Abrams has an ample record as a hardline militarist with no regard for human rights.
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The reign of his father, Hirohito, coincided with Japan's transformation from militarist empire to modern economic powerhouse.
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In fact, Trump is an ardent militarist, who has been proposing actual colonial wars of conquest for years.
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It was only in the militarist 1930s that the sport became a symbol of national pride and religious purity.
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There was, however, one anti-militarist surge that did make progress during the Reagan years: the Nuclear Freeze Campaign.
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His advisers didn't know whether he was an isolationist or a militarist, or whether he could distinguish between the two.
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It meant that a whole generation grew up looking upon the United States as an imperialist, militarist, and racist power.
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What distinguishes Trumpism is that this militarist foreign policy is mostly shorn of Bushian rhetoric about promoting democracy around the world.
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They were deeply anti-militarist, in part because they feared that a large standing army would encourage involvement in overseas wars.
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Amid the coronavirus pandemic, the Iranian regime may be more emboldened and beholden to its more militarist elements in the IRGC.
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"His advisers didn't know whether he was an isolationist or a militarist, or whether he could distinguish between the two," Wolff writes.
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Events and countries are melded together to create a nation-wide alternative reality, that justifies a jingoistic rhetoric and a militarist budget.
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Deploying the army within Germany would be particularly sensitive for many Germans still haunted by the country's militarist past under Nazi rule.
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There have been other occasions when circumstances — such as a challenge to the ruling order — have mandated a more direct militarist approach.
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WHAT A LOVELY WAR Richard Attenborough's debut feature brought Joan Littlewood's anti-militarist variety show to the screen with an all-star cast.
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Across Asia, his frequent travels and sensitive speeches have helped make amends for Japan's militarist past—even as the country's politics has lurched rightwards.
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We may ask how connected the militarist mind-set of war poetry is to its (seeming) opposite: the obsessive heart-throbbing of love poetry.
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Yet Clinton's embrace of "the masculine mystique" and militarist priorities left her behind the new curve that Obama created when he championed anti-war opinion.
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Arguably, that was something Obama managed to achieve, but many on the left viewed him as just another militarist by the time he left office.
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Plans to increase the manpower to 200,000 will be hard to implement because, in such an anti-militarist country, careers in the armed forces remain unpopular.
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C.S. Lewis once pointed out that evil seduces us into exaggerating our faults, telling the pacifist he's too militaristic and the militarist that he's too pacifistic.
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In the annals of terrible American militarist policy proposals, few are sillier and less punk than self-identified Fugazi fan Beto O'Rourke's de facto patriotism tax.
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But to bring China, Russia and the Europeans on board, Trump will need to abandon his unilateral and militarist "America First" and "Peace through Strength" doctrines.
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"Japan, overheated with militarist frenzy, has to keenly realize that it can never go to the future with their crime-woven past left pending," the statement went on.
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Its position as a symbol of early-703s excess and militarist aesthetic obsession was cemented by its recession-induced demise: The last Hummer H3 was produced in May 2010.
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It shouldn't be terribly surprising that there's a growing trend in conservative political leadership of embracing the beard, driven more by militarist kitsch than by the habits of Brooklyn hipsters.
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In the third section of the book, Kotkin turns to geopolitics, which increasingly preoccupied Stalin as Nazi Germany and militarist Japan upended the global status quo in the late 1930s.
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But like many of his generation, he never fully came to terms with the war; like many nationalist politicians, he tended to airbrush the worst excesses of Japan's militarist past.
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From a militarist empire whose armies tore across Asia in the first half of the 20th century, Japan, seared by the most horrific consequence of war, embraced democracy and nonbelligerence seemingly overnight.
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Her conceptual photography and video art were as disruptive as they were influential, and her politics — she's a self-described socialist feminist and anti-militarist — have long existed outside of the mainstream.
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There was no clear break, as there was in Germany with Hitler's rise to power, between the enlightened Japan that the Meiji reformers built and the militarist one that in 1937 launched into total war.
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Worried by an increasingly militarist Russia next door, Lithuania is putting the finishing touches to the dummy settlement in the Pabrade training area so it can teach its soldiers how to fight in towns and villages.
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" The action opens in 2055, and the United States has just elected a moderate presidential candidate named Keith over a strongman named Deutscher, "an anti-everything man for you, a militarist, Antichrist, anti-human, anti-intellectual.
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Even more worrisome, the top brass may come to believe these militarist myths: Persuaded of their own superiority, and confident of the public's trust, they may come to prefer their own judgment to that of elected officials.
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After all, the hubris of these men and their colonialist, militarist society insisted that better technology (in the form of the best ships the Royal Navy could spare) could conquer the Arctic and knit the world together.
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Each time a progressive challenger like Sanders, Dennis Kucinich or Jesse Jackson has inspired hope for real change, the Democratic Party has sabotaged them while marching to the right, becoming more corporatist and militarist with each election cycle.
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John McCain was many things in life — a war hero, a political reformer, a militarist, a principled opponent of torture — but one thing he was not was a member of the resistance to President Trump and his aspirational autocracy.
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His works often disentangle repressive nationalist and militarist themes, while also speaking directly and openly about the refugee crisis, which by now has displaced nearly half of Syria's 22 million population, according to the latest statistics from the UN Refugee Agency.
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Bogdanov died in the course of his blood-sharing experiments, and other futurist dreams were sidelined by the industrial and militarist priorities that led up to World War II. In the postwar period, however, scientists inspired by Cosmism launched Sputnik.
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LAKE: If I may respond, an old neocon militarist by the name of Ronald Reagan managed to negotiate arms control agreements and have a relationship with Soviet premiers and still keep a laser-like focus on the dissidents who were rotting in their gulags.
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The militarist faction of the Trump administration is all the more powerful because Secretary of State Rex Tillerson has turned out to be extraordinarily weak, following Trump's anti-government agenda by gutting the State Department but receiving no measurable sway over the president in return.
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But the Koreans can also argue that the recent visit by Japan's defense minister, Tomomi Inada, to the Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo, where a number of convicted war criminals are commemorated, is evidence that the Japanese do not fully acknowledge the crimes of their militarist past.
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More broadly, there is unease in South Korea, China and other Asian countries that Mr. Obama's visit will amount to an endorsement of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's campaign to move Japan beyond guilt over its militarist past and toward his vision of a "normal country" with a larger role in global affairs.
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While secular radicals denounced their governments' militarist and imperialist sins, the MAB, a group said by a government report to have links to the global Muslim Brotherhood but which denies any link, deplored the action against Mr Assad only on grounds that it was too little, too late, and perhaps even so mild as to be counter-productive.
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I would argue that the earlier approach of India, when [the first prime minister of an independent India] Nehru kept slashing the defense budget every year—until the Chinese came [in 1962] and gave us a wallop that India had to reverse course—suggests that the instinct of the nationalist movement was to not be a particular militarist country, but it was forced upon it by circumstances.
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Rep. Thomas MassieThomas Harold MassieAirports already have plenty of infrastructure funding Overnight Defense: House votes to block Trump arms sales to Saudis, setting up likely veto | US officially kicks Turkey out of F-35 program | Pentagon sending 2,100 more troops to border House votes to block Trump's Saudi arms sale MORE (R-Ky.) blasted French President Emmanuel Macron on Wednesday as a "socialist militarist globalist science-alarmist," as the French leader addressed members of Congress.
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The digital devices contained all of Ince's output in the last 20 years of his career: footage of the LGBTQ struggle in Turkey (including documentation of the founding of the pioneering LGBTQ group, Kaos GL); films on the Kurdish struggle for liberation; documentation of the anti-militarist movement in Turkey; footage of villagers' struggles against landlords; a film on Kurdish paper collectors, who survive by collecting discarded paper in the streets for recycling; and most recently, his documentation of KHK resistance movement, which protested the purging of nearly 150,000 of academics and public servants under Statutory Decree No. 696 (colloquially referred to as KHK, an acronym for the decree in Turkish) following the failed coup d'état attempt in 2017.
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Nerman started going to socialist youth meetings in Uppsala. In 1907, Nerman was conscripted for military service. By his own request, he got medical training. Nerman had already developed an anti-militarist standpoint and in 1908 he was caught by the secret police handing out illegal anti-militarist leaflets.
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After growing up, Tang became a calm, strong, confident, and well- spoken man that could be an outstanding militarist.
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Tang Jiyao.Worthing, Peter. Toward the Minjiu Incident: Militarist Conflict in Guizhou, 1911-1921, Sage Publications, 2007. In Worthing, Peter.
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Retrieved 17 February 2018. Despite commonalities, she found a difference between the draft refusers and the military selective-refusers: > The analysis of these interviews demonstrated that, in their appeal to [the] > Israeli public, members of Yesh Gvul and Courage to Refuse utilized symbolic > meanings and codes derived from dominant militarist and nationalist > discourses. In contrast, draft-resisters, members of New Profile and > Shministim, refusing to manipulate nationalistic and militaristic codes, > voice[] a much more radical and comprehensive critique of the state’s war > making plans. Invoking feminist, anti-militarist and pacifist ideologies, > they openly challenge and criticize dominant militarist and Zionist > discourses.
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260 A4 pages. Minori Library, Japan. Y2800. 1983, October 10. Those two years had been spent building a base for a Zentradi militarist revival.
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John VIII, Count of Nassau-Siegen (Jan or Johan; Dillenburg, 29 September 1583 - Ronse, 27 July 1638) was a German nobleman and militarist of the 17th century.
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4 (13 May 1946) prohibited the publication and dissemination of Nazi or militarist literature and demanded to hand over any existing such literature to the Allied authorities.
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Unsusually for a Minister of Defence, Monsen was an antimilitarist and wrote three anti- militarist pamphlets (Sannheten om militærvesenet, Avvæbning eller militarisme and Militært vanvidd eller civil fornuft).
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Charles Aristide Desplanques (6 February 1877 – 17 July 1951) was a militant anarchist, syndicalist and anti-militarist who wrote regularly for numerous anarchist journals in France and Belgium.
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Zimmermann occasionally writes articles for the Socialist Newspaper (Sozialistische Zeitung) and is associated with the "Anti-Capitalist Left", an anti-capitalist, anti- militarist caucus within the Left Party.
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Under the influence of pro-militarist lobbying, expansion and further reform of the army was discussed in parliament, and a new system of universal military conscription was adopted in 1913.
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He was apparently indifferent as to whether the government was imperialist, militarist, Nationalist, or collaborationist. Other than for the sake of running China's banks, his views and motives remain elusive.
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Kotoku Shusui, an early Japanese anarchist Japanese dissidence in 20th-century Imperial Japan during World War II covers individual Japanese opponents to the militarist Empire of Japan before and during WWII.
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Portrait of Alfred Noyes, in The World's Work, 1913 Noyes is often portrayed by hostile critics as a militarist and jingoist.Featherstone, Simon. War Poetry: An Introductory Reader.routledge, 1995, pp. 28, 56–57.
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Each have their quirks and baggage. They band together to help free a Mexican revolutionary (Fernando Rey) and help fight the oppression of sadistic militarist Diego played by Michael Ansara. Elmer Bernstein once again provides the music.
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That belief about Kennedy as a militarist was reinforced in Soviet minds by the Bay of Pigs invasion of 1961, which led to the Cuban Missile Crisis after the Soviets placed nuclear missiles in Cuba in 1962.
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It also states that the Shinto religion had always been, and that the Japanese people had always believed, an ideology preaching world domination and fascism--in fact the militarist brand of Shinto was a comparatively recent development.
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Hannes Sköld Johannes (Hannes) Evelinus Sköld (20 September 1886 – 14 September 1930) was a Swedish socialist and anti-militarist. Sköld was also a linguist, a writer and a poet. He also wrote songs. Johannes Sköld was born in Heby.
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In May 1968, Smith resigned from the party and retired from politics, leaving the leadership to Eric Wenberg, a long-term party member and militarist. Wenberg made overtures to Cawthron, and the ANSP was merged into the NSPA.Harcourt, pp. 30-31.
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Entry at the Encyclopedia of Ukraine In 1938 he was executed by the NKVD troika on accusations to belong to the Ukrainian militarist and nationalist organization.Syundyukov, I. The life of "Irreparable idealist" (Життя «непоправного ідеаліста»). Newspaper "Den". 26 September 2013.
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One of the most famous ancient Chinese militarist Sun Tzu lived here after retirement, and he wrote the masterpiece The Art of War here. Qionglong Mountain has the longest sky way in Suzhou and the only provincial natural reserve in Suzhou as well.
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Atenco was founded by the Matlazincas (Men of the net). Matlazincas were a militarist society and dominated the Toluca Valley during the period from 750 to 1162. The pre-Hispanic town was founded by Xolotl, the lord of Texcoco in the 12th century.
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After the HOP's senior leadership rebuffed him, Luburić went down an increasingly militarist path, establishing neo-Ustaše training camps in several European countries and publishing articles relating to military tactics and guerrilla techniques. In 1963, he established a paper called Obrana ("Defense").
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Marie Jeanne Picqueray, (July 8, 1898 – November 3, 1983) known as May Picqueray, was an anarchist activist, trade unionist, and notable pacifist. From April 1974 to November 1983, she was the leading publisher of Le Réfractaire, a pacifist and anti-militarist periodical.
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Two small, independent anti-militarist outfits that participated in the February 15th campaign and loosely associated with the AWC. Their aim was to introduce a more pacifist style to the revolutionary rhetoric of the AWC and power-mongering of the supposed Stop the War Campaign.
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While the majority of members of Yesh Gvul and Courage to Refuse > choose selective refusal, negotiating conditions of their reserve duty, > [the] anti-militarist, pacifist, and feminist ideological stance of members > of New Profile and Shministim leads them to absolutist refusal.Zemilinskaya > (December 2010), p. 9.
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Thereafter, Gerber paid the rent through his work as a printing salesman.DeLeon (ed.), The American Labor Who's Who, pg. 84. Julius was a delegate to the 1917 Socialist Party Convention, a gathering which passed the aggressively anti-militarist St. Louis Manifesto.NY Judiciary Proceedings, v.
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Militarist nationalists and anti-militarist leftists fought on the streets until the Italian Royal Army forcefully restored calm after having used thousands of men to put down the various protesting forces. Following the invasion of Serbia by Austria-Hungary in 1914, World War I broke out as Germany and Austria stood opposed to Serbia, Russia, France and Britain. Despite Italy's official alliance to Germany and membership in the Triple Alliance, it remained neutral, claiming that the Triple Alliance was only for defensive purposes.Giordano Merlicco, "Italy and the Austro‐Serbian crisis of July 1914", in VVAA, Serbian‐Italian Relations: History and Modern Times, The Institute of History, Belgrade, 2015, pp.
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Swedish king Gustavus Adolphus leading a cavalry charge, 1634 Militarist ideology is the society's social attitude of being best served, or being a beneficiary of a government, or guided by concepts embodied in the military culture, doctrine, system, or leaders. Either because of the cultural memory, national history, or the potentiality of a military threat, the militarist argument asserts that a civilian population is dependent upon, and thereby subservient to the needs and goals of its military for continued independence. Militarism is sometimes contrasted with the concepts of comprehensive national power, soft power and hard power. Most nations have separate military laws which regulate conduct in war and during peacetime.
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In 1917, Sugar was a delegate to the 1917 Emergency National Convention of the Socialist Party, held in St. Louis. There he was elected to the convention's Ways and Means Committee and voted in favor of the party's controversial anti-militarist manifesto.Johnson, Maurice Sugar, pg. 68.
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Amina Mama (born 19 September 1958) is a Nigerian-British writer, feminist and academic. Her main areas of focus have been post-colonial, militarist and gender issues. She has lived in Africa, Europe, and North America, and worked to build relationships between feminist intellectuals across the globe.
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Hereafter: Lusk Report. Lochner, Addams, and their Emergency Peace Federation were instrumental in convening a national conference in Chicago in February 1915 which brought together delegates representing pacifist, religious, and anti- militarist political organizations from around the United States.Stevenson (ed.), Lusk Report, vol. 1, pg. 974.
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Sempill had "an affinity with militarist right-wing regimes". During the 1930s he developed extreme right-wing political opinions and was active in several anti-Semitic organizations such as the Anglo-German Fellowship, the pro-Nazi Link organisation and The Right Club led by Archibald Ramsay.
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They were well represented in the Imperial Reichstag, which had little power over the government, and had been calling for a negotiated peace since 1917. Their prominence in the peace negotiations would cause the new Weimar Republic to lack legitimacy in right- wing and militarist eyes.
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One critic, Pablo Abraham, has called the film a "poorly-conceived manifesto" while conceding that it was "unworthy" of being directed by Chalbaud, though Abraham does write that the film is "unpalatable" because of Chalbaud: with him at the helm it is "full of an irritating militarist ideology".
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For much of the 1800s, Venezuela was ruled by caudillos, with six rebellions occurring to take control of Venezuela between 1892 and 1900 alone. The militarist legacy was then used by the nationalist dictatorship of Marcos Pérez Jiménez and more recently the socialist political movement led by Hugo Chávez.
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Nefise Akçelik, married her colleague İbrahim Ethem Akçelik in 1978. The couple had a daughter, Oya, in 1979 and a son, Oğuz, in 1989. According to her husband, Akçelik was a socialist, anti-capitalist, anti-militarist and internationalist. She died on October 5, 2003 of complications from cancer.
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134 the militarist Jorge Vigón Suero-DíazPreston, Franco, p. 110 and the film-maker Ernesto Giménez Caballero.Holguín, Creating Spaniards, p. 115 Members of AE set up a 'conspiratorial committee' in late 1932, meeting at the regularly at the Biarritz home of Juan Antonio Ansaldo to plan a restoration coup.
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The IWA rejects all political and national frontiers; it calls for radical changes to the means of production to lessen humanity's environmental impact. From an early stage, the IWA has taken an anti- militarist stance, reflecting the overwhelming anarchist attitude since the First World War that the working class should not engage with the power struggles between ruling classes - and certainly should not die for them. It included a commitment to anti-militarism in its core principles and in 1926 it founded an International Anti-Militarist Coalition to promote disarmament and gather information on war production.Michael Schmidt and Lucien Van Der Walt (2009), Black Flame While regarding industrial acts such as strikes, boycotts, etc.
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Foreign News: 55-Year War, TIME Magazine, June 30, 1941 He predicted that only by dismantling the militarist German elites and institutions Germany itself would be at peace with the rest of Europe, which the Allies in fact did after World War II, dissolving both Prussia and the German General Staff.
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A British Orthodox rabbi, Yankev-Meyer Zalkind, was an anarcho-communist and very active anti- militarist. Rabbi Zalkind, a close friend of Rudolf Rocker, was a prolific Yiddish writer and a prominent Torah scholar. He argued, that the ethics of the Talmud, if properly understood, is closely related to anarchism.
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George Ross "Kirk" Kirkpatrick (February 24, 1867 – March 23, 1937) was an American anti-militarist writer and political activist. He is best remembered as the 1916 Vice Presidential nominee of the Socialist Party of America. He was briefly the Executive Secretary of that organization from November 1925 until May 1926.
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The Colombian theatrical work El monte calvo (The Barren Mount), created by Jairo Aníbal Niño, used two Colombian veterans of the Korean war, and an ex-clown named Canute to criticize militarist and warmongering views, and to show what war is and what happens to those who live through it.
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Arup attended the University of Copenhagen and was awarded his dr.phil. in 1907. As a young man he was deeply impressed by Viggo Hørup and his political anti-militarist line. During World War I, Arup was connected to the cabinet of social-liberal Carl Theodor Zahle as a permanent under- secretary.
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He adopted mild socialist tendencies in the 1910s, and when, in the 1930s, the militarist government began to crack down heavily on left-wing literature, he shifted over to writing scholarly works rather than produce propaganda. He wrote for the Asahi Shimbun from 1918 to 1940. Zenmaro died in 1980.
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Later Kobayashi was president of council of (Tokyo Gas Electric Engineering Company). He was appointed in charge of the Ministry of Commerce and Industry in the 1940 Konoe Cabinet.Hankyu-Toho Group He joined the Taisei Yokusankai Group, with Shōzō Murata and Akira Kazami. They supported a new political and economic militarist-socialist program.
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Bosetti, p. 240 Overall, Pittoni claimed, "the right of ethnic self-determination hinges on that state's democratization prospects" (implying that Bosniaks lacked such prospects outside the Austrian tutelage). He also noted that, contrary to the indignation in Italy, Italians had nothing to fear. Against Pittoni, Battisti maintained an anti-militarist and separatist position.
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Henri Félix Camille Beaulieu (known as Henri Beylie; 30 November 1870 – 1944) was a French accountant, naturist, anti-militarist, anarchist and then communist. He wrote many articles in radical journals. In his later years he was active in the Committee of Social Defence (CDS), an organization that helped political prisoners and exiles.
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Alfred Noyes is often portrayed by hostile critics as a militarist and jingoist despite being a pacifist in life.Featherstone, Simon. War Poetry: An Introductory Reader. Routledge, 1995, pp. 28, 56-57. In 1913, when it seemed that war might yet be avoided, he published a long anti-war poem called The Wine Press.
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After his military service Monmousseau joined the state railway in Paris in 1910. He became an anarcho-syndicalist, and was active in the railway workers' union. In January 1913 he organized an anti-militarist rally in a hotel in Azay-sur-Cher. During World War I (1914–18) he worked on railway maintenance.
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Maria Rygier (born 1885 in Kraków, died 1953 in Rome) was an Italian journalist and politician. She was at times in her life an anarchist propagandist, a revolutionary syndicalist, an anti-militarist, an ardent pro- war militant, an early supporter of the fascist movement in Italy, an anti- fascist, and a monarchist.
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Martin married Olga Walters; they divorced in 1940. Martin then became romantically involved with the activist Dorothy Woodman. They remained together for the rest of his life, although they never married. Martin worked with Woodman in pressure groups such as the anti-militarist Union of Democratic Control and the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament.
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Paul Lapeyre was born in Monguilhem (Gers), a (very) small town in southwestern France. His father was a small-farmer who became a postman. The family was politically committed. Paul Lapeyre embarked on a career as a teacher, but his anti-militarist stance and his internationalism led to his exclusion from the state education system.
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From Revolutionaries to Citizens : Antimilitarism in France, 1870–1914 by Paul B. Miller. Duke University Press, 2002, , p. 8. Cynthia Cockburn defines an anti- militarist movement as one opposed to "military rule, high military expenditure or the imposition of foreign bases in their country".Cynthia Cockburn, Antimilitarism: Political and Gender Dynamics of Peace Movements.
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Nabil describes himself on his blog as "Liberal, Secular, Capitalist, Feminist, Pro-Western, Pro-Peace, Atheist, Materialist, Realist, Pro-Globalist, Intactivist, Anti-militarist, Pacifist". He is known for promoting free market economy as part of liberal democracy. He is part of an Egyptian campaign acting against male circumcision. He supports LGBT rights and abortion.
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Military service exposed Morain to libertarian and anti-militarist ideas. Released from the military late in 1951, he returned to building work in the Paris suburbs. He also volunteered intermittently as an adult mentor at the "Cité de l'Esperance" (loosely "City of hopefulness"), a refuge for "difficult or delinquent young people" at Conflans-Sainte-Honorine.
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At its foundation the International Secretary of IVSJO was Hendrik de Man. De Man was succeeded by Robert Danneberg, who held the post from 1908 to 1915. The first Chairman of the IVSJO was the German anti-militarist radical Karl Liebknecht. Liebknecht served as an inspiration and "elder statesman" for radical youth throughout Europe.
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The militarist and nationalistic reign of Czar Nicholas I (1825–1855) led to wars of conquest against Persia (1826–1828) and Turkey (1828–1829). Various rebel tribes in the Caucasus region were crushed. A Polish revolt in 1830 was ruthlessly crushed. Russian troops in 1848 crossed into Austria-Hungary to put down the Hungarian revolt.
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It has been suggested that the book may have carried a political message, analogous to Jean de La Fontaine's or Ivan Krylov's work. According to this view, Maya represents the ideal citizen, and the beehive represents a well-organised militarist society. It has also elements of nationalism and speciesism. Maya gets angry in two instances.
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In the post-WWII adaptations, the militarist element was toned down considerably, the hornets' role reduced, and the character of Willy, a lazy and quite un-warlike drone bee, was introduced (he does not appear in the novel). In the cartoon series, the briskly marching, but ridiculously incompetent ant armies provide a parody of militarism.
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From 1926 onwards, the institution took the name of Bydgoszcz Third Degree General Public School No. XI - Jan Henryk Dąbrowski (). The school literally flourished during the 1930s. Under Nazi occupation, the building housed a German primary school for boys and Germanized Poles: the aim was to educate young people in the Nazi militarist spirit.
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Höpp, 1995, p. 2. Al-Qawuqji resigned his commission in the Iraqi army and his position at the Royal Military College to lead approximately fifty armed guerrillas into Mandatory Palestine.Iraq Between the Two World Wars: The Militarist Origins of Tyranny, by Reeva Spector Simon, (New York: Columbia University Press; 2013), p. 65; p. 124.
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The extremist Militarist party, supported by the Fascists, elected 20 members, or 15% of Diet. Six days after the elections, there was a wave of political assassinations in Japan. Among the victims were Admiral Saito, Viscount Takahashi, General Jōtarō Watanabe. Prime Minister Okada was saved when one of the assassins confused him for another person.
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Schultze, a militarist and racist. Though having a French grandmother, he is convinced of the superiority of the "Saxon" (i.e., German) over the "Latin" (primarily, the French), which he believes will lead to the eventual destruction of the latter by the former. Schultze had published many articles "proving" the superiority of the German race.
