Great Terror and severe punishment for those responsible for the Revolt of 1 Prairial Year III. He was even suspected of royalism after his name was discovered in the papers of an agent of the Comte de Provence named Lemaître. He managed to exonerate himself, but it is possible he was in the pay of Provence. He joined the Committee of Public Safety on June 5, 1795, in charge of munitions.

After the 9 Thermidor, he was recalled to the Convention (19 Ventôse Year III), where he denounced both 'crazed royalism and the fury of terrorism'.Réimpression de l'ancien Moniteur depuis la réunion des États-généraux jusqu'au consulat (mai 1789-novembre 1799), Au Bureau Central, Paris, 1840 vol.23 p.652 In April 1795 he was appointed to the 'Commission of Seven',Sieyès et le jury constitutionnaire : perspectives historico-juridiques, Marco Fioravanti, 2007, accessed 22/4/2017 (subsequently expanded to eleven), charged by the Convention with devising means of bringing the Jacobin Constitution of 1793 into effect.

The aims and principles of neither party in the conflict could satisfy a man of Falkland's high ideals and intellectual vision. His royalism could not suffer the substitution, as the controlling power in the state, of a parliament for the monarchy, nor his conservatism the revolutionary changes in church and state now insisted upon by the opposite faction. The fatal character and policy of the king, the most incapable of men and yet the man upon whom all depended, must have been by now thoroughly understood by Falkland. Compromise had long been out of the question.

He won the army over within an hour. A ceremony was afterwards arranged in which Glamorgan handed over command to Muskerry but this was merely to save face. Muskerry desired to turn his full attention to the politics of the Irish Confederations supreme council, and so immediately after the ceremony, Muskerry resigned in favour of Theobald Taaffe, a nobleman who had joined the Irish Confederates but who was known to be sympathetic to Royalism. Unfortunately for the Confederates, Lord Taaffe would subsequently prove to be one of the most incompetent leaders to command an Irish army during the 1640s.

French royalism largely receded to irrelevance in World War II and beyond. While before World War II, many French conservatives and other members of the right also harbored royalist aspirations, conservative movements dropped this platform during and after the war. Charles de Gaulle's center-rightist Gaullism explicitly repudiated monarchism, and far-right organizations disdained the old aristocratic elite. According to historian René Rémond's studies of right-wing factions in France, Legitimists strongly supported the Vichy regime; nevertheless, they received little from the Vichy government, and the regime emphasized Catholic traditionalism rather than a return to aristocracy.

The Audiencia continued to function after the establishment of the First Government Junta of the Kingdom of Chile on September 18, 1810, until the Figueroa mutiny of April 1, 1811. In fact, its Regent, Fernando Márquez de la Plata, was elected as one of the junta's members. The Figueroa uprising provided a reason to dissolve the Audiencia, seen by many as a bastion of royalism, and it was replaced by a Tribunal de Apelaciones or Appeals Court. With the temporary return of royalists to power after the Battle of Rancagua, the body was reconstituted by the new Governor- Captain General, Mariano Osorio.

In his earlier years Denham suffered for his Royalism; during the English Civil War, he was appointed High Sheriff of Surrey (for 1642) and governor of Farnham Castle. Farnham quickly fell to the Parliamentary forces and Denham was sent a prisoner to London, but was soon released. He spent the next five years in Oxford, where he enjoyed the trust and confidence of Charles I. During the abortive peace negotiations of 1646, Parliament listed him as one of those who must be excluded from the King's counsels. In 1648 he joined the Court in exile, and spent the next four years abroad.

The Revolt of the Papier Timbré of 1675 was more ferocious in Lower Brittany than in Upper, but the Chouannerie, a royalist uprising in the west of France against the French Revolution, the Republic, and the First Empire, enjoyed more support in Upper Brittany than in Lower.Donald Sutherland, The Chouans: the social origins of popular counter-revolution in Upper Brittany, 1770-1796 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982)Donald Sutherland, 'Chouannerie and popular royalism: the survival of the counter-revolutionary tradition in Upper Brittany', in Social History, v. 9 (1984), pp. 351-360Roger Dupuy, 'Chouans/Chouannerie', in Albert Soboul (ed.), Dictionnaire historique de la Révolution française (1989), p.

