It's institutional progressivism, and fear of the revival of monarchism, tribalism, and prejudice.
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The Crown's monarchism is not a work of political theory—Peter Morgan is not Walter Bagehot—but of emotion.
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For in the dozen or so countries that make up South-East Asia, liberal democracy has long struggled in the face of authoritarianism, bolstered by monarchism, nationalism and ethnic chauvinism.
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It was no accident that Buckley liked to keep company with European aristocrats like Erik Maria Ritter von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, who often argued in the pages of the magazine for monarchism.
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And then there's Claude and the Leicester Alliance, who appear to be the most enlightened of the bunch—they've moved past monarchism and are now governed by a parliament of noble families.
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It's an odd blend of a kind of racial purity ideology promulgated by the Japanese empire, pre-modern Korean monarchism, and Marxism — cobbled together to justify the Kim family's control and extreme policies.
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While Martin admires Tolkien, he also bristled at the conservative vision of Lord of the Rings, particularly the view of war as a clearcut battle between good and evil as well as the monarchism.
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This month a ROCOR priest said one of the reasons for preserving a separate structure was to keep alive the zeal for monarchism, and to act as a counterweight to any nostalgia for the Soviet state that still existed in Moscow.
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In its purest form, religiously inspired monarchism holds that the slaying of an anointed emperor, in Nicholas II, was an act of sacrilege for which the whole Russian people are at some level responsible, and for which the travails of the Soviet era were an inevitable punishment.
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But the founders' fear of creeping monarchism — the very reason for their revolution — and their deep realism about human nature led them to a provision, rooted in English constitutional precedent, whereby a rogue president could be removed from office by the legislature during his term as well.
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If these are too mainstream, you can sign up to Orthodox Autocracy (the 'Official Nationality' ideology of Nicholas I of Russia) with shades of Dixieblr, Tsarism (Russian monarchism), Evangelical Distributism (an Orthodox Christian 'middle path' between capitalism and socialism), Sedevacantism (minority traditionalist Catholics), or perhaps Falangism (should you wish to identify as a Spanish fascist, and a Franco supporter).
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"If the real world today is governed as an insanely dysfunctional republic, and the Internet today is governed as a cluster of insanely despotic corporate monarchies, it doesn't strike me as at all inconsistent with historical thought to treat the former case of misgovernment with efficient monarchism, and the latter case with liberating republicanism," he wrote.
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Alexander is known for his support of monarchism and his humanitarian work.
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Anti-monarchism in Japan was a minor force during the twentieth century.
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Some critics have also emphasised the chapel's political role as an expression of Scottish patriotism, British imperialism, and monarchism.
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The political influence of monarchism in former European monarchies is very limited. There are several monarchist parties in France, most notably the Action Française (established 1899). Monarchist parties also exist in the Czech Republic (1991), in Greece (2010), in Italy (1972) and in Russia (2012). Otto von Habsburg renounced all pretense to the Habsburg titles in 1958, and monarchism in Austria has next to no political influence; a German monarchist organisation called Tradition und Leben has been in existence since 1959. Monarchism in Bavaria has had more significant support, including Franz Josef Strauss, minister-president of Bavaria from 1978-1988\.
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Peter F Anson Bishops at Large (London, 1964) The League eventually developed into a pressure and support group. Celebrating its Silver Jubilee in 1968, The Monarchist editorial said "in the late 50s and the early 60s a great resurgence took place in the League when negative and passive monarchism was turned into positive and aggressive monarchism."The Monarchist, September 1968, no.26, p. 120.
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When Sorelians initially began to come close to identifying themselves with nationalism and monarchism in 1911, Mussolini believed that such association would destroy their credibility as socialists.Gregor, p. 123.
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The old Instrument of Government was, however, no longer deemed suitable. Leading circles had long held that monarchism and hereditary nobility were antiquated, and advocated a republican constitution for Finland.
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Stănescu, p. 25 Researchers of various backgrounds, including ȘornikovȘornikov, passim and Ludmila Rotari,Madgearu, p. 17; Suveică (2010), p. 65 have returned focus on the rebellion's connection with Russian monarchism.
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Anti-monarchism became more strident in the Dutch Republic during and after the Eighty Years' War, which began in 1568. This anti-monarchism was more propaganda than a political philosophy; most of the anti-monarchist works appeared in the form of widely distributed pamphlets. This evolved into a systematic critique of monarchy, written by men such as the brothers Johan and Peter de la Court. They saw all monarchies as illegitimate tyrannies that were inherently corrupt.
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Monarchism in the United States is the advocacy of a monarchical form of government in the United States of America. The two primary monarchism movements are divided into two main groups. People who advocate for a return to British rule, a form of Royalism; and people who advocate for a new American monarchy, completely separate from the British Crown. Another group includes people who advocate for membership in the Commonwealth of Nations while maintaining the current Republican government.
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O'Farrell shot at Prince Alfred and was later hanged. At the time, Kang was mistakenly reported as being of Cambodian descent, and the incident sparked some debate about monarchism and republicanism in Australia.
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An edict is a decree or announcement of a law, often associated with monarchism, but it can be under any official authority. Synonyms include dictum and pronouncement. Edict derives from the Latin edictum.
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The New Guard was officially formed on 16 March 1931, built on a common ideological system of monarchism, classic liberalism and anti-communism. Campbell was voted Chief Commander. Within a few weeks its membership had swelled.
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After the departure of Morvan Lebesque, the journal moved away from fascism towards a more conventional conservatism, monarchism, Breton nationalism and Catholicism. Théophile Jeusset later went on to found the pro-Nazi Breton Social-National Workers' Movement.
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Servando Teresa de Mier In June 1821, Mier returned to Philadelphia after escaping imprisonment in Havana, and moved into Torres' house. (Another Spanish American agent, Vicente Rocafuerte, was already living there.) Connected through Freemasonry, Torres became a father figure to Mier, signing his letters He gradually drew Mier away from constitutional monarchism and toward the republican model of the United States. In doing so Torres tried to provide a political-philosophical basis for Mier's radicalism. The pair encouraged Colombia to send a diplomat to Mexico, hoping to counter the rising monarchism there.
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Tom Gallagher, Portugal: a Twentieth-Century Interpretation, 1983, p. 31 Drawing from traditional monarchism, Hispanidad, ruralism, Integralism, scientific racism, fascism and national syndicalism he had created a complex syncretic ideology that inevitably fissured into various factions after his death.
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"The Sarawak Museum Journal" 1959, p. 671.Heidhues 2003, p. 65.Heidhues 2003, p. 103.Luo & Luo 1941,羅 1961, Although Low discarded the ancient institutions of monarchism and dynastic succession, he continued to adhere to many Chinese traditions.
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Since the 1970s, early modern English republicanism has been extensively studied by historians, to the point where monarchism and absolutism have now become neglected fields. James Harrington (1611–1677) is generally considered to be the most representative republican writer of the era.
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183; Mitchievici, p. 127. See also Călinescu, p. 919 A sympathizer of the Dreyfusards, he was also becoming interested in the various projects to transform the Kingdom of Romania into a republic,Camboulives, p. 184 in marked contrast to his father's ardent monarchism.
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Personal Standard of Shah of Iran before 1979 Revolution, Lion and Sun Flag of Iran with Pahlavi Coat of Arms. Turquoise is the colour of monarchists. Iranian monarchism is the advocacy of restoring the constitutional monarchy in Iran, which was abolished after the 1979 Revolution.
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"Monarchism", in a Bavarian context, was not the belief that a King should have direct power, but rather the belief that a monarch should be part of a traditional constitutional system of checks and balances, the very thing that Adolf Hitler both opposed and passionately hated.
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The term Alfonsism refers to the movement in Spanish monarchism that supported the restoration of Alfonso XIII of Spain as King of Spain after the foundation of the Second Spanish Republic in 1931. The Alfonsists competed with the rival monarchists, the Carlists, for the throne of Spain.
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Jackson's 1935 pamphlet The Jubilee- and How was a critique of the British monarchy, arguing the Silver Jubilee of George V was inappropriate at a time of widespread unemployment.Antony Taylor, "Down with the Crown": British Anti-Monarchism and Debates about Royalty since 1790. London, Reaktion Books, 1999. (p.223).
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Fireworks at Toronto in 2008 celebrate Victoria Day, both the natural birthday of Queen Victoria and official birthday of the reigning Canadian monarch. A skating party held in Montreal to celebrate a visit to the city by Prince Arthur, Duke of Connaught and Strathearn. Canadian monarchism is a movement for raising awareness of Canada's constitutional monarchy among the Canadian public, and advocating for its retention, countering republican and anti- monarchical reform as being generally revisionist, idealistic, and ultimately impracticable. Generally, Canadian monarchism runs counter to anti-monarchist republicanism, but not necessarily to the classical form of republicanism itself, as most monarchists in Canada support the constitutional variety of monarchy, sometimes referred to as a crowned republic.
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Maurrassisme is a political doctrine originated by Charles Maurras (1868–1952), most closely associated with the Action française movement. Maurassisme advocates absolute integral nationalism, monarchism, corporatism, alliance with revolutionary syndicalism, and opposition to democracy, liberalism, and capitalism.David Miller, Janet Coleman, William Connolly, Alan Ryan. The Blackwell encyclopaedia of political thought.
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L. Tikhomirov. Lev Alexandrovich Tikhomirov (; 1852, Gelendzhik – 1923, Sergiyev Posad), originally a Russian revolutionary and one of the members of the Executive Committee of the Narodnaya Volya, following his disenchantment with violent revolution became one of the leading conservative thinkers in Russia. He authored several books on monarchism, Orthodoxy, and Russian political philosophy.
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A cross burning by the racist Ku Klux Klan in Florida in the early 20th century. White is often associated with monarchism. The association originally came from the white flag of the Bourbon dynasty of France. White became the banner of the royalist rebellions against the French Revolution (see Revolt in the Vendée).
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In the late 1920s, Jung was outlining here his vision of neo-feudalism, communalism and grassroots democracy, as conservative resources against centralizing SPD governments.Struve, pp. 331, 337–338 With monarchism on the decline, the journal still gave exposure to Wilhelm II's apologists, hosting 's 1929 study "The Monarchy in German History".Struve, p.
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This, consolidated the turn of the editorial stance to a monarchism in support of Don Juan, heir to the defunct Spanish throne. Under the direction of Néstor Luján (1958-1969), Destino was as distant from the Franco regime as possible,Fabre, Jaume. "El catalán se acaba', cinquanta anys després". Serra d'Or, 683 (Nov.
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Ultimately, he wrote, Louis XV failed to overcome these fiscal problems, mainly because he was incapable of pulling together conflicting parties and interests in his entourage. Although aware of the forces of anti- monarchism threatening his family's rule, he did not do anything to stop them.Jones (2002) p, 124, 132–33, 147.
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France had already agreed to restore the Spanish monarchy in exchange for Cuba. As the revolutionary Napoleonic Wars (1803–1815) ended, Prussia, Austria, and Russia formed the Holy Alliance to defend monarchism. In particular, the Holy Alliance authorized military incursions to re-establish Bourbon rule over Spain and its colonies, which were establishing their independence.
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Representing the centrist elements of Greek society, and supported by the middle class and the populations of the New Lands, its main competitor was the People's Party. Increasingly the Liberal Party became associated with anti- monarchism and during the 1920s the Liberals established a republic which they led for most of its short-lived existence.
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Manuel Becerra Bermúdez (20 October 1820 – 19 December 1896) was a Spanish politician, mathematician and revolutionary. A Republican who would later embrace monarchism, he went on to assume the ministerial portfolios of Overseas and Development during the Sexenio Democrático, returning for two additional spells as Overseas minister during the regency of Maria Christina of Austria.
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The governor of Xinjiang, Yang Zengxin, was a former Qing dynasty official who approved of the Hongxian Emperor's monarchism and was against republicanism. Yang commanded thousands of Chinese Muslim troops. He ruled Xinjiang with a clique of Yunnanese, being from Yunnan himself. His subordinate Muslim generals Ma Fuxing and Ma Shaowu were also Yunnanese.
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66 the former being supporters of Infante Carlos, Count of Molina, a rival claimant to the throneEsdaile, p. 66 et. seq. and the latter being supporters of Maria Christina and Isabella. The former supported absolute monarchism and the traditionalism of the Antiguo Régimen ("Old Regime"); they were uniformly close to the Roman Catholic Church, and generally clericalist.
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White General Vladimir Kislitsin acted as BREM's chairman between 1938 and 1942. Ataman Grigory Semyonov, himself much in favor with the Japanese, replaced him from 1943 to 1945."General V.A. Kislitsin: From Russian Monarchism to the Spirit of Bushido," Harbin and Manchuria: Place, Space, and Identity, edited by Thomas Lahusen, special issue of South Atlantic Quarterly, vol. 99, no.
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San Martín requested help from British Admiral William Bowles. He wrote from Chile and expected to find him in Buenos Aires, but Bowles had embarked for Río de Janeiro. Bowles considered that San Martín was more trustworthy than Alvear, and praised his monarchism. San Martín did not obtain the ships and interrupted the correspondence with Bowles for some months.
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During the Enlightenment, anti-monarchism extended beyond the civic humanism of the Renaissance. Classical republicanism, still supported by philosophers such as Rousseau and Montesquieu, was only one of several theories seeking to limit the power of monarchies rather than directly opposing them. Liberalism and socialism departed from classical republicanism and fueled the development of the more modern republicanism.
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Casals Meseguer, 2009, pp. 236-237. Among the prominent figures of the extreme-right who gained prominence in Franco's Spain was Gonzalo Fernández de la Mora, a member of Spain's Congress of Deputies who advocated for dictatorial monarchism, eugenics, and suppression of "egalitarian envy".Tusell, Javier (11 de febrero de 2002). «Gonzalo Fernández de la Mora, un reaccionario ilustrado».
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At the dawn of Finnish independence, conservative social forces made an attempt to establish the Kingdom of Finland. The Agrarian League opposed monarchism fiercely, even though monarchists claimed that a new king from the German Empire and Hohenzollern would have safeguarded Finnish foreign relations. At this time, anti-anarchist peasants threatened the existence of the party.