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Rajasimha, like of most of Pallava kings before him, was a great militarist. That the Pallavas were recognized as a major power during his period is testified by the fact that he exchanged ambassadors with China. In general his period was relatively free from major wars and Pallava domination of south east Asia continued.
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Bing Sheng is a 2008 Chinese television series produced by Zhang Jizhong, starring Zhu Yawen, Li Tai, Hu Jing, Zhao Yi, He Zhuoyan, Xu Huanhuan, Tu Men and Wu Ma. It is loosely based on the life of the ancient Chinese militarist Sun Tzu, who wrote The Art of War. It was first broadcast on Changde TV in 2009.
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On January 4, 1917, he married in Giovanna Caleffi, his mother's former pupil. Three months after the wedding, he was called up for military service, however, he was removed from service due to a serious illness. After three years of military service, he was forced to leave the Military Academy of Modena because of his anti-militarist activities.
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Set in the near-future United States, when junior NSA officer Alexandra D'Artagnan uncovers a plot by a corrupt general to assassinate the President of the United States to instigate a coup to take over the government in order to install a militarist regime, she enlists the help of three infamous international spies to stop the threat.
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Less than a month after the founding meeting, the party began to distribute propaganda in Tokyo, Osaka, Kobe and Kyoto. In early October 1921, the party began distributing propaganda posters. In November, the party circulated two sets of anti-militarist/anti-war leaflets to soldiers, who had gathered in the Tokyo area for a large-scale military exercise.
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It is militarist, viewing political disputes and conflict from a military standpoint as "battles" requiring "fighting", "mobilization", "battlefields", "bastions" and "trenches". Saddamism was officially supported by Saddam Hussein's government and promoted by the Iraqi daily newspaper Babil, which was owned by Saddam's son Uday Hussein. alt=Saddam Hussein and Michel Aflaq seated, talking. Both wear suits.
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Luigi Gerolamo Pelloux (La Roche-sur-Foron, 1 March 1839 – Bordighera, 26 October 1924) was an Italian general and politician, born of parents who retained their Italian nationality when Savoy was annexed to France. He was the Prime Minister of Italy from 29 June 1898 to 24 June 1900, his rule was considered by historians as conservative and militarist.
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At Firda he was Norway's youngest principal. While studying he was chairman of Studentmållaget from 1919 to 1920 and the Norwegian Students' Society in 1923. He became chairman of the Students' Society because of a coalition with Mot Dag. He later denounced Mot Dag's revolutionary tendencies, but remained an anti- militarist, opposing NATO in the 1940s.
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Fugumba had perhaps a thousand huts, and became the place where the newly chosen rulers of Futa-Jallon came to be consecrated. It was a center of Islamic learning. In the later political struggles of the state, Fugumba and Kolladé were the bases of the Alfaya faction, opposed to the more militarist Soriya faction that controlled Labé and Timbi.
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December 10-December 15, 1922 the IFTU organized an internal Peace Conference in the Hague. The conference took place in the backdrop of mounting military tension over the Ruhr. The Peace Conference marked the height of influence of IFTU. The initiative to hold the conference had come from Edo Fimmen, who represented a radical and anti- militarist position.
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As a socialist women's activist, she founded a Domestic Workers' Association. At the 1913 Jena congress of the SPD, Agnes belonged to the radical anti-militarist grouping, and supported Rosa Luxemburg's call for general strike action.pp. 242, 244 After the SPD split, Agnes became a leading personality in the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD).Nolan, Mary.
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4 – Confiscation of Literature and Material of a Nazi and Militarist Nature". All confiscated literature was reduced to pulp instead of burning.Note: In August 1946 the order was amended so that "In the interest of research and scholarship, the Zone Commanders (in Berlin the Komendantura) may preserve a limited number of documents prohibited in paragraph 1.
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Organized fascist movements have militarist-appearing uniforms for their members; use historical national symbols as symbols of their movement; and use orchestrated rallies for propaganda purposes. Fascist movements are led by a "Leader" (e.g. Duce, Führer, Caudillo) who is publicly idolized in propaganda as the nation's saviour. A number of fascist movements use a straight-armed salute.
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Oehler, Mussolini und Nietzsche: Ein Beitrag zur Ethik des Faschismus. Nevertheless, Oehler and his wife were members of Hermann Graf Keyserling's anti-militarist "Schule der Weisheit". In 1931, Oehler became a member of the Nazi Party and hitched the Archiv's connections to the growing Nazi movement. Like Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche, he embraced Adolf Hitler's rise to power.
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Yuki Ikeda was a Japanese dissident who joined the Republic of China during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Ikeda was involved with the Christian reform movement of Toyohiko Kagawa, and anti-militarist activities. She fled to China, where she married Wataru Kaji. She fled Shanghai along with her husband, Wataru, when the Japanese invaded the city.
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He became further disillusioned as Chancellor Konrad Adenauer remilitarized West Germany, made it a member of NATO, and rearmed it for possible military conflict with the Warsaw Pact. Kästner remained a pacifist and spoke out at anti-militarist demonstrations against the stationing of nuclear weapons in West Germany. Later, he also took a stand against the Vietnam War.
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Lambeth Palace Library,Davidson 10. Wild was strongly in favour of continuing the War against Germany despite the heavy casualties and talk of a peace treaty. He argued that German atrocities against civilians made peace proposals unwise. 'Peace with an undefeated militarist Germany can only mean war and the endless threat of war for all time'.
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The majority... was more Bismarckian > than Bismarck ever realized. Many liberals... later became leading > propagandists for Bismarck, along with the new National Liberal Party. Only > an honorable few continued to oppose him and the militarist success-worship > that followed his victorious wars.Hamerow, Theodore "Guilt, Redemption and > Writing German History" pages 53–72 from The American Historical Review, > 1983 page 56.
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In the following February Strike of 1919, Wittich played a leading role, as the main leader of the German-Hungarian labour movement in the city. Initially, condemned the policies of the Czechoslovak government as 'imperialist' and 'militarist'. Soon thereafter, he came to project the strike as solely related to economic issues, and appealed to the Slovak social democrats to join the strike.Duin, pp.
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According to Ichikawa Hakugen, Yasutani was "a fanatical militarist and anti-communist". Brian Victoria, in his book Zen at War, places this remark in the larger context of the Meiji Restoration, which began in 1868. Japan then left its mediaeval feudal system, opening up to foreign influences and modern western technology and culture. In the wake of this process a fierce nationalism developed.
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In 1937 the PKP was legalized again, under the Commonwealth in response to the growing threat of fascism in Germany and militarist Japan. And in 1938 the Socialist Party was merged into the PKP. The PKP participated in a Popular Front for municipal elections in 1940, which did well on the island of Luzon, where six communist mayors were elected.
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As a young bohemian, Hannes Sköld traveled around Europe and lived in Paris and Copenhagen while working as a correspondent for different Swedish newspapers. He published his first book of poetry in 1911. The same year, he was jailed in Långholmen prison for spreading anti-militarist propaganda. In 1912, he released his second book, which he had written while in prison.
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In 1884, he became editor of the royalist daily Le Soleil. In 1897, upon the foundation of the socialist daily L'Aurore, its director Ernest Vaughan called Gohier to join the writing team. He became a leading journalist there, along with Georges Clemenceau. An indefatigable pamphleteer, Gohier - a "monarchist- unionist" - maintained a policy that was pro-Dreyfus, anti-Semitic, anti- militarist, and socialist.
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Bird Erich Raeder p. 95. Through Raeder had doubts about Hitler's commitment to navalism, the banning of the SPD and KPD together with the militarist and ultra-nationalist tone of the new regime were appealing to him.Thomas p. 80. Raeder first met Hitler on 2 February 1933 when Hitler delivered a birthday speech for the Foreign Minister Konstantin von Neurath.
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Meltzer was involved in founding the Anarchist Black Cross. He joined the anarcho- syndicalist Direct Action Movement in the early 80s, remaining a member of it and its successor, the Solidarity Federation, until his death. The leading anarcho-pacifist writer and gerontologist Alex Comfort characterised himself as an "aggressive anti-militarist". He held that pacifism rested "solely upon the historical theory of anarchism".
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The Association internationale antimilitariste (AIA; International Anti- Militarist Association) was a pacifist association founded in Amsterdam in 1904 that was dedicated to fighting militarism. Although technically open to all political views, it was dominated by anarchists. The members agreed that the workers should revolt if war were declared, but disagreed on whether soldiers should desert. They were subjected to police surveillance and arrests.
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For a critique, see Block, "Libertarianism" 157. Paul's fellow libertarian anti-militarist Justin Raimondo, a co-founder of Antiwar.com, described himself as a "conservative paleolibertarian". Unlike Feser and Rockwell, Raimondo's Reclaiming the American Right argues for a resurgence of Old Right political attitudes and it does not focus on the social and cultural issues that are of central importance to Foser and Rockwell.
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Hofman, p.4; Richter, p.33 He was at the time the lover of Maja Kruscek, who was a student of Rudolf Laban; in Richter's account, their relationship was always tottering.Richter, p.45, 69-70 As early as 1916, Tristan Tzara took distance from the Italian Futurists, rejecting the militarist and proto-fascist stance of their leader Filippo Tommaso Marinetti.
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Sparta was above all a militarist state, and emphasis on military fitness began virtually at birth. Shortly after birth, a mother would bathe her child in wine to see whether the child was strong. If the child survived it was brought before the Gerousia by the child's father. The Gerousia then decided whether it was to be reared or not.
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Berta Daniel was, from its beginning, a member of the "Anti-Militarist Structure" ("AM- Apparat"), an illegal Communist Party intelligence service which existed in Germany till 1937. By Autumn 1923 she was also responsible for administering party finances in the Stuttgart and Munich regions. The times were troubled. Richard Daniel was arrested in Ulm on 1 September 1923 and detained for preparing military insurrection.
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5, pg. 12. Despite the attack, loyal Milwaukee readers and advertisers rallied around the paper with monetary donations and the publication survived the attack. Through it all, Work wrote extensively on anti-militarist themes including, according to his own testimony, four of the five editorials for which Victor Berger was indicted by a grand jury in Chicago in December 1918.Work, Glances at My Life, ch.
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Sister Margaret McKenna, M.M.S., is an American Medical Mission Sister and anti-militarist activist. Raised in Hackensack, New Jersey, she earned her PhD in the origins and religious thought of Christianity from the University of Pennsylvania. In the 1970s, McKenna began participating in non-violent civil disobedience with the Plowshares Movement, sometimes being arrested or imprisoned for her actions. Her activism has continued through recent years.
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He took a strongly anti-military position in the Dreyfus affair. Perhaps because his willingness to stand up for justice was stronger than his anti-Semitism, Émile Zola was one of his friends. He provoked the resignation of Clemenceau from L'Aurore. In 1898, he was prosecuted after the publication of the anti-militarist pamphlet L'armée contre la nation (The Army Against the Nation); he was ultimately acquitted.
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Thompson was anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, and anti-militarist. In 1892, the managers of Grip passed the editorship from Bengough to Thompson and Bengough's cartoons stopped appearing after the 6 August 1892 issue. Years later, Bengough's brother Thomas blamed the board of directors at Grip, Inc., for the falling out over "general mismanagement", which may have involved losses incurred in relation to a government contract.
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Following the 1967 coup and the electoral boycott in 1968, Zinsou was the military's pick for president and was sworn in on 17 July 1968. This was quite unusual because he was a staunch anti-militarist. As President, Zinsou promoted anti-smuggling policies, countermeasures against strikes, and a more efficient tax collecting system. This upset some people and military officers were infuriated by his independent actions.
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During the independence movement, the rest of the world viewed Korea's resistance movement as a racial anti- imperialist, anti-militarist rebellion, and an anti-Japanese resistance movement. Koreans, however, saw the movement as a step to free Korea from the Japanese military rule. The South Korean government has been criticized as recently as 2011 for not accepting Korean socialists who fought for Korean independence.
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The outbreak of World War I (July 1914 – November 1918) caused an upheaval in Mélin's thinking. In August 1914 she was in Brussels at the meeting of European pacifists. She did not accept the passive attitude of German pacifists such Alfred Hermann Fried, who took refuge in Switzerland and avoided comment on German responsibility. She was shocked by the assassination of the anti-militarist leader Jean Jaurès.
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A portrait engraving for the title page of Scott's Poetical Works, 1782 John Scott (January 9, 1731David Perman,Scott of Amwell, Dr. Johnson's Quaker Critic (2001), p. 19. – December 12, 1783), known as Scott of Amwell, was an English landscape gardener and writer on social matters. He was also the first notable Quaker poet, although in modern times he is remembered for only one anti-militarist poem.
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From 1913, she worked for the newspaper Az Est ("Evening"). After war broke out in the summer of 1914 she worked as a reporter - at one stage reporting for the Budapest newspapers from Stockholm. In 1920, she fled from Hungary to Germany because of her left-wing anti- militarist activities. In Germany, she wrote for various newspapers, and books reviews for the publishing house Ullstein.
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In 1984, Bell openly opposed Adams' proposal to increase spending on election campaigns instead of the war against Britain. Bell was a hard-line militarist who opposed the use of funds by Sinn Féin and resented moves to end abstentionism. Bell emerged as the head of a group, which included senior figures like Danny McCann. In June 1985, Bell was dismissed from the IRA.
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During this period Brock brought to Peace News "a staff of writer-activists committed to developing Gandhian nonviolent action in the anti-militarist cause", including Pat Arrowsmith, Richard Boston, April Carter, Alan Lovell, Michael Randle, Adam Roberts and the American Gene Sharp.Chester and Rigby, p. 31. Brock's successor in 1964 was Theodore Roszak.Richard K. S. Taylor, Against the Bomb: the British Peace Movement, 1958-1965.
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Lower Saxony became an SPD stronghold, and the government's attitude reflected the strong anti-militarist mood in Germany in the wake of the war. The Minister-President, Hinrich Kopf, said he "would not lift a finger for a war criminal." He and Bila were temporarily housed in an elderly persons home near Celle. In 1951 Rundstedt was granted a military pension by the West German government.
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Wheeler-Bennett, John The Nemesis of Power, London: Macmillan, 1967, p. 198 The German historian Eberhard Kolb wrote that > …from the mid-1920s onwards the Army leaders had developed and propagated > new social conceptions of a militarist kind, tending towards a fusion of the > military and civilian sectors and ultimately a totalitarian military state > (Wehrstaat).Kolb, Eberhard The Weimar Republic London: Routledge, 2005, p. > 173.
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Bontemps was born on February 9, 1893, in the Nièvre department of France. He collaborated in the anarchist publication Ce qu'il faut dire led by Sebastien Faure. After briefly joining the French Communist Party shortly after the ongoing October Revolution he joined the anti-militarist organization "Ligue Internationale des Réfractaires à la guerre". During the time of the Spanish Civil War he joined the "Solidarité Internationale Antifasciste".
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The Pension became famous, when in 1915, the Zimmerwald Conference was held there. The Zimmerwald Conference was the first of three international socialist conferences convened by anti-militarist socialist parties from countries that were originally neutral during World War I. The Zimmerwald movement grew out of the conferences. The delegates included Lenin and Leon Trotsky. Eventually the Pension was demolished and no trace remains of the building.
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Although Pottsylvania's chief spies are given ersatz Russian accents, Fearless Leader's accent seems more in keeping with the Prussian militarist German stereotype. His monocle and sharply-angled features closely resemble Erich von Stroheim and characters from a 1942 anti- Nazi propaganda poster circulated during World War II. He uses some German such as "Achtung" and "schweinhund," typical of German stereotypes in film and TV.
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With the economic impact of the Shōwa financial crisis and the Great Depression, this led in the 1930s to a resurgence of nationalist, militarist and expansionist movements. Emperor Shōwa (known more commonly as Hirohito outside of Japan) and his reign became associated with the rediscovery of Hakkō ichiu as an expansionist element of Japanese nationalistic beliefs.Bix, Herbert. (2001). Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan, p. 201.
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One morning in March 1918, Ernest was found dead in his cell of a gunshot wound to the head. This was a hugely traumatic event for the family, who were certain Ernest had been tormented and then murdered by the guards. The newspapers reported Ernest's death as a suicide. Hugo Gellert, an impassioned anti- militarist, had fled to Mexico for the duration of the war.
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Rygier was a follower of Arturo Labriola and the socialist avant-garde in Italy. In 1907 she became editor of the newspaper Lotta di classe, a socialist revolutionary publon. With Filippo Corridoni, she also founded the anti-militarist broadsheet Rompete le file. She voiced the opinion that women should oppose militarism, as they gave birth to the soldiers killed in war on behalf of the state.
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In May 1916 the Military Bureau() was established, Wen was appointed Deputy Diplomatic Envoy. In September 1917 Sun Yat-sen started the Constitutional Protection Movement, and established the Canton Militarist Government. Wen also participated in it, but he supported Cen Chunxuan who was in opposition to Sun. In May 1918 Sun lost the leadership in the Government, when the governmental System was transformed to 7-President System.
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Yazid attempted to reverse, with limited success, the reforms of Umar II, which were opposed by the Arab militarist camp in the Caliphate and the Umayyad ruling family. During Umar II's rule the militarist camp led by Maslama may have accepted a temporary pause in activity to recover from the Constantinople debacle. Under Yazid, Maslama and his proteges, including Ibn Hubayra, were restored or appointed to senior commands, Syrian garrisons were reintroduced to Iraq, the traditional annual raids against the Byzantines and the war with the Khazars were restarted, and the grants of estates or generous sums to Umayyad princes resumed. Although Yazid's policies were presumably meant to gain the backing of the ruling elite and restore the flow of war spoils, they proved insufficient to finance the Caliphate's troops, particularly as booty had become increasingly difficult to obtain by the Arab expeditionary forces.
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Jean-Baptiste Louis Andrault, marquis de Maulévrier (November 3, 1677 - March 20, 1754) was a French militarist and diplomat. He served as aide de camp of Marshal Nicolas Catinat in Italy. He became brigadier in 1704, lieutenant general in 1720 and Marshal of France in 1745. He was also ambassador extraordinaire for the French King at the Spanish court in 1720, where he received the Order of the Golden Fleece.
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At the height of his successes, Parantaka I's dominions comprised almost the whole of the Tamil country right up to Nellore in Andhra Pradesh. It is clear from other Chola grants that Parantaka was a great militarist who had made extensive conquests. He may have had it recorded, but those records are lost to us. He is known to have defeated the kings of Deccan kingdoms by 912.
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Meijer refused to serve in the First World War and was sent to jail. During this time Wichmann wrote him many letters. Wichmann and Meijer were close friends with Albert de Jong, a Dutch anarchist, and Bart de Ligt (with whom she and others formed the 'Bond van Revolutionair Socialistische Intellectuelen' in 1919). She was very active in the anarchist, anti- militarist and feminist movements, primarily through her publications.
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Avrich and Avrich, Sasha and Emma, pp. 183-184. Berkman's joining of the editorial staff of Mother Earth was thus in the nature of a reunion. In September 1914 Berkman and Goldman split, with Berkman hitting the road in an attempt to organize "Anti-Militarist Leagues" in opposition to World War I and to federate the dispersed array of local anarchist groups into a unified organization.Pateman, "Introduction," pp. 2-3.
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Collectivism versus individualism is also a theme. Maya's independence and departure from the beehive is seen as reproachable, but it is atoned by her warning of the hornets' attack. This show of loyalty restores her position in the society. In the hornet attack part of the story, the bees' will to defend the hive and the heroic deaths of bee officers are glorified, often in overtly militarist tones.
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Itokawa is equable and moderate while Noge is fiery and a radical leftist. Although she fights with him vigorously, Yukie is eventually drawn toward Noge. Noge disappears following an anti-militarist student protest, the result of being arrested and spending four years in jail. By the time Itokawa, now a prosecutor for the government, tells Yukie of Noge's whereabouts, he has been out of jail for a year.
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In the 1912 Reichstag elections, the anti-militarist Social Democrats had won the largest number of seats in the Reichstag. Thus Bethmann-Hollweg had to work with the SPD to get the budgets passed to finance the war. In August 1914, the government had been able to persuade the majority of the SPD to support the war on the grounds that Russia was supposedly about to attack Germany.
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Pidjot was born into a veritable political dynasty as a relative of Rock Pidjot, who was an early elected representative of New Caledonia from 1964 to 1986. From 1956 to 1985 he was the first president of Caledonian Union. At the beginnings he was an autonomist, but later became an independentist. His brother, Raphaël also became a militarist independentist as the president of the South Pacific Society of Miners.
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During the post war year, as Gutai was emerging, originality became embedded in discourses of individualism as a resistance against the mass physiology of Japan's militarist past. Paintings as it existed was no longer adequate to human condition. Artists are motivated to articulate a new form of expression that defined a new era of authenticity and creative autonomy.Franciolli, M., Namioka, F., Della, C. B., & Museo cantonale d'arte (Lugano, Switzerland). (2010).
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58 His early work often featured militarist themes, such as his Battle with Solferino and San Martino while another painting depicted an episode of the Battle of Goito. In the later years of his career he turned his attention to Orientalist subject matter such as Arab Caravan (1875) and Fantasia arabe (1884).Bovero, Anna, "Cerruti Beauduc, Felice", Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani - Volume 24 (1980). Retrieved February 27, 2015.
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The RN was formed by people who left the ERP and who advocated for more of a mass orientation, as opposed to the militarist orientation the ERP had at the time. During the separation, the ERP ordered the executions of Roque Dalton and Armando Arteaga, claiming political betrayal. This made some members break away from the PRS-ERP, hence creating la Resistencia Nacional. Ernesto Jovel was its first general secretary.
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He was taken into custody on 18 May 1914, since the labour movement in Rjukan held an anti- militaristic street demonstration on 17 May, the Norwegian Constitution Day. The parade escalated into riots as anti-demonstrators tried to get a hold of the anti-militarist banners. Laborers threw rocks at armed police. On 19 May fifty infantrymen were dispatched to Rjukan because of rumours that the prison would be stormed.
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Friedrich Adam Julius von Bernhardi (November 22, 1849 – December 11, 1930) was a Prussian general and military historian. He was a best-selling author prior to World War I. A militarist, he is perhaps best known for his bellicose book Deutschland und der Nächste Krieg (Germany and the Next War), printed in 1911. Describing war as a "divine business", he proposed that Germany should pursue an aggressive stance and ignore treaties.
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Alphonse Gallaud de la Pérouse (28 May 1864 – 30 August 1930), better known as Zo d'Axa (), was a French adventurer, anti-militarist, satirist, journalist, and founder of two of the most legendary French magazines, L'EnDehors and La Feuille. A descendant of the famous French navigator Jean-François de Galaup, comte de Lapérouse, he was one of the most prominent French individualist anarchists at the turn of the 20th century.
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Nishida, the figure who is considered the originator of this School, was Tanabe's teacher. Philosophers of this School received opprobrium for their perceived active role in the Japanese militarist regime. However, their participation in resistance to the political environment has been documented widely by James Heisig. Tanabe especially has fallen under scrutiny for his political activities, though scholarship provides some mitigation of the harsher stigmata surrounding his career.
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The Italian Socialist Party decided to oppose the war after anti-militarist protestors had been killed, resulting in a general strike called Red Week. Mussolini initially held official support for the party's decision and, in an August 1914 article, Mussolini wrote "Down with the War. We remain neutral." He saw the war as an opportunity, both for his own ambitions as well as those of socialists and Italians.
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March was fearful of publishing the story, as he was already well- established as an anti-militarist author and was afraid to place his German friends and associates in undue peril.Simmonds (1988), p. xvii. It was later published in Trial Balance: The Collected Short Stories of William March. Two years later, following a move to London, March finished his third novel, The Tallons, the second in his "Pearl County" series.
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Yankev-Meyer Zalkind. Yankev-Meyer Zalkind (1875 - 1937) was a British Orthodox rabbi, an anarcho-communist, a close friend of Rudolf Rocker, and an active anti-militarist. He was born in Lithuania, and both his merchant father and mother were both descendants of numerous famous rabbis. Zalkind was well versed in Jewish texts, and was a graduate of the Volozhin yeshiva, where he learned with Hayim Nahman Bialik.
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The Reichstag fire at the end of February 1933 was immediately blamed on "communists". Meanwhile, the new government lost no time in converting Germany into a one-party dictatorship. Nevertheless, between January 1933 and April 1935 Wiedmeier worked (illegally) as a party instructor in Berlin. From 1934 she was actively engaged with the "Anti-militarist" group around Emil Pietzuch, undertaking several covert trips to Moscow as a courier.
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The term was coined during the late nineteenth century as European powers indulged in the 'Scramble for Africa' in the name of national glory, but has been most associated with militarist governments during the 20th century, including Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, the Japanese Empire, and the Central and Eastern European countries of Albania (Greater Albania), Bulgaria (Greater Bulgaria), Croatia (Greater Croatia), Hungary (Greater Hungary), Romania (Greater Romania) and Serbia (Greater Serbia).
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Papen was proud of his family's having been granted hereditary rights since 1298 to mine brine salt at Werl. He always believed in the superiority of the aristocracy over commoners. Fluent in both French and English, he travelled widely all over Europe, the Middle East and North America. He was devoted to Kaiser Wilhelm II. Influenced by the books of General Friedrich von Bernhardi, Papen was a militarist throughout his life.
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He represented the Hawkes Bay electorate from 1935 to 1946, having stood there unsuccessfully in 1931. In 1946, following an electoral redistribution, he won the Hastings electorate, but was defeated in 1949. He was Minister of Agriculture from 1946 to 1949 and also Minister of Marketing from 1947 to 1949. He was a self described militarist and supported compulsory military training, an issue to which most Labour members were opposed.
