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"neutralism" Definitions
  1. NEUTRALITY
  2. a policy or the advocacy of neutrality especially in international affairs

62 Sentences With "neutralism"

How to use neutralism in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "neutralism" and check conjugation/comparative form for "neutralism". Mastering all the usages of "neutralism" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Neutralism is where species interact, but the interaction has no noticeable effects on either species involved. Due to interconnectedness of communities, true neutralism is rare. Examples of neutralism in ecological systems are hard to prove, due to the indirect effects that species can have on each other.
Neutralism (a term introduced by Eugene Odum)Toepfer, G. "Neutralism". In: BioConcepts. link. describes the relationship between two species that interact but do not affect each other. Examples of true neutralism are virtually impossible to prove; the term is in practice used to describe situations where interactions are negligible or insignificant.
Wagner has argued that robustness can also help resolve the long- standing neutralism-selectionism controversy, which revolves around the question whether frequent neutral mutations – a consequence of robustness – are important for Darwinian evolution.Wagner A (2008) Neutralism and selectionism: A network-based reconciliation. Nature Reviews Genetics 9:965-974.
Rómulo was asked to head the Philippine delegation. At the very outset indications were to the effect that the conference would promote the cause of neutralism as a third position in the current cold war between the capitalist bloc and the communist group. John Kotelawala, Prime Minister of Ceylon, however, broke the ice against neutralism. He was immediately joined by Rómulo, who categorically stated that his delegation believed that "a puppet is a puppet", no matter whether under a Western Power or an Oriental state.
When Eisenhower remarked that Yugoslavia's neutralism was "neutral on his side", Tito replied that neutralism did not imply passivity but meant "not taking sides". In 1966 an agreement with the Vatican, fostered in part by the death in 1960 of anti-communist archbishop of Zagreb Aloysius Stepinac and shifts in the church's approach to resisting communism originating in the Second Vatican Council, accorded new freedom to the Yugoslav Roman Catholic Church, particularly to catechise and open seminaries. The agreement also eased tensions, which had prevented the naming of new bishops in Yugoslavia since 1945. Tito's new socialism met opposition from traditional communists culminating in conspiracy headed by Aleksandar Ranković.
Blair (1995), p. 115. The generals were interrogated for five and a half hours, mostly about details of their coup against Diệm, rather than the original charge of promoting neutralism. As all of the officers were involved in Diệm's overthrow, the hearings did not reveal any new information.
The most recent offer from Mr. Gorbachev has come about because we have been negotiating from strength. We should consider his offer carefully because it provides a good basis from which to negotiate sensibly a verifiable mutual nuclear disarmament — not the unilateralism that has been urged upon us, with the hope that neutralism will follow.
Along with Maarouf al-Dawalibi, Faydi al-Atassi and Ahmed Qanbar, Hawmad advocated that the nominally pro- Western party adopt neutralism in the Cold War, so as not to jeopardize Syrian relations with the Soviet Union. Together, they succeeded in preventing the ruling People's Party from aligning with the pro-Western camp.Ginat, 2010, p. 60.
Currently, ecological networks that integrate non-trophic interactions are being built. The type of interactions they can contain can be classified into six categories: mutualism, commensalism, neutralism, amensalism, antagonism, and competition. Observing and estimating the fitness costs and benefits of species interactions can be very problematic. The way interactions are interpreted can profoundly affect the ensuing conclusions.
Blair, p. 115. In May 1964, Khanh put his rivals on trial. The generals were secretly interrogated for five and a half hours, mostly about details of their coup against Diệm, rather than the original charge of promoting neutralism. As all of the officers were involved in the plot against Diệm, this did not reveal any information new to them.
The State of the Middle (), refers to the virtue of impartiality, avoiding excess and preserving equity in Tamil philosophy. It is not to be confused with () which refers to the ideology of neutralism. The phrase was introduced as the name of both the concept and a chapter in the Tirukkuṟaḷ by Tiruvaḷḷuvar. It is referred to from Kurals 111 to 120.
In a press conference Lumumba reaffirmed his government's commitment to "positive neutralism". Following the 26 July meeting, Hammarskjöld departed for Brussels. After conferring with the Belgian government he flew to Léopoldville where on 28 July he met with the Council of Ministers. Hammarskjöld was surprised by the ministers' anger and impatience in relation to Katanga and ONUC's slow pace of operations.