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Monarchism in Bavaria after 1918 was driven by the belief that a monarchy would be the best form of government for the German state of Bavaria, despite the abolition of the Bavarian monarchy in 1918. The Bavarian monarchy ended with the declaration of a Bavarian Republic, after the Anif declaration by King Ludwig III on 12 November 1918 as a consequence of Germany's defeat in the First World War.Monarchismus Historisches Lexikon Bayerns – Monarchy, accessed: 1 July 2011 Monarchism in Bavaria was particularly strong between 1918 and 1933, when an attempt was made to either restore Rupprecht, Crown Prince of Bavaria, to the Bavarian throne or to elevate him to a position of Generalstaatskommissar (General State Commissioner) in an attempt to forestall the rise of the Nazis to power in the state.
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The Doctrinaires were mostly rich and educated middle-class men: lawyers, senior officials of the Empire, and academics. They feared the triumph of the aristocracy, as much as that of the democrats. They accepted the Royal Charter, because it guaranteed freedom and civil equality and created a barrier to the popular masses who were considered unable, because of their ignorance, to be involved in the management of public affairs. Ideologically they were conservative liberals who formed the centre-right of the Restoration's political spectrum: they upheld both capitalism and Catholicism, and attempted to reconcile the principles of parliamentarism (in an elite, wealth-based form) and monarchism (in a constitutional, ceremonial form), while rejecting both the absolute monarchism and clericalism of the Ultra- Royalists, and the universal suffrage of the liberal left and republicans.
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From Canada's colonial period until the end of the Second World War, monarchism was prevalent among the region's inhabitants. Even after the transfer of New France to the British in 1763, a faction of the French-speaking population was loyal to the British Crown and its institutions of government, while the Catholic Church in Quebec fostered monarchism in a different form by urging its parishioners to appreciate the absolutist monarchy system that existed in France. The majority could be lured to neither the republicanism that boiled south of the border, nor to the revolution and regicide that took place in France in 1789. At the same time, those who remained loyal to the British monarchy and its empire during the American Revolutionary War faced repercussions then and after the conflict.
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Further, some Aborigines, such as former Senator Neville Bonner, said a republican president would not "care one jot more for my people". It has also been claimed monarchism and republicanism in Australia delineate historical and persistent sectarian tensions with, broadly speaking, Catholics more likely to be republicans and Protestants more likely to be monarchists.Knightley, Philip. Australia: A Biography of a Nation.
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Australia (1996). whereas monarchism is a core value associated with urban and rural inhabitants of British Protestant heritage and the middle class, to the extent that there were calls in 1999 for 300,000 exceptionally enfranchised British subjects who were not Australian citizens to be barred from voting on the grounds that they would vote as a loyalist bloc in a tight referendum.
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Joseph Haydn: Gesammelte Briefe und Aufzeichnungen: unter Benutzung der Quellensammlung von HC Robbins Landon (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1965), 127. H. C. Robbins Landon's view that the title "is Haydn's own ... to honour the famous Austrian Feldmarschall who conquered the Turks and made Europe safe for Austrian monarchism" is inaccurate.HC Robbins Landon. Haydn Symphonies (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1966), p. 33.
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Moltmann stresses the perichoresis of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. This is to say that he believes the three dwell in one another. The three persons are differentiated in their characteristics, but related in their original exchange.Moltmann, Trinitat, 169 Moltmann seeks to defeat a monotheistic Christianity that is being used as a tool for political and clerical absolute monarchism.
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Lyautey was born in Nancy, capital of Lorraine. His father was a prosperous engineer, and his grandfather a highly decorated Napoleonic general. His mother was a Norman aristocrat, and Lyautey inherited many of her assumptions: monarchism, patriotism, Catholicism and belief in the moral and political importance of the elite.Aldrich 1996, p134 In 1873 he entered the French military academy of Saint-Cyr.
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259 Under Hugenberg's leadership, the DNVP toned down and later abandoned the monarchism which had characterized the party in its earlier years. Despite Hugenberg's background in industry, that constituency gradually deserted the DNVP under his leadership, largely due to a general feeling amongst industrialists that Hugenberg was too inflexible, and soon the party became the main voice of agrarian interests in the Reichstag.
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When Vasily was dethroned and the Poles took hold of the Moscow Kremlin, Hermogenes staunchly opposed their plans to put Wladyslaw IV on the Russian throne, unless he converted to Orthodoxy. Despite knife threats from some of the boyars, he refused to sign any petitions to the Polish king, thus preventing Wladyslaw from coronation.Maureen Perrie. Pretenders and Popular Monarchism in Early Modern Russia.
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Jeffersonian Republicans were skeptical of the administration's account of what became known as the XYZ affair, and many opposed Adams's efforts to defend against the French. They feared that war with France would lead to an alliance with England, which in turn could promote monarchism at home., pp. 96-107 USS Constellation (left) captures the French frigate L'Insurgente (right) during the Quasi-War.
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Throughout the 1790s, the war against France was presented as an ideological struggle between French republicanism vs. British monarchism with the British government seeking to mobilise public opinion in support of the war.Evans, Eric William Pitt the Younger, London: Routledge, 2002 page 57. The Pitt government waged a vigorous propaganda campaign contrasting the ordered society of Britain dominated by the aristocracy and the gentry vs.
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On November 24, 2007 on the 4th Extraordinary Congress of the New Rights Party David Gamkrelidze was nominated as a candidate for early Presidential elections to be held on January 5, 2008. His candidature officially supported by four political parties (New Rights Party, Industrialists, National Democrats and Christian Democrats). He advocates the establishment of a constitutional monarchy through a referendum (see also Monarchism in Georgia).
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However, in the legislative elections of 1893 many Catholics left the Liberal Union for the new Rallies movement characterized by its political Catholicism and allied with the monarchists.Journal des débats, 8 April 1893, p. 4. Rejecting monarchism, the Liberal Union added the appeal Republican to its name in opposition to the Liberal Union of the Rights of the conservative monarchists.Journal des débats, 5 March 1892.
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The manifesto and new constitution, signed by Nicholas III, proclaimed the goal of the Imperial Throne as consolidating people all over the world devoted to Christian monarchism. In this document, the Imperial Throne renounced all territorial claims of the Russian Empire (micronation). Romanov Empire aims to use modern technologies and plans to use cryptocurrencies, declaring bitcoin the national currency and seeking investments via Initial coin offering.
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His personal beliefs evolved from monarchism and conservatism to a belief in social duty. He wrote a journal article "On the Social Function of the Officer under Universal Military Service". However, his colonial policies were similar in practice to those of Gallieni, a secular republican. He was suspicious of republicanism and socialism, and believed in the social role of the Army in regenerating France.
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While a noted freethinker in the 1850s and 1860s, later in life Vacherot had remorse over the growth of atheistic anticlericalism and returned to both Catholicism and monarchism, receiving Catholic burial upon his death. The Vacherot brothers, André and Marcel, both french tennis champions, were grandsons of Étienne Vacherot.Family tree of Étienne Vacherot, Marcel is noticed as his grandson (André is missing), published at the Geneanet Website.
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The Rosettist deputies were vital for the Brătianu cabinet, and a compromise was reached between them: voting rights were extended to cover the urban and rural middle class; distinct colleges were preserved, but reconfigured.Bibesco, p.431; Gorun, p.65–67; Radu (2000–2001), p.133–135 New-found monarchism, objections about the king's title, and the old cause of Romanianism were tied together in Rosetti's discourse.
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The polemics of the review, its personal attacks on leaders, and its systematic exploitation of scandals and crises helped detach some of the intellectuals from their allegiance to the republic and democracy. This agitation culminated in the 6 February 1934 crisis. The successes shaped the ideology of Action française. It became more integrated into mainstream conservatism, stressing patriotism and Catholicism as opposed to monarchism.
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Monarchy has been challenged by evolving parliamentarism e.g. through regional assemblies (such as the Icelandic Commonwealth, the Swiss Landsgemeinde and later Tagsatzung, and the High Medieval communal movement linked to the rise of medieval town privileges) and by modern anti-monarchism e.g. of the temporary overthrow of the English monarchy by the Parliament of England in 1649, the American Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789.
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In 1836, Le Siècle was founded as a paper that supported constitutional monarchism. However, when the July Monarchy came to an end in 1848, the paper soon changed its editorial stance to one of republicanism. Le Siècle opposed the rise of Napoleon III. The paper's relevance waned during the Third French Republic to the point where it was forced to cease publication in 1932 due to a lack of readers.
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Grazhdanin exerted some influence on policies of the Russian government. It adhered to principals of monarchism and opposed liberal press and revolutionary movements. Fyodor Dostoyevsky was the magazine's chief editor from the early 1873 to April 1874. Throughout this magazine's existence, people like Konstantin Pobedonostsev, Nikolay Strakhov, Aleksey Pisemsky, Nikolai Leskov, Fyodor Tyutchev, Apollon Maykov, Yakov Polonsky, Aleksey Apukhtin, Vasily Nemirovich-Danchenko and others published their works on its pages.
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Minor Orthodox Christian churches are represented among ethnic minorities of Ukrainians, Georgians and Armenians. Unaffiliated Orthodox Christians and minorities of non-Russian Orthodox Christians comprised over 4% of the population in Tyumen Oblast (9%), Irkutsk Oblast (6%), the Jewish Autonomous Oblast (6%), Chelyabinsk Oblast (5%), Astrakhan Oblast (4%) and Chuvashia (4%). Cossacks, historically and some of them also in modern Russia, are among the fiercer supporters of Orthodox theocratic monarchism.
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Because Nazism co-opted the popular success of socialism and Communism among working people while simultaneously promising to destroy Communism and offer an alternative to it, Hitler's anti-communist program allowed industrialists with traditional conservative views (tending toward monarchism, aristocracy and laissez-faire capitalism) to cast their lot with and help underwrite the Nazi rise to power.Turner (1985). German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler, pp. 340–359.
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Some bands (Von Thronstahl) openly declare interests in learning of fascistic ideology, while others (Kraschau) favor monarchism, but some others (Militia) are eco-anarchists and National Bolsheviks (N.K.V.D.). Some explore the erotic dimension of history and uniform aesthetics (Ordo Rosarius Equilibrio). Occasionally martial industrial artists do not even touch historical/political issues. Other bands that touch such issues and use politically incorrect imagery (Turbund Sturmwerk) refuse to disclose their real convictions.
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Britain and France resumed their war in 1803, just after the Purchase. Both challenged American neutrality and tried to disrupt American trade with its enemy. The presupposition was that small neutral nations could benefit from the wars of the great powers. Jefferson distrusted both Napoleon and Great Britain, but saw Britain (with its monarchism, aristocracy and great navy and position in Canada) as the more immediate threat to American interests.
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Monarchism is the advocacy of the system of monarchy or monarchical rule.Webster's Encyclopedic Unabridged Dictionary of the English Language, 1989 edition, p. 924. A monarchist is an individual who supports this form of government independent of any specific monarch, whereas one who supports a particular monarch is a royalist. The opposing form of government to a monarchy is a Republic; conversely, the opposition to monarchical rule is referred to as republicanism.
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" During the early 1990s, Rebengiuc sympathized with the opposition National Liberals, and, without formalizing his affiliation, ran in elections for the Senate in the 1990 suffrage. Rebengiuc later reflected: "Fortunately, I was not elected." The actor also publicized his monarchism: in April 1992, he was one of the celebrities welcoming Michael I, the deposed King of Romania, during his return visit to the post-communist country.Ruxandra Irina Ciocîrlan, "O polaritate ameţitoare.
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A royalist supports a particular monarch as head of state for a particular kingdom, or of a particular dynastic claim. In the abstract, this position is royalism. It is distinct from monarchism, which advocates a monarchical system of government, but not necessarily a particular monarch. Most often, the term royalist is applied to a supporter of a current regime or one that has been recently overthrown to form a republic.
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This is a list of abolished upper houses of bicameral legislatures and parliaments at national and lower levels of government. The reasons for abolition include removal of unelected houses, under-representation of ethnic/religious minorities, under-representation of women, cost-cutting in government expenditure, longer and unlimited terms in office (leading to accusations of monarchism), and to speed up the process of legislation due to upper house scrutiny.
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He also declared that only lack of overt monarchism divided CEDA from Traditionalism, Garcia Canales 2015, p. 68 José María Gil-Robles admitted having been politically indebted to his father,during one of his Cortes addresses In the early 1930s a Carlist deputy exclaimed: "this is Traditionalism!", to which Gil-Robles responded by stating that the Carlists did not possess exclusive rights to Traditionalism but their visions of Christian democracy were entirely incompatible.
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Due to his independent mind, in Tehran he kept away from state officials and individuals in positions of power. In his public speeches, he emphasized on the merits of freedom and incessantly stirred up the sense of loving freedom amongst his audiences. In this, he went so far as to suggesting republicanism as a viable alternative to monarchism. His latter views polarised his audiences, driving some away, and attracting some more closely instead.
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It was last completed palace of Balthasar Neumann. After the start of the French Revolution in 1789, Elector Clemens Wenzeslaus von Sachsen offered refuge in the palace to members of the French royal family (King Louis XVI was his nephew). Also, he allowed Koblenz to become a centre of French monarchism. After the emigrants left the palace, the Prussian king Frederick William II stayed there for a few days in July 1792.
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James Donohoe, Hitler's Conservative Opponents in Bavaria: 1930 - 1945 ; a Study of Catholic, Monarchist, and Separatist Anti-Nazi Activities, Brill Archive, 1961, p. 106 Kanzler had little in common with the Nazis and was jailed for treason during the Third Reich for attempting to promote monarchism and for co-operating with the Black Front of Otto Strasser. Following his death, on his 83rd birthday, he was buried in his home town of Wasserburg am Inn.
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Maurras thought the Bourbon monarchy should be restored, using violence if needed. Maurras convinced Vaugeois to abandon his republican ideals in favour of monarchism. Pujo wrote later, "Under the mortal blows of Charles Maurras, the republicanism of each of us succumbed one by one in this year, 1900, which was the year of the hegira for the Action Francaise." In 1899 Vaugeois lost his teaching post after joining Paul Déroulède's half-hearted coup attempt.
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Besides, he branched out into land reclamation, river conservancy, modern education, especially in the northern Jiangsu. It is generally accepted that Zhang is a successful entrepreneur, however, some financial improprieties led Dah Sun to an insolvent liquidation in the 1920s. Zhang proclaimed that "the victory of Japan and the defeat of Russia are the victory of constitutionalism and the defeat of monarchism". In 1909, he was elected the chairman of Jiangsu provincial assembly.