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Already during the Weimar era, mathematician and political writer Emil Julius Gumbel published in-depth analyses of the militarist paramilitary violence characterizing German public life as well as the state's lenient to sympathetic reaction to it if the violence was committed by the political Right. The Third Reich that followed the Weimar Republic was a strongly militarist state; after its fall in 1945, militarism in German culture was dramatically reduced as a backlash against the Nazi period, and the Allied Control Council and later the Allied High Commission oversaw a program of attempted fundamental re-education of the German people at large in order to put a stop to German militarism once and for all. The Federal Republic of Germany today maintains a large, modern military and has one of the highest defence budgets in the world; although the defence budget accounts for less than 1.5 percent of Germany's GDP, it is lower than that of France or Great Britain.
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Prior to World War I, Kafka attended several meetings of the Klub mladých, a Czech anarchist, anti-militarist, and anti-clerical organization. Hugo Bergmann, who attended the same elementary and high schools as Kafka, fell out with Kafka during their last academic year (1900–1901) because "[Kafka's] socialism and my Zionism were much too strident". "Franz became a socialist, I became a Zionist in 1898. The synthesis of Zionism and socialism did not yet exist".
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The Pinksterlanddagen (Pentecost days) is the largest anarchist event in the Netherlands. It is a long tradition that goes back to 1924 when anarchist young people from Frisia organized this meeting for the first time. In 1933, the campground in Appelscha was bought by anti-militarist workers, and it is here that the festival has taken place ever since, every year during the Pentecost on the anarchist, alcohol-free camping site Tot Vrijbezzinnen.
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Wallhead was a member of the Independent Labour Party who had opposed the war, but he was able to remind crowds of anti-militarist statements made by Bannington before the war. Ultimately, both candidates were defeated by Edward Manville, a Coalition Conservative politician; Bannington took 3,806 votes and fourth place in poll, behind Wallhead. Soon afterwards, Bannington left the city, relocating to Oxford, where he devoted his time to the Amalgamated Society of Woodworkers.
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He supported the Burgfrieden politics of his party, i.e. support for the German war effort and giving up the anti-militarist stance at the beginning of World War I, because he viewed this as his patriotic duty. He served in World War I as a radio operator in the 105th Division. After the war and the German revolution, Vogel was a member of the German National Assembly, which wrote the Weimar Constitution.
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Its statutes defined the RFB as anti-militarist, and therefore it opposed German re-armament. For instance, the RFB and other organizations protested against the spending of billions of Reichsmarks on "pocket battleships", and demanded the money go instead to relieve poverty. Most RFB public actions were directed against the Weimar government and its involvement with powerful German industrialists. The RFB demanded the preservation of peace and denounced plans for a new war.
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Dunne stood down from this position in 1918 to run for political office and resumed the position following the end of his term of office in 1920, remaining at the post until 1921. In 1918, Dunne was arrested on charges of sedition for an anti-militarist editorial in the Bulletin.Work, Darkest Before Dawn, pg. 212. His trial finally began on February 20, 1919, in Helena, with his defense team led by Burton K. Wheeler.
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David Howell, Dictionary of Labour Biography, vol.XII, pp.72-76 Maclean shared Petroff's views on the party leadership, and led an unsuccessful campaign in 1914 for a reduction in the leadership's control and also for a more stable party programme, adopting one overall programme for each general election. Petroff stood as an anti-militarist candidate for the executive of the BSP that year, but was defeated by party leader H. M. Hyndman.
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In the aftermath of World War I, France occupied the Rhineland. Along with some other members of the liberal German People's Party (DVP), Heinz saw this as an opportunity to reject the Prussian militarist state. In 1920 he became a member of the Palatine district council, arguing for greater autonomy in the area. By 1923 a separatist movement for a Rhenish Republic in the occupied Rhineland territory had developed, encouraged by the French.
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Pavel Voronkov, in his review of the film for Gazeta.Ru, lamented its running time as overlong, calling it "painfully, criminally, inhumanly drawn out", and wrote that "the flow of entrails and guts will tire, perhaps, even the most bloodthirsty militarist." Sergey Ageev, who wrote a review for fatcatslim.ru, praised The Blackout for its effects and action sequences, but criticized the film's script as "very, very bland", called the acting "lousy" and the plot "ridiculous".
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Tang was born into a desperately poor farming family in Zhongli Village, which is in present-day Fengyang, Anhui Province. He and Zhu Yuangzhang were friends in childhood, and Tang later became one of the closest associates and the principal general of Zhu. Tang had shown his ambition and talent as a militarist since childhood. He would like to be a leader amount partners, and preferred practicing riding and arching at very young age.
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Crystal Eastman was a noted anti-militarist, who helped found the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom. During World War I, Eastman was one of the founders of the Woman's Peace Party, soon joined by Jane Addams, Lillian D. Wald, and others. She served as president of the New York City branch. Renamed the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom in 1921, it remains the oldest extant women's peace organization.
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2; and Brutus 280–282. In his friendship with Cicero, Publius showed a degree of political independence. Cicero seems to have hoped that he could steer the talented young man away from a popularist and militarist path toward the example of his consular grandfather, whose political career was traditional and moderate, or toward modeling himself after the orator Licinius Crassus about whom Cicero so often wrote.Elizabeth Rawson, “Crassorum funera,” Latomus 41 (1982), pp.
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Especially prior to Great Depression and World War II, it was a common practice for issei Japanese Americans to send their nisei children to Japan for education. Known as , they often found themselves the subject of discrimination from their classmates in Japan during their studies; upon their return to the United States, their Japanese American peers also derided them as "too Japanesey" for their alleged authoritarian mindset and pro-Japanese militarist sympathies.
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After the First World War the German Empire had to agree to a strong reduction of its military forces due to the Treaty of Versailles. Despite this signature the government and the Reichswehr tried systematically to undermine the provisions of the treaty. Pacifist and anti-militarist circles in the Weimar Republic saw therefore on the behavior of the army a threat to the foreign policy consolidation of the German Reich and to inner peace.
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He saw Sébastien Faure, Jean Grave, Léon Jouhaux, Charles Malato, Jacques Mesnil, Pierre Monatte, and met with Malatesta in London. On June 16, 1907, at the Italian Anarchist Congress, Fabbri proposed the coordination of the numerous anarchist groups operating in Italy. Two months later, on August 21, the International Anarchist Congress was held in Amsterdam. The Italian delegates to both this and the international anti-militarist congress were Fabbri, Malatesta and Aristide Ceccarelli.
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A staunch militarist, he became at the end of his ideological path one of the most prominent Far-right theorists against the Second Republic, leading the reactionary voices calling for a military coup. Member of the cultural group Acción Española, he spread the concept of "Hispanidad" (Spanishness). Imprisoned by Republican authorities after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, he was killed by leftist militiamen during a saca in the midst of the conflict.
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He devotes all his energy to the promotion of proletarian literature, introduces many authors from the world of work. New Literary Age (1930), his manifesto book traces the history of this literature. "This is, in our opinion, proletarian literature: the fact of using the 'written thing' to stand up." His humanitarian, pacifist and anti-militarist commitment has been seen on many occasions: \- In 1925, he signed a manifesto against the war in Morocco.
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Her book, Shop Talks on Economics, is regarded as a classic of socialist propaganda literature and was translated in its day into Japanese, Chinese, Ukrainian, Romanian, Finnish, French, Italian, and Greek. In 1984, more than six decades after her death, the Charles H. Kerr Publishing Company of Chicago released a new book collecting Mary Marcy's anti-militarist journalism published during the years of World War I.You Have No Country!: Workers' Struggle Against War. Franklin Rosemont, editor.
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Up to now, our work has been focussed on anti-militarist > and ecological areas. As far as possible, our aims should be reflected and > applied in our forms of struggle and organisation. In order to drive back > and destroy structures of domination and violence, we use non-violent forms > of action. This is the way in which the anarchist paper > graswurzelrevolution, since 1972, has been striving to broaden and develop > the theory and practice of non-violent revolution.
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In 1922 Thomas left the magazine and Allen took over his seat in the editor's chair. He would remain the editor of the publication until its termination in 1934. Following the shuttering of The World Tomorrow, Allen moved over to The Nation, where he was made an associate editor. In 1933 Allen and his wife established the No-Frontier News Service, an agency which provided socialist and anti-militarist content to left wing newspapers and magazines.
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A short conference with representatives of European peace activists took place in Bilthoven from 22-25 March, 1921. Together with Helene Stöcker, they founded the "PACO" ("peace" in Esperanto) movement, which in 1923 changed its name to War Resisters International. Following the conference, the founders of "PACO" took part in the International Anti- Militarist Union (IAMV) in The Hague on 26 March.List of the archives of the War Resisters' International (WRI), 1921-1991, J.R. van der Leeuw .
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Gustave Hervé Gustave Hervé (Brest, January 2, 1871 – Paris, October 25, 1944) was a French politician. At first, he was a fervent antimilitarist socialist and pacifist, but he later turned to equally zealous ultranationalism, declaring his patriotisme in 1912 when released from 26 months of imprisonment for anti-militarist publishing activities.David Cottington, Cubism in the Shadow of War: The Avant-garde and Politics in Paris, 1905-1914 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998), p. 35.
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According to prosecutors, Gajda had approached Gen. Josef Šnejdárek (pictured) with a plot to overthrow the Czechoslovak government. In 1927 Gajda successfully sued the two witnesses who had testified at his court martial for defamation over the allegations they'd made against him. Encapsulating the intrigue of the time, a United Press story that year reported that "Gajda has been known to Czeho-Slovakians as a national hero, a spy, and a suspicious militarist of German origin".
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In a battle with the State > troops forty-five persons had been killed and many wounded, and women and > children had been burned to death in pits as fire destroyed the tent colony > at Ludlow. The whole country was ringing with these reports. The Colorado > Federation of Labour was calling on the unions to arm and to aid the > strikers. The Anti-Militarist League was making plans to recruit fighters to > wage war against the soldiers.
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New York: International Publishers, 1942; pg. ix. Trachtenberg finally published his manuscript a quarter of a century later through International Publishers, which he co-founded, as The History of Legislation for the Protection of Coal Miners in Pennsylvania, 1824–1915. Trachtenberg was very active in student affairs, serving as president of the Yale chapter of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society (ISS). During World War I, he took an anti-militarist stance from a socialist rather than a pacifist perspective.
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A major hindrance to Italy's decision on what to do about the war was the political instability throughout Italy in 1914. After the formation of the government of Prime Minister Salandra in March 1914, the government attempted to win the support of nationalists and moved to the political right.Martin Clark, Modern Italy: 1871–1982 (1984) p. 180 At the same time, the left became more repulsed by the government after the killing of three anti-militarist demonstrators in June.
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Under Sean Russell's leadership, the IRA once again sought war with Britain Following the capture of several Chiefs of Staff in a row, an IRA convention was called and Seán Russell was voted in as chief of staff in 1938. Russell's tenure as Chief of Staff signalled both a tactical and ideological departure from the Twomey and MacBride period. Russell eschewed the left-wing tendencies of the 1920s and 30s IRA and pushed for a more "militarist" approach.
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Cover of the February 6, 1916 issue of Előre, featuring anti-militarist art by Hungarian-born artist Hugo Gellert. Előre (Forward) was a Hungarian-language socialist magazine published in the United States by activists of the Hungarian Socialist Federation of the Socialist Party of America. Launched in September 1905, Előre was published for 16 years before going bankrupt in October 1921. The discontinued publication was immediately succeeded by a new Hungarian-language communist periodical called Új Előre (New Forward).
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It was reintroduced in 1936, cementing military influence over government after that time. The political system of Japan became subverted by the military throughout the 1930s from repeated attempted coups, and independent militarist interventions. The invasion of Manchuria after elements in the army manufactured an incident to justify a takeover was accomplished without instruction from the Tokyo government. This showed the impotence of the civilian government to have any influence over the impulses of the army.
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The son of a baptist hotelier, Constandse completed the normal school between 1914 and 1918 and in this period came into contact with the teetotalers movement. In response to World War I, he developed anti-militarist ideas. He joined the Social-Anarchist Youth Organisation (Dutch Sociaal-Anarchistische Jeugd Organisatie, SAJO) in 1919. Within this organisation, he chose the side of the individualist faction within this organisation when factional struggles erupted, denouncing even trade organizations as counterrevolutionary.
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He also had a broad education and he was knowledgeable in over 20 languages and was able to write about a dozen with ease. He also obtained a doctorate in philosophy. His early political leanings were as a Zionist, and was active in his attempts to help set up a settlement in Israel, and to that end studied agronomy. However in 1916 he became an opponent of the war and returned to London to campaign as an anti-militarist.
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Carl Zeth "Zäta" Konstantin Höglund (29 April 1884 – 13 August 1956) was a leading Swedish communist politician, anti-militarist, author, journalist and mayor (finansborgarråd) of Stockholm (1940–1950). Höglund can be credited as the founder of the Swedish Communist movement. Zeth Höglund went on many meetings in Bolshevik Russia and was elected to the Comintern Executive Committee in 1922. In 1926, he returned to the Social Democratic party but still chose to define himself as a communist.
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An engaged feminist, she always dressed à la garçonne. During the First World War, Lee adopted strong pacifist views, and was a member of the anti-militarist organisation, the Union of Democratic Control.Mario Praz, Vernon Lee, 1935 She was also a lesbian, and had long-term passionate relationships with three women, Mary Robinson, Clementina Anstruther-Thomson, and British author, Amy Levy. She played the harpsichord and her appreciation of music animates her first major work, Studies of the Eighteenth Century in Italy (1880).
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By 1899, he had become a political writer, creating articles for Pro Coatti, the union magazine L'Edilizia, and the anti-militarist La Pace. After emigrating to Argentina in 1905, Meschi mixed with anarcho-syndicalist militants and became involved in union organizing and writing. He returned to Italy in 1909 after being expelled from Argentina. He took up similar activities in Italy, writing for the anarchist newspaper Il Libertario and being heavily involved in the Camera del Lavoro from 1919 to 1922.
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After 1997, the government of Albania changed, with a first democratic cabinet formed. Most LDK members abandoned the desire to unite Kosovo with Albania at this point. The LDK's desire for a peaceful solution to the Kosovo conflict lost support among the population and was replaced by the militarist KLA when war erupted in late 1998 and 1999 between the KLA and the Yugoslavian and Serbian forces. Severe atrocities against the Albanian population in Kosovo met with harsh criticism from the LDK.
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He became a signwriter but his career was cut short in July 1931 when he was arrested for distributing anti-militarist leaflets. He had been organising soldiers to demand better rights and conditions, an activity for which he was sentenced to 6 months in Edinburgh prison. After a popular campaign calling for his release he was freed in January 1932 and began working for the party. Gollan became the editor of the 's newspaper 'The Young Worker' and its successor publication 'Challenge'.
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In 1909 PPS–FR renamed itself back to Polska Partia Socjalistyczna (Polish Socialist Party); the increasingly marginal PPS–L merged with Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania in 1918 to form the Communist Party of Poland. PPS in the meantime supported militarist pro-independence activities of Combat Organization of the Polish Socialist Party and Związek Walki Czynnej. Activists of PPS–FR: Józef Piłsudski, Kazimierz Pużak, Tomasz Arciszewski, Rajmund Jaworowski, Leon Wasilewski, Mieczysław Niedziałkowski, Walery Sławek, Norbert Barlicki, Jędrzej Moraczewski.
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He painted the Breton pardons, scenes at the port and people collecting seaweed ("Le ramassage du goémon"). From 1923 to 1948 he worked as the registrar of Pont-Croix but continued to paint and was a leading figure in the Quimper intellectual and artistic community during these years, his friends including Jean Moulin and Max Jacob. Floch was anti- militarist, anti-clerical and anti-Gaullist. He executed portraits of both Jacob and Moulin, who both died at the hands of the Germans.
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The Canadian punk rock band Propagandhi recorded and released a song about the game in 2005 on their album Potemkin City Limits. The song, named "America's Army (Die Jugend Marschiert)", uses sarcasm to take a critical stance on this game because of the militarist and nationalist propaganda that the band finds and they strongly disagree with. After the release of the song, the band made a pastiche website of the game where lyrics can be found and the song downloaded.
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Soon after he began writing for România Muncitoare, the main socialist press venue. One of his first notable contributions was his correspondence from Italy, criticising the reformist stance of the local socialist party. In 1911, România Muncitoare published Nicolau's anti-militarist manifesto To the recruits. Recalling the army's contribution in suppressing the 1907 Peasants' revolt, the brochure called on the new recruits to choose a different path and refuse to support the government crackdown on the demands of the workers and the peasant.
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The important maxim was that the lecturer was not allowed to defend himself, and that the review of a specific text was the focus of the meeting. Political discussions of literary or political nature, on which the group could have split, were consistently deferred to Richter. Despite the group's preference for realistic Trümmerliteratur (rubble literature), there was no official literary program of the group, no common poetics and only a few principles about not allowing fascist or militarist texts.Blakemore, Erin.
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Another notable case was the assassination of moderate Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi in 1932, marking the end of civilian control of the military. The February 26 incident, an attempted military coup, followed in February 1936. It was carried out by junior Army officers of the Kōdōha faction who had the sympathy of many high-ranking officers including Prince Chichibu (Yasuhito), one of the Emperor's brothers. This revolt was occasioned by a loss of political support by the militarist faction in Diet elections.
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First congress of the Progressive Party on May 29, 1913 The Democrats merged with the Republican Party and the Unity Party to form the Progressive Party (進步黨) on 29 May 1913; together they had 223 seats in the Assembly. The Republicans were largely financed by Provisional President Yuan Shikai, who was not an actual party member. They were an ultranationalist and militarist party. Unity was led by Zhang Binglin and represented the interests of the civil service and gentry.
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Ensuing from this close relationship with the United States, Japan hoped that in time their country would become the "third leg in a triangle involving two superpowers." The seventies witnessed Japan's adoption of three fundamental tenets that would seek to define and direct Japanese internationalism, all concerning the need for Japanese initiatives in fostering a liberal internationalism. Japanese economic progress after World War II undermined the appeal of pre-war militarist nationalism, showing a path to prosperity was possible without colonies.
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That same year, he joined another paramilitary organization, Der Stahlhelm, which primarily served as the DNVP's armed wing, ostensibly providing security at its meetings. For the next five years his academic responsibilities included chairing the German University Committee for Physical Education. Over that time, the militarist elements of the German body politic with which Stieve was involved became stronger, and more openly antidemocratic. In 1933, as the Nazi government consolidated its power, he was elected rector of the university council.
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Allemane voted with the majority for adhesion to the Third International, because its radicalism appealed to him. Nevertheless, he did not join the PCF. Instead, in the 1920s, he flirted with the National Socialist party of Gustave Hervé (formerly an anti-militarist socialist but, since 1914, a staunch nationalist). This group sought to unite socialists who had taken a 'patriotic' position during the First World War, but it also attracted old Boulangist and anti-Dreyfusard elements, as well as anti-Marxist syndicalists.
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Afterwards, Suzuki returned to the Soviet Union several times, and developed a socialist worldview based on his Soviet experiences and his memories of his impoverished childhood. As Japan became increasingly militarist, Suzuki devoted most of his energies to the socialist movement starting around 1928. With Katō Kanjū, he formed the Proletarian Workers' Conference in 1936 and the Japan Proletarian Party in 1937. However, Suzuki became an increasingly prominent target of the government, and he was arrested in 1937 under the Peace Preservation Laws.
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After using all these symbols, how can this film not be a nationalist militarist one? Zaman columnist Nedim Hazar, who felt it wrong to shoot a film about an ongoing war, stated, Blood is still being shed. Ambushes, raids, and attacks are going on; therefore it is impossible to raise criticism, make a comprehensive analysis or sum up the fight with a film about a bloody process in which there are thousands of victims and slain soldiers with their families.
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Cover of the 1915 pamphlet War, published by the Socialist Party and including Mills' essay "Make an End of War." Upon returning to America in 1914, Mills once again became involved in the activities of the Socialist Party of America. Despite his renown as one of the most moderate voices in the Socialist Party, Mills was a devoted anti-militarist, perhaps owing to his Quaker background. Mills authored a pamphlet against the European war published by the SPA and spoke out publicly on anti-war themes.
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Since the defeat in World War II and the denazification campaign, historical German militarism has become anathema in German culture, focused on collective responsibility and atonement. At the same time, the related non-military, bourgeois virtues of efficiency, discipline and work morals remain in high standing. This has led to the concept of "Prussian virtues" being regarded with mixed feelings in modern-day Germany. Amongst the German student protests of 1968, militarist virtues were rejected as prerequisite for the atrocities committed by the Nazi regime.
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Initially two labor parties were founded by immigrants to Palestine of the Second Aliyah (1904–1914): the pacifist and anti-militarist Hapo'el Hatza'ir (Young Worker) party and the Marxist Poale Zion party, with Poale Zion roots. The Poale Zion Party had a left wing and a right wing. In 1919 the right wing, including Ben-Gurion and anti-Marxist non-party people, founded Ahdut HaAvoda. In 1930 Ahdut HaAvoda and Hapo'el Hatza'ir fused into the Mapai party, which included all of mainstream Labor Zionism.
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De Moker (Dutch, "the sledgehammer") was a Dutch anarchist group that edited a newspaper under the same name. The newspaper appeared between the end of 1923 and the summer of 1928, with 3000–4000 copies printed an issue. It was subtitled "Opruiend Blad Voor Jonge Arbeiders (Agitation Newspaper for Young Workers)". Due to the editors' anti-state and anti-militarist views, they often had problems with the police, as when Rinus van de Brink was imprisoned for 2 months for an October 1924 article against military service.
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On occasion the editorial policy of the Manila Bulletin has met objection from civil authorities. During World War II the newspaper's editor, Roy Anthony Cutaran Bennett, was imprisoned and tortured by the Japanese for his statements opposing the militarist expansion of the Japanese Empire. The Manila Bulletin (as Bulletin Today from 1972-1986) survived the martial law era of President Ferdinand Marcos as an alleged propaganda tool. Following the Menzi's death in 1984, Chinese Filipino business mogul Emilio Yap became the new chairman of the Bulletin.
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Along with being an activist, Roussel was involved with politics as well. She testified at different trials including anti-militarist trials, like Hervé in 1905, anti-war trials, like Hélène Brion's in 1918, and created a lawsuit, which she ended up losing, against L'Autorité in 1906-07. In 1920 she started a school to help teach women to be speakers also. Roussel wrote about how she believed that sex should not just be painful and seen as only for childbirth, but also for pleasure for the woman.
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Anna Tieke's three children were born in 1916, 1918 and 1921. From 1925 she was a member of the Communist Party, listed as a party official in the Women's Department of the Berlin-South sub-region ("Frauenabteilung des Berliner Unter Bezirk Süd"). She was also a member of the Red Front Women's and Girls' League ("Rote Frauen und Mädchenbund" / RFMB) and of the Anti-Militarist Military Policy Department ("Antimilitaristische Apparat Abteilung Militärpolitik") which is thought to have been a cover designation for the Communist Party's intelligence service.
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Right-wing elements in Japan, including industrialists, military officers, and the nobility, had long opposed democracy as an anathema to national unity. Military cliques began to dominate the national government starting in the 1930s. A major militarist nationalist movement in Japan from the 1920s to the 1930s was the Imperial Way Faction "Kodoha" of which future wartime Prime Minister Hideki Tōjō was a part. In 1936, Japan and Germany signed the Anti-Comintern Pact, aimed at countering the Soviet Union and the Communist International.
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He voted to block the Department of Defense from spending on climate adaptation. He voted to repeal the Stream Protection Rule, which imposed stricter requirements on coal mining to prevent coal debris from getting into waterways. In 2018, after French President Emmanuel Macron held a speech to Congress where he mentioned his desire that the United States re-join the Paris Climate Accords to curb climate change, Massie said Macron was "a socialist militarist globalist science-alarmist. The dark future of the American Democratic Party".
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He was elected to the Austrian parliament for the first time in 1901 along with his colleagues Václav Choc and Václav Fresl, where he used his seat in the parliament to attack the government for what he believed were its anti-Czech, militarist and Catholic policies. Unlike many nationalists of his day, Klofáč was an ardent supporter of women's right to the vote. The stridency of his anti-Habsburg politics led to his arrest by the Austrian authorities on charges of treason in 1915.
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Filippi was born in Livorno, into a large family, the first of six brothers, and his father was a typographer.The rebel's dark laughter: the writings of Bruno Filippi His family moved to Milan when he was still a child and in 1915, he already had trouble with the local police forces. That same year, he was arrested during an anti-militarist demonstration where he had a warm gun without bullets. While still an adolescent he discovered the philosophy of Max Stirner and so he embraced it.
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He did not finish his studies and instead became involved the leftwing Amsterdam action world: he became involved in the squatting movement and the anti-militarist action group Onkruit. In 1984 he was jailed for six weeks for having broken into the Dubbeldam military complex together with other members of Onkruit. Between 1984 and 1987 he wrote for the radical magazine Bluf!. After that he became involved in the Anti-Apartheid Committee "Get Shell out of South Africa" and he was an editor at the publisher Ravijn.
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General Luis J. Dellepiane (26 April 1865 - 14 August 1941), born in Buenos Aires, was a civil engineer, militarist and politician of Argentina. With the title of Lieutenant General he participated in the politics linked to the Radical Civic Union (UCR) following Hipólito Yrigoyen. In 1919, the president designated him Head of the Federal Police during the Tragic Week. In 1928, together with Yrigoyen, he served as minister of war and commanded the second division of the Argentine army stationed in Campo de Mayo.