In 1660 at the restoration of the monarchy it was alleged that, during the Interregnum, Keble had acted arbitrarily against Royalists and this was the reason he was excepted from the general pardon under the Indemnity and Oblivion Act. Hilkiah Bedford, a political opponent, called him "an insolent, mercenary pettifogger," who without jury or evidence sent to the gallows any he suspected of royalism. The Lilburne and Love trials were typical of common law procedure. On the other hand, the Love trial, where Christopher Love's guilt was not seriously in doubt, has been described as a "demonstration of the republic's brute power dressed up as legal sovereignty".

The fashionable subject ensured the book's success. Although Hugo described it as "this impractical book of pure poetry" (ce livre inutile de poesie pure), the general theme of the poems is a celebration of liberty, linking the Ancient Greeks with the modern world, freedom in politics with freedom in art, and reflecting the evolution of Hugo's political views from the royalism of his early twenties to a rediscovery of the Napoleonic enthusiasms of his childhood (for example, see the fortieth, Lui). The poems are also intended to undermine the classicists' exclusive claim on antiquity. The depiction of Turks in Les Orientales mixes condemnation, idealisation, and crude envy.

Gernon, Luke A Discourse of Ireland 1620 edited by C.S Falkiner 1904 During the stay of Oliver Cromwell in Dublin, during his conquest of Ireland the Commonwealth's Lord Protector stabled his horses in the nave of the cathedral. This was intended to demonstrate Cromwell's disrespect for the Anglican religion, which he associated with Roman Catholicism and political Royalism. After the Restoration of the monarchy in 1660, repairs to the building were begun. In 1666, the cathedral chapter offered the Lady Chapel for the use of French-speaking Huguenots who had fled to Ireland, and after some repair and preparation works, it became known as L'Eglise Française de St Patrick.

The Republican-Radical and Radical- Socialist Party, usually called the Radical Party, (1901–1940), was the 20th- century version of the radical political movement founded by Leon Gambetta in the 1870s. It attracted 20–25% of deputies elected in the interwar years and had a middle-class base. The "radicalism" meant opposition to royalism and support for anticlerical measures to weaken the role of Catholic Church in education and supported its disestablishment. Its program was otherwise vaguely in favor of liberty, social progress, and peace, and its structure was always much thinner than rival parties on the right (such as the Democratic Republican Alliance) and the left (socialists and communists).

Augustin-Louis Cauchy grew up in the house of a staunch royalist. This made his father flee with the family to Arcueil during the French Revolution. Their life there during that time was apparently hard; Augustin-Louis's father, Louis François, spoke of living on rice, bread, and crackers during the period. A paragraph from an undated letter from Louis François to his mother in Rouen says: In any event, he inherited his father's staunch royalism and hence refused to take oaths to any government after the overthrow of Charles X. He was an equally staunch Catholic and a member of the Society of Saint Vincent de Paul.

114–118 Also, Neamul Românesc showed a preference for Action Française and the French reactionary right in their conflict with the Third Republic.Eugen Weber, Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth Century France, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1962, pp. 483–484. Shortly after the beginning of World War I, during the Battle of the Frontiers, Iorga publicized his renewed love for France, claiming that she was the only belligerent engaged in a purely defensive war; in the name of Pan-Latinism, he later chided Spain for keeping neutral.Boia (2000), p. 246 Iorga's coverage of European culture and continental affairs also opened bridges with other cultural areas, particularly so during the interwar.

Warrants were issued for the arrest of the rebellious Girondin leaders; the members of the revolting departmental administration were deprived of their office. The regions in which the revolt was dangerous were precisely those in which a large number of royalists had remained. There was no room for a third party between the Mountain, which was identified with the Republic, and royalism, which was the ally of the enemy. The royalist insurrection in the Vendée had already led the Convention to take a long step in the direction of the Terror – that is to say, the dictatorship of central power and the suppression of liberties.

William and his family left England in August 1641, moving to Antwerp; his parents had also left England and were living in the same area. He was allowed by Parliament to return to England with his wife, in 1646 and 1647; but in 1649 his estates were sequestered and he was forced to compound for recusancy and royalism. At his trial in 1680, he claimed to have performed many duties for King Charles II during the 1650s, travelling between England and the Low Countries, and visiting Rome, the Palatinate and Heidelberg; in this last he was arrested for claims of debt against the Arundel estate. Stafford was imprisoned in 1656 in the Netherlands, this time for his father's debts.