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The French clergy and bishops were closely associated with the Monarchists and many of its hierarchy were from noble families. Republicans were based in the anticlerical middle class who saw the Church's alliance with the monarchists as a political threat to republicanism, and a threat to the modern spirit of progress. The Republicans detested the church for its political and class affiliations; for them, the church represented outmoded traditions, superstition and monarchism.
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Eugenio Vegas Latapie (1907-1985) was a Spanish monarchist writer, activist and conspirator who was noted for the extremism of his monarchism. A native of Irun, he was a leading member of the Acción Española.Paul Preston, Franco, London: 1995, p. 110. In his later years, Vegas Latapié served as Secretary and principal advisor to Don Juan de Borbón, the father of the future king Juan Carlos, whose early education he oversaw as well.
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During the Second World War, Action française supported the Vichy Regime and Marshal Philippe Pétain. After the fall of Vichy, its newspaper was banned and Maurras was sentenced to life imprisonment. The movement nevertheless continued to exist due to new publications and political movements, although with fading relevance as monarchism ceased to be a popular agenda, and French far-right movements shifted toward an emphasis on Catholic values and defense of classical European French culture.
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The violent revolution of November 1918 had not settled the question of what to do with the property of Germany's now former ruling houses. Policy was left up to individual states, many of which made settlements involving some sort of seizure of property.Kaufman, Walter (1973), Monarchism in the Weimar Republic, New York: Octagon Books, p. 160. The issue was settled indirectly on a federal level when the Weimar Constitution came into effect in August 1919.
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Centre for Research of Orthodox Monarchism is a Serbian monarchist association from Belgrade, founded in 2001 and registered with the Ministry of Justice of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in May 2002. Its founder and first director was Nebojsha M. Krstich, also known as the founder of the Fatherland movement Obraz. Nebojsha died in an alleged car accident, on 4 December 2001. He was succeeded as the director of the Centre by Rev.
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It was a paramilitary group with close ties to the Reichswehr, and developed by mid-1922 into the largest of the patriotic organizations in Bavaria. Bund Bayern und Reich combined monarchism with Christian traditionalism, as well as vehement anti-Marxism and antisemitism. Their slogan was, "First the Homeland, then the World!"Otto Pittinger as leader of Bund Bayern und ReichMuch of Pittinger's popularity with the organization came from his promise to revise postwar settlements.
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France remained basically Catholic. The 1872 census counted 36 million people, of whom 35.4 million were listed as Catholics, 600,000 as Protestants, 50,000 as Jews and 80,000 as freethinkers. The Revolution failed to destroy the Catholic Church, and Napoleon's concordat of 1801 restored its status. The return of the Bourbons in 1814 brought back many rich nobles and landowners who supported the Church, seeing it as a bastion of conservatism and monarchism.
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Bielinis was an active member of the Constituent Assembly and a member of the parliamentary commissions on local self- governments, finance and budget, and education. He spoke frequently against the new Constitution of Lithuania and particularly its provisions for the President of Lithuania. He believed that a president posed danger to democracy and could lead to absolutism and monarchism. As a member of the opposition to the Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party, he spoke frequently against various proposals, e.g.
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Theories about imperialism typically focus on the Second British Empire, with side glances elsewhere. The term "Imperialism" was originally introduced into English in its present sense in the 1870s by Liberal leader William Gladstone to ridicule the imperial policies of Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli, which he denounced as aggressive and ostentatious and inspired by domestic motives.Freda Harcourt, "Gladstone, monarchism and the 'new' imperialism, 1868–74." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 14#1 (1985): 20–51.
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Monarchism in France is the advocacy of restoring the monarchy (mostly constitutional monarchy) in France, which was abolished after the 1870 defeat by Prussia, arguably before that in 1848 with the establishment of the French Second Republic. The French monarchist movements are roughly divided today in three groups: the Legitimists for the royal House of Bourbon, the Orléanists for the cadet branch of the House of Orléans and the Bonapartists for the imperial House of Bonaparte.
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With several provinces behind them, the revolutionaries successfully forced Yuan to abandon monarchism on 20 March 1916. After Yuan died on 6 June 1916, Cai held the positions of Governor- General and Governor of Sichuan. He left for Japan for medical treatment at Kyushu Imperial University in Fukuoka for tuberculosis later in 1916, but died shortly after his arrival. He was accorded a state funeral in China at Yuelu Mountain in Hunan on 12 April 1917.
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For this, he uses joglaresque procedures (such as the question "What will I say?"), As well as using a live and colloquial language The fundamental objective of the work is to glorify the kings of the House of Aragon. The monarchism of our chronicler is closely related to providentialism and nationalism. The blood, a common destiny and the language (the beautiful catalanesc of the world ) are the elements that make up the base of the Catalan and Aragonese community.
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The open question, as Pocock suggested,J.G.A. Pocock, "Virtue and Commerce in the Eighteenth Century," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 3#1 (1972), pp. 119–34. of the conflict between personal economic interest (grounded in Lockean liberalism) and classical republicanism, troubled Americans. Jefferson and Madison roundly denounced the Federalists for creating a national bank as tending to corruption and monarchism; Alexander Hamilton staunchly defended his program, arguing that national economic strength was necessary for the protection of liberty.
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Sardinha graduated in law from the University of Coimbra in 1911.Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, 1990, p. 344 During his student years, he was a supporter of Republicanism and even flirted with anarcho-syndicalism but by 1911 he had shifted his opinions, under the influence of his highly conservative mother and became a strong advocate of monarchism and Catholicism.Douglas L. Wheeler, Republican Portugal: A Political History, 1910-1926, 1999, p.
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Following the overthrow of the monarchy and the Republic of China's establishment, he was appointed minister of state by Yuan Shikai in 1912, as the latter hoped that this would appease the pro-Qing Royalist Party. Xu resigned as secretary of state (premier) in protest to Yuan's imperial ambition in late 1915. He resumed his post after Yuan abandoned monarchism on 22 March 1916. His election as president was largely engineered by Duan Qirui and his Anhui clique.
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François Fontan (7 February 1929 - 19 December 1979) was a French politician. He was born into a family which came from Gascony (region of Bordeaux). Raised in a monarchic family, he first joined a political party : the Mouvement Socialiste Monarchique when he was about 15, but he quickly gave up monarchism and became closer to anarchism, and, then, to communists, but he got fed up with their stalinism. He moved to Nice and created the Occitan Nationalist Party there.
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An American scholar names El Estado Nuevo a lecture of corporative neotraditionalist monarchism, Stanley G. Payne, Fascism. Comparisons and Definitions, Madison 1980, , p. 143; in another of his works, Payne applies a more typical description of "societal corporatism", see his The Franco Regime, Madison 1987, , pp. 53–54. Rather unusual qualification is "traditionalist fascism" and "fascist project turned firmly towards the past", Dylan Riley, The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945, Baltimore 2010, , pp.
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30, available here However, it is generally assumed that monarchism formed one of the key points of the theory, with monarchy approached as an ultimate and united social bodyin Traditionalist doctrine a monarch was not representative of the people (la nación), but rather both were components of the same being, Bartyzel 2015, p. 61; another approach is that a monarch is ambodiment of unity, Luis Hernando de Larramendi Ruiz, Cristiandad, Tradición, Realeza, Madrid 1951, p. 132 and not infrequently viewed in transcendent terms.
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After the Spanish–American War, the country was ceded to the United States of America and made into a territory and eventually a Commonwealth, thus ending monarchism. While the Philippines is currently a republic, the Sultan of Sulu and Sultan of Maguindanao retain their titles only for ceremonial purposes but are considered ordinary citizens by the 1987 Constitution. Bhutan has been an independent kingdom since 1907. The first Druk Gyalpo (Dragon King) was elected and thereafter became a hereditary absolute monarchy.
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Until 1929, the Distributist League broadly supported the Labour Party and the British trade union movement. Sir Henry Slesser, a notable Labour Member of Parliament, served as one of the League's biggest supporters. During the 1930s, the Soviet Union appeared the biggest enemy to the cause of the distributists, and a move towards monarchism and to support for fascist Italy took place. Upon Chesterton's death, G. K.'s Weekly openly backed the far right forces of Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War.
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As a republican, Zervas was naturally opposed to the government-in-exile in Cairo led by King George II, but after Woodhouse made it clear that the British were willing to increase the supply of arms if he become a royalist, on 9 March 1943, Zervas sent out a message declaring his loyalty to the king.Mazower, Mark Inside Hitler's Greece p.141 As EDES was a republican group, Zervas's sudden conversion to monarchism shocked his followers.Mazower, Mark Inside Hitler's Greece p.
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After emigrating abroad, many black-hundredists became the main right-wing critics of the White movement. They blamed the movement for not only failing to stress monarchism as its key ideological foundation, but also supposedly being run under the influence of liberals and Freemasons. Boris Brasol (1885–1963), a former member of the Black Hundreds, was among those who later emigrated to the United States. There he befriended industrialist Henry Ford, who gave Brasol a job on The Dearborn Independent newspaper.
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Meanwhile, the Blancs d'Eu in France held the upper hand in monarchism. It would be quite wrong to describe the Blancs d’Eu within the meaning of Orléanist politics and ideology. Of course, the Blanc d’Eu supported the dynastic rights of Philippe d'Orléans, "Philippe VII, Count of Paris". However, they were absolutely not rallied to the Orleanism of the 19th century — that is, the political liberalism of the French, and remained of authentic Legitimists, traditionalists and artisans of Catholic social doctrine.
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De Fauveau was inspired by literary, political and religious themes. She was particularly interested in Monarchism and emulated medieval styles to support this political system in her art work. She was also known for including Christian symbolism in her work. A representative of the troubadour style, De Fauveau's Florentine works include an ornate Neo-Gothic holy water font at the Pitti Palace and the monumental tombs of Sir Charles Lyon Herbert and Lady Harriet Frances Pellew, at the English Cemetery in Piazzale Donatello.
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On 2 November (15 November N.S.) 1917, the Bolsheviks declared a general right of self-determination, including the right of complete secession, "for the Peoples of Russia". On the same day the Finnish Parliament issued a declaration by which it assumed, pro tempore, all powers of the Sovereign in Finland. The old Instrument of Government was however no longer deemed suitable. Leading circles had long held monarchism and hereditary nobility to be antiquated, and advocated a republican constitution for Finland.
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Created to support unification, it quickly became the newspaper of reference for the middle class moderates and supporters of the nationalist monarchism within Milan's ruling class. The first managing editor, who remained in the post till 1866, was . Valussi handed over control to Ruggero Bonghi, who on occasion displayed a formidable capacity for polemical journalism, and who demonstrated no great respect for Umberto I of Italy after 1878. Bonghi presided over a period of expansion, raising circulation to ten thousand copies.
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Influenced by his father, a republican, Ferreira developed strong political ideas, and after completing the military service, he joined the Republican Academic Battalion, a republican organization created by university students in order to protect the young Portuguese Republic against monarchism. He graduated in law in 1924. Soon after he became the Portuguese consul in Kristiansund, Norway. After the military coup of 1926, he returned and started working as a journalist, collaborating in several magazines, such as Presença, Seara Nova, Descobrimento, Imagem (a cinema magazine), Kino and others.
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Shukri al-Quwatli (; 6 May 189130 June 1967) was the first president of post- independence Syria. He began his career as a dissident working towards the independence and unity of the Ottoman Empire's Arab territories and was consequently imprisoned and tortured for his activism. When the Kingdom of Syria was established, Quwatli became a government official, though he was disillusioned with monarchism and co-founded the republican Independence Party. Quwatli was immediately sentenced to death by the French who took control over Syria in 1920.
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Reichsdeputationshauptschluss, printed edition, page 1 The ''''' (formally the ', or "Principal Conclusion of the Extraordinary Imperial Delegation"Making Sense of Constitutional Monarchism in Post-Napoleonic France and Germany by M. Prutsch. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. Retrieved 8 Jul 2016.), sometimes referred to in English as the Final Recess' or the Imperial Recess of 1803, was a resolution passed by the ' (Imperial Diet) of the Holy Roman Empire on 24 March 1803. It was ratified by the Emperor Francis II and became law on 27 April.
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It advocated policies of uncompromising monarchism, corporatism and opposition to the Versailles settlement. However, it lacked internal unity and money and so never managed to unite the right. It had faded away by the late 1920s, as the NSDAP (Nazi party) emerged.James M. Diehl, "Von Der 'Vaterlandspartei' zur 'Nationalen Revolution': Die 'Vereinigten Vaterländischen Verbände Deutschlands (VVVD)' 1922–1932," [From "party for the fatherland" to "national revolution": the United Fatherland Associations of Germany (VVVD), 1922–32] Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte (October 1985) 33 No. 4 pp. 617–639.
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The Knights of the Thistle meet in the Chapel at least once a year. Architectural critics have noted Lorimer's successful use of a limited site to create a soaring work of Gothic architecture, rich with architectural details. A number of critics have emphasised the Chapel's importance as a product of the Arts and Crafts movement, in which the collaborative craftsmanship of individual artisans defines the overall effect. Some critics have also emphasised the Chapel's political role as an expression of Scottish patriotism, British imperialism, and monarchism.
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The first national flag of the New World inspired by this symbolism was the flag of Mexico, adopted when the First Mexican Empire gained independence from Spain in 1821. After 1848, the young republican nation states continued to pick triband designs, but now more prevalently expressing the sentiment of nationalism or ethnic identity than anti-monarchism, the flag of Hungary (1848),the flag of Romania (1848), the Flag of Ireland (1848), the flag of Estonia (1880s), the flag of Lithuania (1905), and the flag of Armenia (1918).
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In Spain, the Acción Española adopted not only its far right monarchism but also its name from Maurras's movement.Stanley G. Payne, Spain's First Democracy: The Second Republic, 1931–1936, 1993, p. 171 The influence extended to Latin America, as in Mexico where Jesús Guiza y Acevedo was nicknamed "the little Maurras", as well as the historian Carlos Pereyra or the Venezuelan author Laureano Vallenilla Lanz, who wrote a book titled Cesarismo democratico (Democratic Caesarism). Other figures influenced include the Brazilian Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira.