"Goodman (1973) p. 42. Of the > Buddhists who ran in the elections, including many Army officers, most > disavowed association with Buddhist leaders to avoid government > suspicion.Pham Van Minh (2002) p. 300: "the Buddhist movement became > increasingly identified with 'neutralism' (the refusal to take side with > North or South) and a negotiated political, as opposed to military, solution > to end the war.
The Egyptian Left and the Roots of Neutralism in the Pre- Nasserite Era, published in British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 30, No. 1, (May, 2003), pp. 5-24 The followers of Iskra were, like the supporters of other Egyptian communist factions, active inside the Wafdist Vanguard (see Wafd). Iskra emphazised studies of Marxist theory and its application in Egyptian society.
Khánh used de Gaulle's policy plans to enact retribution against Generals Đôn and Kim. Khánh had them arrested on grounds of neutralism. Khánh noted that they had served in the French-backed VNA, although he did as well. The generals were flown to My Khe beach, near Đà Nẵng, along with Generals Tôn Thất Đính and Mai Hữu Xuân, the interior minister and police chief, respectively, of the MRC.
Oxford University Press, 2008. Pp. 228 It legitimized the creation of a one-party state in the country as an antipolitical means to end the political and ideological infighting which had characterised the Congo Crisis (1960–65). Importantly in the context of the Cold War, the Manifesto of N'sele repudiated both communism and capitalism as not "authentic" Congolese ideologies. It called for a policy of "positive neutralism" in foreign policy.
Quwatli was reelected in 1948, but was toppled in a military coup in 1949. He subsequently went into exile in Egypt, returning to Syria in 1955 to participate in the presidential election, which he won. A conservative presiding over an increasingly leftist-dominated government, Quwatli officially adopted neutralism amid the Cold War. After his request for aid from the United States was denied, he drew closer to the Eastern bloc.
In a joint operation with the CIA, Encounter magazine was established. Published in the United Kingdom, it was a largely Anglo-American intellectual and cultural journal, originally associated with the anti-Stalinist left, intended to counter the idea of cold war neutralism. The magazine was rarely critical of American foreign policy, but beyond this editors had considerable publishing freedom. It was edited by Stephen Spender from 1953 to 1966.
Thơ accused them of lying, and claimed one of the journalists was a communist while another was a drug addict. He said that his administration would "take steps to meet the situation" if the media did not behave responsibly. The next day Mậu's ministry closed down three newspapers for "disloyalty". During this time, Mậu enacted the "Golden Rules" to govern media conduct: Do not promote Communism or neutralism.
The Dutch had lost their trust in the British. The Republic now embarked on a policy of Neutralism, which would last until the end of the stadtholderless period. To put it differently: the Republic resigned voluntarily as a Great Power. As soon as the peace was signed the States General started disbanding the Dutch army. Troop strength was reduced from 130,000 in 1713 to 40,000 (about the pre-1672 strength) in 1715.
African diplomats were keen that the meetings would be successful; they convinced Lumumba to wait until the Congo was more stable before reaching any more major economic agreements (such as the CIMCO arrangement). Lumumba saw Hammarskjöld and other staff of the UN Secretariat on 24, 25, and 26 July. Though Lumumba and Hammarskjöld were restrained towards one another, their discussions went smoothly. In a press conference, Lumumba reaffirmed his government's commitment to "positive neutralism".
Poster of Hollanditis in 1981. Marcel Antonisse / Anefo The peace demonstration of 29 October 1983 in The Hague was the biggest ever organised in the Netherlands. Hollanditis was a term coined in 1981 by the American historian Walter Laqueur. It was used to describe the wave of pacifist neutralism that swept through the Netherlands in the first half of the 1980s and which influenced similar grass roots movements in other European countries.
Anationalistic ideas appeared in embryonic form in the plan for an "International Esperantist Workers' Federation" put forth by the Bohemian Esperantist Workers' Federation before World War I. These ideas, having gained impetus as a result of the war, were central to the thinking of the founders of SAT in 1921. They are very apparent in Lanti's work For la Neŭtralismon! ("Away with Neutralism!"), which first appeared under the pseudonym "Sennaciulo" ("Nationless Man").
Encounter was a literary magazine founded in 1953 by poet Stephen Spender and journalist Irving Kristol. The magazine ceased publication in 1991. Published in the United Kingdom, it was a largely Anglo-American intellectual and cultural journal, originally associated with the anti-Stalinist left. The magazine received covert funding from the Central Intelligence Agency, after the CIA and MI6 discussed the founding of an "Anglo-American left-of-centre publication" intended to counter the idea of Cold War neutralism.