In 1935, it seems that Contomichalos literally played the role of kingmaker: The Nile Pilot claims that "he was the one who reinstated royalism in Greece". According to Greek historians, he was invited by James Henry Thomas, the Secretary of State for the Colonies of the National Government of the United Kingdom, and successfully mediated between General Georgios Kondylis, a former Venizelist who had overthrown the government in October of that year, and King George II of Greece in his London exile. In 1936, shortly after he had regained his throne, the King endorsed the conservative totalitarian and staunchly anti-communist 4th of August Regime under the leadership of General Ioannis Metaxas.

The Confederate Supreme Council gave this command to Viscount Taaffe, who lost the Battle of Knocknanauss on 13 November 1647 against English and Munster Protestant troops under Inchiquin. He sent his eldest son, Charles, at the head of a regiment to France. In 1649, shortly after the execution of Charles I and the declaration of the Commonwealth of England, the Confederates eventually approved a treaty with Charles II and the English Royalists. However, Ireland was soon invaded by the Parliamentarian New Model Army in 1649 under Oliver Cromwell, who had the aims of avenging the uprising of 1641, confiscating enough Irish Catholic owned land to pay off some of the Parliament's creditors, and eliminating a dangerous outpost of royalism.

Already during World War I, Contomichalos had supported Venizelos in his power struggle with King Constantine, who favoured an alliance with the Central Powers, and secured the following of the Greek community in Sudan. This close relationship also led to the establishment of an air connection between Sudan and Greece in the early 1930s, which had been a major priority for many Greeks in Sudan. Staff of the Greek-owned "Great Britain Bar" in 1943 ΔΙΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ ΧΡΑΜΠΑΝΗ, who was born in 1919 and died at the age of 26 In 1935, it seems that Contomichalos literally played the role of kingmaker: The Nile Pilot claims that "he was the one who reinstated royalism in Greece".

Feola, however, has warned that antiquity was Ashmole's greatest passion, as well as his main tool for self-fashioning. Michael Hunter, in his entry on Ashmole for the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, concluded that the most salient points of Ashmole's character were his ambition and his hierarchical vision of the world—a vision that unified his royalism and his interests in heraldry, genealogy, ceremony, and even astrology and magic. He was as successful in his legal, business and political affairs as he was in his collecting and scholarly pursuits. His antiquarian work is still considered valuable, and his alchemical publications, especially the Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum (1652), preserved many works that might otherwise have been lost.

In spite of the difficulties of the besiegers Charles was compelled to turn back to relieve the city, and the consequent delay led to the campaign and disaster of Naseby (14 June 1645). Yet even after Naseby the actual position of Oxfordshire was practically unshaken. It is true that Abingdon with its parliamentary garrison was a standing menace, but the districts east of the Cherwell and Thames, and the triangle bounded by Oxford, Faringdon and Banbury, still retained its importance, until early in 1646 the enemy closed from all sides on the last stronghold of royalism. The Battle of Stow-on-the- Wold witnessed the final battle of the First English Civil War.

Next year (1638) he became headmaster of Westminster, where his reputation as a teacher was soon established. Dr Busby prayed publicly for King Charles I on the morning of his execution nearby, but remained in office throughout the political changes of the Commonwealth and the Restoration. Despite his unapologetic royalism, a popular anecdote held that one day the school was visited by Charles II and Busby refused to doff his hat to the king, explaining that if the boys saw him doing so, it might lead them to believe there was "a greater man on earth than himself." As a headmaster, Busby was as famous for liberally administering corporal punishment as he was for his abilities as a teacher and mentor.

François Barbé-Marbois, a diplomat and future negotiator of the sale of Louisiana to the United States, was elected president of the Council of Ancients. General Jean-Charles Pichegru, president of the Council of Five Hundred, was accused of being a secret royalist Royalism was not strictly legal, and deputies could not announce themselves as such, but royalist newspapers and pamphlets soon appeared, there were pro- monarchy demonstrations in theaters, and royalists wore identifying clothing items, such as black velvet collars, in show of mourning for the execution of Louis XVI. The parliamentary royalists demanded changes in the government fiscal policies, and a more tolerant position toward religion. During the Convention, churches had been closed and priests required to take an oath to the government.