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Georges Louis François Yvetot (20 July 1868 – 11 May 1942) was a French typographer, anarcho-syndicalist and anti-militarist. He was secretary general of the Fédération des Bourses de travail (Federation of Workers' Councils) and deputy secretary general of the Confédération générale du travail (CGT – General Confederation of Labour) in the period leading up to World War I (1914–18). He kept a low profile during the war, and in 1918 was dismissed from the CGT leadership. After the war he contributed to many anarchist journals.
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In 1907 he escaped from prison and fled to France. He settled in Paris where he completed his studies, came under the influence of Russian anarchists and joined the movement, a small group of Apollon Karelin, in 1911. Volin's views eventually gravitated towards anarcho-syndicalism, and he decided to leave the Socialist- Revolutionary Party in 1913. During the first months of the First World War he participated in the International Commission for the Anti-militarist Section, for which he was detained by the French authorities in 1915.
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Roger Monclin was born on 31 January 1903 in Reims, Marne. He left school early and became a traveling representative in perfumery. He met Victor Méric and joined the Ligue des Combattants de la Paix (League of Fighters for Peace) that Meric had founded in 1929. In 1931 he was among the founders of the pacifist and anti-militarist magazine La Patrie Humaine. He became the administrator of the magazine, and was joint editor with Robert Tourly from the death of Meric in 1933 until 1939.
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Emperor's Cup trophy The original All Japan Championship Tournament trophy was awarded to the JFA by the English Football Association in 1919. This trophy was used until January 1945, when the militarist government confiscated it and melted down to procure additional metal for the war effort. When the tournament was reinstated, the present trophy, showing the Imperial chrysanthemum seal began to be awarded. In August 2011, the English FA presented its Japanese counterpart with a replica of the original trophy, made by London silversmiths Thomas Lyte.
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According to Thomas Homer-Dixon in the Toronto Globe and Mail, Rapoport "became anti-militarist quite soon after World War II. The idea of military values became anathema". He was a leading organizer of the first teach-ins against the Vietnam War at the University of Michigan, a model that spread rapidly throughout North America. He told at a teach-in: "By undertaking the war against Vietnam, the United States has undertaken a war against humanity...This war we shall not win". (Ann Arbor News, April 1967).
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"Libertad (1875–1908)" at marxists.org During the Dreyfus affair, he founded the Anti-Militarist League (1902) "and, along with Paraf-Javal, founded the "Causeries populaires", public discussions that met with great interest throughout the country, contributing to the opening of a bookstore and various clubs in different quarters of Paris"."Machete" #1. "Bonnot and the Evangelists" L'Anarchie(, anarchy) along with Libertad had as contributors to the journal Émile Armand, André Lorulot, Émilie Lamotte, Rirette Maitrejean, Raymond Callemin, and Victor Serge (who wrote unde the pseudonym "Le Retif").
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After the Second World War ended in May 1945 Maurice Laisant was one of a number of individuals who co-founded, in December 1945, the Anarchist Federation. The co-founders also included Robert Joulin, Maurice Fayolle, Maurice Joyeux, Roger Caron and Henri Bouyé. In 1946 he started to work with Louis Louvet on the anti-militarist weekly publication, . He attended the first congress of the "General Pacifist Federation" (Confédération générale pacifiste / CGP), held in Paris in November 1946, participating as a member of the propaganda commission.
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Frank was an anti- militarist and declared himself a conscientious objector in registering for the draft in 1917. He became increasingly political during the 1920s, joining the liberal magazine The New Republic as a contributing editor in November 1925. In 1929 together with fellow writers Sherwood Anderson, Theodore Dreiser, and others Frank worked to raise money for striking workers in Southern textile mills. He toured the Soviet Union in the summer and early fall of 1931 and returned to write a book on his experiences, Dawn of Russia, published in 1932.
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Under martial law in Taiwan, Liang gained a reputation as a fierce defender of human rights and advocated non-violence with regards to the protest movement, in contrast to the more militarist wing of the KMT. He stepped forward in 1960 to defend pro-democracy activist Lei Chen, who was charged with sedition for criticizing Chiang's regime. Liang's defense of Lei angered Chiang, who strongly considered Liang's expulsion from the Kuomintang. Despite this threat, Liang later defended Peng Ming-min, who stood accused of the same charges in 1964.
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The ID used a variety of techniques to handle the Japanese civilians: they first made loudspeaker announcements in Japanese to coax them into surrendering; once a group surrendered they found a community leader or someone in a position of authority to make more loudspeaker broadcasts to encourage further surrenders. Camps are set up, and made self-sufficient as much as possible. Later, other roles of the civilians are explored, especially the use of captured documents and the need to find out who had been a collaborator with the militarist regime.
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Today, there is a great deal of critical research into the school's role before and during the Second World War. Hajime Tanabe bears the greatest brunt of the criticism for bringing his work on the "Logic of Species" into Japanese politics, which was used to buttress the militarist project to formulate imperialist ideology and propaganda. Tanabe's notion is that the logical category of "species" and nation are equivalent, and each nation or "species" provides a fundamental set of characteristics which define and determine the lives and outlooks of those who participate in it.
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Subsequently, Tanaka endeavoured to discover positive meanings in national laws, which until then had been regarded as a necessary evil, also working on a "theory of world law." He received his Juris Doctorate in 1929 and became dean of the faculty of law at Tokyo Imperial University. In 1941, he was elected as an imperial academician (predecessor to the Japan Academy). In the final months of World War II, Tanaka joined a group of Japanese intellectuals that sought peace with the Allies in opposition to Japan's militarist government.
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Despotic and corrupt actions are believed to be the key means in which Depretis managed to keep support in southern Italy. Depretis put through authoritarian measures, such as the banning public meetings, placing "dangerous" individuals in internal exile on remote penal islands across Italy and adopting militarist policies. Depretis enacted controversial legislation for the time, such as abolishing arrest for debt, making elementary education free and compulsory while ending compulsory religious teaching in elementary schools. The first government of Depretis collapsed after his dismissal of his Interior Minister, and ended with his resignation in 1877.
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Falkenhayn in many ways typified the Prussian generals; a militarist in the literal sense, he had undeniable political and military competence and showed contempt for democracy and the representative Reichstag. He addressed the Reichstag in 1914 as follows: Militarily, Falkenhayn had a mixed record. His offensive at Verdun proved a strategic failure. During the campaign against Romania in 1916 Falkenhayn demonstrated considerable skill in command of the German 9th Army, driving the Romanians from Transylvania, breaking through the Southern Carpathians and forcing the shattered Romanian forces northeast into Moldavia.
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One American reviewer wrote that Noyes was "inspired by a fervent hatred of war and all that war means", and had used "all the resources of his varied art" to depict its "ultimate horror".Anon. "Review: The Wine Press by Alfred Noyes", The North American Review, Vol. 199, No. 902 (May 1914): 785. The poet and critic Helen Bullis found Noyes' "anti-militarist" poem "remarkable", "passionate and inspiring", but, in its "unsparing realism", lacking in "the large vision, which sees the ultimate truth rather than the immediate details".
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He also participated in Konoe's Showa Studies Society "Brain trust". In 1936, Arima helped organize the Tokyo Senators baseball team, and built a baseball stadium located where the present Korakuen Stadium in Tokyo is now located. Despite pressure from the Japanese military to ban the "western sport" Arima helped sustain it during the war years, and later helped to revive professional baseball in Japan in the postwar period. In 1940, Arima became head of the Taisei Yokusankai organization, but resigned after five months due to opposition from the militarist faction in the government.
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Haig urged moderation, suggesting that Germany only be asked to give up Belgium and Alsace-Lorraine, and warning that intelligence reports suggested that the German Army was still "far from beaten" (an ironic claim in view of his willingness to pronounce Germany on the verge of defeat in previous years) and that humiliating terms might lead to a militarist backlash. After one set of talks on 21 October Haig suspected Wilson, a staunch Unionist, of wanting to prolong the war as an excuse to subdue southern Ireland by bringing in conscription there.Groot 1988, p. 393.
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Now the town, which has a stake in the home, takes drastic measures: the chief of police (Jacques Lippe) assists the manager (Ann Petersen) with loving care. Home Sainte-Marguerite is running amok. It all happens in a flash: the mutiny, the fire on the fourth floor, the fire brigade, the panic. The protagonists of this film are elderly people who live in an old folks home in Brussels where daily living is dictated by militarist rules and where they are treated with condescension, and are there even humiliated as disobedient children.
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Another artists from Taiwan, the painter Shih-chiao Lee (李石樵), also had studied there, though more recently. Shih-chiao Lee who hailed from the Taipei district, was admitted by the academy in 1931 and graduated in 1935, a year before Huang began his academic studies, enrolling in the sculpture department. When Huang Ching- cheng had departed for Tokyo in 1936, the Second Sino-Japanese war was less than a year away, and the terrible Nanking massacre would happen in November 1937. Chauvinism and militarist sentiments were on the rise.
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Salvador Ballesta Vialcho (born 22 May 1975), commonly known as Salva, is a Spanish former footballer who played as a striker, and the current manager of Algeciras CF. A goalscorer noted for his flair and workrate, he played for seven different top division clubs, most notably Atlético Madrid, Valencia – with whom he won his sole team trophy – and Málaga. He amassed totals of 235 games and 86 goals over 11 La Liga seasons, adding 126 matches and 52 goals in Segunda División. Off the field, Salva was known for his nationalistic and militarist viewpoints.
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They believe that this helped to delay welfare cuts by 20 years. IWFHC had an anti-war and anti- militarist perspective from the start, and called for the funds to pay for unwaged caring work to come from military budgets. In England the organization was part of the women's movement against nuclear weapons at Greenham Common and against the building of a new nuclear power reactor at Hinkley (publication Refusing Nuclear Housework). The U.S. PROStitutes Collective (US PROS) first started in New York in 1982 and later moved to San Francisco and Los Angeles.
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1, Issue 2. Bernard Moffatt's involvement in Mec Vannin ebbed and flowed over the next ten years, and it was not until the early 1970s that he committed himself totally to the nationalist movement. In 1976 he helped found the Anti-Militarist Alliance, an aggregation of members from the Manx branch of the Celtic League and Mec Vannin. The AMA was initially formed to campaign against British military use of the Isle of Man, and it called for the closure of an army base and military bombing range.
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Whilst some critics point his motivations more as an effort to avoid an impending coup (and indeed Costa Rica hasn't had a coup since 1949, something unusual for the region) others reasons have been signaled including the fact that the army at the time was made mostly of foreign mercenary of the Caribbean Legion or that it was obsolete and an unnecessary expend of resources that were redirected on education and healthcare. Despite this, Costa Ricans in general show pride for this event and the country has a very rooted pacifist and anti-militarist culture.
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By 1928, he was bureau chief of the Japanese Army and was shortly thereafter promoted to colonel. He began to take an interest in militarist politics during his command of the 8th Infantry Regiment. Reflecting the imagery often used in Japan to describe people in power, Tojo told his officers that they were to be both a "father" and a "mother" to the men under their command. Tojo often visited the homes of the men under his command, assisted his men with personal problems and made loans to officers short of money.
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He argued that "[i]n no small measure, the present terrible, bewildering world crisis is a consequence of Marxism's mechanical Communism and amoral nihilism. New formulas of spirit, freedom and solidarity have to be found". Jászi promoted a form of co-operative socialism that included liberal principles of freedom, voluntarism and decentralization. He counterpoised this ideal version of socialism with the then-existing political system in the Soviet Union, which he identified as based upon dictatorial and militarist perils, statism and a crippled economic order where competition and quality are disregarded.
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The Republican Party of the United States has held a variety of views on foreign policy and national defense over the course of its existence. Generally speaking, it has advocated for a more militarist foreign policy (with the exception of isolationist and libertarian elements). Republican presidents have joined or started a number of wars over the course of American history, with mixed results. Republicans supported Woodrow Wilson's call for American entry into World War I in 1917, complaining only that he was too slow to go to war.
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Kazushige Ugaki to the post of prime minister. However, they later decided that a civilian nominee would be best for Japan at that time. This change incensed the militarist party within the Imperial Japanese Army, and several leading generals called on Hashimoto and his Sakurakai to plan a coup d'état to bring Ugaki into power.Harries, Soldiers of the Sun: The Rise and Fall of the Imperial Japanese Army, page 147 Hashimoto's plan involved a three-phase program:Sims, Japanese Political History Since the Meiji Renovation 1868–2000, page 155 1\.
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All the millions of copies of these books were to be confiscated and destroyed. The representative of the Military Directorate admitted that the order was in principle no different from the Nazi book burnings.Read No Evil Time magazine, May 27, 1946 The censorship in the U.S. zone was regulated by the occupation directive JCS 1067 (valid until July 1947) and in the May 1946 order valid for all zones (rescinded in 1950), Allied Control Authority Order No. 4, "No. 4 - Confiscation of Literature and Material of a Nazi and Militarist Nature".
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The 1923 Great Kantō earthquake was a pivotal event in Takehisa's career. He documented the devastation of the disaster in a series of illustrations; however, the earthquake ruined his business, and it was a setback he did not recover from for several years. Takehisa and Oyo moved in together to a residence outside of Tokyo in 1924; however, Oyo broke off their relationship the next year. Takehisa left Japan to travel to the United States on 7 May 1931 during the decline of the Taisho Democracy and the rise of the militarist government.
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Herbert Cole (1867-1930) like Sylvia Pankhurst, studied at Manchester School of Art and was heavily influenced by the Pre-Raphaelites, William Morris and illustrators like Walter Crane who had volunteered their work for papers like the Socialist League's Commonweal. He married the anarchist and anti-militarist Clara Gilbert. Both Clara and Herbert seem to have been involved in suffragism, Herbert becoming the staff artist for the Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU) later progressing to provide illustrations for 'The Workers' Dreadnought'. He was a prolific artist from the 1890s into the 1920s.
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The English Quaker William Penn, who founded the Province of Pennsylvania, employed an anti-militarist public policy. Unlike residents of many of the colonies, Quakers chose to trade peacefully with the Indians, including for land. The colonial province was, for the 75 years from 1681 to 1756, essentially unarmed and experienced little or no warfare in that period. From the 16th to the 18th centuries, a number of thinkers devised plans for an international organisation that would promote peace, and reduce or even eliminate the occurrence of war.
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Fimmen had also been active in the Society for the Suppression of the Neo-Malthusian using the names Nel Jaccard and Edo for articles in Tegen Leugen en Geweld (Against Lies and Violence), edited by Van Mierop. He translated material from the Conference of International Anti-militarist League (26–28 June 1904) held in Amsterdam. Encouraged by Domela Nieuwenhuis he chaired the last day of the conference where the Christian anarchists - as socialists, Christians and revolutionaries -advocated Conscientious objection and a general strike in the event of war.
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In December 1902 Émile Janvion was one of the founders of the Ligue antimilitariste, along with fellow anarchists Henri Beylie, Paraf-Javal, Albert Libertad and Georges Yvetot. The Ligue antimilitariste was to become the French section of the Association internationale antimilitariste (AIA). In preparation for the anti-militarist congress in Amsterdam in 1904 Janvion launched L'Ennemi du peuple (The Enemy of the People). The bi-monthly four- page journal first appeared in August 1903, with contributions from Miguel Almereyda, Zo d'Axa, Lucien Descaves, Élie Faure, Urbain Gohier, Charles Malato and Jehan Rictus.
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Ultimately, however, the events of the Arab Revolt blurred the differences between the gradualist approach of Ben-Gurion and the Maximalist Iron Wall approach of Jabotinsky and turned militarist patriotism into a bipartisan philosophy.Ben-Ami, 2005, p. 14. Indeed, Ben-Gurion's own Special Operations Squads conducted a punitive operation in the Arab village of Lubya firing weapons into a room through a window killing two men and one woman and injuring three people, including two children.Segev, 2000, pp. 386–387. From October 1937 the Irgun instituted a wave of bombings against Arab crowds and buses.
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She and her husband were later imprisoned and brutalized by the Tokkō (special higher police) in response to their antiwar, anti-Imperialist, and anti-militarist stance in the 1930s. Their lives from this time period are depicted in her husband's graphic novels, published in English, the New Sun and Horizon is Calling. Mitsu and Taro's son Makoto Iwamatsu was born in 1933. He would eventually become a renowned actor and voice actor. In 1939 she and Taro went to America so that Taro could avoid conscription into the Japanese Army and to study art.
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The main achievement is the publication of the yearbook, the Karolinska Förbundets Årsbok (KFÅ), which has been published continually since the foundation in 1910. The first editor (1910–1922) of the yearbook was the historian Professor Arthur Stille, succeeded by Professor Nils Herlitz. Some articles in the early volumes of the society yearbook show a nationalist and militarist bias typical of the period. Although many articles for obvious reasons still focus on military history, there is today a larger number of articles on the social history of the period.
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Parry was a miner at Waihi and Secretary of the Waihi Miners' Union and president of the Waihi Amalgamated Miners' and Workers' Union from 1909 to 1912. He became a miners' inspector and was appointed to the 1911 Royal Commission on Mines. Initially Parry was apprehensive to go on strike at Waihi, however he found himself compelled into taking a more militant position by members of his union that were supportive of the Industrial Workers of the World. Also in 1911 Parry conducted a tour of the country forming anti-militarist leagues throughout New Zealand.
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Thus in 1906 Yvetot, Louis Grandidier and Gustave Hervé were imprisoned for anti-militarist activities. Yvetot ran an organization called the Sou du Soldat (The soldier's farthing) which in theory helped young syndicalists by sending them small amounts of money when they were conscripted into the army. The police saw the organization's goal as spreading revolutionary propaganda among the troops. In the spring of 1913 conscripts demonstrated against an extension of the duration of their military service, and on 1 July 1913 Yvetot and other CGT leaders were arrested.
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When Simhavishnu ascended the throne, the Pallava dynasty was beginning to reassert its supremacy. His father Simhavarman was an accomplished militarist who according to a grant by Rajasimha Pallava (Narasimhavarman II) in the 8th century AD, had destroyed the town and army of Ranarasika, a Chalukyan king of the Deccan. The southern peninsula of India was then ruled by five dynasties. The Pallavas, the Cholas and the Pandyas shared the power in Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, parts of southern and eastern Karnataka border and Ceylon; the Cheras controlled Kerala and the Chalukyas controlled Karnataka.
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The Japanese Navy was in general terms more traditionalist, in defending ancient values and the sacred nature of the Emperor; the Japanese Army was more forward-looking, in the sense of valuing primarily strong leadership, as is evidenced by the use of the coup and direct action. The Navy typically preferred political methods. The Army, ultimately, was the vehicle for the hypernationalists, anti-communists, anticapitalists, antiparliamentarians, and Nationalist-Militarist ideals. The military were considered politically "clean" in terms of political corruption, additionally assuming responsibility for 'restoring' the security of the nation.
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He was promoted to captain in June 1933. From 1933 to 1935 he attended the General Staff course at the Prussian Military Academy in Berlin. Whilst Schwerin was at the Academy the German Chancellor Adolf Hitler seized autocratic governing power in a paramilitary political revolution in Berlin, abolished the Weimar Republic state with the passing into law of the Enabling Act of 1933, and declared an ideological militarist dictatorship described as the Third Reich, fundamentally altering the post-World War political order in Europe. In October 1938 Schwerin was promoted to the rank of major.
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Roskill, Volume II, p. 349. In 1934, Cecil criticised the British government for the missed opportunity of gaining French co-operation at the conference after the electoral victory of the French Radicals.Cowling, Impact of Hitler, p. 20. In August he wrote to Murray that because Baldwin had quoted the "arch-militarist F. S. Oliver" in declaring that Britain's real frontier was on the Rhine, he was very far from a League frame of mind and that the government "ought to go" in spite of "the intellectual nonentity of the Labour party".
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The foreign relations of Nazi Germany were characterized by the territorial expansionist ambitions of Germany's dictator Adolf Hitler and the promotion of the ideologies of anti-communism and antisemitism within Germany and its conquered territories. The Nazi regime oversaw Germany's rise as a militarist world power from the state of humiliation and disempowerment it had experienced following its defeat in World War I. From the late 1930s to its defeat in 1945, Germany was the most formidable of the Axis powers - a military alliance between Imperial Japan, Fascist Italy, and their allies and puppet states.
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Hørup soon had a leading position in Left and is regarded as one of "the five Left leaders" with only the leader of the more traditional farmer wing Christen Berg as his equal. During the constitutional struggle against the prime minister Estrup from Højre he became one of the central figures. First of all Hørup was a social liberal and anti-militarist in the Danish parliament. He rejected the military defence as an unrealistic, dangerous and expensive protection of Denmark and he founded a long-standing scepticism against the army that has affected many Danes.
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The naval limitations treaties of 1921, and especially 1930, were seen as a mistake in their unanticipated effect on internal political struggles in Japan; and the treaties provided an external motivating catalyst which provoked reactionary, militarist elements to desperate actions which eventually overwhelmed civilian and liberal elements in society.Morison, Samuel Eliot. (1948). History of United States Naval Operations in World War II: The Battle of the Atlantic, September 1939 – May 1943, pp. 3–10. The evolution of Hakkō ichiu serves as a changing litmus test of these factional relationships during the next decade.
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Unemployed, he joined the Social Democratic youth organization in the city, and he was schooled by the prominent socialist Fabian Månsson to be an agitator. Kilbom soon moved to Krylbo and Avesta to work for the party there. In 1907, Kilbom was conscripted to do military service in the Swedish Navy and he soon found himself on the navy base of Skeppsholmen in Stockholm, and stationed on the coastal defense ship . While in the navy, Kilbom got in trouble with the commanders for spreading, what they called, "illegal" Social Democratic papers with anti-militarist messages.
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Society for the Defense of Palestine was a nationalist Arab militia, active during the 1936–39 Arab revolt in Palestine. The group was composed of Sunni Arab volunteers, mainly coming from Iraq and commanded by Iraqi Fawzi al- Qawuqji. It was established, when Al-Qawuqji resigned his commission in the Iraqi army and his position at the Royal Military College to lead approximately fifty armed guerrillas into Mandatory Palestine."Iraq Between the Two World Wars: The Militarist Origins of Tyranny," by Reeva Spector Simon, (New York: Columbia University Press; 2013), p.
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The article appeared in the anarchist journal she co-edited in Bologna, L'Agitatore. As fervent of an anti-militarist she had been even in 1912, two years later she was just as fervent of a World War I interventionist in 1914, she became an editor at the newspaper founded by Benito Mussolini, Il Popolo d'Italia. The fascist daily founded by Mussolini was devoted to supporting the campaign for intervention by Italy in the War. As a syndicalist and union supporter, she was jailed for a period in 1914.
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To defend its core activists and their activities from what was systematic legal attack, the IWW established a legal advocacy organization called the General Defense Committee (GDC). It raised funds and coordinated the union's legal defense efforts. Government efforts to silence and jail conscientious objectors and anti-militarist political opponents of World War I in 1917 and 1918 resulted in more than 2,000 prosecutions. These cases led to the formation of a legal defense organization for these defendants called the Civil Liberties Bureau, continued today as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU).
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During the Spring and Autumn period in ancient China, the four great clans in the Qi state compete among themselves to win a dominant position in politics. Despite the animosity between their respective fathers, Sun Wu and Guo Wujiu develop a close friendship, and they are tutored in military strategy by the renowned militarist Tian Rangju. Meanwhile, in the Chu state, Wu Zixu becomes a fugitive after his father is wrongly accused of treason and his entire family is exterminated by the incompetent King Ping of Chu. Wu Zixu settles in the Wu state with help from Sun Wu and Wujiu.
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In 1991, Aleksov joined anti-war protests organized by the Center for Anti-War Action (CAA), and the anti-militarist peace organization, Women in Black. Aleksov was one of the spokespersons of Conscientious Objectors, where since 1992 he served as an important source of information on conscription and conscientious objection in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. He participated in daily vigils in the Pioneer Park giving counseling and distributing alternative information, collecting signatures for the Serbian ballot referendum whether soldiers from Serbia should fight beyond its borders. In the spring of 1992 CAA co-organized large anti-war protests in Yugoslavia.
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British Orthodox Rabbi Yankev-Meyer Zalkind, was an anarcho-communist, a close friend of the anarchist thinker Rudolf Rocker, and an active anti-militarist, who was jailed by the British authorities for his anti-war activism. Rabbi Zalkind was also a prolific Yiddish writer and a prominent Torah scholar, who authored a few volumes of commentaries on the Talmud. He believed that the ethics of the Talmud, if properly understood, are closely related to anarchism. The famous Kabbalist Rabbi Yehuda Ashlag believed in a religious version of libertarian communism, based on principles of Kabbalah, which he called altruist communism.
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George D. Herron (January 21, 1862 – November 9, 1925) was an American clergyman, lecturer, writer and Christian socialist activist. Herron is best remembered as a leading exponent of the so-called Social Gospel movement and for his highly publicized divorce and remarriage to the daughter of a wealthy benefactor which scandalized polite society of the day. A self-imposed exile followed. During World War I, Herron broke with the anti-militarist Socialist Party of America, became a self-asigned diplomat and filed regular intelligence reports on German public opinion to the American and British governments in support of the Allied war effort.
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Chaplin and Meredith Willson composed the music. Filming began in September 1939 (coincidentally soon after Germany invaded Poland, triggering World War II) and finished six months later. Chaplin wanted to address the escalating violence and repression of Jews by the Nazis throughout the late 1930s, the magnitude of which was conveyed to him personally by his European Jewish friends and fellow artists. The Third Reich's repressive nature and militarist tendencies were well-known at the time. Ernst Lubitsch's 1942 To Be or Not To Be dealt with similar themes, and also used a mistaken-identity Hitler figure.