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He promoted a conference titled A Coroa substituída pelo chapéu de côco (The Crown Substituted by the Hat), wherein he violently attacked institutional monarchism. Although disconnected with medical practice, he did run for a professorship at the Escola Médico-Cirúrgica de Lisboa (Medical-Surgery School of Lisbon) in 1904. Brito Camacho founded, with other like-minded Republicans, the magazine A Lucta, which began printing on 11 January 1906. The publication quickly turned into an influential republican source, transforming itself into an official organ of the Partido Unionista (Unionist Party).
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Modern examples include the Yang di-Pertuan Agong of Malaysia, who is appointed by the Conference of Rulers every five years or after the king's death, and the pope of the Roman Catholic Church, who serves as sovereign of the Vatican City State and is elected to a life term by the College of Cardinals. In recent centuries, many states have abolished the monarchy and become republics (however see, e.g., United Arab Emirates). Advocacy of government by a republic is called republicanism, while advocacy of monarchy is called monarchism.
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Notwithstanding his military career, he continued taking care of the family business, and was considered one of the wealthiest men in Chile. His family was a member of the highest Aristocracy of the colony, and because of that, he was elected on 18 September 1810 as a member of the First Government Junta of Chile, in spite of his personal sympathy for monarchism. This event propelled him into a very active political participation. In 1811, he became a member of the Superior Court of Government, and in 1812, the Provisional Government Junta.
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Once again reasserting his anti-system views he confirmed Traditionalist monarchy as an ultimate goal and declared himself committed to work towards it as theorist and ideologue, though not as a politician any more.Andrés Martín 2000, pp. 237-239 Members of the presidency acknowledged the letter and politely declared themselves looking forward to reversal of Vázquez de Mella's decision; the assembly ended in favor of setting up a new Catholic party.political guidelines adopted were based on principles of Spanish integrity, regionalism, monarchism and Catholic teaching, also applied to social questions, see Orella 2012, pp.
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Academic Chris Atton describes the infoshop as a "forum for alternative cultural, economic, political and social activities." For example, in a flyer announcing its planned activities, the Autonomous Centre of Edinburgh (ACE) stated it would make available locally produced arts and crafts, records, T-shirts, badges, books, zines and information. When it opened the following year, ACE provided flyers, leaflets, newsletters, magazines and journals about causes such as antivivisectionism, anti-monarchism, hunt sabotage and jobseeker's allowance advice. Like social centres, infoshops vary in size and function depending on local context.
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Despite its name, Sangkum's "Royal-Buddhist socialism" or "Khmer socialism" had little to do with socialism, neither with the Marxist variant nor with Anglo-Saxon "welfare socialism". Lacking a consistent political philosophy, it combined pseudo- socialist slogans with conservative social values, monarchism, nationalism and Theravada Buddhist teachings. It was stated that administrators would be "socialists for the well-being of the people and royalists for the prestige and cohesion of the nation". At the same time, the Sangkum was designed to democraticise the country and to exert political control.
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Throughout the lifetime of the Third Republic there were battles over the status of the Catholic Church. The French clergy and bishops were closely associated with the Monarchists and many of its hierarchy were from noble families. Republicans were based in the anticlerical middle class who saw the Church's alliance with the monarchists as a political threat to republicanism, and a threat to the modern spirit of progress. The Republicans detested the church for its political and class affiliations; for them, the church represented outmoded traditions, superstition and monarchism.
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After this escape Mier returned to the United States again in June 1821, where lived in Manuel Torres' home in Philadelphia for three months along with Vicente Rocafuerte. Torres was now acting as the Colombian representative in the U.S. Though opposites in demeanor, Mier and Torres shared a fanatical anti- monarchism and had a close friendship.Bowman, "Manuel Torres in Philadelphia", p. 22 Through Torres, Mier contacted Colombian secretary of foreign relations Pedro José Gual to encourage him to send a diplomat to Mexico to counter the monarchist movement there, which he did the next year.
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Le Roi au-delà de la mer ("The King Over the Water" as it deliberately and knowingly evokes the Stuart exile from Britain) is a 2000 novel by the French writer Jean Raspail. The book is written as a series of letters from a mentor to the young king of France, who sets up his court on a small island in order to avoid the disgracefulness of the contemporary world. Raspail uses the book to reject what he describes as "magazine princes" and champions a monarchism that is not merely for decorative purposes.
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In October 1928, Westarp was deposed as the DNVP's leader The disastrous showing at the polls in the Reichstag election of 20 May 1928 (the party's share of votes fell from 21% in 1924 to 14% in 1928) led to a new outbreak of party in-fighting.E. Kolb, The Weimar Republic, 2nd ed. (New York: Rutledge, 2005), pp. 224–5 The immediate cause of the in-fighting was an article published in July 1928 entitled "Monarchism" (Monarchismus) by Walther Lambach, a board member of the German National Association of Commercial Employees (DHV).
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Carpenter, in line with his Republican and Socialist outlook, had denounced monarchism ahead of the forthcoming visit of George V to Dublin. Upon his release, he was greeted by leading figures in Irish left-wing politics at the time such as James Connolly, Helena Molony and Jim Larkin, who had previously paid his bail of £40.Galvin (2016) p. 17 Walter participated in the "Inquiry into the Housing Conditions of the Working Classes of Dublin" which was instigated by Dublin Corporation after tenements had collapsed in Church St. in the city, killing seven people.
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Throughout the lifetime of the Third Republic there were battles over the status of the Catholic Church. The French clergy and bishops were closely associated with the Monarchists and many of its hierarchy were from noble families. Republicans were based in the anticlerical middle class who saw the Church's alliance with the monarchists as a political threat to republicanism, and a threat to the modern spirit of progress. The Republicans detested the church for its political and class affiliations; for them, the church represented outmoded traditions, superstition and monarchism.
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The campaign was a bitter one, with Federalists attempting to identify the Democratic- Republicans with the violence of the French RevolutionPresidential Election of 1796, retrieved on November 5, 2009. and the Democratic-Republicans accusing the Federalists of favoring monarchism and aristocracy. Republicans sought to associate Adams with the policies developed by fellow Federalist Alexander Hamilton during the Washington administration, which they declaimed were too much in favor of Great Britain and a centralized national government. In foreign policy, Republicans denounced the Federalists over the Jay Treaty, which had established a temporary peace with Great Britain.
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One of many opponents of that trend was Elizabeth Dawbarn, whose anonymous Dialogue between Clara Neville and Louisa Mills, on Loyalty (1794) features "silly Louisa, who admires liberty, Tom Paine and the USA, [who is] lectured by Clara on God's approval of monarchy" and on the influence women can exert on men.The Feminist Companion to Literature in English, ed. Virginia Blain, Patricia Clements and Isobel Grundy, (London: Batsford, 1990), p. 272. Since then advocacy of the abolition of a monarchy or respectively of republics has been called republicanism, while the advocacy of monarchies is called monarchism.
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The United Christian Party was a minor Australian political party active between 1972 and 1974, and again in 1980. Following 1980 it was renamed the Australian Christian Party and contested the 1983 election as such. Originally formed in South Australia, its platform listed the election of a non-party- bound Christian to the Senate, the development of the Aboriginal race with the rest of the community, monarchism and the preservation of the Australian flag's current form as its aims. It contested the Senate in 1974 and the House of Representatives (in Victorian seats) in 1980 and 1983.
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In early 2013, the party founded the Imperial Palace Fund aimed at re-creating the three ancient imperial palaces in Moscow, St. Petersburg and Yekaterinburg (Podzorny Palace, Srednerogatsky Palace and Belovezhsky Palace). They are supposed to be re-built according to older blueprints not on their historical grounds but at locations suitable to attract tourists. It is also proposed that they be used as homes for descendants of the Romanovs on their visits to Russia, and for general popularization of monarchism. On September 4, 2013, the ceremonial cornerstone for the copy of Belovezhsky palace was laid near Yekatrinburg.
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During the Portuguese Liberal Revolution of 1820, he supported the constitutionalists, who advocated a national constitution to limit the powers of the Portuguese monarchy, against the absolutists, who preferred an absolute monarchy. It is unknown whether he actively took part in the uprising, however, and if so, to what degree. Honório Hermeto was a member of a secret society called A Gruta (The Den), founded by Brazilian students at Coimbra with the primary goal of changing Brazil from a monarchy into a republic. His republicanism would fade with time and eventually be replaced by staunch support for monarchism.
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In 1898 after the death of the left-wing leader Felice Cavallotti, Sacchi became the new head of The Extreme and started a process of modernization that ended in 1904, when he officially founded the Italian Radical Party. Sacchi abandoned increasingly left-wing ideologies, switching the PR into a more moderate party. Moreover, after the assassination of King Umberto I, Sacchi exalted him and for this was accused of monarchism, by the socialists. In 1906 he became Minister of Grace and Justice under the premiership of Sidney Sonnino and in 1910 he was appointed by Luigi Luzzatti, Minister of Public Works.
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Following the successful overthrow of the Kerensky government, Trotsky was named the first People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR of Soviet Russia. In April 1918, Trotsky was named People's Commissar for War and the Navy, in which capacity he helped to construct the Red Army that would defend the new regime against forces seeking a restoration of monarchism in the Russian Civil War. Lenin's retirement from active political life in the aftermath of a series of strokes in 1923 followed by his death in January 1924 ushered in an interregnum during which several leading candidates jockeyed for supremacy.
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On 25 September 1924, Grand Duke Alexander Michailovich issued an appeal to Russians to stand with Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich. It was at this time that Grand Duke Dimitri Pavlovich, who had no political ambitions for himself, supported instead the claim of his first cousin, Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich. Grand Duke Dimitri was also active politically. Together with his cousin, Prince Dimitri Alexandrovich, he was very involved in the monarchist youth organizations which sprang up in the years between the wars. By 1923, the largest of these was the “Union of Young Russia” which preached orthodoxy, nationalism, monarchism and peasant collectivism.
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Aristotle contrasted rule by the many (democracy/timocracy), with rule by the few (oligarchy/aristocracy), and with rule by a single person (tyranny or today autocracy/absolute monarchy). He also thought that there was a good and a bad variant of each system (he considered democracy to be the degenerate counterpart to timocracy). A common view among early and renaissance Republican theorists was that democracy could only survive in small political communities. Heeding the lessons of the Roman Republic's shift to monarchism as it grew larger or smaller, these Republican theorists held that the expansion of territory and population inevitably led to tyranny.
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One of the first attempts to create a Manchu polity was by Shanqi, the Prince Su, who tried to create a separatist state in Inner Mongolia with Japanese help in 1912. His venture was not driven by nationalism, however, but by a desire to see the monarchy under Puyi restored. In general, anti-Republican groups founded by Banner people, most prominently the Royalist Party, were initially more motivated by monarchism, conservatism, and revisionism than Manchu/Manchurian nationalism. Manchurian nationalism and independence were heavily promoted by the Empire of Japan, however, whose aim was to weaken and divide China.
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1848 then ushered in a wave of revolutions against the continental European monarchies. World War I and its aftermath saw the end of three major European monarchies: the Russian Romanov dynasty, the German Hohenzollern dynasty, including all other German monarchies and the Austro- Hungarian Habsburg dynasty. The rise of the Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919 provoked an increase in support for monarchism; however, efforts by Hungarian monarchists failed to bring back a royal head of state, and the monarchists settled for a regent, Admiral Miklós Horthy, to represent the monarchy until it could be restored. Horthy was regent from 1920 to 1944.
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The MNS emerged amongst a group of students who were associated with the Liga Nacional 28 de maio but had grown disillusioned with its right-wing economic platform.Payne, p. 314 Under the leadership of Francisco Rolão Preto, the National Syndicalists emerged in 1932 from a tradition of Monarchism and Integralismo Lusitano ("Lusitanic Integralism") to offer a platform that they hoped would lead to full corporatism of association or unionism in opposition to capitalism and communism. They called for a totalitarian state to rule Portugal, although they placed central importance on the Catholic Church and made Catholic identity an important part of their appeal.
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French royalism largely receded to irrelevance in World War II and beyond. While before World War II, many French conservatives and other members of the right also harbored royalist aspirations, conservative movements dropped this platform during and after the war. Charles de Gaulle's center-rightist Gaullism explicitly repudiated monarchism, and far-right organizations disdained the old aristocratic elite. According to historian René Rémond's studies of right-wing factions in France, Legitimists strongly supported the Vichy regime; nevertheless, they received little from the Vichy government, and the regime emphasized Catholic traditionalism rather than a return to aristocracy.
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In 1921 Kunze established his own anti-Semitic party in north Germany known as the German Social Party, an early rival to the Nazi Party on the far right.Konrad Heiden, A History of National Socialism, Taylor & Francis, 1971, p. 23 The new party rejected the monarchism of the DNVP, arguing that Jewish influence had been just as pronounced in the German empire as in the new Weimar Republic. The party became noted for provocative street activities, with Kunze himself becoming a well-known demagogue.Manfred Weißbecker: "Deutschsoziale Partei 1921−1928", in: Dieter Fricke (ed.): Lexikon zur Parteiengeschichte.
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246-7 earning him position also abroad.one of his readers in Europe was Agustí Chalaux Le Semana demonstrated Bardina's increasingly democratic penchanthe has long abandoned earlier monarchism, turning not only a republican, but also supporter of universal suffrage, including the feminine vote, compare his comments on the Spanish republican constitution, La Semana Internacional 16.04.34, available here combined with concern about social issues and poverty. Initially sympathetic towards the Spanish Republic, he later started to view it as incapable of solving structural issues; following a period of hesitation, during the Civil War he tended to side with the Nationalists.
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Following the fall of Napoleon Bonaparte in 1815, Cabet became active in the struggle against conservative theocratic monarchism, participating in political groups which espoused a constitutional and republican form of government under monarchical leadership. In 1820 Cabet moved to Paris, the political center of the French nation. There he continued to participate in secret revolutionary societies, at considerable personal risk. It ultimately took a decade for this underground political effort to bear fruit when in July 1830 revolution erupted seeking the fundamental change of the conservative regime which had gained power in the Bourbon Restoration following the fall of Napoleon.
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Since the 1789 French Revolution, the political spectrum in France has obeyed the left–right distinction. However, due to the historical association of the term droite (right) with monarchism, conservative or right- wing parties have tended to avoid officially describing themselves as representing the "right wing". Contemporary French politics are characterised by two politically opposed groupings: one left-wing, centred on the French Socialist Party, and the other right-wing, centred previously around the Rassemblement pour la République (RPR) and its successor the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP), today called Les Republicains. The executive branch is currently composed mostly of the Socialist Party.