Thomas Fulwar was an Irish Anglican priest in the seventeenth century."History of the Church of Ireland: From the revolution to the union of the Churches of England and Ireland, January 1, 1801" Mant, R: London, J.W. Parker, 1840 He was Bishop of Ardfert and Aghadoe from 1641 to 1661."Handbook of British Chronology" By Fryde, E. B;. Greenway, D.E;Porter, S; Roy, I: Cambridge, CUP, 1996 , 9780521563505 During the Commonwealth he is credited with having ordained - in England - nearly 1000 Anglican clergy, the most active of all bishops in this process.Royalists and Royalism during the Interregnum edited by: Jason McElligott, David L. Smith, Manchester University Press, 2010 In 1661, no doubt as a reward for this service, he became Archbishop of Cashel.

After many initial Spanish successes in penetrating Mapuche territory, the Battle of Curalaba in 1598 and the following destruction of the Seven Cities marked a turning point in the war leading to the establishment of a clear frontier between the Spanish domains and the land of the independent Mapuche. From the 17th to the late 18th century a series of parliaments were held between royal governors and Mapuche lonkos and the war devolved to sporadic pillaging carried out by Spanish soldiers as well as Mapuches and outlaws. The Chilean War of Independence brought new hostilities to the frontier, with different factions of Spaniards, Chileans, and Mapuches fighting for independence, royalism, or personal gain. Mapuche independence finally ended with the Chilean occupation of Araucanía between 1861 and 1883.

Bagwell, p. 324. Cites: Sellings in Confederation and War vol. vii. 237 He was still fearful lest a royalist government of his province should lead to the oppression of the English Protestants, who would with good cause despair "of ever having any justice against an Irishman for anything delivered him on trust".Bagwell, p. 324. Cites: Sellings in Confederation and War vol. vii. p. 247. The conclusion of the peace between Ormonde and the Confederate Catholics, the execution of the king, and the flight of Rinuccini followed close upon each other at the beginning of 1649. O'Neill, acting in concert with the bulk of the priests, refused to accept the peace, while Monro and his Scots made professions of royalism.

Under the Commonwealth (1652–60), the universities saw an improvement in their funding, as they were given income from deaneries, defunct bishoprics and the excise, allowing the completion of buildings including the college in the High Street in Glasgow. They were still largely seen as training schools for clergy, and came under the control of the hard line Protesters, who were generally favoured by the regime because of their greater antipathy to royalism, with leading protester Patrick Gillespie being made Principal at Glasgow in 1652.J. D. Mackie, B. Lenman and G. Parker, A History of Scotland (London: Penguin, 1991), , pp. 227–8. After the Restoration there was a purge of Presbyterians from the universities, but most of the intellectual advances of the preceding period were preserved.

Jean-Charles Pichegru, a figure widely assumed to be acting in sympathy to the monarchy and its restoration, was elected President of the Council of Five Hundred. After documentation of Pichegru's treasonous activities was supplied by Napoleon Bonaparte, the Directors accused the entire body of plotting against the Revolution and moved quickly to annul the elections and arrest the royalists. At dawn 4 September 1797, Paris was declared to be under martial law, while a decree was issued, asserting that anyone supporting royalism or the restoration of the Constitution of 1793 was to be shot without trial. To support the coup, General Lazare Hoche, then commander of the Army of Sambre- et-Meuse, arrived in the capital with his troops, while Bonaparte sent troops under Pierre Augereau.

The Sex Pistols song "God Save the Queen" was banned from broadcast by the BBC in 1977 due to its presumed anti- Royalism, partly due to its apparent equation of the monarchy with a "fascist regime". The following year, the release of debut Crass album The Feeding Of the 5000 was initially obstructed when pressing plant workers refused to produce it due to sacrilegious lyrical content. Crass later faced court charges of obscenity related to their Penis Envy album, as the Dead Kennedys later did over their Frankenchrist album artwork. The Clash are regarded as pioneers of political punk, and were seen to represent a progressive, socialistic worldview compared to the apparently anti-social or nihilistic attack of many early punk bands.