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In his training to serve at the rank of shodancho (platoon commander) he encountered a localised version of the Japanese bushido, or "way of the warrior", used to indoctrinate troops. This training encouraged an anti-Dutch and pro-nationalist thought, although toward the aims of the Imperial Japanese militarists. The encounter with a nationalistic and militarist ideology is believed to have profoundly influenced Suharto's own way of thinking. Suharto was posted at a PETA coastal defence battalion at Wates, south of Yogyakarta, until he was admitted for training for company commander (chudancho) in Bogor from April to August 1944.
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Han was born in modern-day Henan,Toqto'a and Alutu (1346), liezhuan di er houfei xia the descendant of a prominent Northern Song official. She became a concubine of Ningzong along with her older sister.Toqto'a and Alutu (1346), liezhuan di er houfei xia She was selected as the primary consort of Ningzong, and appointed his empress after his succession. Empress Han and her family managed to attain influence over the affairs of state, backed by the so called 'War party', succeed in persuading Ningzong to depose and disgrace senior minister Zhao Ruyu and replaced him with her militarist relative, Han Tuozhou.
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Fleming, according to IRA sources quoted by journalist Ed Moloney was noted for his hard line militarist republicanism.A Secret History of the IRA, Ed Moloney, 2002. 9PB) (HB) He is reputed to have backed a plan to form full-time guerilla units or "flying columns" based in the Republic, which would carry out four or five large scale attacks in the north a year. This approach was espoused by the militant Provisional IRA East Tyrone Brigade led by Padraig McKearney and Jim Lynagh, who wanted an escalation of the conflict to what they termed "total war".
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The Hinomaru being raised at the United Nations headquarters in New York City in 1956 Since World War II, Japan's flag has been criticized for its association with the country's militaristic past. Similar objections have also been raised to the current national anthem of Japan, Kimigayo. The feelings about the Hinomaru and Kimigayo represented a general shift from a patriotic feeling about "Dai Nippon" – Great Japan – to the pacifist and anti-militarist "Nihon". Because of this ideological shift, the flag was used less often in Japan directly after the war even though restrictions were lifted by the SCAPJ in 1949.
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The treaty stated that the three countries would respect each other's "leadership" in their respective spheres of influence, and would assist each other if attacked by an outside party. However, already-ongoing conflicts, as of the signing of the Pact, were explicitly excluded. With this defensive terminology, aggression on the part of a member state toward a non- member state would result in no obligations under the Pact. These limitations can be interpreted as a symptom of the German-Japanese relations of that time being driven by mutual self-interest, underpinned by the shared militarist, expansionist and nationalistic ideologies of their respective governments.
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At the same time, through Jean Valmy Baysse, an art critic (and soon historian of the Comédie-Française) who was a friend of the Gleizes family, René Arcos is invited to participate on a new journal, La Vie, in collaboration with Alexandre Mercereau, Charles Vildrac and Georges Duhamel. In 1905 the group of writers and painters is joined by the Symbolist poet and writer Henri-Martin Barzun. Gleizes is instrumental in forming the Association Ernest Renan, launched in December at the Théâtre Pigalle, with the aim of countering the influence of militarist propaganda while providing the elements of a popular and secular culture.
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Poster of YCI By 1918, all the official socialist youth organizations of Europe — with the exception of the German, the Dutch, and the French — had affiliated themselves with the reconstituted IVSJO.Cornell, Revolutionary Vanguard, pg. 18. While the organization was anti-militarist, severe divisions remained as to how to bring an end to the war. The pacifist Center faction sought the establishment of binding arbitration and measures for the active limitation of armaments, while the revolutionary Left, inspired by events in Soviet Russia, increasingly came to see international revolution as the only possible solution to the inevitability of capitalist war.
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Quamzin, with a fully operational Zentradi ship under his feet again, was ready to do the thing Vrlitwhai never did: Incapacitate or destroy the Macross. In January 2012, Quamzin's ship, with his new love, Moruk Lap Lamiz (the two had made this one concession to a culture they otherwise despised) on board, made their run for Macross City in Alaska. The run ended with Quamzin ramming his vessel into the Macross, causing massive damage to both ships. With that, he was presumed dead, although the Zentradi militarist resistance he helped foster would still be active as late as the 2050s.
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He was one of the contributors to the Temps Nouveaux (New Times) of Jean Grave, for which he reported on developments in revolutionary syndicalism. In 1906 Desplanques was imprisoned for a year for signing a poster of the Association internationale antimilitariste (AIA: International Anti-militarist Association). The affiche rouge, as it came to be called, was plastered all over Paris on the night of 6-7 October 1905 on the eve of the annual arrival of military conscripts at the caserne. It appealed to the conscripts to give their alleigance to the working class rather than the bourgeoisie.
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The Hotel Beau Séjour, site of the Zimmerwald conference, in 1864 The Zimmerwald Conference was held in Zimmerwald, Switzerland, from September 5 to 8, 1915. It was the first of three international socialist conferences convened by anti-militarist socialist parties from countries that were originally neutral during World War I. The individuals and organizations participating in this and subsequent conferences held at Kienthal and Stockholm are known jointly as the Zimmerwald movement. The Zimmerwald Conference began the unraveling of the coalition between revolutionary socialists (the so-called Zimmerwald Left) and reformist socialists in the Second International.
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The anti-militarist stance taken by the Socialist Party towards World War I was deeply unpopular with many of the organization's generally patriotic rural party members and provoked disruptive and sometimes violent reactions by others in the community. In August 1917 a failed armed march on Washington, DC remembered to history as the Green Corn Rebellion, organized by a local radical organization close to the Industrial Workers of the World, was blamed on the Socialists. The massive public outrage which followed prompted the dismantling of the state organization. By 1920 organized Socialism in Oklahoma had been almost completely extinguished.
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He was a 'militarist youth' during the war, but experienced the end of the war while mobilized for manual labor, and thereon became fascinated by Marxism. Yoshimoto attended Tashima Elementary School in the Kyobashi Ward of Tokyo, Yonezawa Engineering School (Now Yamagata University), and graduated in 1947 from the Engineering Division of Tokyo Institute of Technology with a degree in Electrochemistry. During his studies, he became acquainted with the Mathematician Toyama Hiraku. After graduation, Yoshimoto moved to industry, became a research student in 1950, and in 1952 took a position at Tokyo Ink Manufacturing Company Ltd.
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Next to Ferdinand Domela Nieuwenhuis, he soon became a leader in the SDB, member of the central committee and head of the international secretariat. He stayed in the SDB, which was renamed to Socialist League, during the breakaway of the Social Democratic Workers' Party (in Dutch: Sociaal Democratische Arbeiders Partij, SDAP). He attended the second congress of the Second International in Brussels, both as a special correspondent of Recht voor Allen and as a delegate of the Dutch railworkers' union contributing to an anti-militarist resolution by the left wing at the congress. In 1891, he translated the Communist Manifesto to Dutch.
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Moreover, he had great intellectual influence upon the politics of Imperial Germany, especially with (1916; The State as a Life-form) an earlier political-science book read by the society of Imperial Germany, for whom the concept of acquired an ideological definition unlike the original, human- geography definition.Encyclopædia Britannica, 15th Ed., vol. 6, p. 901. Kjellén's geopolitical interpretation of the concept was adopted, expanded, and adapted to the politics of Germany by publicists of imperialism such as the militarist General Friedrich von Bernhardi (1849–1930) and the political geographer and proponent of geopolitics Karl Haushofer (1869–1946).
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From March 1929, he commanded the Imperial Japanese Army Air Force, and from June 1930 was the commander of the Taiwan Army. In August 1931, Watanabe was recalled to Tokyo and promoted to full general and military councilor with oversight over Army aviation. In July 1935, he was promoted to one of the most prestigious posts within the Imperial Japanese Army, that of Inspector General of Military Training, replacing Jinzaburō Masaki. Masaki was a close associate of General Sadao Araki and his Imperial Way Faction, promoting totalitarian, militarist, and expansionist ideals, whereas Watanabe had a reputation as a moderate.
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Ernest Mandel comments that the group "was chiefly identified with a thorough-going preparation of anti-militarist and anti- imperialist work that earned them repression and persecution at the hands of the French imperialist government." When the Second World War broke out, Frank was sent to Great Britain in order to continue legally publishing the movement's documents. He issued a publication called International Press Correspondence (Inprecor) but, as an illegal resident, was briefly interned in a British internment camp. Apart from the help of Betty Hamilton, the British Trotskyists were not in sympathy with his views.
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Supporters of Fumimaro Konoe's "Right-Socialist" revolution (socialist and populist ideas, which were rooted in the poorest farmers, fishermen, and industrial workers) opposed the "right-wing" militarists represented by Senjuro Hayashi in the same "revolutionary grouping." Later receiving political patronage by Hiranuma Kiichirō, another right-wing politician with establishment links in the Japanese Navy links. Hashimoto was later elected to the Japanese House of Representatives and became vice-president of the Diet of Japan. Throughout the war, the Yokusan Sonendan (Imperial Rule Assistance Young Men's Corps), under his leadership, had the mission of guiding the nationalist and militarist indoctrination of the youth.
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On 7 March 1919, the Socialists' new leader, Johannes Hoffman, an anti-militarist and former schoolteacher, patched together a parliamentary coalition government, but a month later, on the night of 6–7 April, Communists and anarchists, energized by the news of a left-wing revolution in Hungary, declared a Soviet Republic, with Ernst Toller as chief of state. Toller called on the nonexistent "Bavarian Red Army" to support the new dictatorship of the proletariat and ruthlessly deal with any counter-revolutionary behavior.Mühsam, Erich (1929) Von Eisner bis Leviné, Berlin-Britz: Fanal Verlag p.47Mitcham (1996), pp.
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The government threatened to withdraw its financial support from the theater. The criticism further addressed the play itself: "a combination of flawed dialogues and ditties attempting to toss salt on our open wounds" (Dr. Haim Gamzu); "This 'theatrash' (mahazevel) makes us all out to be despicable killers, citizens of a militarist, money-grabbing state." (Uri Porat); and "a scene about a reporter, who comes to interview a young widow whose husband died in the trenches, and plays at love with her, only a demonic or infirm mind could devise... it's a malicious abuse of thousands of bereaved parents" (Reuven Yanai).
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Marcel Déat was raised in a modest environment, which shared republican and patriotic values. After brilliant studies, he entered in 1914 the École Normale Supérieure (ENS) after having been the student of Alain, a philosopher who was active in the Radical Party and who would write a deeply anti-militarist book after World War I. The same year, Déat joined the SFIO. While he attended the ENS and worked to get a philosophy degree, World War I broke out. He joined the French Army and saw active duty, winning the Légion d'honneur and five bravery citations.
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The Records of the Three Kingdoms mentioned that Sun Jian was a descendant of Sun Wu (better known as Sun Tzu), a militarist in the Spring and Autumn Period and the author of The Art of War. Sun Quan was born in 182, while his father Sun Jian was still a low-ranking official of the Han dynasty. In 184, two years after Sun Quan was born, the Yellow Turban Rebellion led by Zhang Jue broke out across the country. Sun Jian joined the general Zhu Jun to quell the rebellion and allocated his family to stay in Shouchun.
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The JCP has traditionally been opposed to the existence of the Imperial House since the pre-war days. From 2004, it has acknowledged the Emperor as Japan's head of state as long as he remains a figurehead. The JCP has stated that it supports the establishment of a democratic republic, but that "its [the monarchy] continuation or discontinuation should be decided by the will of the majority of the people in future, when the time is ripe to do so". It is also against Japan's use of its national flag and national anthem which it sees as a relic of Japan's militarist past.
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He has written widely on the history of modern Germany, political and social thought and the Holocaust. He has two sons. He is the author of The German Idea of Militarism: Radical and Socialist Critics (1994), an intellectual and political history of anti-militarist movements in Germany before the First World War, and of Witnesses of War: Children’s Lives under the Nazis (2005), which offered the first social history of Nazi Germany in the Second World War through the eyes of children. His 2015 book, The German War, explores the attitudes of German citizens during the Second World War.
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The circulation of Előre at the time of its 1912 reemergence was approximately 10,000. In 1915 Előre came under direct control of the Hungarian Socialist Federation of the Socialist Party. The publication took a staunchly anti-militarist position towards the European world war, continuing its opposition even after American entry into the conflict in the spring of 1917. This opposition to the American war effort brought the paper into conflict with Postmaster General Albert S. Burleson and the administration of President Woodrow Wilson, and mail distribution to subscribers was hampered and its editors subjected to police pressure.
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The novel comprises 113 vignettes about World War I Marines in Company K. The novel is told from the viewpoint of 113 different Marines, stretching from the beginning of training to after the war. These sketches create contrasting and horrific accounts of the daily life endured by the common Marine. Many of the accounts stem from actual events witnessed and experienced by the author. It has often been described as an anti-militarist and an anti-war novel, but March maintained that the content was based on truth and should be viewed as an affirmation of life.
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In October 1906 Janvion was the delegate of the Union of Paris Municipal Employees to the 15th national congress of the CGT in Amiens. In 1907 government troops fired on winemakers in Languedoc who were protesting imports of cheap Algerian wine, killing several. Janvion was among the anti-militarist revolutionary syndicalists who were indicted for signing a poster protesting the massacres, blaming a "government of murderers". He was dismissed from his job as a municipal official in the prefecture of the Seine for having signed the poster, but after an amnesty regained his position with all rights.
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At the same time, Fascism was instrumentalizing sports for a militarist end, while the SFIO had denounced it as a "bourgeois" and "reactionary" activity. That is, until the Popular Front, when it began to use it as a military and patriotic preparation, in anticipation of a conflict with Nazi Germany. Some SFIO members were not immune to the scientific racism discourse of the times. Thus, Georges Barthélémy, SFIO deputy, could declare that sport contributes to the "improvement of relations between capital and labour, henceforth to the elimination of the concept of class struggle," in a perfect corporatist conception.
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Naumann is often considered an advocate of German nationalism with militarist and annexionist ideals, due to his book Mitteleuropa (1915) on the geopolitics of a Central Europe under German leadership. The work had a great public impact, though it did not affect the military strategy of World War I. Like many scholars of his time, Naumann upheld the theories of Social Darwinism and Volksgemeinschaft. He shared his views with the intellectual circles he frequented, including not only Max Weber, but also Lujo Brentano, Hellmut von Gerlach, young Theodor Heuss, his wife Elly Heuss-Knapp, and Gustav Stresemann.
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Although President Woodrow Wilson was re- elected in 1916 under the slogan "He kept us out of the war", at the start of his second term, he announced that Germany's continued deployment of unrestricted submarine warfare was sufficient cause for the US to enter the Great War. Shortly afterward, Congress passed the Selective Service Act of 1917, which required all males aged 21–30 to register for military conscription. Goldman saw the decision as an exercise in militarist aggression, driven by capitalism. She declared in Mother Earth her intent to resist conscription, and to oppose US involvement in the war.
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In parallel with 20th-century German militarism, Japanese militarism began with a series of events by which the military gained prominence in dictating Japan's affairs. This was evident in 15th-century Japan's Sengoku period or Age of Warring States, where powerful samurai warlords (daimyōs) played a significant role in Japanese politics. Japan's militarism is deeply rooted in the ancient samurai tradition, centuries before Japan's modernization. Even though a militarist philosophy was intrinsic to the shogunates, a nationalist style of militarism developed after the Meiji Restoration, which restored the Emperor to power and began the Empire of Japan.
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One consequence of Mohist understanding of mathematics and the physical sciences, combined with their anti-militarist philosophy and skills as artisans, was that they became the pre-eminent siege-defense engineers during the period prior to the Qin unification of China. They believed in aiding the defensive warfare of smaller Chinese states against the hostile offensive warfare of larger domineering states. The Mohist beliefs were popular for a time in China, and Mohist followers were employed for their ability as negotiators and as defense engineers. This component of Mohism is dramatized in the story of Gongshu, recorded in the Mohist canon.
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Deng's elevation to China's new number-one figure meant that the historical and ideological questions around Mao Zedong had to be addressed properly. Because Deng wished to pursue deep reforms, it was not possible for him to continue Mao's hard-line "class struggle" policies and mass public campaigns. In 1982 the Central Committee of the Communist Party released a document entitled On the Various Historical Issues since the Founding of the People's Republic of China. Mao retained his status as a "great Marxist, proletarian revolutionary, militarist, and general", and the undisputed founder and pioneer of the country and the People's Liberation Army.
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In 1927, Takeji Furukawa, a professor at Tokyo Women's Teacher's School, published his paper "The Study of Temperament Through Blood Type" in the scholarly journal Psychological Research. The idea quickly took off with the Japanese public despite Furukawa's lack of credentials, and the militarist government of the time commissioned a study aimed at breeding ideal soldiers. The study used ten to twenty people for the investigation, thereby failing to meet the statistical requirements for generalizing the results to the wider population. On the other hand, in 1934, Fisher announced the chi-squared test, which is very popular at present, for the first time.
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De Ferranti: 13 Satsuma-biwa "emerged from interaction between moso and the samurai class" in Satsuma Province, starting a period of popularity for "modern biwa" until the 1930s, while Chikuzen-biwa had its origin in the 1890s in the Chikuzen region of Kyushu, drawing upon aspects of mōsō music, shamisen, and Satsuma-biwa technique. These traditions enjoyed widespread appreciation during the early twentieth century due to the "mationalist, militarist sentiments of late-Meiji imperialist ideology". In the post-war era, these traditions were considered "refined classical pursuits", resulting in their popularity beyond heike- biwa.De Ferranti: 14.
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Differences between the revolutionary and reformist wings of the workers' movement had been increasing for decades, but the outbreak of World War I was the catalyst for their separation. The Triple Alliance comprised two empires, while the Triple Entente was formed by France and Britain with the Russian Empire. Socialists had historically been anti-war and internationalist, fighting against what they perceived as militarist exploitation of the proletariat for bourgeois states. A majority of socialists voted in favor of resolutions for the Second International to call upon the international working class to resist war if it were declared.
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Towards the end of the book, however, Čapek himself draws attention to the theme of consumerism and over-production which he addressed also in other works such as R.U.R. and The Absolute at Large. In this way he seems not to have been narrowly concerned with contemporary events but to have been remarkably prescient of the problems facing us in the early 21st century. Darko Suvin has described War with the Newts as "the pioneer of all anti-fascist and anti-militarist SF". Darko Suvin, "Capek, Karel" in Twentieth-Century Science-Fiction Writers by Curtis C. Smith.
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From a young age, Curtin was active in both the Australian Labor Party and the Victorian Socialist Party, which was a Marxist organisation. While a member of the Victorian Socialist Party Curtin held strong anti-imperialist and anti-militarist views, and in opposition to the mainstream of the Labor movement, opposed racism due to his belief that racial hatred was used as a tool of the "exploiting class". Labor historian Graeme Osborne describes Curtin's stance as "anticipating Lenin in the view that imperialism was capitalism in its last stage". He wrote for radical and socialist newspapers.
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Philip Grosser (1890 in Slavuta – October 3, 1933 in Boston) was an anarchist and anti-militarist hailed by Alexander Berkman as "one of [my] finest comrades". He was imprisoned at the Federal Military Prison on Alcatraz Island, having refused the draft during the first World War. By the end of 1920, two years after the war ended, he was the only remaining conscientious objector at Alcatraz, and in poor health. Grosser is notable for writing one of the first exposés of Alcatraz Prison, the 32-page pamphlet Uncle Sam's Devil's Island, which told of his experience in the prison.
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The report, critical of the Bureau of the Second International, adopted the anti-militarist stance of the first Zimmerwald Conference, while at the same time providing that, were Romania to join the war, the socialists would take no action that would damage the government. The report was approved by a large majority. At the same Congress, Călin was also elected to the party's Executive Committee, along with Ecaterina Arbore, Alecu Constantinescu, Gheorghe Cristescu, I.C. Frimu, Dimitrie Marinescu, and Christian Rakovsky. During the following months, he took part in the organisation of various anti-war protests across the country.
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Of the three of them, the youngest, Ernst, stayed for a time in Berlin working "underground" for the Communist Party (which was now illegal). He was assigned to the party's "anti- militarist" department which was in effect a cover name for the German Communist Party's news service. He then fled, following his mother to Moscow, where he worked first for the Agriculture Institute and then for the International Economics and Politics Institute. However, at the end of June 1936, a month after his thirtieth birthday, Ernst died of tuberculosis in the First University Clinic in Moscow hospital.
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Inoue met Aikido founder Morihei Ueshiba during this time period. Inoue soon became disillusioned with Tanaka’s teachings, however, and in 1928 he relocated to Ōarai, Ibaraki, where he established his own temple, , which also served as a youth training center, advocating a militarist revolution in Japan.Modern Biographical Histories, p.16 During this time, with the assistance of former Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal of Japan Mitsuaki Tanaka, he became acquainted with such right wing figures as Shūmei Ōkawa and Ikki Kita, and received enthusiastic support from the radicalized young officers of the nearby Tsuchiura Naval Base.
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Wille, then a Colonel, was named General of Switzerland by the Federal Parliament on 8 August 1914 with 122 votes, against 63 votes for the other candidate, Theophil Sprecher von Bernegg. Von Bernegg would soon assume the rank of Chief of the General Staff and become a reliable partner of Wille's. The opponents of the general described him as "militarist" whereas his partisans saw in him a chief ready to manage an army in mobilization thanks to his pedagogical talents. Wille decided to concentrate the bulk of his forces (238,000 men and 50,000 horses) close to the borders, particularly in Ajoie and Engadine.
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In his training to serve with the rank of shodancho (platoon commander) he encountered a localised version of the Japanese bushido, or "way of the warrior", used to indoctrinate troops. This training encouraged an anti-Dutch and pro-nationalist thought, although toward the aims of the Imperial Japanese militarists. The encounter with a nationalistic and militarist ideology is believed to have profoundly influenced Suharto's own way of thinking. Suharto was posted to a PETA coastal defence battalion at Wates, south of Yogyakarta until he was admitted for training for company commander (chudancho) in Bogor from April to August 1944.
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A Japanese language edition of the book had been published in the 1960s and was a popular addition to the post-war history of Japan in that country. The book chronicles the complexities of initiating and organizing the defense force in the only country ever devastated by nuclear war. Clever political maneuvering overcame strong pacifist opposition as well as efforts to insert the Japanese militarist World War II officer cadre into the leadership of the defense force. In the end, a truly defensive rearmament prevailed in large part due to Kowalski's capable management of these dicey issues.
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The body recommended the formation of a United Socialist Council for the three groups, if the BSP would affiliate with the Labour Party. In line with this recommendation, the party's 1914 Annual Conference decided to take a membership referendum on the question.Macfarlane, The British Communist Party, page 19. The 2nd Conference of the BSP of May 1913 did not resolve the fundamental question facing the party — the decision as to whether it should pursue a policy of anti-militarist internationalism, come what may, or whether it should rally around the flag in the event of military conflict with foreign enemies.
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When he was working in service of Sheikh ul-Islam, Committee of Union and Progress prepared a coup against the Sultan Abdul Hamid II. Yazir wrote the symbolic fatwa for the termination of the reign of Abdul Hamid II. He became a member of the senate of the Ottoman Parliament for Antalya. He strongly opposed Committee of Union and Progress which held a nationalist and militarist position. Moreover, he served as Foundations (Vakıflar) Minister in the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed VI's Damat Ferid Pasha Cabinet. When the republic was founded, he was giving logic courses in Medrese-t-ül Mütehassisin (a postgraduate school).
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Among them as an example Hakuun Yasutani, the founder of the Sanbo Kyodan School, even voiced antisemitic and nationalistic opinions after World War II. Only after international protests in the 1990s, following the publication of Victoria's 'Zen at war', did the Sanbo Kyodan express apologies for this supportApology for What the Founder of the Sanbo-Kyodan, Haku'un Yasutani Roshi, Said and Did During World War II This involvement was not limited to the Zen schools, as all orthodox Japanese schools of Buddhism supported the militarist state. Victoria's particular claims about D. T. Suzuki's involvement in militarism have been much disputed by other scholars.
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Whipple also discloses that the Empire of Japan has retained its militarism, with reference to its bushido code of conduct, while the United States vacillates against the Greater Soviet Union's ascendancy. Due to the Greater Soviet Union threat, the United States and Japan have a close military and strategic alliance. Japanese militarist values are much admired in the United States. Japan, Australia, New Zealand, and the United States (collectively called the Pacific Pact) are the only major powers standing between the Greater Soviet Union and total control of the globe—yet most Americans seem unable to be roused to deal with the looming Soviet danger.
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The party's anti-militarist stance led it to condemn both Romania's participation in the Second Balkan War and, after the start of World War I, the social patriotic stance of Western social-democratic parties. Accordingly, it proposed a federalist solution for the complicated ethnic situation in the Balkans, and, after some internal debates, joined the Zimmerwald movement. Neutral at first, by 1916 Romania's government was increasingly open to participation in the war on the Entente side, and decided to crack down on the socialist movement, brutally repressing a pacifist demonstration in Galați in June. The PSD was banned outright when the country declared war on the Central Powers later that year.
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Hunter notes that there is evidence that by the 2nd century Christian practices had started to diverge from the theological principles espoused in early Christian literature. Hunter's third point of the "new consensus" is the assertion that Augustinian just war theory reflects at least one pre-Constantinian view. Finally, to these three points, Kreider added that Christian attitudes towards violence were likely varied in different geographic locations, pointing out that pro-militarist views were stronger in border areas then they were in "heartland" areas more strongly aligned with the Empire. There is little evidence concerning the extent of Christian participation in the military; generalizations are usually speculation.