At several points in his tenure, he irritated the governments of the United States and other allies of Germany by appearing not to support Western initiatives fully. "During the Cold War, his penchant to seek the middle ground at times exasperated United States policy-makers who wanted a more decisive, less equivocal Germany," according to Tyler Marshall.Tyler Marshall (28 April 1992), Genscher Quits as Germany's Foreign Minister Los Angeles Times. Genscher's perceived quasi-neutralism was dubbed Genscherism.
H. W. Brands. The Specter of Neutralism: The United States and the Emergence of the Third World, 1947–1960, Columbia University Press, 1989. (p. 156) Aloysius Stepinac eventually served five years of his sixteen-year sentence for high treason in the Lepoglava prison, where he received preferred treatment in recognition of his clerical status. He was allocated two cells for personal use and an additional cell as his private chapel, while being exempt of all hard labor.
The Age opined that Diệm was not "morally equivocal" but "incorruptible and intensely patriotic" compared to his anti-communist counterparts, and "the type of Asian leader whose straight talk and courageous manner should be valued".Torney-Parlicki, p. 211. The editorial also noted Diệm's strong religious opinions and linked to his strident anti-communism and opposition to neutralism. It further acclaimed him as "incorruptible and patriotic" and that he had restored order to a chaotic country.
Other delegations at Rangoon opposed the proposal (albeit in varying degrees). Opposition towards the SI was mainly expressed on issues relating to colonialism (the lukewarm attitudes of the SI towards anti-colonial liberation movements was criticised by delegates at the conference) and neutralism (at the conference, the SI was labelled as being part of the American camp). However, the way that the conference identified socialism was in terms similar to those the Socialist International used at the time.Rose, Saul.
He favoured neutralism in South Vietnam's foreign affairs while remaining on positive terms with France and the United States. He argued that the colonial era and Vietnam's natural place in Asia was to join other nations such as India in a policy of non-alignment. He hoped that both North and South Vietnam could be admitted to the United Nations. Diệm rejected these moderate policies, believing that a militantly anti-Communist stance was the solution for South Vietnam.
The British Embassy in Saigon reported that if Khánh's demands for an attack were not met, he might resign the premiership or attempt to make a peace agreement with the VC. The Saigon Daily News said that, without an attack on the North, neutralism for South Vietnam would become a reality. Nasty' patrol boats of the Republic of Vietnam Navy moved into the Gulf of Tonkin on an Operation 34A mission, and attacked a North Vietnamese radar station on Hòn Mê island.
Radio programmes aimed at an educated audience, featuring classical music, literature and lectures. First live radio broadcasts aired in 1925, transmitted from the Vienna State Opera and the Salzburg Festival. On the other hand, news broadcasts only played a minor part out of deference to the Austrian press and the "neutralism" policy of the federal government (the July Revolt of 1927 was not even mentioned). Nevertheless, also regular sportscasts began 1928 and in 1930 the Austrian legislative election was comprehensively covered.
Later in the year, as neither the United States nor Britain were willing to assist Burma's government in their fight against the insurgents, U Nu reaffirmed Burma's neutralism declaring that he sought neither anti-Left nor anti-Right but only anti-aggression pacts. Ne Win left the cabinet in September 1950. Kyaw Nyein returned to U Nu's cabinet in 1951, where he created and served in several ministries and additionally assumed the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1954 until 1958.
An Order of the Star of Romania for his work as a military physician, Călin died of typhus in early 1917. Aderca too saw action on the front, and preserved his socialist-inspired neutralism—it later surfaced in his various fiction writings. After the November 1918 Armistice with Germany changed Romania's fortunes, leading to the creation of Greater Romania, several former Seara journalists were prosecuted for treason. In March 1919, a military tribunal sentenced Karnabatt to ten, Arghezi to five years imprisonment.
Karnow, p. 355. When Khánh was himself deposed in 1965, he handed over dossiers proving that the four generals were innocent;Langguth, p. 347. the original documents that Khánh claimed proved his accusations of neutralism were neither presented to nor found by anyone. During the period of house arrest, Khánh briefly released Đính and Kim when the United Front for the Liberation of Oppressed Races, known by its French acronym of FULRO, launched an uprising in the central highlands calling for autonomy for indigenous people.