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By doing so they would reject their former political ideals, espousing Greek nationalism and monarchism, henceforth becoming prisoner functionaries, pitting them against the unrepentant prisoners. The prison functionaries and those deemed to be the closest to full rehabilitation were transferred to the Third Sapper Battalion, which was presented as an example to be followed for the rest of the prisoners. The Second Sapper Battalion was composed of new arrivals and prisoners whose ideological alignment could not be conclusively established. The First Sapper Battalion (Α΄ Τάγμα Σκαπανέων) on the other hand was branded the "Red Battalion" as it was thought to contain exclusively "unpatriotic" elements and leftist hard- liners.
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The Whigs were a political faction and then a political party in the parliaments of England, Scotland, Great Britain, Ireland and the United Kingdom. Between the 1680s and 1850s, the Whigs contested power with their rivals, the Tories. By 1912, the remnants of the Whig Party would merge with their old Tory rivals, to become the modern day Conservative Party (UK). The Whigs' origin lay in constitutional monarchism and opposition to absolute monarchy, supporting a parliamentary system. The Whigs played a central role in the Glorious Revolution of 1688 and were the standing enemies of the Stuart kings and pretenders, who were Roman Catholic.
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For a time the party organ was Antisemitische-Correspondenz after Liebermann von Sonnenberg had acquired the rights to the paper from Theodor Fritsch. However Liebermann von Sonnenberg's innate conservatism saw the language of the previously radical journal toned down and as a result subscription rates dropped.Richard S. Levy, Antisemitism: A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution, ABC-CLIO, 2005, p. 22 This conservatism made them targets for the left and in 1898 they were criticised in the pages of Sächsische Arbeiter- Zeitung, a Dresden-based left-wing newspaper edited by Rosa Luxemburg, for their support for monarchism and their veneration of Otto von Bismarck as well as for their internal squabbling.
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In other city-states, the monarchy was open to the election of any free-born male citizen. In Ilesa, Ondo, Akure and other Yoruba communities, there were several, but comparatively rare, traditions of female Ọbas. The kings were traditionally almost always polygamous and often married royal family members from other domains, thereby creating useful alliances with other rulers. Ibadan, a city-state and proto-empire that was founded in the 1800s by a polyglot group of refugees, soldiers, and itinerant traders after the fall of Ọyọ, largely dispensed with the concept of monarchism, preferring to elect both military and civil councils from a pool of eminent citizens.
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The first use in English of the term 'terrorism' occurred during the French Revolution's Reign of Terror, when the Jacobins, who ruled the revolutionary state, employed violence, including mass executions by guillotine, to compel obedience to the state and intimidate regime enemies. The association of the term only with state violence and intimidation lasted until the mid-19th century, when it began to be associated with non- governmental groups. Anarchism, often in league with rising nationalism and anti-monarchism, was the most prominent ideology linked with terrorism. Near the end of the 19th century, anarchist groups or individuals committed assassinations of a Russian Tsar and a U.S. President.
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Belgranian National Institute, La religiosidad () His monarchism was not a conservative one, as he agreed that the existing state of things should be modified, but not towards a republic as in France or the United States, but towards a constitutional monarchy, like in Britain. In the economic fields, he was influenced by the principles of physiocracy, an economic doctrine that considered that nature was the source of wealth. As a result, much of his works and reform proposals at the Consulate were oriented towards improving agriculture, livestock, manufacturing, and free trade. He maintained a fluent contact with the consulates of other cities, developing a view of the viceroyalty as a whole.
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1889 seemed to have begun well for both the monarchy and for Brazil. During a three-month tour of the northeast and north, the enthusiastic reception given the Count of Eu "demonstrated that monarchism remained powerful there". In late July, the Emperor traveled to Minas Gerais, demonstrating both that he was still actively engaged and the depth of support for the monarch in the province. Along with the successful appearances made by Eu and Isabel in São Paulo, Paraná, Santa Catarina, and Rio Grande do Sul provinces from November 1884 to March 1885, there was every indication of broad backing for the monarchy among the Brazilian population.
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His continuing fervent monarchism remained out of tune with the political mainstream and his incumbency as party secretary turned out to be brief, lasting from December 1947 till October 1948. At first he lobbied colleagues to reinstate him, but after the fifth party congress in July 1949 he found himself increasingly marginalised within the PLI, and during 1950 he resigned from it. At the General Election of 7 June 1953 Lucifero d'Aprigliano stood for election to parliament as a candidate from the Monarchist National Party ("Partito Nazionale Monarchico" / PNM)). He was successful, representing the Reggio Calabria electoral district, and was re-elected in 1958.
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The Iron Front () was a German paramilitary organization in the Weimar Republic that consisted of social democrats, trade unionists, and liberals. Its main goal was to defend liberal democracy against totalitarian ideologies on the far right and left, and it chiefly opposed the Sturmabteilung wing of the Nazi Party and the Antifaschistische Aktion wing of the Communist Party of Germany. Formally independent, it was intimately associated with the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). The Three Arrows, originally conceived for the Iron Front, became a well known social democrat symbol representing resistance against Nazism, communism and monarchism during the parliamentary elections in November 1932, and was adopted by the SPD itself.
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Raeder's traditionalism meant that honouring tradition and history played a huge role in the Navy under his leadership, with both officers and men encouraged to think of themselves at all times as part of an elite with a glorious history.Thomas pp. 54-55. Raeder's traditionalism, which in practice meant honoring the traditions of the Imperial Navy together with his close association with the Kaiser and his younger brother Prince Heinrich of Prussia and that he always respectfully described Wilhelm II as the "originator of German sea power" led many to conclude that he was a monarchist, but Raeder in fact had abandoned his monarchism after 1918.Bird Erich Raeder p. 83.
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The republican side won the vote by a narrow margin, and the modern Republic of Italy was created. Monarchism as a political force internationally has substantially diminished since the end of the Second World War, though it had an important role in the 1979 Iranian Revolution and also played a role in the modern political affairs of Nepal. Nepal was one of the last states to have had an absolute monarch, which continued until King Gyanendra was peacefully deposed in May 2008 and the country became a federal republic. One of the world's oldest monarchies was abolished in Ethiopia in 1974 with the fall of Emperor Haile Selassie.
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In the 1790s, Jeffersonian democracy arose in opposition to the Federalist Party, primarily as a response to the fear that Federalists' favoritism toward British monarchism threatened the new republic.Noble E. Cunningham, The Jeffersonian Republicans: The Formation of Party Organization, 1789–1801 (1957) The opposition party chose the name "Republican Party". Some historians refer to them as "Jeffersonian Republicans" while political scientists usually use the "Democratic-Republican Party," in order to distinguish them from the modern Republican Party. While "Jeffersonian Democracy" persisted as an element of the Democratic Party into the early 20th century, as exemplified by William Jennings Bryan (1860–1925), and its themes continue to echo in the 21st century.
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Guillaume-Chrétien de Lamoignon de Malesherbes (6 December 1721 – 22 April 1794), often referred to as Malesherbes or Lamoignon-Malesherbes, was a French statesman and minister in the ancien régime, and later counsel for the defense of Louis XVI. He is known for his vigorous criticism of royal abuses as President of the Cour des Aides and his role, as director of censorship, in helping with the publication of the Encyclopédie.Andrew S. Curran, Diderot and the Art of Thinking Freely, Other Press, 2019, p. 137, 161-4 Despite his committed monarchism, his writings contributed to the development of liberalism during the French Age of Enlightenment.
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Ivanov-Sukharevsky has developed his own ideology which he calls Russism, which emphasises the centrality of race above all divisions. Russism is attractive to racists who adhere to Paganism rather than the Russian Orthodox Church, which is generally afforded a central role on the Russian extreme right. Russism seeks to build a link from pre-revolutionary orthodox monarchism to Nazism, and identifies the two great heroes of the Twentieth century as Nicholas II of Russia and Adolf Hitler, arguing that Hitler was revenge on the Bolsheviks for the revolution.Nazi Skinheads in Modern Russia According to his personal ideology the Russy consists of eight branches i.e.
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Three years later, he was elevated to archiepiscopal dignity.online biography He was briefly imprisoned by the Provisional Government in 1917 for his monarchism, but was a member of the local council of the Russian Orthodox Church in 1917, which re-established the patriarchate and elected Tikhon as patriarch. He traveled to Moscow and never returned to Nizhny Novgorod, but retired from his archiepiscopate and was named administrator of the New Jerusalem Monastery on 22 March 1918. He was again arrested, this time by the Bolsheviks, in 1918, but later that year, was released and allowed to travel to Crimea where he lived in his son's dacha near Sevastopol.
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Like the daily Minerva, Seara was originally a creation of G. G. Cantacuzino, the Romanian magnate. Cantacuzino, who supported the Conservative Party inner faction of Alexandru Marghiloman, refrained from attaching his name to Seara, later entrusting Bogdan-Pitești with the position of manager.; ; ; & In 1910, the year of its foundation, Seara also followed the Conservative doyens Petre P. Carp and Nicolae Filipescu, supporting Carp's strict monarchism and suggesting that the "Carpist–Filipescan" line was one of moral superiority. Early in its existence, Seara reported on various events agitating public opinion, such as the Romanian Orthodox Church division between the traditionalists and those who supported communion with Rome.
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Cato, a Tragedy is a play written by Joseph Addison in 1712 and first performed on 14 April 1713. Based on the events of the last days of Marcus Porcius Cato Uticensis (better known as Cato the Younger) (95–46 BC), a Stoic whose deeds, rhetoric and resistance to the tyranny of Julius Caesar made him an icon of republicanism, virtue, and liberty. Addison's play deals with many themes such as individual liberty versus government tyranny, republicanism versus monarchism, logic versus emotion, and Cato's personal struggle to hold to his beliefs in the face of death. The play has a prologue written by Alexander Pope and an epilogue by Samuel Garth.
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It contained a Carlist flavor, though attracting different breeds of monarchists it fell short of dynastical declarations, merging with Carlism in 1932, Javier Ugarte Tellería, La nueva Covadonga insurgente: orígenes sociales y culturales de la sublevación de 1936 en Navarra y el País Vasco, Madrid 1998, , 9788470305313, p. 11. When integrated into Carlism HE boasted 30 circles in the province, Roberto Villa García, Las elecciones de 1933 en el País Vasco y Navarra, Madrid 2007, , 9788498491159, p. 51 the same year he took over a local daily, re-launched as Pensamiento Álavés and promoting the cause of Christian monarchism and Basque- Spanish loyalty.as opposed to the Republican and Basque national ideologies.
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Cornwallis takes as its point of divergence from our history the decision of Anne-Robert-Jacques Turgot to not criticise the extravagances of Marie Antoinette as he did in the real world. Without the queen's enmity, King Louis XVI heeded his advice against interference in the American Revolution over that of the anti-British Charles Gravier, and also implemented Turgot's Six Reforms, which prevented the French Revolution in this timeline. Without French support the American colonies' cause failed and the Tories in Britain acquiesced to a Second Restoration of true royal power. Monarchism became the order of the day in Europe, which eventually came under the sway of Czar Alexander II's Russian Empire.
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Lino Neto published his political views in various journals and books and took part of various Catholic associations before, in 1919, being nominated President of the newly formed Catholic Centre Party. In 1920, Lino Neto directs A União, CCP's official weekly publication. His main political positions at the beginning of the 20th century were: the revitalization of the Catholic Church through improved education of the clergy, economic reform based on a reinvestment on agriculture; and a public administration reform through decentralization, in favor of Municipalities. Lino Neto was criticized by the Republicans, because he defended the right of Catholics to social and political intervention, and by the Monarchists, because he did not defend a return to Monarchism.
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In the report Bakov emphasized that Karl Emich has been being an entrepreneur for long time, but from now on, all non-Throne related activity is disabled for him. The report contained a "Manifesto of granting the Constitution to the State", signed by Nicholas III, proclaiming the formation of the sovereign state "Imperial See" aimed at consolidating all the people around the world devoted to Christian Monarchism. The See in the documents is viewed as legacy to the first-ever Christian Roman Imperial Throne of Constantine the Great passed through Byzantine Empire to Russian Empire and House of Romanov via religious procedures. n:ru:Виртуальная «Российская империя» с одобрения Николая III обретает государственный суверенитет — Russian Wikinews, 15 April 2014.
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Ludwig Windthorst (17 January 181214 March 1891) was a German politician and leader of the Catholic Centre Party and the most notable opponent of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck during the Prussian-led unification of Germany and the Kulturkampf. Margaret L. Anderson argues that he was "Imperial Germany's greatest parliamentarian" and bears comparison with Irishmen Daniel O'Connell and Charles Stewart Parnell "in his handling of party machinery and his relation to the masses." He entered politics during the revolutionary years of 1848 and 1849 in the Protestant Kingdom of Hanover, where his legal and political skills overcame the handicap of near blindness and being in an unpopular minority. He supported Hanoverian independence ("particularism") and was loyal to monarchism.
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On 1 March 1919, the same day the Temporary National Representation met without them present, the Party of Rights changed its name to Croatian Party of Rights. In their program from March 1919, members of the party made a plea for Croatian independence based on the right to self-determination of all peoples. In this program, the Party of Rights emphasized their republicanism as opposed to the monarchism of House of Karađorđević, whose rule was accepted by all Croatian politicians, except Stjepan Radić's Croatian Peasant Party. Their main goal were the ideas of Ante Starčević for an independent Croatian state, and the "Croatian State Right" () was their main argument for achieving this goal.
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Spain, despite its neutrality during the war, was also affected by turmoil between radical republicanism and traditionalist monarchism. The Restoration Monarchy of 1874 was a parliamentary regime but a conservative one that underrepresented popular classes and gave the monarch a major political role. A democratising revolution was attempted in 1917 by an alliance of radical republicans, socialists and disaffected military officers, but it soon failed. After the war, however, critics of the constitutional monarchy grew as the international climate proved favourable to republican or democratising institutionalchange, and the Restoration state proved unable to resolve a series of challenges brought on by the war, notably a postwar economic slump and renewed anti- imperial action in the colonies.