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Fascism supports the creation of a New Man who is a strong-willed, dynamic archetype, a figure of direct action and bellicose violence. An anti-individualist, he is characterized by a sense of confidence and masculinity, quiet dignity and self-worth, determination, and authoritativeness. With a detachment from romantic love, family background and schooling, his worldview is romanticized, passionate, serious and realist, preoccupied with the honoring of fallen heroes, a strong belief in personal responsibility, national rebirth and renewal. He regards himself as one component of a disciplined mass that has shorn itself of individualism, party politics discrimination, and cohesive class orientation in favor of a united, para-militarist effort.
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The opinions expressed in the paper were also critical of the pacifist wing of the antimilitarist movement, the current of the anarchist movement associated with Domela Nieuwenhuis, labor unions, and the Soviet Union. The Moker group was co-founded by members of the circle that had formed around the earlier Dutch anarchist newspaper, Alarm, including Herman Schuurman, Anton Constandse, and Emily van Bilderbeek. The group was informal, consisting of about 500 youth organized in affinity groups carrying out autonomous activity and meeting three times a year. Many participants were also members of the Social- Anarchistiche Jeugd Organisaties (Social Anarchist Youth Organizations) and the Internationale Anti-Militaristische Vereniging (International Anti- Militarist Union).
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It espouses Iraqi nationalism and an Iraq-centred Arab world that calls upon Arab countries to adopt Saddamist Iraqi political discourse and to reject "the Nasserite discourse" that it claims collapsed after 1967. It is militarist and views political disputes and conflicts in a military manner as "battles" requiring: "fighting", "mobilization", "battlefields", "bastions" and "trenches". Saddamism was officially supported by Saddam's government and promoted by the Iraqi daily newspaper Babil owned by Saddam's son Uday Hussein. Saddam and his ideologists sought to fuse a connection between ancient Babylonian and Assyrian civilization in Iraq with Arab nationalism by claiming that the ancient Babylonians and Assyrians are the ancestors of the Arabs.
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Also are the Soviet Union, which still exists in the mid-21st century and did not undergone perestroika or glasnost, and Imperial Japan, which still retains its pre-1945 nationalist and militarist ideology and never underwent a democratising US occupation. As against such dire threats, there is the hope that FTL would open up so many new planets for colonization as to give full satisfaction to everybody's expansionist inclinations, with no need of destructive wars. This hope is voiced by Human as well as "Lizard" characters. However, the book ends on a deliberately ambiguous note, with both optimistic and pessimistic scenarios fully feasible in the characters' immediate future.
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On 25 June 1904, he wed Esther Ethel Feld, a fellow socialist and émigré. He became a naturalised citizen of New Zealand in 1907.Woolf Marks Silverstone; New Zealand, Naturalisations, 1843-1981 Silverstone acted as secretary of the Dunedin branch of the National Peace and Anti-militarist League from 1913, which opposed New Zealand's participation in World War I. However, as a councillor on the Otago Labour Council he sponsored a resolution seeking to safeguard the welfare and interests of demobbed soldiers returning home. In 1936, Silverstone was appointed to the board of directors of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand by Walter Nash, then-Minister of Finance.
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Officers in the Joseon army came exclusively from the aristocracy, but unlike the highly militarist Japanese aristocracy trained to be soldiers from their youth onward, for the Joseon aristocracy, scholarship was valued and war was disparaged as something unworthy of a Confucian gentleman-scholar.Turnbull, Stephen The Samurai Invasion of Korea, 1592–98, London: Osprey, 2008 pp. 20–21. The quality of Korean generalship was very variable with some Korean officers being able and others being men who had not devoted much time to the study of war, preferring archery, writing, practicing their calligraphy, and reading Confucian classics.Turnbull, Stephen The Samurai Invasion of Korea, 1592–98, London: Osprey, 2008 p. 21.
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The Fatherland Front () began as a Bulgarian Bolshevik political resistance movement during World War II. The Zveno movement, the communist Bulgarian Workers Party, a wing of the Bulgarian Agrarian National Union and the Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers Party, were all part of the OF. The constituent groups of the OF had widely contrasting ideologies and had united only in the face of the pro-German militarist dictatorship in Bulgaria. At the beginning, the members of the OF worked together, without a single dominating group. Professional associations and unions could be members of the front and maintain their organisational independence. However, the Bulgarian Communist Party soon began to dominate.
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This duality of offices reflected the coalition nature of Sinn Féin between those of the constitutional tradition, and those who advocated a more militarist approach. Shortly after, Figgis was one of four recently released internees who travelled to the South Longford constituency to campaign for Joseph McGuinness in the by-election caused by the death of John Phillips. The overwhelming victory of the Sinn Féin candidate over the Irish Parliamentary Party nominee marked the beginning of the eclipse of the latter party by the former party. In May 1918, Figgis was arrested for his alleged part in the spurious German Plot a second time and again deported to England.
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Hughan sat on the National Council and was a member of the New York Executive Committee of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, a religious pacifist organization, from 1920 to 1923. In 1923, she founded a new anti-militarist group, the War Resisters League (WRL), and presided over it as Secretary from the time of its formation. The intent behind the WRL was to provide an organizational framework for opponents of militarism who had no traditional religious basis for their pacifist beliefs. The organization of the WRL was supported by other pacifist groups, including the Fellowship of Reconciliation, the Women's Peace Society, and the Women's Peace Union.
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Hardcore punk lyrics often express anti-establishment, anti-militarist, anti-authoritarian, anti-violence, and pro-environmentalist sentiments, in addition to other typically left-wing, anarchist, or egalitarian political views. During the 1980s, the subculture often rejected what was perceived to be "yuppie" materialism and interventionist American foreign policy. Numerous hardcore punk bands have taken far left political stances such as anarchism or other varieties of socialism and in the 1980s expressed opposition to political leaders such as then US president Ronald Reagan and British prime minister Margaret Thatcher. Reagan's economic policies, sometimes dubbed Reaganomics, and social conservatism were common subjects for criticism by hardcore bands of the time.
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Freedom became one of the most widely read anarchist publications in the period leading up the First World War; however, the collective split in 1914–15 over how anarchists should respond to the conflict, with Keel's anti-militarist position winning the backing of a majority of the national movement and Kropotkin leaving after he came out in favour of an Allied victory, a stance which would see him put his name to the Manifesto of the Sixteen in 1916. Keell and his companion Lilian Wolfe would go on to be imprisoned for the paper's staunch opposition to the war in 1916, though Wolfe was quickly released.
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The worldwide Great Depression, starting in 1929, hastened the discrediting of liberal economics and strengthened calls for state control over economic affairs. Economic woes prompted widespread unrest in the European political world, leading to the strengthening of fascism and communism. Their rise in 1939 culminated in World War II. The Allies, which included most of the important liberal nations as well as communist Russia, won World War II, defeating Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and militarist Japan. After the war, there was a falling out between Russia and the West, and the Cold War opened in 1947 between the Communist Eastern Bloc and the liberal Western Alliance.
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At the end of that year she was arrested and detained in Berlin, based on accusations involving "anti-militarist propaganda". By the end of 1918 she was at liberty, and is identified as "one of the first Communists in the Rhineland". She participated, as a delegate from Cologne- Ehrenfeld, in the Communist Party's three day founding congress that opened in Berlin on 30 December 1918, although even after this she continued her work as an official of the USPD. On 5 October 1919, following changes in the rules governing women's voting rights which made it possible, she was one of the first women elected to the Cologne city council.
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As sectarian violence broke out across the country, the state declared its secession from the Congo on 9 August 1960 and its government and called for the Baluba living in the rest of the Congo to return to their "homeland". Kalonji was appointed President. Although the South Kasaian government claimed to form an autonomous part of a federal Congo-wide state, it exercised a degree of regional autonomy and even produced its own constitution and postage stamps. The state, supported by foreign powers, particularly Belgium, and funded by diamond exports, managed numerous crises, including those caused by the large emigration of Luba refugees, but became increasingly militarist and repressive.
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Throughout its entire 14-year existence, the Weimar Republic remained under threat of militaristic nationalism, as many Germans felt the Treaty of Versailles humiliated their militaristic culture. The Weimar years saw large-scale right- wing militarist and paramilitary mass organizations such as Der Stahlhelm as well as illegal underground militias such as the Freikorps and the Black Reichswehr. Formed as early as 1920, out of the latter two soon rose the Sturmabteilung (SA), the paramilitary branch of the Nazi party. All of these were responsible for the political violence of so-called Feme murders and an overall atmosphere of lingering civil war during the Weimar period.
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Japanese troops streamed into China, conquering Peking, Shanghai, and the national capital of Nanking; the last conquest was followed by the Nanking Massacre. In 1940, Japan entered into an alliance with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, two similarly militaristic states in Europe, and advanced out of China and into Southeast Asia. This brought about the intervention of the United States, which embargoed all petroleum to Japan. The embargo eventually precipitated the Attack on Pearl Harbor and the entry of the U.S. into World War II. In 1945, Japan surrendered to the United States, beginning the Occupation of Japan and the purging of all militarist influences from Japanese society and politics.
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Barcelona during the Tragic Week. These actions, coupled with anarchist, anti-militarist, and anti-colonial philosophies shared by many in the city (Barcelona later became a stronghold for the anarchists during the Spanish Civil War), resulted in the union Solidaridad Obrera - directed by a committee of anarchists and socialists - calling a general strike against Maura's call-up of the reservists on Monday 26 July 1909. Although the civil governor Ángel Ossorio y Gallardo had received ample warning of the growing discontent, acts of vandalism were provoked by elements called the jóvenes bárbaros (Young Barbarians), who were associated with the Radical Republican Party (Partido Republicano Radical) of Alejandro Lerroux.
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Likewise, Ritter contended that Otto von Bismarck was a Kabinettspolitker (Cabinet politician), not a militarist, who ensured that political considerations were always placed ahead of military considerations.Iggers, Georg The German Conception of History, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 pages 255-256. Ritter was to expand on these views in a four volume study Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk (translated into English as The Sword and the Scepter) published between 1954–1968, in which Ritter examined the development of militarism in Germany between 1890–1918. In Volume 2 of Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk, Ritter commented that it was only after Bismarck's sacking in 1890 that militarism first appeared in Germany.
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After the defeat in World War II, the Allied occupation government set education reform as one of its primary goals, to eradicate militarist teachings and convert Japan into a pacifist democracy. Nine years of education was made mandatory, with six years in elementary education and three in junior high as an emulation of the American educational system. A number of reforms were carried out in the post-war period that aimed at easing the burden of entrance examinations, promoting internationalization and information technologies, diversifying education and supporting lifelong learning. In an effort to ease Japanese postwar sentiments, any nationalistic, militaristic, authoritarian, or anti-American content was blackened from learning materials.
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Following the 1931 Mukden Incident, the puppet state of Manchukuo was established. Throughout the early to mid-1930s, Chiang's anti-communist and anti-militarist campaigns continued while he fought small, incessant conflicts against Japan, usually followed by unfavorable settlements and concessions after military defeats. In 1936 Chiang was forced to cease his anti-communist military campaigns after his kidnap and release by Zhang Xueliang, and reluctantly formed a nominal alliance with the Communists, while the Communists agreed to fight under the nominal command of the Nationalists against the Japanese. Following the Marco Polo Bridge Incident of 7 July 1937, China and Japan became embroiled in a full-scale war.
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In the 1920s the Soviet Union provided military assistance to the Kuomintang, or the Nationalists and helped reorganize their party along Leninist lines: a unification of party, state, and army. In exchange the Nationalists agreed to let members of the Chinese Communist Party join the Nationalists on an individual basis. However, following the nominal unification of China at the end of the Northern Expedition in 1928, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek purged leftists from his party and fought against the revolting Chinese Communist Party, former warlords, and other militarist factions. A fragmented China provided easy opportunities for Japan to gain territories piece by piece without engaging in total war.
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With the outbreak of the Yugoslav Wars many of the former Yugoslav musicians participated in anti-war activities, often being attacked by the nationalists in their countries. In 1992, the serbian rock supergroup Rimtutituki featuring members of Partibrejkers, Ekatarina Velika and Električni Orgazam released an anti-militarist song, and after the authorities forbade them to promote it with a live show, they performed on a trailer towed by a truck through the streets of Belgrade. However, others previously involved in the Yugoslav pop and rock scene embraced national chauvinism, and even saw active combat. Notable example is the case of the song "E, moj druže Beogradski" ("Hey my Belgrade comrade").
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The first Tane maku Hito was founded by Komaki and his friends Yōbun Kaneko (金子洋文) Kenzō Imano (今野賢三) and others in Tsuchizaki in February 1921, and lasted for a scant three issues. Ōmi had recently returned to Japan having participated in Barbusse's anti-war movement. These writers were later joined by Takamaru Sasaki (佐々木孝丸) and Masatoshi Muramatsu (村松正俊), and the magazine was revived in Tokyo in October. The magazine had an internationalist and anti-militarist outlook, and regularly published literary criticism that emphasized art and literary movements as aspects of the liberation movement.
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In 1846 there appeared his first volume of poems, Death and the Magdalen, and in 1848 another, entitled The Dream of the Soul. A nationalist and militarist, opposed to the Manchester school of politicians, Richards issued in 1848, in the form of a letter addressed to Richard Cobden, a denunciation of the "peace-at-any-price party", under the title of Cobden and his Pamphlet considered. Another volume was Britain Redeemed and Canada Preserved, anticipating a railway between the Atlantic and the Pacific. Poems, Essays, and Opinions (2 vols.), and Essays and Opinions (2 vols.) consisted of writings from The Mirror of the Time.
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Cafés in downtown Beirut Beirut's economy is service- oriented with the main growth sectors being banking and tourism. In an area dominated by authoritarian or militarist regimes, the Lebanese capital was generally regarded as a haven of libertarianism, though a precarious one. With its seaport and airport—coupled with Lebanon's free economic and foreign exchange system, solid gold-backed currency, banking-secrecy law, and favourable interest rates—Beirut became an established banking centre for Arab wealth, much of which was invested in construction, commercial enterprise, and industry (mostly the manufacture of textiles and shoes, food processing, and printing). The economy of Beirut is diverse, including publishing, banking, trade and various industries.
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The film Our Job in Japan was a United States military training film made in 1945, shortly after World War II. It is the companion to the more famous Your Job In Germany. The film was aimed at American troops about to go to Japan to participate in the 1945–1952 Allied occupation, and presents the problem of turning the militarist state into a peaceful democracy. The film focused on the Japanese military officials who had used the traditional religion of Shinto, as well as the educational system, to take over power, control the populace, and wage aggressive war. No personal credits are given by the titles for Our Job in Japan.
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Japanese propaganda posted of the Shōwa era showing Adolf Hitler, Fumimaro Konoe and Benito Mussolini, the political leaders of the three main Axis powers in 1938 The Axis leaders of World War II were important political and military figures during World War II. The Axis was established with the signing of the Tripartite Pact in 1940 and pursued a strongly militarist and nationalist ideology; with a policy of anti-communism. During the early phase of the war, puppet governments were established in their occupied nations. When the war ended, many of them faced trial for war crimes. The chief leaders were Adolf Hitler of Germany, Benito Mussolini of Italy, and Emperor Hirohito of Japan.
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In April 1917, President Woodrow Wilson, who had recently won re-election to a second four-year term of office behind the slogan "He Kept Us Out of War", asked Congress for a declaration of war against imperial Germany. That same month, with emotions running high, elected delegates of the Socialist Party of America gathered at their 1917 Emergency National Convention to determine party policy on the war. The organization reaffirmed its staunchly anti-militarist stance, declaring its opposition to the European war and American participation in it. In June 1917, as part of the move of the United States government to military conscription, so-called "Espionage Act" legislation was passed making the obstruction of military recruitment a crime.
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La Grosse Bertha (Big Bertha) was a French weekly satirical magazine created in 1991 in opposition to the Gulf War. Its editor and publisher was Jean- Cyrille Godefroy and its first editor-in-chief was François Forcadell. The title of the magazine was an anti-militarist jibe; "Big Bertha" is the name of a massive piece of heavy artillery. The editorial team included humorists such as François Rollin, Philippe Val, Kafka, Jean-Jacques Peroni, Patrick Font, Kleude, Fredo Manon Troppo (Frédéric Pagès), Oncle Bernard (Bernard Maris), Gérard Biard, Docteur H (Hervé Le Tellier), Xavier Pasquini and also Charlie Hebdo alumni such as Arthur, Cabu, Willem (who drew the first cover), Georges Wolinski, Gébé and Siné.
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Co-belligerence (, ) is also the term used by Finland for its military co-operation with Germany during World War II. During the Continuation War (1941–1944), both countries had the Soviet Union as a common enemy. Finnish reentry into World War II was a direct consequence of Germany's attack on the Soviet Union, Operation Barbarossa. While the Allies often referred to Finland as one of the Axis Powers, Finland was never a signatory to the German-Italian-Japanese Tripartite Pact of September 1940. The Allies, in turn, pointed to the fact that Finland, like (Fascist) Italy and (Militarist) Japan, as well as a number of countries including neutral (Falangist) Spain, belonged to Hitler's Anti- Comintern Pact.
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Although he does not think it possible to reduce the narrative or the film to the beliefs of its makers, Eisner claims Francis can be seen as embodying the politics of Expressionism's anti-naturalism, through which a protagonist does not see the world objectively, but has "visions" that are abstracted from individuality and psychology. The framing device of an insane asylum, for Eisner, has a broader connotation as a statement on social reality in the context of the "state of exception". Here, Eisner claims, the militarist and imperialist tendency of monopoly capitalism is combined with what Sigmund Freud would later refer to as the longing for protection by a tyrannical father figure, or what Kracauer characterized as "asocial authority".
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The European colonial period was the era from the 15th century to the mid-20th century when several European powers had established colonies in the Americas, Africa and Asia. Expansionist nationalism is an aggressive and radical form of nationalism that incorporates autonomous, patriotic sentiments with a belief in expansionism. The term was coined during the late nineteenth century as European powers indulged in the 'Scramble for Africa' in the name of national glory, but has been most associated with militarist governments during the 20th century including Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, the Japanese empire, and the Balkans countries of Albania (Greater Albania), Bulgaria (Greater Bulgaria), Croatia (Greater Croatia), Hungary (Greater Hungary), Romania (Greater Romania) and Serbia (Greater Serbia).
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In December 1905 he was sentenced to a year in prison for his participation in an international anti-militarist action allied with anarchists. At the turn of the century, he joined the neo-Malthusian movement alongside Paul Robin, André Girard, Clovis Hugues, Albert Lantoine, A. Daudé-Bancel, Laurent Tailhade, and George Yvetot. Gohier edited the newspaper Grenoble The Right of the People in 1902, then The Old Friar in 1903 and the Cri de Paris in 1904, then became editor of the anti-Semitic Vieille France from 1916 to 1924. Gohier was also a leading publisher of the anti-Semitic forgery The Protocols of the Elders of Zion in France, circa 1920.
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In addition, proudly serving conscription in a difficult unit and showing attachment to the nationalist ideals were the pinnacle attributes of the post-war male. In turn, hegemonic masculinity shaping and being shaped by nationalism and militarism places Greek Cypriot men who appeal to peace politics, cross the divide or interact with the ‘other’ at risk of failing the hegemonic model of masculinity. In other words, it is challenging for Greek Cypriot men to find a way to respectfully relate to their self, if they attempt to come closer to Turkish Cypriots, because of the nationalist militarist way that masculinity is shaped in Cyprus. Therefore, masculinity is reproduced and adapted through a co-constitutive relationship with militarism and nationalism .
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On the eve of the disappearance of compulsory military service the number of "insumisos" exceeded the tens of thousands, probably more than the number of "no- insumisos". Insubordination was mostly a purely antimilitarist movement. There were also, however, people who joined the insubordination for other reasons, especially, in more recent times, people favouring a professional army. One of the most important components of the insubordination movement were the Basque, Catalan, Galician or Canarian nationalists, not necessarily anti-militarist, although the majority were also strong antimilitarists and antiimperialists; that especially applied to the Galicians and Canarians, who denounced the presence of any military force in their respective territories, and routinely protested against them.
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A confidential report of the International Committee of the Red Cross leaked to Le Monde newspaper confirmed the allegations of torture made by the opposition to the war, represented in particular by the French Communist Party (PCF) and other anti-militarist circles. Although many left- wing activists, including famous existentialists writers Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus, and historian Pierre Vidal-Naquet, denounced without exception the use of torture, the French government was itself headed in 1957 by the general secretary of the SFIO, Guy Mollet. In general, the SFIO supported the colonial wars during the Fourth Republic (1947–54), starting with the crushing of the Malagasy Uprising in 1947 by the socialist government of Paul Ramadier.
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Politically, he was nationalist, and militarist, and was nicknamed , for his reputation of having a sharp and legalistic mind capable of quick decision-making. Tojo was a member of the Tōseiha ("Control") faction in the Army that was opposed by the more radical Kōdōha ("Imperial Way") faction. Both the Tōseiha and the Kōdōha factions were militaristic groups that favored a policy of expansionism abroad and dictatorship under the Emperor at home, but differed over the best way of achieving these goals. The Imperial Way faction wanted a coup d'état to achieve a Shōwa Restoration; emphasised "spirit" as the principle war-winning factor; and despite advocating socialist policies at home wanted to invade the Soviet Union.
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It was edited and published out of a cabin in Bearsville, a hamlet near Woodstock, New York. Retort's printing press had belonged to the eloquent Wobbly agitator Carlo Tresca, before he was assassinated on the streets of Manhattan, perhaps by agents of Benito Mussolini. The journal Retort was anti-statist, anti-militarist and published essays on art, politics and culture. Poetry too - the first issue published the Kenneth Rexroth poem that begins: : "Now in Waldheim where the rain/ Has fallen careless and unthinking/ For all an evil century's youth, / Where now the banks of dark roses lie..." Retort Press also published Prison Etiquette: The Convict's Compendium of Useful Information Prison Etiquette: The Convict's Compendium of Useful Information, Amazon.com.
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Saburō Aizawa was born on 6 September 1889 in Sendai, the eldest son of Hyonosuke Aizawa, a former court clerk and notary of the Sendai Domain, and his wife Makiko. Aizawa attended junior high school in Iwate Prefecture before attending the regional military school of the Imperial Japanese Army in Sendai and graduating on 28 May 1910. Aizawa served in many positions and was promoted numerous times during the 1910s and 1920s, reaching the rank of lieutenant- colonel by the early 1930s. Aizawa was a staunch supporter of the Kōdōha (Imperial Way), the radical militarist political faction of the Imperial Japanese Army in opposition to the moderate Tōseiha (Control Faction) during the Gunbatsu period.
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The paper never was so bold as to explicitly advocate resistance to registration and the draft, instead attempting to toe the fine line of legality while remaining true to the anti-militarist St. Louis proclamation of the Socialist Party of America. As with other non-English publications, Gaa Paa was also faced with the burdensome task of supplying English translations of all political articles and editorial comments during the wartime years.Chislock, Ethnically Challenged, pp. 75-76. Efforts to soften tone and comply with statutory regulations in order to appease federal authorities proved inadequate for Postmaster General Albert S. Burleson, however, and in 1918 Gaa Paa was denied access to the United States mails.
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She is best known for her role as one of Wei Xiaobao's seven wives, Shuang'er, in Royal Tramp, a 2008 television series based on Louis Cha's novel The Deer and the Cauldron. She has also attained recognition for her role as Wang Yanyu in Paladins in Troubled Times, an adaptation of Liang Yusheng's novel Datang Youxia Zhuan, and as Moli in Bing Sheng, a television series featuring a fictionalised life story of the ancient Chinese militarist Sun Tzu. She has also served as a spokeswoman and endorser for cosmetic and shampoo product brands, as well as appearing in the Chinese Yahoo television commercial Qianshi Jinsheng Pian () together with Huang Xiaoming, her co-star in Royal Tramp.
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The Social Troubles Institute, Social Troubles Research Center or simply Colonization Academy, which Bergamini alleged was founded in 1921, was a think tank dedicated to future conquest plans on the Asian Mainland, and their political implications. It had the patronage of Crown Prince Hirohito and was set up on land that had once been the Imperial Meteorological Observatory. Bergamini describes the Institute as a secret indoctrination center (protected by extensive security measures) for select younger sons, of politicians, Japanese nobility and militarist supporters, who desired to participate in fulfilling the dreams of Imperial conquest harbored among elements of Japan's aristocracy. The first draft of Japanese conquest plans for world domination were traced by Bergamini to the institute.
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A penniless refugee, Trebitsch-Lincoln worked his way bit by bit into the extreme right-wing and militarist fringe in Weimar Germany, making the acquaintance of Wolfgang Kapp and Erich Ludendorff among others. In 1920, following the Kapp Putsch, he was appointed press censor to the new government. In this capacity he met Adolf Hitler, who flew in from Munich the day before the Putsch collapsed. With the fall of Kapp, Trebitsch fled south from Munich to Vienna to Budapest, intriguing all along the way, linking up with a whole variety of fringe political factions, such as a loose alliance of monarchists and reactionaries from all over Europe known as the White International.
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From 1914 to 1918 Whiteley, as an anti-militarist and staunch socialist, took a leading part in opposition in Huddersfield to the Great War, and was a conscientious objector. He had the desire to succeed in politics, and was supported by the Independent Labour Party as he stood for election in Colne Valley in the 1918 ‘Khaki’ election, representing the Labour Party. Whiteley was unsuccessful in his attempt, but was commended for his honesty whilst campaigning, as he highlighted to the electorate that he had been a conscientious objector. This was a crucial factor in his failure at the ballot box, as soldiers returning from the battlefields were highly revered, whereas conscientious objectors were often accused of cowardice.