Khánh tried Xuân and his colleagues in May. The generals were interrogated for five and a half hours, mostly about details of the coup against Diệm, rather than the original charge of promoting neutralism. As Khánh was involved in the plot as well, this did not reveal any new information. The court deliberated for over nine hours, and when it reconvened for the verdict, Khánh stated, "We ask that once you begin to serve again in the army, you do not take revenge on anybody".
Farrell and his cabinet. In the first row: Alberto Tessaire, Diego Mason, Juan Perón, Peluffo and Juan Pistarini At the same time, the United States was increasing its pressure on Argentina to both declare war on the Axis and abandon the British-European sphere, objectives that were deeply related. On 22 June the United States, followed by the entirety of Latin American countries, removed its Argentinian ambassador. Britain alone maintained their ambassador, rejecting America's characterization of the Argentine regime and accepting "neutralism" as a means to guarantee the supply for its population and armies.
Minh was also upset with the detention of his colleagues and around 30 of his junior officers. The latter were set free when Minh demanded that Khánh release them as a condition for his cooperation. Khánh attempted to avoid the issue of substantiating the alleged plot as long as he could, and then claimed that French agents were attempting to assassinate him and implement neutralism. Khánh offered no evidence, only claiming that the French had paid a hit man US$1,300 to kill him, before later inflating the supposed reward for his assassination.
Sihanouk habitually labeled local leftists the Khmer Rouge, a term that later came to signify the party and the state. During the mid-1950s, two KPRP factions, the "urban committee" (headed by Tou Samouth) and the "rural committee" (headed by Sieu Heng), emerged. In very general terms, these groups espoused divergent revolutionary lines. The prevalent "urban" line endorsed by North Vietnam recognized that Sihanouk by virtue of his success in winning independence from the French was a genuine national leader whose neutralism and deep distrust of the United States made him a valuable asset in Hanoi's struggle to "liberate" South Vietnam.
In 1910s Sacchi implemented a politician alliance with the dominant leader of that decade, Giovanni Giolitti, who led the centrist Liberal Union. When World War I broke out, Sacchi was one of the main supporters of neutralism. In 1916 Sacchi was appointed again Minister of Justice, in the cabinets of the liberals Paolo Boselli and Vittorio Emanuele Orlando. In 1919 Sacchi resigned and removed the support to Orlando's government, but in the general election of the same year the Radicals lost many votes and in the 1921 election, Sacchi did not succeed in being re-elected in the Italian Parliament.
MEI continuously built its reputation by creating a language- as well as a publications program; St John Philby's Arabian Highlands was published for MEI by Cornell University Press in 1952. MEI also increased the number of lectures, art exhibits, and conferences. Themes of annual conferences like "The Evolution of Public Responsibility in the Middle East" (1955), "Current Tensions in the Middle East" (1956), and "Neutralism, Communism: The Struggle for Power" (1959) reflected the post-World War II uncertainties about the Middle East. After having split from SAIS in 1948, MEI needed to find a new location.
Ilie Bărbulescu, a Slavist and Marghiloman Conservative who advocated pro-German neutralism, also published articles in Seara during 1915. Beyond this conservative core, Seara colored its pages in various shades of left-wing advocacies, from socialism and social democracy to anarchism. According to literary historian Paul Cernat, the ideological ambiguity and conjectural alliances between socialists and conservatives was motivated by a common enemy, the pro-Entente and "plutocratic" National Liberal Party. The independent socialist Felix Aderca, later known as a novelist, expanded on his earlier theoretical articles for Noua Revistă Română, depicting the German Empire as the "progressive" actor in the war.
In very general terms, these groups espoused divergent revolutionary lines. The prevalent "urban" line endorsed by North Vietnam recognized that Sihanouk by virtue of his success in winning independence from the French was a genuine national leader whose neutralism and deep distrust of the United States made him a valuable asset in Hanoi's struggle to "liberate" South Vietnam. Advocates of this line hoped that the prince could be persuaded to distance himself from the right-wing and to adopt leftist policies. The other line, supported for the most part by rural cadres who were familiar with the harsh realities of the countryside, advocated an immediate struggle to overthrow the "feudalist" Sihanouk.