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Zhejiang (red) in the Republic of China By the time China's first president Yuan Shikai declared himself emperor in 1916, Xia had risen to chief of the provincial and metropolitan police in Zhejiang. Many military and civilian leaders around China were opposed to Yuan's monarchism, resulting in rebellions against the Chinese government that culminated in the National Protection War. Xia sympathized with the republicans, and consequently started to conspire with Tong Baoxuan, commander of the Zhejiang New Army's 2nd Battalion, to overthrow Zhejiang's pro-Yuan provincial government. The two plotted to capture and murder Zhejiang's governor Zhu Rui, but the governor fled on 11 April 1916 before they could carry out their plan.
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In Christian theology, historical patripassianism (as it is referred to in the Western church) is a version of Sabellianism in the Eastern church (and a version of modalism, modalistic monarchianism, or modal monarchism). Modalism is the belief that God the Father, Jesus Christ, and the Holy Spirit are three different modes or aspects of one monadic God, as perceived by the believer, rather than three distinct persons within the Godhead - that there are no real or substantial differences between the three, such that there is no substantial identity for the Spirit or the Son.G. T. Stokes, "Sabellianism," ed. William Smith and Henry Wace, A Dictionary of Christian Biography, Literature, Sects and Doctrines (London: John Murray, 1877–1887), 567.
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It achieved this goal in 1930, but failed to capitalize on the gains. LVȚ and PC monarchism was generally moderate and within the classical political spectrum, reclaiming the legacy of the old-regime Conservative Party; however, the League idealized efficient government by dictatorial means, and its fringes grouped ultra-nationalists and fascists. Always a minor force, the PC relied on support from larger parties: the Democratic Nationalist Party (PND), the People's Party (PP), and eventually the National Peasants' Party (PNȚ). While its more radical members left to join the Iron Guard, Filipescu stated his anti-fascism, and, eventually, to the authoritarian tendencies of King Carol, who ultimately banned all political parties but the National Renaissance Front.
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The NNP ideology is based on the ideas of 'Russism', a creation of Ivanov-Sukharevsky. It seeks to link earlier ideas of Russian Orthodox monarchism to Nazism, with Nicholas II of Russia and Adolf Hitler the two great heroes of Russism as, they claim, Hitler sought to revenge the Tsar for his killing by Jewish Bolsheviks. However, although Russism avowedly links itself to Russian Orthodoxy, in practice the NNP has also been open to those elements of Neopaganism favoured by many of its skinhead followers. In contrast to some groups on the Russian far right, where bitter factionalism has often predominated, the NNP has been keen to work with other like-minded groups.
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The liberal Orléanists agreed to recognize Chambord as king and the Orléanists claimant himself Prince Philippe, Count of Paris (1838–1894) recognized Chambord as head of the French royal house. In return, Legitimists in the Assembly agreed that should Chambord die childless, Philippe d'Orléans would succeed him as king. Unfortunately for French monarchism, Chambord's refusal to accept the tricolor as the flag of France and to abandon the fleur-de-lys, symbol of the Ancien Régime, made restoration impossible until after his death in 1883, by which time the monarchists had long since lost their parliamentary majority due to the 16 May 1877 crisis. The death of Chambord effectively dissolved the Legitimists as a political force in France.
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After about five years' exile in > Berlin, during which he professed to be a monarchist, he returned to Russia. > His subsequent change over from monarchism to communism was too quick and > effortless to be sincere. He surpassed his less able colleagues in the art > of glorifying Stalin by drawing subtle analogies between the latter and > Peter the Great. He made a rapid career, became one of the leaders of the > officially sponsored Association of Authors, and was recently awarded the > highest academic distinction in Russia, the Stalin Prize...I think this is > sufficient to show that Alexei has not got a grain of that grandeur which > made his namesake the undisputed moral authority in Russia, of whom even the > most obscurantist Tsarist Ministers were afraid.
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As such republics have become the opposing and alternative form of government to monarchy, despite some having seen infringements through lifelong or even hereditary heads of state. With the rise of republicanism a diverse division between republicanism developed in the 19th-century politics (such as anti-monarchist radicalism) and conservative or even reactionary monarchism. In the following 20th century many countries abolished monarchy and became republics, especially in the wake of World War I and World War II. Today forty-five sovereign nations in the world have a monarch, including sixteen Commonwealth realms that have Elizabeth II as the head of state. Most modern monarchs are constitutional monarchs, who retain a unique legal and ceremonial role but exercise limited or no political power under a constitution.
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In 1924, his memoirs appeared, dedicated to his former friends in the army and to Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany, who considered reciprocating by dedicating his memoirs to Sukhomlinov. Highly critical of former colleagues, Sukhomlinov suggested that the Revolutions of 1917-1923 had occurred because Russia and Germany been unable to remain united against liberal democracy due to the breakup of the League of the Three Emperors and the war, and that monarchism could be restored through a rapprochement in Russian-German relations. Sukhomlinov's memoirs were published in translation by the newly- formed Soviet Union. Sukhomlinov lived the remainder of his life in extreme poverty in Berlin, where he was found dead of exposure on a park bench one morning on 2 February 1926.
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The clash between radical republicanism and conservative monarchism was also at the heart of political conflict in Greece. In the years leading up to the war, Greece had participated in Balkan Wars against neighbouring states on nationalist and irridentist grounds. The Great War, by bringing Greece into the victorious side against its old rival, Ottoman Empire, had brought to a head existing tensions between two loose camps of Greek political elites that is known as the National Schism. On the left, the Venizelists, led by Eleftherios Venizelos, was liberal, republican, progressive and nationalist; favoured France and Britain in foreign policy and sought profound democratising reforms influenced by the Radicals in the French Third Republic and by British Prime Minister David Lloyd George.
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Mexican monarchism emerged in conjunction with the struggle for independence. After Napoleon Bonaparte invaded Spain, the initial independence movements throughout Latin America concerned themselves with supporting the deposed Ferdinand VII as the legitimate king as opposed to Joseph Bonaparte who had been established as king of Spain by Napoleon. During the Grito de Dolores, Miguel Hidalgo Costilla rallied his listeners to support Ferdinand VII against the New Spanish ruling classes that were allegedly going to betray Mexico and Catholicism over to the French. While his insurrection was unsuccessful the ultimately triumphant movement for Mexican independence was led by Agustin de Iturbide with his Plan of Iguala, which made specific provision for a European monarch to be placed on the Mexican throne.
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In 1838, Jose Maria Gutierrez Estrada wrote a monarchist essay endorsing the idea of a legitimate European monarch being invited to govern Mexico. The pamphlet was addressed to the conservative president Bustamante, who rejected the idea. French diplomats tended to sympathize with the Conservatives in Mexico, Victor de Broglie opining that monarchy was a form of government more suited to Mexico at the time and François Guizot giving a positive review of Estrada's pamphlet. A monarchist faction in 1846 promoted the idea of establishing a foreign prince at the head of the Mexican government, and president Paredes was viewed as being sympathetic to monarchism, but the project was not pursued due to the more pressing matter of the American invasion of Mexico.
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It was banned by the Nazis on 2 February 1933, and later re-established in 1952.Bayerischer Heimat- und Königsbund "In Treue fest" Dieter J. Weiß, Bayerische Königspartei, 1919-1926 Historisches Lexikon Bayerns in: Historisches Lexikon Bayerns (2011). Because of its association with monarchism, the motto unlike other German military slogans (notably the term Nibelungentreue) remained unassociated with Nazi ideology and is still in use by a number of German associations, including Tambourcorps "In Treue fest" (Anstel, founded 1919/20), Neusser Tambourkorps "In Treue fest" (Neuss, founded 1968). Bavarian Studentenverbindung KBStV Rhaetia München (founded 1881) uses the motto cum fide virtus ("virtue with loyalty"), intended as a Latin translation of the Wittelsbacher motto; KStV Alamannia Tübingen uses the Latin translation In fide firmitas ("steadfastness in loyalty").
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The National Agrarian Party ( or Partidul Național-Agrarian, PNA) was a right- wing agrarian party active in Romania during the early 1930s. Established and led by poet Octavian Goga, it was originally a schism from the more moderate People's Party, espousing national conservatism, monarchism, agrarianism, antisemitism, and Germanophilia; Goga was also positively impressed by fascism, but there is disagreement in the scholarly community as to whether the PNA was itself fascist. Its antisemitic rhetoric was also contrasted by the PNA's acceptance of some Jewish members, including Tudor Vianu and Henric Streitman. The group was generally suspicious of Romania's other ethnic minorities, but in practice accepted members and external collaborators of many ethnic backgrounds, including the Romani Gheorghe A. Lăzăreanu-Lăzurică.
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The group that has become known as The Generation of '98 was affected by several major events and trends in Spanish history. According to Carr's definition of the group, most of them were born in the 1870s. These men were especially informed by Spain's defeat and humiliation in the Spanish–American War in 1898, which crystallized into two distinct political movements, Republicanism and Carlist Monarchism marked by the oscillation of power (a zeal for reform characterized these years of Spanish history): # "The Glorious Revolution" in 1868 and the following six years of revolution, in which the country overthrew Queen Isabella and the monarchy and then had to try to fill the political void with a stable government. # The First Spanish Republic of 1873 lasted only 22 months.
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Tracy advanced a rigorous use of deductive method in social theory, seeing economics in terms of actions (praxeology) and exchanges (catallactics). Tracy's influence can be seen both on the Continent, particularly on Stendhal, Augustin Thierry, Auguste Comte and Charles Dunoyer and in the United States, where the general approach of the French Liberal School of political economy competed evenly with British classical political economy well until the end of the 19th century as evidence in the work and reputation of Arthur Latham Perry and others. In his political writings,de Tracy, Antoine Louis Claude Destutt, A Commentary and Review of Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws, trans. Thomas Jefferson (1811) (New York: Burt Franklin, 1969) Tracy rejected monarchism, favoring the American republican form of government.
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However, monarchism inside the Action was always integrated secondary to its semi-official ideology of "integral nationalism" theorized by Maurras, and many Action activists were still republicans, like the founder Vaugeois. The movement grew to be one of the largest organizations in France, but in 1926 a condemnation from Pope Pius XI against the Action caused the defection of many Catholic sympathizers. The Pope judged that it was folly for the French Church to continue to tie its fortunes to the unlikely dream of a monarchist restoration, and distrusted the movement's tendency to defend the Catholic religion in merely utilitarian and nationalistic terms, and the Action Française never recovered from the condemnation. By 1934, the Action was still a considerable force, with over 60,000 members across France.
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The Revolution failed to destroy the Catholic Church, and Napoleon's concordat of 1801 restored its status. The return of the Bourbons in 1814 brought back many rich nobles and landowners who supported the Church, seeing it as a bastion of conservatism and monarchism. However the monasteries with their vast land holdings and political power were gone; much of the land had been sold to urban entrepreneurs who lacked historic connections to the land and the peasants.Robert Gildea, Children of the Revolution: The French, 1799-1914(2008) p 120 Few new priests were trained in the 1790-1814 period, and many left the church. The result was that the number of parish clergy plunged from 60,000 in 1790 to 25,000 in 1815, many of them elderly.
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However, those that told the pollsters they were willing to marry outside their ethnic group expected marriage to entail the linguistic and cultural Russification of their non-Russian spouse, not the other way around. Due to the regime turning the Russians into the "most Soviet nation" they had to give up many elements of their pre-revolutionary identity such as monarchism and religion. The recovery and preservation of non-Soviet Russian identity was championed by Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and other Russian authors who wrote "village prose" and idealised the Russian village. As the development of Russian identity had been interrupted by the Soviet Union, the new Russian nationalist thinkers reverted to and defined Russian nationalism in the spirit of Russian imperial nationhood, not limited to Russians but also Ukrainians.
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As the governor of Shandong Province, he exerted significant influence, helping leak information about the Twenty-One Demands to the media. A supporter of Yuan Shikai, the provisional president, and his actions to revert China from a republic to an monarch-led empire, Zhou, during his tenure as governor of Shandong, believed that the Chinese people, with a literacy rate of 2%, were not ready to govern themselves. In his view, the people could only be manipulated by politicians, and their actions would bring instability and chaos to the country. (To further buttress his argument, Zhou may have invited Columbia University political scientist Frank Johnson Goodnow to justify monarchism for China.) In 1913, Yuan appointed him Minister of War, a post in which he served until the following year.
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Fernández-Cuesta was imprisoned upon the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War by Republicans and, although he escaped twice, was recaptured on both occasions. He was released from captivity in October 1937 when he was involved in a prisoner swap with Justino de Azcárate, who was held by the Nationalists. Soon after his release he was appointed Secretary general of the unified Falangist-Carlist movement although he did not prove talented as a political organiser and was replaced in the role by Agustín Muñoz Grandes in 1939. His appointment as leader was largely intended to keep onside Falangists who feared the influence of both the Army and monarchism on Franco, but the role proved to have little power since real influence over Franco was instead to lie with Ramón Serrano Súñer.
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Coat of arms of Neuchâtel until 1848 The flag is unrelated to the historical flag of the town of Neuchâtel, which had been in use from 1350, and as cantonal flag from 1815 until 1848, and which remains part of the town's coat of arms. The canton of Neuchâtel was admitted to the restored Swiss Confederacy in 1815, but with the peculiar reservation that it owed nominal fealty to the king of Prussia. This lingering monarchism led to a republican coup in 1848, under the flag that would later become the cantonal flag. The conflict between monarchists by 1856 threatened to devolve into full civil war, but in 1857, Frederick William IV of Prussia renounced all claims to Neuchâtel, and the 1848 revolutionary banner was made the official cantonal flag.
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29 plane, supported by smaller fighter planes, of Italian Legionary Air Force, allied to Francisco Franco's Nationalists, bombs Madrid during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) The two major global ideologies, monarchism and democracy, led to several civil wars. However, a bi-polar world, divided between the two ideologies, did not develop, largely due to the dominance of monarchists through most of the period. The monarchists would thus normally intervene in other countries to stop democratic movements taking control and forming democratic governments, which were seen by monarchists as being both dangerous and unpredictable. The Great Powers (defined in the 1815 Congress of Vienna as the United Kingdom, Habsburg Austria, Prussia, France, and Russia) would frequently coordinate interventions in other nations' civil wars, nearly always on the side of the incumbent government.