In spite of his pronounced Royalism, he now displayed Liberal tendencies, opposed the policy of Jean-Baptiste de Villèle's cabinet, and in 1828 became a member of the moderate administration of Jean Baptiste Gay de Martignac as Naval Minister. In this capacity, he showed active sympathy with the cause of Greek independence. He greatly improved the colonial system of France, and prohibited the slave trade in its American possessions. During the Jules de Polignac ministry (1829–1830), he was again in opposition, being a firm upholder of the Charter, However, after the 1830 July Revolution, he entered an all but solitary protest against the exclusion of the legitimate line of the Bourbons from the throne (see July Monarchy and Orléanist), and resigned his seat.

During the First Civil War, Booth's main opponent as leader of the local Parliamentary cause was Sir William Brereton; in 1646, he was 'one of the most powerful and influential men in England', but he retired to London, leaving a power vacuum. Other factors were the continuing erosion of the gentry's status under the Commonwealth, and the deeply unpopular Charles Worsley, one of the Major-Generals who governed the area from 1655 until his death in 1656. These issues were mirrored in the adjacent county of Lancashire. Local Presbyterians continued to pray for Charles II after doing so was banned in 1650, but remained loyal in 1651, largely because of the strength of local Catholicism and its association with Royalism.

Route of Charles I after his escape from Oxford Charles I of England left Oxford on 27 April 1646 and travelled by a circuitous route through enemy held territory to arrive at the Scottish army camp located close to Southwell near Newark-on-Trent on 5 May 1646. He undertook this journey because military Royalism was all but defeated. It was only a matter of days before Oxford (the Royalist First English Civil War capital) would be fully invested and would fall to the English Parliamentarian New Model Army commanded by Lord General Thomas Fairfax (see Third Siege of Oxford). Once fully invested it was unlikely that Charles would be able to leave Oxford without being captured by soldiers of the New Model Army.

The Apotheosis, or, Death of the King, a 1728 engraving depicting Charles I ascending to heaven after his execution. The image of Charles' execution became vital to the cult of St. Charles the Martyr in English royalism. Shortly after Charles' death, relics of Charles' execution were reported to perform miracles - with handkerchiefs of Charles' blood supposedly curing the King's Evil among peasants.; ; Many elegies and works of devotion were produced to glorify the dead Charles and his cause.; After the Restoration of the English monarchy in 1660, this private devotion was transformed into official worship; in 1661, the Church of England declared 30 January a solemn fast for the martyrdom of Charles and Charles occupied a saint-like status in contemporary prayer books.

The Royalists were now fighting with the courage of despair. Those who still fought against Charles did so with the full determination to ensure the triumph of their cause, and with the conviction that the only possible way was the annihilation of the enemy's armed forces. The majority, however, were so weary of the war that the Earl of Manchester's Presbyterian royalism, which had contributed so materially to the prolongation of the struggle, would probably have been accepted by four-fifths of all England as the basis of a peace. It was, in fact, in the face of almost universal opposition, that Fairfax and Cromwell and their friends at Westminster guided the cause of their weaker comrades to complete victory.

The proceedings began on 3 June, but it was not until 30 September that the colleges were directed to forward to Merton their statutes, registers, and accounts to enable Brent and his colleagues to set to work. On 12 April 1648 Brent presented four of the visitors for the degree of M.A. Early in May of the same year Brent spoke for Anthony à Wood's retention of his postmastership in spite of his avowed royalism. Wood wrote that he owed this favour to the intercession of his mother, whom Brent had known from a girl. On 17 May 1649 Fairfax and Oliver Cromwell paid the university a threatening visit, and malcontents were thenceforth proceeded against by the commission with rigour.

This frightened the republican directors and they staged a coup d'état on 4 September 1797 (Coup of 18 Fructidor V) to remove two supposedly pro-royalist directors and some prominent royalists from both Councils. The new, 'corrected' government, still strongly convinced that Catholicism and royalism were equally dangerous to the Republic, started a fresh campaign to promote the Republican calendar officially introduced in 1792, with its ten-day week, and tried to hallow the tenth day, décadi, as substitute for the Christian Sunday. Not only citizens opposed and even mocked such decrees, also local government officials refused to enforce such laws. France was still waging wars, in 1798 in Egypt, Switzerland, Rome, Ireland, Belgium and against the U.S.A., in 1799 in Baden-Württemberg.