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Several attempts by other anarchists to publish radical newspapers and journals in this period were repeatedly banned as well, and some editors were imprisoned. The theoretical split between anarcho-communism and anarcho- syndicalism that emerged within European anarchism was not yet a significant issue within Japanese anarchism, particularly due to the fact that labour unions were still illegal. However, when Kropotkin, a leading advocate of the former faction, signed the Manifesto of the Sixteen in support of the Allied cause in the First World War, it detracted sharply from his reputation amongst Japanese anarchists. The Japanese movement was strongly anti-militarist, and so the reaction against Kropotkin also detracted from the reputation of the communist faction.
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For > many years I have been looked upon as a militarist, an admirer of the > military, as a promoter of militarism and as the friend of many Generals. I > have had many an unpleasant moment in my life because of that, both after > the first war and in recent years; for many in Germany expected nothing of > the Generals for the start. But I always took their part, saying that one > could rely on their character, and their sense of responsibility. Now it has > come to this that I myself feel ridiculed and in South Germany, where I have > many excellent friends, I am told that Prussian militarism is to blame for > everything.
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In 1887, a sequel, called Testa (Head), was written by neurologist Paolo Mantegazza, Amicis' friend, which narrates the life of Enrico in his teens. In 1962, Umberto Eco published Elogio di Franti (In Praise of Franti) viewing Franti, the "bad boy" of the novel, as a figure of resistance against militarist and nationalist ideology.Maria Truglio, Wise Gnomes, Nervous Astronauts, and a Very Bad General: The Children's Books of Umberto Eco and Eugenio Carmi Children's Literature, Volume 36, 2008, The Johns Hopkins University Press, p.126 One of the two teenage characters in the film I Prefer the Sound of the Sea (2000) reads Cuore and has a job in a bookshop named Franti.
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After the coup, Chang was appointed as a figurehead leader while Park held the real power. Soon afterwards, however, he formed a small faction of moderates, causing conflict with other more militarist officers, including Park. At his peak, Chang occupied four positions: chairman of the Supreme Council, prime minister defense minister, and army chief of staff. Through May 1961, he attempted to gain recognition of the new government from the United States, meeting with John F. Kennedy on 24 May and promising a transfer to civilian control by 15 August (a priority for the US and president in name only Yun Posun, who Chang wanted to remain in office) on 31 May.
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One of the most prominent and popular Italian nationalist supporters of the war was Gabriele d'Annunzio, who promoted Italian irredentism and helped sway the Italian public to support intervention in the war. The Italian Liberal Party, under the leadership of Paolo Boselli, promoted intervention in the war on the side of the Allies and used the Dante Alighieri Society to promote Italian nationalism. Italian socialists were divided on whether to support the war or oppose it; some were militant supporters of the war, including Benito Mussolini and Leonida Bissolati. However, the Italian Socialist Party decided to oppose the war after anti- militarist protestors were killed, resulting in a general strike called Red Week.
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On 1 November 1917, an enraged mob damaged houses, clubs and factories in Petropolis, including the restaurant Brahma (completely destroyed), the Gesellschaft Germania, the German school, the company Arp, and the German Journal, among others. At the same time, in other cities there were minor demonstrations. Episodes with violence repeated until Brazil's declaration of war against Germany and its allies in October 1917. Although the nationalist and pro-war demonstrations intensified over 1917, they never surpassed the anti-war and anti-militarist demonstrations led by trade unionists, anarchists and pacifists, who opposed the war and accused the government of diverting attention from internal problems, sometimes coming into conflict with nationalist groups that supported Brazil's active participation in the war.
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In March 1928, Tatekawa was promoted to major general and became the military liaison to the Embassy of Japan in Beijing. He was appointed head of the Second Bureau (Intelligence) of the General Staff in August 1929, where he was in position to provide information and assistance to then plotters of the March Incident who aimed at making Ugaki Prime Minister. After he was transferred to the First Bureau (Operations) in August 1931, he provided information and aid to Kingoro Hashimoto and Isamu Chō in the abortive coup d'état known as the October incident. Tatekawa was dispatched by Army Minister Jirō Minami to Manchuria for the specific purpose of curbing the insubordination and militarist behavior of the Kwantung Army.
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Ortega Smith is a staunch militarist. He argues that the History of Spain is "inalienable" and defines it as inextricably "linked to the sword and the cross". According to Guillermo Fernández, the 2018 Vistalegre bullring speech by Ortega Smith—that started by praising the "leading" role of Spanish forces in the 1571 victory of the Battle of Lepanto over "barbarism", the aim being to fuel a sense of the Nation's historical destiny–was an attempt to connect with the discursive and ideological ideas of the Spanish extreme right. As guest at the demonstration of the policial association Jusapol in Barcelona on 29 September 2018, his speech during the event included a diatribe against the European Union.
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They tended to be fascinated with the macho charisma of blood, sweat, and steel, and they promoted (like many nonradical groups) traditional samurai values as the antidote to the spiritual ills of postwar Japan. Their preference for violent direct action rather than words reflected the example of the militarist extremists of the 1930s and the heroic "men of strong will" of the late Tokugawa period of the 1850s and 1860s. The modern right-wing extremists demanded an end to the postwar "system of dependence" on the United States, restoration of the emperor to his prewar, divine status, and repudiation of Article 9. Many, if not most, right-wingers had intimate connections with Japan's gangster underground, the yakuza.
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Yashima painted this propaganda leaflet, which was used by the U.S. Armed Forces in the Pacific War. The New Sun, published in 1943 under the name Taro Yashima, was a 310-page autobiographical picture book for adults about life in pre-war statist Shōwa Japan, including details of the harsh and inhumane treatment he and his wife underwent for participation in anti-militarist groups in the 1930s. Its sequel, Horizon is Calling, published in 1947, was in the same format—usually one picture per page, with one or two lines of text. The 276-page book continues the story of his life in Japan under military rule, this time with added Japanese text.
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The Pyhtää Women's Guard, which fought the Germans in the Kyminlinna Fort The first Women's Guards units, formed in early February in Helsinki, Vyborg and Valkeakoski, were modelled on the Women's Battalions of the 1917 Russian Revolution. At first, the Red government, the Red Guard staff and the anti-militarist Social Democratic Women's Union opposed the formation of the women's units. On 13 March, the Red government recognized existing units but ended the formation of new units. Its order was not strictly observed, however, and some new units were still formed in late March and early April in the largest industrial portions of Red-controlled Finland; with few exceptions, they were not formed in rural areas.
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He opposed the Italian invasion of Libya in 1912, but at the outbreak of the First World War, despite his anti-militarist ideas, he became an ardent supporter of the interventionist camp on the side of the Triple Entente. He launched a vigorous campaign against Avanti, the organ of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), when Benito Mussolini was removed as chief editor, and openly criticized the PSI for what he considered Bolshevik sympathies. He strongly opposed the communists that had left the socialist party in January 1921, and felt certain sympathy for fascism in its initial phase. Like many other intellectuals and politicians of all persuasions, he saw fascism as an extreme defence against the dangers of Bolshevism, but condemned its recourse to violence.
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The Royal family of King Umberto I In foreign policy Umberto I approved the Triple Alliance with Austria-Hungary and Germany, repeatedly visiting Vienna and Berlin. Many in Italy, however, viewed with hostility an alliance with their former Austrian enemies, who were still occupying areas claimed by Italy. A strong militarist, Umberto loved Prussian- German militarism and on his visits to Germany his favorite activity was to review the Prussian Army and he was greatly honored to be allowed to lead a Prussian hussar regiment on field maneuvers outside of Frankfurt. Emperor Wilhelm II of Germany told him during one visit that he should strengthen the Regio Esercito to the point that he could abolish parliament and rule Italy as a dictator.
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However, al-Walid was unable to secure this change before his death and Sulayman succeeded without opposition. The latter dismissed nearly all of al-Walid's governors, and though he maintained the militarist policies of al-Walid and Abd al-Malik, expansion of the caliphate largely ground to a halt under Sulayman (). Two of al-Walid's sons, Yazid III and Ibrahim, successively served as caliphs for less than a year in 744. By virtue of the conquests of Hispania, Sind and Transoxiana during his reign, his patronage of the great mosques of Damascus and Medina and his charitable works, al-Walid's Syrian contemporaries viewed him as "the worthiest of their caliphs", according to the report of Umar ibn Shabba (died 878).
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Seeking to use cinema to counter the anti- militarist and pacifistic public atmosphere that predominated in the late 1930s in England, and foster an Anglo-American spirit on either side of the Atlantic Ocean in the prelude to the outbreak of World War II, the Gaumont British Picture Corporation engaged the American Director Raoul Walsh, and the Anglo-American star Wallace Ford to produce a film showing life in the British Army in an entertaining and positive light, in the same manner that Walsh had done for the United States Marines Corps in What Price Glory?. The film was shot at Gainsborough Studios in London, and renamed You're in the Army Now! for its American release. The film's sets were designed by the art director Edward Carrick.
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Mary Marcy in the office of the International Socialist Review. In the years prior to American intervention in World War I, Kerr and Marcy maintained a strong internationalist perspective, with Marcy in particular seeking out participation from left wing members of the Zimmerwald movement, such as S.J. Rutgers and Anton Pannekoek.Ruff, "We Called Each Other Comrade," pg. 183. The Review opined again and again against the arms buildup of the Woodrow Wilson administration, conducted under the slogan of "Preparedness." With the American declaration of war against Germany on April 7, 1917, the anti- militarist International Socialist Review became subject to an intensifying series of repressive government actions, including United States Post Office Department surveillance,Ruff, "We Called Each Other Comrade," pg. 189.
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In Japan, The Wind Rises received criticism from both the political right and from the Japan Society for Tobacco Control. Miyazaki added to the controversy by publishing an essay in which he criticized the proposal by Japan's right-wing Liberal Democratic Party to change Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution to allow Japan to remilitarize. In an interview with the Asahi Shimbun, Miyazaki said he had "very complex feelings" about World War II since, as a pacifist, he felt militarist Japan had acted out of "foolish arrogance". However, Miyazaki also said that the Zero plane "represented one of the few things we Japanese could be proud of – [Zeros] were a truly formidable presence, and so were the pilots who flew them".
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In 2015, she was photographed standing in a field of cannabis plants promoting the revival of the cannabis culture in Japan.Johann Hari, Japan, the place with the strangest drug debate in the world, Opendemocracy.net, 11 May 2018 While her husband was in office, Abe developed a close relationship with the Moritomo Gakuen kindergarten in Osaka, which is noted for its conservative and militarist culture, including requiring students to memorize the Imperial Rescript on Education. Abe was named as honorary principal of Mizuho no Kuni, an elementary school under development by Moritomo Gakuen, but resigned in February 2017 after it was discovered that Moritomo Gakuen had purchased the land for the school from the government for 14% of its appraised value.
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Kurt Tucholsky, author of "Soldaten sind Mörder" Journalist, writer, and satirist Kurt Tucholsky was conscripted as a soldier in World War I, and in 1919 co-founded the Friedensbund der Kriegsteilnehmer, a pacifist and anti-militarist organization of war veterans. The 4 August 1931 issue of Die Weltbühne had pacifism as its main subject matter, containing a translation of Pope Benedict XV's anti-war Apostolic exhortation Allorché fummo chiamati of 1915. In this context, Tucholsky published his short piece Der bewachte Kriegsschauplatz ("The guarded theatre of war"). It is mainly criticizing the Feldgendarmerie military police for, according to Tucholsky, having taken care of "correct dying" at the front (daß vorn richtig gestorben wurde) whilst shooting deserters: "So they murdered because one refused to continue murdering".
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In Italy, the Third Position was developed by Roberto Fiore, along with Gabriele Adinolfi and Peppe Dimitri, in the tradition of Italian neo-fascism. Third Position's ideology is characterized by a militarist formulation, a palingenetic ultranationalism looking favourably to national liberation movements, support for racial separatism and the adherence to a soldier lifestyle. In order to construct a cultural background for the ideology, Fiore looked to the ruralism of Julius Evola and sought to combine it with the desire for a cultural-spiritual revolution. He adopted some of the positions of the contemporary far-right, notably the ethnopluralism of Alain de Benoist and the Europe-wide appeal associated with such views as the Europe a Nation campaign of Oswald Mosley (amongst others).
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He joined the Collegiate Anti-Militarism League at Columbia University in 1915, served as treasurer, and contributed to an anti-war petition to President Wilson after the sinking of the Lusitania. Trachtenberg left Yale in 1915 to work as an administrator and teacher of Economics and Labor at the Rand School of Social Science, founded by the Socialist Party in New York. Trachtenberg directed the school's Department of Labor Research, which conducted studies for other organizations and gathered and published labor statistics. He edited various Rand publications, including the first four volumes of the Rand School's encyclopedic American Labor Year Book, as well as a controversial 1917 defense of the Socialist Party's anti-militarist perspective, American Socialists and the War.
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He also founded a boys' school open to Egyptian Muslims, Christians, and Jews. A Francophile, Kamil was much influenced by French republican values of Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité, seeing France as the embodiment of the values of progress, prosperity, and freedom. Kamil's writing help to redefine loyalty to al-watan ("the homeland") in terms stressing the importance of education, nizam (order), and love of al-watan, implicitly criticizing the state created by Mohammad Ali the Great, which was run on very militarist lines. Like many other Egyptian nationalists of the early 20th century, Kamil took pride in the achievements of the ancient Egyptian civilization, which for him showed that Egypt had a history of statehood going back thousands of years, which set the Egyptians apart from other peoples.
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The international intervention which culminated in renewed conflict in South Sudan is cited as an example of a flawed application of international state- building. On July 9, 2011, with unilateral support from the United Nations Security Council and the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the nation of South Sudan was officially recognized as an independent Sovereign, forged by an alliance of rebel groups. The process of building this state, however, had begun in 2005 with the proclamation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), a militarist agreement forged among warlords to establish a military dictatorship in South Sudan. The United States, Britain, Norway, and the IGAD conceptualized and facilitated the process as the solution to the ongoing Second Sudanese Civil War of 1983 to 2005.
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Due to the historical relevance of Bolívar as a key element during the process of independence in Hispanic America, his memory has been strongly attached to sentiments of nationalism and patriotism, being a recurrent theme of rhetoric in politics. Since the image of Bolívar became an important part to the national identities of Venezuela, Colombia, Panama, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia, his mantle is often claimed by Hispanic American politicians all across the political spectrum. In Venezuela, Bolívar left behind a militarist legacy with multiple governments utilizing the memory, image and written legacy of Bolívar as important parts of their political messages and propaganda. Bolívar disapproved of the excesses of "party spirit" and "factions", which led to an anti-political environment in Venezuela.
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Expansionism is the doctrine of expanding the territorial base (or economic influence) of a country, usually by means of military aggression. Militarism is the principle or policy of maintaining a strong military capability to use aggressively to expand national interests and/or values, with the view that military efficiency is the supreme ideal of a state. Though the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations had sought to stifle expansionist and militarist policies by all actors, the conditions their creators had imposed on the world's new geopolitical situation and the technological circumstances of the era only emboldened the re-emergence of these ideologies during the interwar period. By the early 1930s, a highly-militaristic and aggressive national ideology prevailed in Germany, Japan, and Italy.
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Quo Tai-chi (; 1888–1952) was a diplomat during the Republic of China and an active member of the Kuomintang from the early years of the Republic of China until shortly after the fall of mainland China to the Communists. Quo was born in Hupei (Hubei) province in 1888 and graduated from the University of Pennsylvania in 1911, Phi Beta Kappa. He was one of the technical delegates of China to the Paris Peace Conference, 1918–1919. At a time when the victors of the Great War were negotiating the spoils of war and punishment of the conquered, Quo controversially stated it would be better for the Germans to retain their concessions in Shantung (Shandong) than to allow the aggressive, militarist Japanese to take possession of them.
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''''' ("South German Monthly", also credited as ') was a German magazine published in Munich between January 1904 and September 1936. After beginnings as an art and literary venue, liberal but highly critical of modernism, it made a turn toward politics before World War I. Especially supportive of German conservatism, it was also sympathetic toward Völkisch ideologists, and published propaganda in favor of militarist politicians such as Alfred von Tirpitz. Having for its founder and editor Paul Nikolaus Cossmann, an assimilated Jew, ' was generally antisemitic—strongly so after 1920, when it hosted calls for racial segregation. Its publication of conspiracy theories such as the stab-in-the-back myth paved the way for Nazi propaganda, but ' was more closely aligned with the mainstream right.
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Poster of the Reichsregierung against the Kapp Putsch, 13 March 1920 After Germany had lost World War I (1914–1918), the German Revolution of 1918–1919 ended the monarchy. The German Empire was abolished and a democratic system, the Weimar Republic, was established in 1919 by the Weimar National Assembly. Right-wing nationalist and militarist circles opposed the new republic and promoted the stab-in-the-back myth, claiming that the war had been lost only because the efforts of the undefeated German military had been undermined by civilians at home. In 1919–20, the government of Germany was formed by the Weimar Coalition, consisting of the Social Democratic Party (SPD), German Democratic Party (DDP, left-of-centre liberals), and Zentrum (conservative Catholics).
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Sophie Cadieux, who holds the role corresponding to Dawn Tinsley, has also taken part in the LNI. Paul Ahmarani, playing La Job's Gareth Keenan, is a great fan of the British series. About the black humor of the show, he comments: "Personally, when I began watching that show, after five minutes, I knew that I had before my eyes something unique, that would literally shatter all that we had seen before". On his character, he sums up that "I'm someone that is very much of a coward, so I like to take refuge in military fantasies of virility... I really like to say that I spent three years in the army... I'm a bit of a loser, very right-wing, very militarist".
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On the other hand, he showed no hesitation in clearing the Warsaw suburbs of Praga and Saska Kępa, through which vital supply lines ran. Model's biographer, the military historian Steven Newton, argues that the best explanation for Model's behaviour is that he was not necessarily a Nazi but an authoritarian militarist who saw in Hitler the strong leader that Germany needed. According to Newton, Model saw himself as the professional, apolitical soldier; he possessed a strong sense of German nationalism, with the accompanying tenets of racial prejudice against Slavs and Jews. This characterized many in the German officer corps, but in Model's case it was accompanied by a cynical willingness to placate the Nazi regime to expedite his own goals.
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He came to believe strongly that military training should never be reduced in favour of political indoctrination, and that military commanders should enjoy seniority over commissars. Because the only communist country fully prepared for modern technical warfare was the Soviet Union, Peng grew to see the Soviet Red Army as a model for the development of China's PLA. These perspectives, and Peng's long-held conviction that the primary role of the Communist Party was to improve the welfare of the common people, were contrary to Mao's political goals, contributing to their eventual conflict in the late 1950s.Domes 47, 64–65 Stalin once arbitrated in favor of Peng in a conflict with a Russian diplomat, saying "Trust him in everything; Peng is a long-tested, talented militarist".
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Zo d'Axa, founder of French individualist anarchist magazine L'EnDehors Alphonse Gallaud de la Pérouse, better known as Zo d'Axa (), was an adventurer, anti-militarist, satirist, journalist, and founder of two of the most legendary French magazines, L'EnDehors and La Feuille. A descendant of the famous French navigator Jean- François de Galaup, comte de Lapérouse, he was one of the most prominent French individualist anarchists at the turn of the 20th century. He founded the anarchist newspaper L'EnDehors in May 1891 in which numerous contributors such as Jean Grave, Louise Michel, Sébastien Faure, Octave Mirbeau, Tristan Bernard and Émile Verhaeren developed libertarian ideas. D'Axa and L'EnDehors rapidly became the target of the authorities after attacks by Ravachol and d'Axa was kept in jail in Mazas Prison.
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He gained the support of the League of California Municipalities and lead unsuccessful initiative campaigns in 1912 and 1914 to change the California constitution to allow local governments "home rule" in taxation so that they could choose to tax land separately from buildings and personal property."Some Suggestions for Reform of Taxation", Proceedings, 14th Annual Convention, League of California Municipalities, Santa Barbara, California, October 25, 1911, pp. 152-171. J. Stitt Wilson, "Report from California", The Single Tax Review, V.17, No.1, January–February 1917, pp.50-52 Not sharing the organization's staunch anti-militarist perspective, Wilson withdrew from the Socialist Party at the outbreak of World War I. He was again writing for the party press by 1922, however.
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Consequently, though she did conduct operations and patrols along the western coast of Mexico, she remained in a quasi-reserve status throughout her brief period of commissioned service. She made but one organizational change during her active career and that came in the latter part of 1921 when she was reassigned to Division 29, Squadron 10. In 1922, the anti-militarist feeling prevalent following World War I combined with the government's policy of financial retrenchment to cause the deactivation of a substantial portion of the Navy's recently expanded destroyer fleet; Tingey, therefore, was placed out of commission on 24 May 1922, berthed at San Diego, and remained there for the remainder of her career. After 14 years of inactivity, Tingey's name was struck from the Navy list on 19 May 1936.
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Lebanese Renewal Party (in Arabic حزب التجدد اللبناني) abbreviated as LRP was a Lebanese nationalist party established in 1972 by a number of staunch Lebanese nationalists including activist Etienne Saqr, poet Said Akl and writer May Murr. Its ideology was based on Phoenicianism and that the Lebanese nation is an independent non-Arab entity and is not part of the Arab World. It also warned against pan-Arabism, leftist ideology and the Palestinian military presence in Lebanon. The party is considered a precursor of the more prominent Guardians of the Cedars (in Arabic حرّاس الأرز) also established by Etienne Saqr and later on, the LRP declared itself as the "political wing" of the more militarist Guardians of the Cedars and was eventually banned by the Lebanese government alongside the military wing.
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He then moved to France, where he was an activist in the Union Anarchiste (UA) and the Confédération Générale du Travail-Syndicaliste Révolutionnaire (CGT-SR) and was founder (in 1923) with his friend Sliman Kiouane of the Committee for the Defence of Indigenous Algerians, one of the first national liberation movements in French North Africa. He was a passionate anti-Stalinist, rejecting support from the Red Aid, a front organisation of the French Communist Party, when he was prosecuted by the French authorities for an anti- militarist article. In 1936, he served in the Sébastien Faure Century, the French-speaking section of the Durruti Column, an anarchist anti-Francoist militia in Spain. In October 1936, he became the general delegate for foreign groups, replacing Bethomieu who died in Perdiguera.
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The USI was founded in 1912, after a group of workers, previously affiliated with the Confederazione Generale del Lavoro (CGL), met in Modena and declared themselves linked to the legacy of the First International, and later joined the anarcho-syndicalist International Workers Association. The most left-wing camere del lavoro adhered in rapid succession to the USI, and it engaged in all major political battles for labor rights - without ever adopting the militarist attitudes present with other trade unions. Nonetheless, after the outbreak of World War I, USI was shaken by the dispute around the issue of Italy's intervention in the conflict on the Entente Powers' side. The problem was made acute by the presence of eminent pro-intervention, national-syndicalist voices inside the body: Alceste De Ambris, Filippo Corridoni, and, initially, Giuseppe Di Vittorio.
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She and Harold form a bond and Maude shows Harold the pleasures of art and music (including how to play banjo), and teaches him how to make "the most of his time on earth." Meanwhile, Harold's mother is determined, against Harold's wishes, to find him a wife. One by one, Harold frightens and horrifies each of his appointed dates, by appearing to commit gruesome acts such as self-immolation, self-mutilation and seppuku. His mother tries enlisting him in the military by sending him to his uncle, who had served under General MacArthur in the Second World War and lost an arm, but Harold deters his recruiting-officer uncle by staging a scene in which Maude poses as a pacifist protester and Harold seemingly murders her out of militarist fanaticism.
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Lee was also selected to join Victor L. Berger and Morris Hillquit as delegates of the SPA to a May 1917 general conference of Socialists held in Stockholm on the question of world peace, but was blocked from attending the gathering when the trio were refused passports to travel by Secretary of State Robert Lansing, who characterized the gathering as "a cleverly directed German war move."Morris Hillquit, Loose Leaves from a Busy Life. New York: Macmillan, 1934; pp. 155-156. Lee was a consistent opponent of American entry into World War I and he, together with his political co-thinker Morris Hillquit and future Communist leader C. E. Ruthenberg was one of three co-authors of the vigorously anti-militarist St. Louis resolution at the 1917 Emergency National Convention in that city.
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The Left in France () was represented at the beginning of the 20th century by two main political parties, namely the Republican, Radical and Radical- Socialist Party and the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), created in 1905 as a merger of various Marxist parties. In 1914, after the assassination of the leader of the SFIO, Jean Jaurès, who had upheld an internationalist and anti-militarist line, the SFIO accepted to join the Union sacrée national front. In the aftermaths of the Russian Revolution and the Spartacist uprising in Germany, the French Left divided itself in reformists and revolutionaries during the 1920 Tours Congress which saw the majority of the SFIO spin-out to form the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC). The early French Left was often alienated into the Republican movements.
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Marburg, a city in Hesse known for its university Conservative politician Franz von Papen called for an end of the government-inspired National- Socialist terror and a return to freedom and dignity The Marburg speech () was an address given by German Vice Chancellor Franz von Papen at the University of Marburg on 17 June 1934.Anton Gill; An Honourable Defeat; A History of the German Resistance to Hitler; Heinemann; London; 1994; p.xiv It is said to be the last speech made publicly, and on a high level, in Germany against National Socialism. It was done in favour of the old nationalist-militarist clique that had run Germany in the Kaiser's time, who had helped Hitler to power as a prelude to their return, only to find themselves instead pushed aside by the New Order.