The Principle of Symmetry holds that in explaining the origins of scientific beliefs, that is, assessing the success and failure of models, theories, or experiments, the historian/sociologist should deploy the same kind of explanation in the cases of success as in cases of failure. When investigating beliefs, researchers should be impartial to the (a posteriori attributed) truth or falsehood of those beliefs, and the explanations should be unbiased. The strong programme adopts a position of relativism or neutralism regarding the arguments that social actors put forward for the acceptance/rejection of any technology. All arguments (social, cultural, political, economic, as well as technical) are to be treated equally.
He succeeded in lobbying the attendees to pass resolutions on each of these issues, notably securing the strong support of China and India. Following Bandung, Nasser officially adopted the "positive neutralism" of Yugoslavian president Josip Broz Tito and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru as a principal theme of Egyptian foreign policy regarding the Cold War. Nasser was welcomed by large crowds of people lining the streets of Cairo on his return to Egypt on 2 May and was widely heralded in the press for his achievements and leadership in the conference. Consequently, Nasser's prestige was greatly boosted as was his self-confidence and image.
Increasingly concerned at the growing leftist trend in the country, Quwatli called for a national unity government that would include parties from across the political spectrum on 15 February 1956. Despite opposition from the Ba'athists, Quwatli managed to preside over a "national covenant" which entailed a foreign policy of opposition to Zionism and imperialism as well as the adoption of neutralism amid the Cold War. Nonetheless, and against Quwatli's advice, Ghazzi resigned from his post in June 1956 as a result of pressure from the Ba'athists and the communists who had been leading protests against Ghazzi's decision to lift the ban on wheat sales to Western Europe. Faced with few options, Quwatli reappointed Asali as Prime Minister.
Khánh noted that they had served in the Vietnamese National Army in the early 1950s, under the French colonial administration, although he did as well. An anonymous source close to the plotters told The New York Times that "We were anxious about them indeed...and we had conclusive proof that they had been talking with the French in terms of a neutralized Vietnam and that North Vietnam had given support to the plan", explicitly naming Kim and Xuân. In May 1964, Khanh put his rivals on trial. The generals were secretly interrogated for five and a half hours, mostly about details of their coup against Diệm, rather than the original charge of promoting neutralism.
Some developing countries devised a strategy that turned the Cold War into what they called "creative confrontation" – playing off the Cold War participants to their own advantage while maintaining non-aligned status. The diplomatic policy of non-alignment regarded the Cold War as a tragic and frustrating facet of international affairs, obstructing the overriding task of consolidating fledgling states and their attempts to end economic backwardness, poverty, and disease. Non-alignment held that peaceful coexistence with the first-world and second-world nations was both preferable and possible. India's Jawaharlal Nehru saw neutralism as a means of forging a "third force" among non-aligned nations, much as France's Charles de Gaulle attempted to do in Europe in the 1960s.
The PEO was immediately evacuated by Air America. In an attempt to neutralise right- wing opposition, Suvannaphūmā offered to include Phūmī Nôsavan in the new government, but instead Phūmī went south to join Bunūm na Champāsak in forming an anti-communist "Revolutionary Committee" with US backing. Kông's coup split the army, with some garrisons supporting him and some supporting Phūmī. Since the Americans were paying the army's bills, however, Kông's units could not sustain themselves for long, and had no choice but to seek an alliance with the Pathēt Lao, a move which Suvannaphūmā supported in dramatic fashion by flying to the Pathēt Lao headquarters at Xam Neua in the mountains to issue a joint appeal with Suphānuvong for Lao unity and neutralism.
Opponents refer to a 2003 study of Rand Corporation, which concluded that "there is little cross-country evidence that population growth impedes or promotes economic growth...population neutralism has in fact been the predominant school in thinking among academics about population growth for the last half-century". For example, the 1992 study of Ross Levine and David Renelt, which covered 119 countries over 30 years (versus a University of the Philippines study of 3 countries over a few years). The RAND study also said that a large population can promote growth given the right fundamentals. Thus, they refer to the HSBC 2012 projection for 2050 that the Philippines will be 16th largest economy due to its large growing population, and those whose populations are decreasing will suffer decline.
Yugoslavia developed its relations with India, another founding member, from the time of their concurrent mandate at the UN Security Council from the end of 1949 onward. A year later, during the 1950 United Nations General Assembly session prominent Yugoslav politician and at the time Minister of Foreign Affairs Edvard Kardelj stated that "Yugoslavia cannot accept that mankind must choose between domination by one or other power". On 22 December 1954 meeting in New Delhi Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and President of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito signed a joint statement stipulating that "the policy of non-alignment adopted and pursued by their respective countries is not ‘neutrality’ or ‘neutralism’ and therefore passivity, as sometimes alleged, but is a positive, active and constructive policy seeking to lead to collective peace".