Parliamentary elections in the spring of 1797, for one-third of the seats in Parliament, resulted in considerable gains for the royalists,Shusterman, 2014, pp. 249-250 who seemed poised to take control of the Directory in the next elections. This frightened the republican directors and they reacted, in the Coup of 18 Fructidor V (4 September 1797), by purging all the winners banishing 57 leaders to certain death in Guiana, removing two supposedly pro-royalist directors, and closing 42 newspapers. The new, 'corrected' government, still strongly convinced that Catholicism and royalism were equally dangerous to the Republic, started a fresh campaign to promote the Republican calendar (officially introduced in 1792), with its ten-day week, and tried to hallow the tenth day, décadi, as substitute for the Christian Sunday.

After the execution of the king in January 1649 England was declared a commonwealth and the Scots declared his son king as Charles II. The English responded with an armed invasion and after defeats for the Scots at Dunbar in 1650 and Worcester in 1651, the English occupied the country in 1652 and Scotland was declared part of the Commonwealth.J. D. Mackie, B. Lenman and G. Parker, A History of Scotland (London: Penguin, 1991), , pp. 221–6. The Kirk became deeply divided, partly in the search for scapegoats for defeat. Different factions and tendencies produced rival resolutions and protests, which gave their names to the two major parties as Resolutioners, who were willing to make an accommodation with royalism, and more hard line Protesters who wished to purge the Kirk of such associations.

In 1801, under the Consulate, he returned to France and established himself as an advocate at Besançon, being appointed conseiller-auditeur to the court of appeal therein 1808. At the Restoration he was made advocate-general by Louis XVIII, resigned and left France during the Hundred Days, and was reappointed after the second Restoration in 1815. In 1817, after the modification of the constitution by the ordonnance of the 5 September, he was returned to the chamber of deputies, where he attached himself to the left centre and supported the moderate policy of Richelieu and Decazes. He was an eloquent speaker, and master of many subjects; and his proved royalism made it impossible for the Ultra-Royalists to discredit him, much as they resented his consistent opposition to their short-sighted violence.

The end of the First Civil War, in 1646, left a partial power vacuum in which any combination of the three English factions, Royalists, Independents of the New Model Army ("the Army"), and Presbyterians of the English Parliament, as well as the Scottish Parliament allied with the Scottish Presbyterians (the "Kirk"), could prove strong enough to dominate the rest. Armed political Royalism was at an end, but despite being a prisoner, Charles I was considered by himself and his opponents (almost to the last) as necessary to ensure the success of whichever group could come to terms with him. Thus he passed successively into the hands of the Scots, the Parliament and the Army. The King attempted to reverse the verdict of arms by "coquetting" with each in turn.

Lady Alice Lisle (September 16172 September 1685), commonly known as Alicia Lisle or Dame Alice Lyle,The Bloody Assize , web site of Somerset County Council uses the spelling Alice Lyle was a landed lady of the English county of Hampshire, who was executed for harbouring fugitives after the defeat of the Monmouth Rebellion at the Battle of Sedgemoor. While she seems to have leaned to Royalism, she combined this with a decided sympathy for religious dissent. She is known to history as Lady Lisle although she has no claim to the title; her husband was a member of the "Other House" created by Oliver Cromwell and "titles" deriving from that fact were often used after the Restoration. She is the last woman to have been executed by a judicial sentence of beheading in England.

Their orators had no serious rivals in the hostile camp—their system was established in the purest reason, but the Montagnards made up for what they lacked in talent or in numbers through their boldness and fanatical energy. This was especially fruitful since uncommitted delegates accounted for almost half the total number, even though the Jacobins and Brissotins formed the largest groups. The more radical rhetoric of the Jacobins attracted the support of the revolutionary Paris Commune, the Revolutionary Sections (mass assemblies in districts) and the National Guard of Paris and they had gained control of the Jacobin club, where Brissot, absorbed in departmental work, had been superseded by Robespierre. At the trial of Louis XVI in 1792, most Girondins had voted for the "appeal to the people" and so laid themselves open to the charge of "royalism".

The ideology of Action française was dominated by the thought of Charles Maurras, following his adherence and his conversion of the movement's founders to royalism. The movement supported a restoration of the House of Bourbon and, after the 1905 law on the separation of Church and State, the restoration of Roman Catholicism as the state religion, even though Maurras himself was an agnostic. It should not be considered that the movement intended to restore real power to the king, merely to set him up as a rallying point in distinction to the Third Republic of France which was considered corrupt and atheistic by many of its opponents, whom they hoped to come to their banner. The movement advocated decentralization (a "federal monarchy"), with the restoration of pre-Revolutionary liberties to the ancient provinces of France (replaced during the Revolution by the departmental system).