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The report contained a "Manifesto of granting the Constitution to the State", signed by Nicholas III, proclaiming the formation of the sovereign state "Imperial See" aimed at consolidating all the people around the world devoted to Christian Monarchism. The See in the documents is viewed as the legacy of the first-ever Christian Roman Imperial Throne of Constantine the Great, passed through the Byzantine Empire to the Russian Empire and the House of Romanov by religious procedures. n:ru:Виртуальная «Российская империя» с одобрения Николая III обретает государственный суверенитет — Russian Wikinews, 15.04.2014 Later Bakov announced that he had purchased a plot of land in Montenegro to give the new state a location (80 ha, "twice as big as Vatican"), and was in negotiations with Montenegro's authorities on the state's recognition.
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Reformists began to emerge in the Canadian colonies during the early 19th century and by two decades into that century had begun to cohere into organized groups, such as the Upper Canada Central Political Union. The idea of political party was viewed by a number of British North Americans as an innovation of the United States, being "anti-British and of a republican tendency." Colonists were warned about "a few individuals, who unfortunately, are led by those, whose hostility to the British constitution is such, that they would sacrifice any and every thing to pull it down, in order that they might build up a Republic on its ruins." It was believed that the persons agitating for republican change and their supporters were of American origin and had been taught to admire republican government as the best in the world and ridicule monarchism.
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The monarchism of Belgrano and San Martín has been criticized by their biographer, Bartolomé Mitre. In his book Historia de San Martín y de la emancipación sudamericana, he considered that they did not comprehend the needs of the time and failed to represent the dominant popular opinions regarding the form of government."Estos dos hombres, que tan mal comprendían entonces las necesidades de su época y tan mal representaban moralmente la opinión dominante del pueblo en cuanto a la forma de gobierno, fueron, empero, las dos robustas columnas en que se apoyó el Congreso de Tucumán, los verdaderos fundadores de la independencia argentina, y los que, con sus victorias anteriores y sus trabajos posteriores, hicieron posible la fundación de la república democrática, y obligaron al mundo a reconocerla como un hecho y un derecho incuestionable". Mitre, p.
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"San Martín, aunque republicano por inclinación y por principios, como lo declaraba, no le era antipática la fundación de una monarquía, y desde 1812 había empezado a inclinarse a ella como una solución ya que no como un ideal, por cuanto consideraba difícil, si no imposible, el establecimiento de un régimen democrático: pensaba que faltaban elementos sociales y materiales para consolidar una república con un gobierno consistente, y que con un monarca era más fácil radicar el orden, fundar la independencia, asegurar la libertad y conquistar por el hecho aliados poderosos, neutralizando el antagonismo con el Brasil". Mitre, p. 318 Juan Bautista Alberdi considered that it was a mistake to judge the monarchism of San Martín or Bolívar by judging monarchy and republicanism as abstract concepts."Preguntar cuál es mejor en abstracto, la monarquía o la república, es una puerilidad de escuela".
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The root cause of resentment in Upper Canada was not so much against distant rulers in Britain, but rather against the corruption and injustice by local politicians—the so-called "Family Compact". However, the rebels were not really convicted because their views aligned with the liberalism of the US, and thus caused some kind of offence to the Tory values of the Canadian colonies. Rather, as revealed in the ruling of Chief Justice Sir John Robinson, a Lockean justification was given for the prisoners' condemnation, and not a Burkean one: the Crown, as protector of the lives, liberty and prosperity of its subjects, could "legitimately demand allegiance to its authority." Robinson went on to say that those who preferred republicanism over monarchism were free to emigrate, and thus the participants in the uprisings were guilty of treason.
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The Kingdom of Prussia, and the Austrian and Russian empires, formed the Holy Alliance on 26 September 1815, with the express intent of preserving Christian social values and traditional monarchism. Only three notable princes did not sign: Pope Pius VII (it was not Catholic enough), Sultan Mahmud II of the Ottoman Empire (too Christian), and the British Prince Regent because his government was a constitutional monarchy with a more liberal political philosophy and did not wish to pledge itself to the policing of continental Europe. Britain did ratify the Quadruple Alliance, signed on 20 November 1815, the same day as the Second Treaty of Paris was signed, which later became the Quintuple Alliance when France joined in 1818. Shortly thereafter, the Quadruple Alliance became the Quintuple Alliance when France joined with the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.
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Alberto Garcia Umbon, Las proyectadas elecciones del general Berenguer en Navarra (1930), [in:] Cuadernos de Sección Historia y Geografía, 10 (1988) , pp. 213-219 Villores declared himself leaning towards a more active policy and seemed supportive of a broad Catholic coalition in defense of the monarchy, though he challenged the primate, cardinal Segura, and was firm to underline that monarchism could not amount to support of the liberal Alfonsine system.Segura stressed an “obligación de participar en la res publicae, los católicos podían militar en los partidos existents o fundar otros confesionales, siempre que no fuesen antidinásticos”, to which Villores replied in private letter that “debe haber sido una mala interpretación del corrector de pruebas, no el pensamiento de Va Emma Rdvma, de quien me costa, sois un antiliberal convencido, y por consecuencia, incapaz de sostener esa tesis”.
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France remained basically Catholic. The census of 1872 counted 36 million people, of whom 35.4 million were listed as Catholics, 600,000 as Protestants, 50,000 as Jews and 80,000 as freethinkers The Revolution failed to destroy the Catholic Church, and Napoleon's concordat of 1801 restored its status. The return of the Bourbons in 1814 brought back many rich nobles and landowners who supported the Church, seeing it as a bastion of conservatism and monarchism. However the monasteries with their vast land holdings and political power were gone; much of the land had been sold to urban entrepreneurs who lacked historic connections to the land and the peasants. Few new priests were trained in the 1790–1814 period, and many left the church. The result was that the number of parish clergy plunged from 60,000 in 1790 to 25,000 in 1815, many of them elderly.
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The Dark Enlightenment or the neo-reactionary movement, sometimes abbreviated NRx, is an anti-democratic, anti-egalitarian, reactionary philosophy founded by Curtis Yarvin, an American software engineer and blogger under the pen name "Mencius Moldbug," and developed further by English philosopher Nick Land. The ideology generally rejects Whig historiography—the concept that history shows an inevitable progression towards greater liberty and enlightenment, culminating in liberal democracy and constitutional monarchy—in favor of a return to traditional societal constructs and forms of government, including absolute monarchism and other archaic forms of leadership such as cameralism. In 2007 and 2008, Curtis Yarvin, writing under the pen name Mencius Moldbug, articulated what would develop into Dark Enlightenment thinking. Yarvin's theories were elaborated and expanded by Nick Land, who first coined the term Dark Enlightenment in his essay of the same name.
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He offered refuge to members of the French royal family (King Louis XVI was his nephew) in Schönbornslust palace, and allowed Coblenz to become a centre of French monarchism. He and the archbishopric-electorate were greatly affected by the success of the French revolutionary forces, and at the Treaty of Lunéville in 1801 he lost all lands of the electorate west of the River Rhine, retaining only a few small territories pertaining to Trier itself. In 1803 he lost those as well, along with the Prince-Bishopric of Augsburg and the Prince-Provostry of Ellwangen Abbey, which were secularized and annexed by the princes of Nassau-Weilburg, the Elector of Bavaria, and the Duke of Württemberg, respectively. Clemens Wenceslaus received a pension of 100,000 guldens and retired to Augsburg, dying in the episcopal summer residence in Marktoberdorf in Allgäu in 1812.
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Intertwined in this debate is a smattering of philosophical and psychological ideologies on republicanism and monarchism. One author, Robert C. Reynolds, devotes attention to the names or epithets given to both Brutus and Caesar in his essay "Ironic Epithet in Julius Caesar". This author points out that Casca praises Brutus at face value, but then inadvertently compares him to a disreputable joke of a man by calling him an alchemist, "Oh, he sits high in all the people's hearts,/And that which would appear offence in us/ His countenance, like richest alchemy,/ Will change to virtue and to worthiness" (I.iii.158–160). Reynolds also talks about Caesar and his "Colossus" epithet, which he points out has its obvious connotations of power and manliness, but also lesser known connotations of an outward glorious front and inward chaos.
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At the present moment, Kandt House Museum comprises three main parts: · The first part presents Rwandan life in all its aspects (social, economic, and politically: monarchism) before the colonial period. · In the second part, which is the biggest one, the museum traces experience of Rwandan people during the colonial period, more specifically under the German rule from 1884 (the time of Berlin conference), throughout colonial administration, World War I, few to mention; up to 1916, including Richard Kandt life and his deeds in Rwanda. · Another attractive gallery is the third part where the history of Kigali; Kigali before colonial time, during colonial, and its naissance as capital city, is well presented. Last but not least, it is the only remaining mark of the former Natural History Museum, that is; a temporary exhibition of live snakes, and a baby crocodile (measured 1 m in 2017).
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Reference to the trinity was systematically replaced with the name of Christ since the doctrine of the Albigenses and Cathars professed a single unified deity (their Christology resembled modalistic monarchism in the West and adoptionism in the East). The ritual took various forms; some used the entire New Testament scripture whilst others relied on extracts such as the Gospel attributed to John while administering consolation. There were reportedly some remote cases where holy water was used as a cleansing agent during consolamentum being profusely poured over the recipient's head until he/she was completely wet (as opposed to sprinkling). In contrast to Catholic ceremonies, the form used by the majority of Cathars only required verbal blessings and scriptures administered to the person to be consoled, and did not involve tokens such as consecrated bread or wine because these would pass through the body and become befouled.
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Basta (English translation: "Enough") was a right-wing populist party coalition in Portugal, formed by the political party Chega, the People's Monarchist Party, the Citizenship and Christian Democracy party. The Democracy 21 movement was also a part of the coalition on the European elections, but decided to quit shortly after thanks to the proposal of the Citizenship and Christian Democracy party to revoke the law of abortion. The coalition was formed in order to participate in the 2019 European elections, joining several formations from the Portuguese political right. The coalition embodies the wide range of ideologies advocated by the different parties that make it up: the conservatism defended by all, the populism and nationalism of the Chega party, the monarchism of the People's Monarchist Party, the christian democracy of the Citizenship and Christian Democracy party and the economic liberalism defended by the Democracy 21 political movement.
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When World War II broke out in 1939, he was serving aboard the Jaguar, as under-chief of the headquarters of the 2nd flotilla of torpedo boats in Mediterranean Sea. In December 1939, he was an aide to Admiral Godfroy in the Headquarters of the "Force X" aboard cruiser Duquesne On 25 June 1940, the day the Armistice was signed, he was in Alexandria, Egypt. Politically, d'Estienne d'Orves belonged to the right-wing, and had sympathies for Charles Maurras and Catholic monarchism; nonetheless, while many far-right wing theoricists welcomed the arrival of Marshal Philippe Pétain, the strongly patriotic d'Estienne d'Orves was unwilling to accept France's defeat. He attempted to join General Paul Legentilhomme, commander of French troops on the coast of French Somaliland, who had announced his intention to refuse the armistice, but the colony had chosen to rally itself to the Vichy régime.
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By contrast, Sabellianism (also known as modalism, modalistic monarchianism, or modal monarchism) is the nontrinitarian belief that the Heavenly Father, Resurrected Son and Holy Spirit are different modes or aspects of one God, as perceived by the believer, rather than three distinct persons in God Himself. Along with the fundamental doctrine, certain characteristics have always marked those who profess unitarianism: a large degree of tolerance, a historical study of scripture, a minimizing of essentials, and a repugnance to formulated creed. Martin Cellarius (1499–1564), a friend of Luther, and Hans Denck (1500–1527) usually are considered the first literary pioneers of the movement; the anti- Trinitarian position of Ludwig Haetzer did not become public until after his execution (1529) for Anabaptism. Luther himself was opposed to the Unitarian movement, and viewed the founder of Islam, Muhammad, as an adherent to the teachings of Arius.
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The reforms of the Venizelos government were numerous, and allowed Greece to modernise and thus be better prepared for the Balkan Wars and World War I. The King supported them, seeing in his prime minister the best hope of stemming the anti-monarchism that had surfaced in 1897 and gained renewed momentum in the 1908-1909 crisis. To the people who wanted the assembly elected in 1910 to be a constituent assembly, Venizelos replied that he considered it more of a "revisionary assembly". The 50 constitutional amendments of 1911, prepared by a commission directed by Stephanos Dragoumis, led to the frequently expressed opinion that after this date, Greece had an entirely new fundamental law, the Greek Constitution of 1911. This revision reformed the status of property by allowing for expropriation in the national interest, opening up the possibility of land reform; were distributed to 4,000 farm families in Thessaly.
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According to historian Richard Thurlow, Chesterton's "weird mixture of racism, ethnocentrism and conspiracy theory in its racial theory and its paternalism, monarchism (particularly reverence for Edward I who expelled the Jews), cultural pessimism, Social Darwinism and dialectical mode of argument in its political theory are more akin to patterns of thought prevalent in pre-Nazi German Conservatism than to any English equivalent." After the war, Chesterton repudiated fascism and resolutely denied accusations to the effect that he was pursuing a "neo-fascist" agenda. He toned down the antisemitic imagery of his pre-war writings, although the Jews remained at the centre of paranoid conspiracy theories. Described as "far more parasitic and corrupt than any baby could conceive" in Blackshirt (1935), they were still "the principal promoters of the idea of integrating peoples of disparate racial stocks" in his 1965 book The New Unhappy Lords.
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The Buddhist notion of "sin", translated as Chinese zui, was explained in terms of karma and reincarnation. Thus, Eberhard explains, > The folk-Buddhistic concept of sin did not refer to an action against a > single deity or to the provocation of divine anger, but it meant a violation > of a moral code which was somehow set, and was applicable to and valid for > the world of the gods as well as the world of man. Even if human justice had > dealt with the criminal according to the law of the society, his offense > still remained to be punished. Folk Buddhism eliminated the caprices or > arbitrary reactions of deities, and instituted a religious system that we > might call constitutional monarchism, that is, the belief in a law that is > absolutely binding even for the judge and is administered in an impersonal > manner by an appointed heavenly judge.
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Renouvin wrote that for the German elites, the High Seas Fleet mutiny was the final straw, which made them determined to end the war while something could be saved for the Reich, rather than see Germany destroyed forever as a great power and/or swept from power by the revolution that the mutiny had sparked. Renouvin noted that such was the determination of German elites to salvage something out of the catastrophe of 1918 that the German officer corps, which had been a bastion of monarchism, turned against the monarchy with Wilhelm's generals ordering him to abdicate. The Allies had made it clear that they would not sign an armistice with him under any conditions. Rwnouvin wrote that "Wilson did not know Europe" by ignoring the wishes of the Allies and American public opinion, which did not want any halfway measures that might allow Germany to fight again.