79South-east Asia: A Short History - Page 148 by Brian Harrison - 1963 "Soon after his arrival in 1751 the agent, Bruno, reported back to Pondicherry that the Irrawaddy delta could easily be conquered by a small force". Bruno obtained a treaty Burma's Foreign Relations: Neutralism in Theory and Practice - Page 14 by Chi Shad Liang - 1990: "In July 1751, Dupleix sent Bruno to Burma and negotiated a treaty by which, in return for commercial concessions, the Mons were to receive substancial French aid". and formed an alliance between France and the Mons.The Mandarin Road to Old Hué: Narratives of Anglo-Vietnamese Diplomacy - Page 64 by Alastair Lamb - 1970: "In 1751 Dupleix sent the Bruno to Pegu to initiate an alliance between the French and the Mon Government at Pegu against the Burmans".
He reported that Goburdhum regarded President Diem as a model Asian leader and was trying to convert him to neutralism, the official Indian creed during the Cold War. Regarding d'Orlandi, he was: "the most reticent of the three. Italy had no particular interests in Vietnam, outside of the general Western hope of maintaining a reasonable balance of power in Southeast Asia and of making decisions in a more thoughtful and restrained way than was the habit of the impetuous and inexperienced Americans". And as for Lalouette: he "had even more reason for arranging and watching over [Maneli's] future relations with Nhu...His stakes in the game were incomparably more higher and more portentous" as he wanted to open a dialogue between Saigon and Hanoi and then token cultural and economic exchanges between the two regions.
His support "for independence, democracy and social justice" was highlighted, but the principle message taken from his speech was that of a new world order based on pluralism, tolerance and cooperation."Vision on the World Stage", Washington Post, November 9, 1988 A month later, Time Magazine ran a longer analysis of the speech and its possible implications. The promises of a new world order based on the forswearing of military use of force was viewed partially as a threat, which might "lure the West toward complacency" and "woo Western Europe into neutered neutralism". However, the more overriding threat was that the West did not yet have any imaginative response to Gorbachev—leaving the Soviets with the moral initiative and solidifying Gorbachev's place as "the most popular world leader in much of Western Europe".
To signal this, on August 5, 1943 he wrote a personal letter to US Secretary of State, Cordell Hull. He said it was Argentina's intention to break relations with the Axis powers, but he also asked for patience in creating this rupture and that at the same time some gesture of the United States in the matter of the supply of armaments was needed to isolate the "neutrals" ("neutralistas"). Cordell Hull, in order to put pressure on the Argentine government, made public the letter of Storni, also questioning in harsh terms the "neutralism" of Argentina. This produced a resurgence of the already strong anti-american sentiment, especially in the Armed Forces, leading to the resignation of Storni and his replacement by a "neutralist", Colonel Alberto Gilbert, who until then served as Minister of Interior.
Eventually, Ne Win canceled negotiations with the communists but assumed the civilian positions of Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister in Nu's government while remaining the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces. After the failed negotiations with the communists, General Ne Win considered assistance from the West and traveled with Minister for Foreign Affairs E Maung to London and Washington showing willingness for a possible Pacific area security pact. At the same time, Prime Minister U Nu declared in a speech in parliament that Burma should enter into economic and defense treaties with countries of economic interest. U Kyaw Nyein as Secretary General of the AFFPL and leader of the Socialist majority in parliament defended Burma's neutralism warning of the dangers of becoming associated with power blocs.
Nasser raising the Egyptian flag over the Suez Canal city of Port Said to celebrate the final British military withdrawal from the country, June 1956 After the three-year transition period ended with Nasser's official assumption of power, his domestic and independent foreign policies increasingly collided with the regional interests of the UK and France. The latter condemned his strong support for Algerian independence, and the UK's Eden government was agitated by Nasser's campaign against the Baghdad Pact. In addition, Nasser's adherence to neutralism regarding the Cold War, recognition of communist China, and arms deal with the Eastern bloc alienated the United States. On 19 July 1956, the US and UK abruptly withdrew their offer to finance construction of the Aswan Dam, citing concerns that Egypt's economy would be overwhelmed by the project.