René de La Tour du Pin, a prominent royalist, was an authentic "Blanc d'Eu". In the same movement, they were short-lived as the ideological Orléanists no longer supported the Count of Paris and the Orléans, and had rallied behind Adolphe Thiers to moderate republicanism in the 1870s. Without renouncing his grandfather Louis Philippe I, the Count of Paris decided, in 1873, to support the cause of the Count of Chambord, and not that of the July Monarchy, much to the chagrin of his uncles Henri d'Orléans, Duke of Aumale and François d'Orléans, Prince of Joinville, the last representatives of Orléanist dynastic politics. The contribution of Charles Maurras and Action Française was decisive at the turn of the century, so that before 1914, French royalism seemed to be composed entirely of the Action Française, loyal to the pretender "Philippe VIII," Duke of Orléans (son of "Philippe VII, Count of Paris").

Sir Edward Massey, formerly the Parliamentary governor of Gloucester, was now with Charles, and it was hoped that he would induce his fellow Presbyterians to take arms. The military quality of the Welsh border Royalists was well proved, that of the Gloucestershire Presbyterians not less so, and, in basing himself on Gloucester and Worcester as his father had done on Oxford, Charles II hoped, naturally, to deal with the Independent faction minority of the English people more effectually than Charles I had earlier dealt with the majority of the people of England who had supported the Parliamentary cause. But even the pure Royalism which now ruled in the invading army could not alter the fact that it was a foreign, Scottish, army, and it was not merely an Independent faction but all England that united against it. Charles arrived at Worcester on 22 August and spent five days in resting the troops, preparing for further operations, and gathering and arming the few recruits who came in.

The making of the film was completed in 2013, but the film itself was commercially released in April 2014. Over nearly two hours, and through the story of a 16-year-old Jewish boy, Farewell Baghdad depicts the story of the last days of the Baghdad Jewish community of the 1950s, and on the eve of the Aliyah of almost all of that community to Israel in Operation Ezra and Nehemiah. At that time, The Kingdom of Iraq was struggling to overcome its defeat in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War against the nascent State of Israel, and was torn between Royalism, separatism and communism. On the other hand, the world's oldest Jewish community, which numbered at the time about a sixth of the population of the capital of Baghdad, also grappled between their historical and cultural relationship with the Iraqi people, the growing support for the communist movement, and their solidarity with the State of Israel and Zionism.

But he sincerely deplored the division of Christianity into two hostile camps. He had always distrusted the influence of many dissident and uncontrolled sects; the history of independence in the English army and people made a deep impression on his mind, and the same fear of indiscipline which drove the English Presbyterians into royalism drew Turenne more and more towards the Roman Catholic Church. The letters between him and his wife show how closely both studied available evidence on the matter, and in the end, two years after her death, the eloquence of Bossuet and the persuasions of his nephew, the Cardinal de Bouillon prevailed upon him to give his adhesion to the Roman Catholic faith (October 1668). In 1667 he had returned to the more congenial air of the "Camps and Armies of the King", directing (nominally under Louis XIV) the famous Promenade militaire in which the French overran the Spanish Netherlands.

In 1765 the Spanish King decreed the Bourbon Reforms, which tried to recover the power of the King over the Spanish colonies and increase tax collection for the Crown. Besides administrative redistributions, the Spanish King set a policy aimed to decrease the power of the Catholic Church, which until that moment in time it was absolute over the Spaniards. This policy of diminished church power was based on the Illustration and had six main points: y tenía seis puntos principales: # Decline of the Jesuit cultural legacy # Trend towards a secular culture # Cartesianism # Paying more value to natural science over religious dogma # A severe criticism to the church role within the society. # Royalism The "Casa de Ejercicios" -"House of Spiritual Exercises"-, next to the San Lucas School was finished in 1767, but on April 2 of that year king Carlos III signed the Pragmatic Sanction by which he ordered the Society of Jesus to be expelled from all of his kingdom domains.