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116 In his series of speeches in which he argued for rule of the Muslim (and non-Muslim) world by Islamic jurists, Khomeini saw the need for theocratic rule to overcome the conspiracies of colonialists who were responsible for > the decline of Muslim civilization, the conservative `distortions` of Islam, > and the divisions between nation-states, between Sunnis and Shiis, and > between oppressors and oppressed. He argued that the colonial powers had for > years sent Orientalists into the East to misinterpret Islam and the Koran > and that the colonial powers had conspired to undermine Islam both with > religious quietism and with secular ideologies, especially socialism, > liberalism, monarchism, and nationalism. He claimed that Britain had instigated the 1905 Constitutional Revolution to subvert Islam: "The Iranians who drafted the constitutional laws were receiving instructions directly from their British masters.`" Khomeini also held the West responsible for a host of contemporary problems.
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Those who considered Macedonia as a political enemy, such as Hypereides and Chremonides, likened the Lamian War and Chremonidean War, respectively, to the earlier Greco-Persian Wars and efforts to liberate Greeks from tyranny.. Yet even those who considered Macedonia an ally, such as Isocrates, were keen to stress the differences between their kingdom and the Greek city states, to assuage fears about the extension of Macedonian-style monarchism into the governance of their poleis.. After the 3rd century BC, and especially in Roman times, the Macedonians were consistently regarded as Greeks.. For example, Polybius's Acarnanian character Lyciscus tells the Spartans that they are "of the same tribe" as the Achaeans and the Macedonians,Polybius. Histories, 9.37. who should be honoured because "throughout nearly their whole lives are ceaselessly engaged in a struggle with the barbarians for the safety of the Greeks".Polybius. Histories, 9.35.
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Besides for foreign policy considerations, the government-in-exile felt threatened by the anti-elitist and populist sentiments of the Chetniks and wanted to harness Mihailović to keep the Chetniks in a conservative direction. The government-in-exile in London saw the Chetniks as a military movement whereas the Chetnik commanders saw their movement as both political and military. All of the Chetnik commanders professed to be monarchists who were loyal to King Peter, but in many cases the monarchism of the Chetniks was only superficial, being more of a legitimising device for the Chetnik leaders who justified their actions in the name of the distant king in London. Finally, the allegations, which first appeared in the press in 1942, that the Chetniks were not engaging in resistance, but instead collaborating with the Germans and the Italians in order to fight against the Communist Partisans proved to be extremely damaging to the image of King Peter in the West.
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Santander believed that the rebels, led by José Antonio Páez and federalist sympathizers, should be punished or at least made to openly submit to the established constitutional order. When Bolívar, who had returned from Peru and reassumed his executive powers, arranged for an amnesty and placed Páez as supreme military chief of the department of Venezuela, Santander felt that the central government's authority and the rule of law were being undermined by the constitutional President himself in a personalist manner. Santander also disagreed with Bolívar's attempt to promote a reform of the 1821 constitution before it was legally permitted (the constitution stated that ten years had to go by), and especially with Bolívar's attempted nationwide implementation of the constitution that he had previously drafted for Bolivia, which among other provisions called for a lifelong presidency with the ability to select a direct successor. In Santander's opinion, this could place the country dangerously close to monarchism .
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Ten of these monarchies are hereditary, and two are elective: Vatican City (the Pope, elected at the papal conclave), and Andorra (technically a semi-elective diarchy, the joint heads of state being the elected President of France and the Bishop of Urgell, appointed by the Pope). Most of the monarchies in Europe are constitutional monarchies, which means that the monarch does not influence the politics of the state: either the monarch is legally prohibited from doing so, or the monarch does not utilize the political powers vested in the office by convention. The exceptions are Liechtenstein and Monaco, which are usually considered semi-constitutional monarchies due to the large influence the princes still have on politics, and Vatican City, which is a absolute monarchy. There is currently no major campaign to abolish the monarchy (see monarchism and republicanism) in any of the twelve states, although there is a small minority of republicans in many of them (e.g.
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Vojislav Šešelj's Serbian Radical Party formed the White Eagles, a paramilitary group considered responsible for war crimes and ethnic cleansing, which identified with the Chetniks. Vuk Drašković's Serbian Renewal Movement was closely associated with the Serbian Guard, which was also associated with Chetniks and monarchism. Reunions of Chetnik survivors and nostalgics and of Mihailović admirers have been held in Serbia By the late 20th and early 21st century, Serbian history textbooks and academic works characterized Mihailović and the Chetniks as "fighters for a just cause", and Chetnik massacres of civilians and commission of war crimes were ignored or barely mentioned. In 2004, Mihailović was officially rehabilitated in Serbia by an act of the Serbian Parliament. In a 2009 survey carried out in Serbia, 34.44 percent of respondents favored annulling the 1946 verdict against Mihailović (in which he was found to be a traitor and Axis collaborator), 15.92 percent opposed, and 49.64 percent stated they did not know what to think.
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But "the antecedents of [present-day] Iranian ultra-nationalism can be traced back to the writings of late nineteenth-century figures such as Mirza Fatali Akhundov and Mirza Aqa Khan Kermani. Demonstrating affinity with Orientalist views of the supremacy of the Aryan peoples and the mediocrity of the Semitic peoples, Iranian nationalist discourse idealized pre-Islamic [Achaemenid and Sassanid] empires, whilst negating the 'Islamization' of Persia by Muslim forces." In the 20th century, different aspects of this idealization of a distant past would be instrumentalized by both the Pahlavi monarchy (In 1967, Iran's Pahlavi dynasty [overthrown in the 1979 Iranian Revolution] added the title Āryāmehr Light of the Aryans to the other styles of the Iranian monarch, the Shah of Iran being already known at that time as the Shahanshah (King of Kings)), and by the Islamic republic that followed it; the Pahlavis used it as a foundation for anticlerical monarchism, and the clerics used it to exalt Iranian values vis-á-vis westernization.
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Stanomir, Spiritul, pp. 7, 116–119, 176–189, 224–234 The final years brought Iorga's stark condemnation of all etatism, from the absolute monarchy to modern state capitalism, accompanied by a dystopian perspective on industrialization as the end of the individual.Stanomir, Spiritul, pp. 178–178, 185–186, 226–228, 233–234 Like Eminescu, Iorga was essentially a conservative anti-capitalist and economic corporatist, who confessed his admiration for pre-modern guilds.Stanomir, Spiritul, pp. 184–185, 233–234 In Stanomir's account, these ideals, alongside the dreams of a "ghostly" organic identity, anti-ideological monarchism and national regeneration, brought Iorga into Carol II's camp.Stanomir, Spiritul, pp. 177–178 Another factor was the rise of Nazi Germany, which, Iorga thought, could only be met by national unity under a powerful ruler. The realignment came with contradictory statements on Iorga's part, such as when, in 1939, he publicly described Carol's Hohenzollern- Sigmaringen house as having usurped the throne of Domnitor Alexander John I, statements which enraged monarchist writer Gala Galaction.
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These beliefs can be expressed either individually—generally in academic circles—or through what are known as loyal societies, which include monarchist leagues, legions, historical groups, ethnic organizations, and sometimes police and scout bodies. Though there may be overlap, this concept should not be confused with royalism, the support of a particular monarch or dynasty; Canadian monarchists may appreciate the monarchy without thinking highly of the monarch. There have also been, from time to time, suggestions in favour of a uniquely Canadian monarch, either one headed by a descendant of the present monarch and resident in Canada or one based on a First Nations royal house. In Canada, monarchism, though it is sometimes mocked by its opponents, is driven by various factors: monarchists support the perceived practicality of popular power being ultimately placed in the hands of a non-partisan, apolitical individual, and see the Canadian monarchy as a modern link, via the Crown's shared nature, to ethnically and historically similar countries around the world.
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The Rally of Republican Lefts (Rassemblement des gauches républicaines or RGR) was an electoral alliance during the French Fourth Republic composed of the Radical Party, the Independent Radicals, the Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance (UDSR) and several conservative groups. Headed by Jean-Paul David, founder of the anti-Communist movement Paix et Liberté (Peace and Freedom), it was in fact a right-of-center conservative coalition, which presented candidates to the June 1946, November 1946, and 1951 legislative elections. Despite its name, the coalition was on the right wing of French politics; for a long time, the French republican right has refused to call itself "right" since the right-wing in France has historically been associated with monarchism (this practice is known as sinistrisme). It was subsidised by French employers, who saw in it the best defense against Communism and the defender of economic liberalism, in a context marked by various nationalizations supported by the French Communist Party (PCF), the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) and the Gaullist movement.
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Indeed, after William II's failed power grab and unexpected death, the provinces of Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Guelders and Overijssel decided not to appoint a new stadtholder at all, beginning the First Stadtholderless Period (1650–1672/5) in five of the seven United Provinces. Moreover, after the Dutch Republic was defeated by the Commonwealth of England in the First Anglo-Dutch War (1652–1654), the States of Holland led by Johan de Witt were forced to sign the Act of Seclusion, meaning William's son William III of Orange was excluded from holding the office of stadtholder of Holland. The legitimacy of necessity of the strange office of stadtholder was increasingly questioned and undermined, especially when it seemed evident that the House of Orange sought to make the office hereditary and had shown the willingness to use military violence in order to increase the stadtholderate's power. The best known and most outspoken author representing the Loevesteiners was Pieter de la Court (1618–1685), who rejected monarchism in favour of a republican government in several of his writings.
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In Liberty or Equality, his masterpiece, Kuehnelt-Leddihn contrasted monarchy with democracy and presented his arguments for the superiority of monarchy: diversity is upheld better in monarchical countries than in democracies. Monarchism is not based on party rule and "fits organically into the ecclesiastic and familistic pattern of Christian society." After insisting that the demand for liberty is about how to govern and by no means by whom to govern a given country, he draws arguments for his view that monarchical government is genuinely more liberal in this sense, but democracy naturally advocates for equality, even by enforcement, and thus becomes anti-liberal. As modern life becomes increasingly complicated across many different sociopolitical levels, Kuehnelt-Leddihn submits that the Scita (the political, economic, technological, scientific, military, geographical, psychological knowledge of the masses and of their representatives) and the Scienda (the knowledge in these matters that is necessary to reach logical-rational-moral conclusions) are separated by an incessantly and cruelly widening gap and that democratic governments are totally inadequate for such undertakings.
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The Canadian monarchy has been presented by monarchists in Canada as being a continuation of the French monarchy under which New France was founded, the Lieutenant Governor of Quebec representing the sovereign in "the same way representatives of the French Crown were resident in Château St-Louis". It is further argued that, as with the rest of Canada, Quebec has never been a republican order, and monarchism is not an alien concept to the populace of the province. Moreover, far from being dismissive of the French heritage of Canada, the country's royalty has always gone to allowable lengths to ensure the inclusion and appreciation of that culture. In response to the republican claim that Canada becoming a republic would appease the drive for Quebec sovereignty, monarchists say that those in Quebec who wish for their province to secede from confederation rely on anti-British, historical revisionism, and view any federal authority as repressive, regardless of whether that authority is republican or monarchical; hence, the future of the monarchy is regarded as a non-issue by separatist parties like the Bloc and Parti Québécois.
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The New Annotated Frankenstein. New York: Liveright, 2017. Proponents of Percy Shelley's authorship such as Scott de Hart and Joseph P. Farrell claim that he was obsessed with electricity, galvanism, and the reanimation of corpses, and point to the influence of James Lind, Percy Shelley's former teacher at Eton College. Advocates of Percy Shelley's authorship also point out that the novel contains his poetry such as "Mutability" as well as poetry by others, that the novel was imbued with the themes of atheism, social tolerance, social justice, reform, and antipathy to monarchism that only he advocated, and that there were noticeable motifs and subjects in the novel which only he espoused, such as vegetarianism, pantheism, alchemy, incest, male friendship, and scientific discovery. However, editor Marilyn Butler, in her introduction and explanatory notes to the Oxford Press "1818 Text" edition of the novel, attributes these apparent coincidences to Percy's admiration and emulation of Mary's father, novelist William Godwin, whose works share numerous similarities in style, ideology, and subject matter with the novels of both Percy and Mary.
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In the late 18th century, reactionary conspiracy theorists, such as Scottish physicist John Robison and French Jesuit priest Augustin Barruel, began speculating that the Illuminati had survived their suppression and become the masterminds behind the French Revolution and the Reign of Terror. The Illuminati were accused of being subversives who were attempting to secretly orchestrate a revolutionary wave in Europe and the rest of the world in order to spread the most radical ideas and movements of the Enlightenment—anti-clericalism, anti-monarchism, and anti-patriarchalism—and to create a world noocracy and cult of reason. During the 19th century, fear of an Illuminati conspiracy was a real concern of the European ruling classes, and their oppressive reactions to this unfounded fear provoked in 1848 the very revolutions they sought to prevent. During the interwar period of the 20th century, fascist propagandists, such as British revisionist historian Nesta Helen Webster and American socialite Edith Starr Miller, not only popularized the myth of an Illuminati conspiracy but claimed that it was a subversive secret society which served the Jewish elites that supposedly propped up both finance capitalism and Soviet communism in order to divide and rule the world.
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Chris Waddell, a journalist, and professor at the Carleton University School of Journalism and Communication in Ottawa, stated that the couple would receive less scrutiny in local media in Canada than the UK and that it would be more costly for the British tabloids to follow them. Philippe Lagassé, an associate professor at Carleton University, who had previously suggested that it would be easy to make Prince Harry resident monarch of Canada, stated that "it’s a big source of national pride that the royal couple would want to be here. It makes Canadians feel better about themselves." An opinion poll by Postmedia Network found that 61 per cent of Canadians want Prince Harry to become Governor General of Canada. Chris Selley of the National Post was cynical of the national response and the poll, writing: "The prospect of the Sussexes decamping to Canada seems to have activated a sort of dormant monarchism in many of us, or at least an appreciation for the “modern-day fairy tale” – and that in turn has utterly incensed those who think monarchies are a grotesque anachronism and can't understand why everyone else doesn't agree with them".
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