The prevalent "urban" line, endorsed by North Vietnam, recognized that Sihanouk, by virtue of his success in winning independence from the French, was a genuine national leader whose neutralism and deep distrust of the United States made him a valuable asset in Hanoi's struggle to "liberate" South Vietnam. Champions of this line hoped that the prince could be persuaded to distance himself from the right wing and to adopt leftist policies. The other line, supported for the most part by rural cadres who were familiar with the harsh realities of the countryside, advocated an immediate struggle to overthrow the "feudalist" Sihanouk. In 1959 Sieu Heng defected to the government and provided the security forces with information that enabled them to destroy as much as 90% of the party's rural apparatus.
The ICC supervised the Geneva Accords in Vietnam and comprised three delegations, from: Poland, Canada and India, with the Indian Commissioner serving as the Chief Commissioner of the ICC. Ogrodziński was given much leeway to operate in the manner that he felt best on the ICC, and contrary to expectations held in the West, he did not consult much with Moscow, Beijing or Warsaw before making a decision. Ogrodziński was informed "that the Indians must not be antagonized" as India's socialist neutralism was felt to make the Indians favorable to the Soviet bloc, but he was told to expect the worse from the Canadians whom it was believed were serving "agencies of the US". The first conference of the ICC in New Delhi on 1–6 August 1954 did not bring about the expected Canadian-Polish clash.
In the wake of the coup, Lon Nol did not immediately launch Cambodia into war. He appealed to the international community and to the United Nations in an attempt to gain support for the new government and condemned violations of Cambodia's neutrality "by foreign forces, whatever camp they come from."Lipsman and Brown, p. 146. His hope for continued neutralism availed him no more than it had Sihanouk. On 29 March 1970, the North Vietnamese had taken matters into their own hands and launched an offensive against the now renamed Forces Armées Nationales Khmères or FANK (Khmer National Armed Forces) with documents uncovered from the Soviet archives revealing that the offensive was launched at the explicit request of the Khmer Rouge following negotiations with Nuon Chea. The North Vietnamese overran most of northeastern Cambodia by June 1970.
In 1961, the year Oakes was appointed editor of the editorial page, Harper and Brothers published his book The Edge of Freedom: A Report on Neutralism and New Forces in Sub-saharan Africa and Eastern Europe. But his principal areas of concern were human rights and civil liberties, manifested by anti-McCarthyism and consistent support of the civil rights movement; strong and early criticism of the Vietnam War (1963), making the Times one of the few papers to take such a stand and leading to personal attacks on him by President Lyndon B. Johnson, Dean Rusk and others; and advocacy of conservation and protection of natural resources. In 1966, he was awarded the George Polk Award for bringing to the editorial page "a brilliance, an intensity and a perceptiveness" that made it "the most vital and influential journalistic voice in America." He was nothing if not persistent.
Williams' thesis was that "the difficulties of French government" were attributable "to historical and social, rather than to constitutional or temperamental factors". In 1964 he published a rewritten edition (Crisis and Compromise), writing in the new preface: "I seriously over-estimated the stability of a regime which had yet to face a political and emotional challenge as grave as the Irish question in Britain or the problems of the South in the United States". In the early 1960s Williams was an active member of the Gaitskellite Campaign for Democratic Socialism. On 10 October 1960 Williams issued a statement (with Julius Gould) in support of the Labour Party leader Hugh Gaitskell: > We, the undersigned Labour Party members and supporters, wholeheartedly > support the position taken by Mr. Gaitskell in the Labour Party conference > debate on defence and his opposition to a policy of unilateral disarmament > or neutralism for Britain.
However, the conclusion Goburdhun reached was that the war was pushing North Vietnam closer to China, and that ending the war would allow the traditional Sino-Vietnamese antagonism to reassert itself as Goburdhun knew from his contacts within Hanoi that North Vietnamese leaders were willing to accept Chinese help only because the United States was supporting South Vietnam. After the Sino-Indian war, the principle aim of Indian diplomacy was to reduce and weaken China's influence in Asia. Unlike the Americans who knew little about Vietnamese history, the Indians were more familiar with the histories of near-by Asian states, and appreciated the full depth of the profound mistrust the Vietnamese had of China, a state had conquered Vietnam in 111 BC and ruled it as a Chinese province for the next thousand years. The Americans had hoped that after the Sino-Indian war that India would become an American ally in Asia as the two nations had common anti-Chinese foreign policies, but the conclusion reached by Nehru was that India should promote neutralism in Southeast Asia as the best way of reducing Chinese influence in Southeast Asia.

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