These beliefs can be expressed either individually—generally in academic circles—or through what are known as loyal societies, which include monarchist leagues, legions, historical groups, ethnic organizations, and sometimes police and scout bodies. Though there may be overlap, this concept should not be confused with royalism, the support of a particular monarch or dynasty; Canadian monarchists may appreciate the monarchy without thinking highly of the monarch. There have also been, from time to time, suggestions in favour of a uniquely Canadian monarch, either one headed by a descendant of the present monarch and resident in Canada or one based on a First Nations royal house. In Canada, monarchism, though it is sometimes mocked by its opponents, is driven by various factors: monarchists support the perceived practicality of popular power being ultimately placed in the hands of a non-partisan, apolitical individual, and see the Canadian monarchy as a modern link, via the Crown's shared nature, to ethnically and historically similar countries around the world.

When the King raised his standard at Nottingham on 22 August 1642, war was already in progress on a small scale in many districts; each side endeavouring to secure, or to deny to the enemy, fortified country- houses, territory, and above all arms and money. Peace negotiations went on in the midst of these minor events, until there came from the Parliament an ultimatum, so aggressive as to fix the war-like purpose of the still vacillating court at Nottingham, and in the country at large, to convert many thousands of waverers to active Royalism. Ere long, Charles who hitherto had fewer than 1,500 men, was at the head of an army which, though very deficient in arms and equipment, was not greatly inferior in numbers or enthusiasm to that of Parliament. The latter (20,000 strong, exclusive of detachments) was organized during July, August, and September about London, and moved from there to Northampton under the command of Lord Essex.

In the 1935 elections, he cooperated in a union with other small royalist parties, returning seven MPs, a performance repeated in the 1936 elections. Tsaldaris had called early elections in 1935 as a way of putting off the pressure to hold a referendum on restoring the monarchy, and his decisive victory in an election boycotted by the Liberals for the moment seemed to strengthened his hand. In the Peloponnese region, which was the traditional center of Greek royalism, Metaxas's party had fared poorly, but he won 20% of the vote in Athens, mostly in middle class and upper-class neighborhoods as the well off looked towards Metaxas as the best man to "impose order" on Greece. When the War Minister, General Georgios Kondylis, until then a republican and one of the founders of the First Hellenic Republic in 1924, pronounced himself in favor of restoring the monarchy on 3 July 1935, he demoralised the republicans and the more opportunistic republicans started to defect over to the monarchist camp, through Metaxas drew little benefit electorally.

On occasion, Marianne was portrayed slightly more favorably in Germany as in a cartoon from May 1914 in the magazine Kladderadatsch where Deutscher Michel is working in his garden with a seductive and voluptuous Marianne on one side and a brutish muzhik (Russian peasant) on the other; the message of the cartoon was that France should not be allied to Russia, and would be better off allied to Germany, since Deutscher Michel with his well tended garden is clearly a better potential husband than the vodka drinking muzhik whose garden is a disorderly disaster. Marianne differed from Uncle Sam, John Bull, and Deutscher Michel in that Marianne was not just a symbol of France, but of the republic as well. For those on the French right, who still hankered for the House of Bourbon like Action Française, Marianne was always rejected for her republican associations, and the preferred symbol of France was Joan of Arc. As Joan of Arc was devoutly Catholic, committed to serving King Charles VII, and fought for France against England, she perfectly symbolized the values of Catholicism, royalism, militarism and nationalism that were so dear for French monarchists.

In terms of political institutions Maurras had been a legitimist in his youth, then a federalist republican, but rediscovered royalism (although as a supporter of the Orléanists) in 1896 through a political argument: kings had created France, and France had been degenerating since 1789. As a partisan of duc d'Orléans and his descendants (the Duke of Guise, then the Count of Paris), he dreamed of converting the Action française, newly created by nationalist republicans, to the royalist ideal, and of gathering to him the remainder of traditional French royalty, exemplified by the Marquis of la Tour du Pin or General de Charette. The synthesis between counter-revolutionary ideas and nationalism (but also positivism), triggered by the moral shock of the war of 1870, which had turned some traditionalist forces towards the national idea and largely operated by the Dreyfus affair from 1898 onwards, was to find its apotheosis in Maurrassisme. While there remained some non- Maurrassiste political nationalist movements, such as the many Jacobin expressions of nationalism and the universalist nationalism along the lines of Péguy, counter-revolutionary politics was completely converted to Maurrassisme by 1911 after the consolidation of traditional royalist groups.