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Praga and Boito launched the Scapigliatura in earnest when they edited the paper Figaro in 1864. A year later saw the publishing of the first works by poet and novelist Iginio Ugo Tarchetti (1839–1869) who today is the best-known author of the Scapigliatura. They rebelled against late Romantic maudlin poets like Aleardo Aleardi and Giovanni Prati, Italian Catholic tradition and clericalism, and the Italian government's betrayal of the revolutionary roots of the Risorgimento period. Praga scandalized Italy with his second poetry collection Penombre (1864), reminiscent of Baudelaire's Les Fleurs du Mal, and Tarchetti with his novel Una Nobile Follia (1867) in which he opposed the militarist culture of Italy under the reigning Savoy royal family and in which he propounded his anarchism derived from French philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon.
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William A. Reuben, the National Guardians main reporter on the Rosenberg case, later published an expanded version of his journalism in book form as The Atom Spy Hoax (1954). A third area of emphasis for the National Guardian was the ongoing Civil Rights Movement in America, including ongoing coverage of efforts to integrate the educational system, to expand voting rights, to end discrimination in housing and employment, and to resist terrorist acts such as the murder of Emmett Till. As part of these efforts the paper forged close bonds with leading black intellectuals such as W. E. B. Du Bois and singer Paul Robeson. Throughout it all the National Guardian maintained friendly ties with the Communist Party USA, generally advancing a similar pro-Soviet and anti-militarist political line.
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A crucial point in the book is the moment when Gavin finds a Soviet Air Force pilot who had parachuted onto American soil. With no organized government left to establish Prisoner of War Camps and uphold the Geneva Conventions, the pilot was captured by boys who are constantly torturing and degrading him, venting upon him their anger and frustration. Gavin's determination to save the Russian brings him into a head- on confrontation with another officer roaming the ruins - Major Collingwood, a fanatic and ruthless militarist and nationalist determined to rebuild the same order which had led to the devastating war. Eventually, Gavin wins his struggle with Collingwood - a moral as well as material victory - and in the cautiously optimistic ending, finds a new love and the possibility of making a new start.
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These two pacifists had planned and convinced the Emperor of Austria to negotiate a separate peace in the event that the Germans refused to make peace. When Zweig crosses the border, he is immediately relieved, and he feels relieved of a burden, happy to enter a country at peace. Once in Switzerland, he is pleased to find his friend Rolland, as well as other French acquaintances, and feels fraternally united with them. During his stay, it was the figure of the director of the anti-militarist newspaper "Demain" Henri Guilbeaux who marked him deeply, because it was in him that he saw a historical law being verified: in intense periods, simple men could exceptionally become central figures of a current - here, that of the anti-militarists during the First World War.
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Vittorio Nino Novarese (May 15, 1907 in Rome, Italy – October 17, 1983 in Los Angeles, United States) was an Italian costume designer who found great success in Hollywood after decamping there in 1949. In his first year there he scored an Oscar nomination for his work on the film Prince of Foxes, winning the Academy Award 14 years later for the grandiose epic Cleopatra. He was also nominated twice in 1965 for both The Agony and the Ecstasy and The Greatest Story Ever Told, and won a second Oscar in 1970 for Cromwell. Novarese was trained as a militarist, but contrary to what one might think from the name, this only gave him the classical training to know how soldiers of different ranks were dressed and armed throughout history.
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Ferruccio Ghinaglia (29 September 1899 – 21 April 1921) was an Italian Marxist revolutionary, active in the second decade of the 20th century and killed by political enemies in 1921. Ghinaglia was born in Casalbuttano ed Uniti in the Province of Cremona. He was not of a rich family, but distinguished himself in the high school in Cremona as a fervent Socialist and anti-militarist through his writings in the pages of the school paper Lo Studente (The Student), which caused him some trouble with the police because this was during the First World War. He arrived in Pavia in 1917 as a student of medicine and earned himself a place in the Ghislieri College which is linked to the University of Pavia, but little afterwards he was called to carry out military service.
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The conflict with the Ottomans over the islands of the eastern Aegean, or the pogroms against the Greeks in the Ottoman Empire, in particular, were fresh in his mind. Moreover, as the Ottomans were clearly drifting towards the German camp, the opportunity of a joint action with the Allied Powers against them should not be missed. While for the moment Venizelos was prepared to remain neutral as the best course of action, his ultimate aim was to enter the war on the side of the Allied Powers should Bulgaria attack Serbia or should the Allies make proposals which would satisfy Greek claims. King Constantine I on the other hand, backed by Foreign Minister Georgios Streit and the General Staff, were convinced of Germany's eventual triumph, and furthermore sympathized with the German militarist political system.
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As an ideology, Nacionalismo was militarist, authoritarian, and sympathetic to the rule of a modern caudillo, who the Nationalists were frequently either hoping for or reinterpreting history to locate in the past. Along these lines, a major part of the intellectual work of Nacionalismo was the creation of historical revisionism as an academic movement in Argentina. Nationalist historians published a number of works challenging the work of the liberal historians who had forged the dominant historical narrative of Argentina, and presented 19th century dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas as the kind of benevolent authoritarian leader that the country still needed. While the nationalists themselves never really managed to maintain political power despite participating in a handful of successful coups throughout the 20th century (see, for example, José Félix Uriburu).
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Prussian (and later German) Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, right, with General Helmuth von Moltke the Elder, left, and General Albrecht von Roon, centre. Although Bismarck was a civilian politician and not a military officer, he wore a military uniform as part of the Prussian militarist culture of the time. From a painting by Carl Steffeck Militarism is the belief or the desire of a government or a people that a state should maintain a strong military capability and to use it aggressively to expand national interests and/or values.New Oxford American Dictionary (2007) It may also imply the glorification of the military and of the ideals of a professional military class and the "predominance of the armed forces in the administration or policy of the state" (see also: stratocracy and military junta).
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Following the 1913 trial of the infamous Bonnot Gang, the FCA condemned individualism as bourgeois and more in keeping with capitalism than communism. An article believed to have been written by Peter Kropotkin, in the British anarchist paper Freedom, argued that "Simple-minded young comrades were often led away by the illegalists' apparent anarchist logic; outsiders simply felt disgusted with anarchist ideas and definitely stopped their ears to any propaganda." After the assassination of anti-militarist socialist leader Jean Jaurès a few days before the beginning of World War I, and the subsequent rallying of the Second International and the workers' movement to the war, even some anarchists supported the Sacred Union (Union Sacrée) government. Jean Grave, Peter Kropotkin and others published the Manifesto of the Sixteen supporting the Triple Entente against Germany.
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Comfort served as a House Physician for the London Hospital and later became a lecturer in physiology at the London Hospital Medical College. During 1945 he obtained the Conjoint Board's Diploma in Child Health, and progressed to a PhD during 1950 and a DSc of University College, London during 1963. A pacifist, Comfort considered himself "an aggressive anti-militarist", and he believed that pacifism rested "solely upon the historical theory of anarchism".For discussions of Comfort's political views, see Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism (1992) by Peter Marshall, and Anarchist Seeds Beneath the Snow (2006) by David Goodway. During World War Two, Comfort wrote a letter to the Tribune magazine (2 April 1943) denouncing the Allied bombing of civilians: > The bombardment of Europe is not the work of soldiers nor of responsible > statesmen.
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These revolutionary groups later had the help of several important personages, making reality to some certain ideas of the nationalist-militarist policy with practical work in Manchukuo. They included General Hideki Tōjō, chief of Kempeitai and leader of Kwantung Army; Yosuke Matsuoka, who served as president of the (South Manchuria Railway Company) and Foreign Affairs minister; and Naoki Hoshino, an army ideologist who organized the government and political structure of Manchukuo. Tojo later became War Minister and Prime Minister in the Konoe cabinet, Matsuoka Foreign Minister, and Hoshino chief of Project departments charged with establishing a new economic structure for Japan. Some industrialists representative of this ideological strand were Ichizō Kobayashi, President of Tokio Gasu Denki, setting the structure for the Industry and Commerce ministry, and Shōzō Murata, representing the Sumitomo Group becoming Communication Minister.
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In a paper presented to the German Historical Convention in 1953, "The Problem of Militarism in Germany", Ritter argued traditional Prussian leaders such as Frederick the Great were a Machtpolitiker (power politician), not a militarist since in Ritter's view, Frederick was opposed to "the ruthless sacrifice of all life to the purposes of war" and instead was interested in creating "a lasting order of laws and peace, to further general welfare, and to moderate the conflict of interests".Iggers, Georg The German Conception of History, Middletown: Connecticut; Wesleyan University Press, 1968 page 256. Ritter maintained that militarism first appeared during the French Revolution, when the revolutionary French state, later to be followed by Napoleon I's regime, began the total mobilization of society to seek "the total destruction of the enemy".
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The Baltic states and the Vilnius region become part of the Soviet Union, and in the other parts of Eastern Europe, the prewar anti-communist dictators retain their rule, such as Ion Antonescu in Romania and Miklós Horthy in Hungary. Stalin deploys troops into the eastern Russia, hinting at a new Russo-Japanese war to retake Vladivostok, and he concludes an alliance with the United States, still involved in the war with Japan. Jews in Germany have survived the years of Nazi harassment, and the new military government returns their citizenship and full rights. The conservative German generals restore the flag of Imperial Germany, rather than that of the short-lived Weimar Republic, and Germany seems headed for an open-ended military dictatorship that is nationalist and militarist but not Nazi.
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With Imperial Japanese assistance, he re- organised and later led the Azad Hind Fauj or Indian National Army (INA), formed with Indian prisoners-of-war and plantation workers from British Malaya, Singapore, and other parts of Southeast Asia, against British forces. His political views and the alliances he made with Nazi and other militarist regimes at war with Britain have been the cause of arguments among historians and politicians, with some accusing him of fascist sympathies, while others in India have been more sympathetic towards the realpolitik that guided his social and political choices. Subhas Chandra Bose believed that the Bhagavad Gita was a great source of inspiration for the struggle against the British. Swami Vivekananda's teachings on universalism, his nationalist thoughts and his emphasis on social service and reform had all inspired Subhas Chandra Bose from his very young days.
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More significantly, his term in office saw the victory achieved by the governmental Spanish troops in the Third Carlist War, the occupation of the Basque territory and the decree establishing an end to the centuries-long Basque specific status (July 1876) that resulted in its annexation to a centralist Spain. Against a backdrop of martial law imposed across the Basque Provinces (and possibly Navarre), heated negotiations with Liberal Basque high-ranking officials led to the establishment of the first Basque Economic Agreement (1878). An artificial two-party system designed to reconcile the competing militarist, Catholic and Carlist power bases led to an alternating prime ministership (known as the turno pacifico) with the progressive Práxedes Mateo Sagasta after 1881. He also assumed the functions of the head of state during the regency of María Cristina after Alfonso's death in 1885.
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Its government seems driven by a desire to restore its diminished power and prestige, towards which end it adopts a policy of militarist aggression and open imperialism, directed primarily against Latin America. Due to war damage inflicted on its economy and its weakened political position, the American Empire enters into a security pact with Japan, which had escaped World War III largely unscathed. One of the principal reasons the American Empire seeks the treaty is its desire to co-opt the "Japanese Miracle"; this technology makes the Ghost in the Shell universe's nuclear weaponry somewhat less apocalyptic in its implications than the real-world article, since the radioactive particulates created by an atomic event can be safely contained, reducing the weapons' deterrence potential. The pact also reaffirms Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, thus helping to prevent Japanese superpower status.
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The Militants sought to replace Socialist Party National Chairman Morris Hillquit, the best known and most widely respected of the Old Guard leaders, as an impediment to the future growth of the party. The Old Guard, similarly, sought the removal of the party's National Executive Secretary, Clarence Senior, a protégé of the charismatic spokesman for the radical wing of the party, former Presidential candidate Norman Thomas, an outspoken pacifist who had made common cause with the organized Militant group in an effort to build the SPA into a mass movement. The critical moment in the struggle between the two main factions came in June 1934 at the Socialist Party's National Convention in Detroit, Michigan. There the assembled delegates took up debate of an aggressively anti-militarist Declaration of Principles for the party, written by Thomas ally Devere Allen.
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He won the Auckland East electorate off Labour's John A. Lee in 1928, by 37 votes (Lee put his loss down to alterations in the electorate boundary with to keep the two Auckland race- courses in a "wet" electorate). According to Olsen, Lee's opponent was "a staunch anti-militarist who had been gaoled during the [Great] war". He was a cabinet minister from 1928 to 1931 in the United Government (Postmaster- General, Minister of Telegraphs, and Minister in charge of Public Service Superannuation, Friendly Societies, and National Provident Fund Departments). When he retired (to general surprise) in 1931, the electorate went back to Labour due to vote-splitting as there were four anti-Labour candidates: W. H. Horton from United, H. P. Burton (who came second) and Ellen Melville from Reform and an Independent J. A. Arthur.
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In 1985, in a concert in Moscow, in what was an orchestrated gesture, roughly one third of the spectators upped and left the concert hall when he sang the anti-militarist "Déserteur". In the late 1980s and the 1990s, Renaud's work was distinguished by "softer" subjects such as his then-wife Dominique, his daughter Lolita and his friends, as well as comedian and singer Coluche for whom he wrote the tribute "Putain de camion" ("Bloody Lorry") after Coluche's death in a road accident. He has also ventured into regional music and language, such as the language of Marseille in La Belle de Mai, the north with Renaud cante el' Nord and even Corsican polyphonics in "Lolito lolita". In 1992, he financially helped resurrect the defunct satirical weekly Charlie Hebdo and wrote a column titled Renaud bille en tête for a couple of years.
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According to Erika Papp Faber, "His leaning toward Socialism and his anti-militarist attitude were, for a brief time, suspended, as he was caught up in the general patriotic fervor at the outbreak of World War I. But once he experienced the horrors of war first hand, he soon lost his romantic notions, and returned to the more radical positions of his youth, as it evident in his further volumes." Erika Papp Faber (2012), A Sampler of Hungarian Poetry, Romanika Kiadó, Budapest. pp. 120–121. One of his poems from this period, Csak egy éjszakára (For Just One Night), in which he calls for Hungary's war profiteers, industrialists, and armchair patriots to come and spend just one night in the trenches, became a prominent anti-war poem and its popularity has lasted well beyond the end of the First World War.
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The Magazine of Protest, Personality and Progress, founded and edited by Ross during the war and soon known simply as Ross' Magazine, came to acquire a reputation as a source of anti-militarist, anti-clerical, socialist, and atheist radicalism.Coleman, Peter (1974). Obscenity, Blasphemy, Sedition: 100 Years of Censorship in Australia. Sydney: Angus & Robertson. p. 72. . Though he considered Bolshevik methods of struggle inapplicable to Australia – and would continue to support the distinctly moderate line of reformism for the remainder of his career – Ross greeted the 1917 Revolution in Russia warmly and produced the supportive pamphlet Revolution in Russia and Australia in 1920. A satirical article entitled "Bolshevism Has Broken Out in Heaven" – penned by an anonymous author known only as "Woodicus" and published in a Ross-edited magazine – led to a Melbourne blasphemy trial and a sentence of six months' imprisonment.
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Expansionist nationalism is an aggressive and radical form of nationalism that incorporates autonomous, patriotic sentiments with a belief in expansionism or recovering formerly owned territories. The term was coined during the late nineteenth century as European powers indulged in the 'Scramble for Africa' in the name of national glory, but has been most associated with militarist governments during the 20th century including Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, the Japanese empire, and the Balkans countries of Albania (Greater Albania), Bulgaria (Greater Bulgaria), Croatia (Greater Croatia), Hungary (Greater Hungary), Romania (Greater Romania) and Serbia (Greater Serbia). What distinguishes expansionist nationalism from liberal nationalism is its acceptance of chauvinism, a belief in superiority or dominance. Nations are thus not thought to be equal to their right to self- determination; rather some nations are believed to possess characteristics or qualities that make them superior to others.
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Saleh was beaten by military personnel while participating in a protest at the University of the Andes. Days later, in January 2013, when trying to travel to Costa Rica, airport authorities of Valencia, Carabobo prevented him from boarding the plane and canceled his passport. After accusations that at the end of July 2013 Saleh participated in Colombia in the launching of the Nationalist Alliance for Freedom, a political movement that defines itself as "Identitarian nationalist" in addition to "anti-Zionist", Saleh said months later in an interview with El Espectador: "I am Latin American, of Palestinian family, I can not believe in Nazi, neo-Nazi or radical positions of any kind, I am not Neo-Nazi nor do I believe in militarist governments." In February 2014, Saleh began an international campaign to denounce human rights violations during the 2014 Venezuelan protests.
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These led to a Japanese-sponsored revolution during the initial invasion and the establishment of the State of Burma, in which the Provisional Government of Free India, with its Indian National Army, was headquartered. The dominating attitude of the Japanese militarist who commanded the army stationed in the country, which ultimately doomed the co-prosperity sphere as a whole, led to local hopes for real Independence fade and the war-time established Burma National Army revolted in 1945. On the Allied side political relations were mixed for much of the war. The China Burma India Theater American-trained Chinese X Force led to cooperation between the two countries, but the clashing strategies proposed by "Vinegar Joe" Stilwell and Chinese Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek would lead to Stilwell's eventual firing from his position as American Commander of the theater.
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The proclamation took by surprise and divided public opinion immediately. The Communist Party of Chile (PCCh) and the trade unions manifested their opposition, because they considered the coup as "militarist". At the same time, businessmen, professionals and students of the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile also heatedly opposed it, also on ideological grounds. At the end the new republic received only the guarded support of the socialists and the employees' associations. A few days following the proclamation of the new “Socialist Republic of Chile,” the Junta dissolved Congress and, among other measures, stopped evictions from low-rental properties, decreed a three- day bank holiday (which was followed by strict controls on withdrawals), and ordered the “Caja de Crédito Popular” (a savings and loan bank for Chileans of modest means) to return clothes and tools which had been pawned there.
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Maurras' thought also influenced Catholic fundamentalist supporters of the Brazilian dictatorship (1964–85) as well as the Cursillos de la Cristiandad (Christendom Courses), similar to the Cité Catholique group, which were initiated during 1950 by the bishop of Ciudad Real, Mgr. Hervé. The Argentine militarist Juan Carlos Onganía, who overthrew Arturo Illia in a military putsch in 1969, as well as Alejandro Agustín Lanusse, who succeeded Onganía after another coup, had participated in the Cursillos de la Cristiandad, as did also the Dominican militarists Antonio Imbert Barrera and Elías Wessin y Wessin, chief of staff of the military and an opponent of the restoration of the 1963 Constitution after Rafael Trujillo was deposed. In Argentina he also influenced the nationalist writers of the 1920s and 1930s such as Rodolfo Irazusta and Juan Carulla.Sandra McGee Deutsch, Las Derechas, 1999, p.
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José Eduardo Sancho Castañeda, better known by his nom de guerre Fermán Cienfuegos (born 6 March 1947) was the leader of the Salvadoran organization Fuerzas Armadas de la Resistencia Nacional (National Resistance Armed Forces in English, part of Resistencia Nacional or RN). He was born in San José, Costa Rica. The RN was founded in 1975 as a split from the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (ERP - People's Revolutionary Army) after an internal struggle within the ERP resulted in the assassination of a group of ERP leaders including famed Salvadoran poet Roque Dalton who advocated that the ERP should not have such a largely militarist focus and should do more organizing among the masses. In 1980, the RN was one of the five revolutionary Marxist organizations that formed the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front that fought an armed struggle against the Salvadoran government.
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Cover of the Piano Score for the light opera The Chocolate Soldier, based on George Bernard Shaw's Arms and the Man – both of which make fun of armies and militarist virtues and present positively a deserter who runs away from the battlefield and who carries chocolate instead of ammunition. Anarcho- syndicalist Georges Sorel advocated the use of violence as a form of direct action, calling it "revolutionary violence", which he opposed in Reflections on Violence (1908) to the violence inherent in class struggle. Similarities are seen between Sorel and the International Workingmens' Association (IWA) theorization of propaganda of the deed. Walter Benjamin, in his Critique of Violence (1920) demarcates a difference between "violence that founds the law", and "violence that conserves the law", on one hand, and on the other hand, a "divine violence" that breaks the "magic circle" between both types of "state violence".
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Arthur Timothy Lawson-Cruttenden (23 January 1955 – 17 April 2019Lawyer to the stars dies in tragic body surfing accident in Gibraltar, Daily Mirror, 18 April 2019) was a British solicitor. He specialised in court-martial law, and using the Protection from Harassment Act 1997 to contain and curtail protest involving, amongst other matters, anti-corporate groups.The solicitor protestors love to hate, BBC South, Inside Out, 26 October 2007 He acted in numerous cases involving animal rights groups,Oxford wins extension to animal rights injunction, The Guardian, 10 November 2004Oxford seeks animal rights ban, Daily Telegraph, 15 September 2004 environmentalists,Otter-spotting and birdwatching: the dark heart of the eco-terrorist peril, The Guardian, 23 December 2008 and anti-militarist groups.High court injunction – the weapon of choice to slap down protests, The Guardian, 27 October 2009 Timothy ("Tim") Lawson-Cruttenden was born in Hendon (North London).
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269-271 Beckett however struggled to reconnect with his former supporters on the Left and in 1934 when he returned to Gateshead and Newcastle upon Tyne for speaking engagements he was met with large hostile crowds and shouts of "Traitor".Richard Thurlow, Fascism in Britain A History, 1918-1985, Basil Blackwell, 1987, p. 101 He was forced to cancel one such speaking engagement near Newcastle on 13 May 1934 when a crowd of around 1,000 anti-fascists rushed the stage on which he was due to speak.Keith Hodgson, Fighting Fascism: the British Left and the Rise of Fascism, 1919-39, Manchester University Press, 2010, p. 136 After initial successes, the BUF started to flounder and began to devolve into two factions, a militarist one led by Neil Francis Hawkins and F.M. Box, and a more political one that hoped to convert the masses to fascism under Beckett and William Joyce.
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Hydra's history as depicted in Marvel Universe continuity is a long, tumultuous and convoluted one, spanning millennia, and going back to the Third Dynasty of Egypt, with all references to the ancient group disappearing around the Renaissance. The modern incarnation of Hydra originates when the Nazi spymaster known as the Red Skull took control of an Asian secret society, the Brotherhood of the Spear, merging it with a German occult organization, the Thule Society. Some time before 1943, the Red Skull started creating a Hydra cell in Japan, merging several underground Japanese secret societies, including a faction of the Hand, with several fugitive members of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan, to become the modern Hydra. This incarnation of Hydra operated in Japan, directed by a Japanese militarist called the Supreme Hydra, and in Germany, under the control of the Red Skull and Arnim Zola.
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In a pamphlet published after the fall of the MacDonald government, the CPGB published a message by Campbell defending his decision to publish the aggressively anti-militarist articles that he did in the Workers Weekly: > ...[T]he Communist Party of Great Britain had to call attention to the fact > that the Labour Government, while talking of its attachment to the cause of > peace, was continuing the policy of previous imperialist governments. We had > to expose to the Labour movement the true nature of this policy and to ask > the Labour movement, if it was sincerely opposed to war, to fight war by all > the means in its power. On the question of armaments, we advocated the > policy of no credits for capitalist armaments. On the question of empire, we > advocated that the Labour movement should force the government to abandon > the brutal and cowardly repression of the struggling colonial peoples.
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As far as politics, Kafka attended meetings of the Klub Mladých, a Czech anarchist, anti- militarist, and anti-clerical organization, and in one diary entry, Kafka referenced influential anarchist philosopher Peter Kropotkin: "Don't forget Kropotkin!"The Cambridge Companion to Kafka - Google Books. One could humorously note that this is a existentialist anarchist statement, since no one has been able to make a "true" meaning of what Kafka was talking about, to know whether it may be an "intellectual or emotional commitment, a special indebtedness, or simply a note on an overdue library book." In his works, Kafka famously wrote about surreal and alienated characters who struggle with hopelessness and absurdity, themes which were important to existentialism, yet simultaneously presented critiques of the authoritarian family (in The Metamorphosis) and bureaucracy (in such works as The Trial) as well, about which he had strong views as institutions.
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During the summer of 1917 the upper midwestern state of Minnesota was one of the focal points of the American anti-war movement. The city of Minneapolis was governed by a Socialist mayor, Thomas Van Lear, and the heavily ethnic state was home to a vigorous labor movement and a varied radical press. The People's Council of America for Democracy and the Terms of Peace, an anti-militarist organization established in New York City in May 1917 as a center for socialist and pacifist anti-war activity, sought to hold its first national conference in Minneapolis on September 1 of that year. The efforts of this group to organize against the American war effort came as a direct challenge to President Woodrow Wilson and supporters of the national military cause, and a boycott was launched to deny the People's Council use of a meeting hall in Minneapolis.
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The party grew out of smaller political groups with a nationalist orientation that formed in the last years of World War I. In 1918, a league called the Freier Arbeiterausschuss für einen guten Frieden (Free Workers' Committee for a good Peace) was created in Bremen, Germany. On 7 March 1918, Anton Drexler, an avid German nationalist, formed a branch of this league in Munich. Drexler was a local locksmith who had been a member of the militarist Fatherland Party during World War I and was bitterly opposed to the armistice of November 1918 and the revolutionary upheavals that followed. Drexler followed the views of militant nationalists of the day, such as opposing the Treaty of Versailles, having antisemitic, anti-monarchist and anti-Marxist views, as well as believing in the superiority of Germans whom they claimed to be part of the Aryan "master race" (Herrenvolk).
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At same time, Nogami attacked the double standard of male radicals who preached justice for the masses, but refused to treat women as equals, seeing the duty of female radicals just to be their obliging bedmates, and nothing more. In Pride and Prejudice, Wickham marries Lydia Bennet, which makes him part of the family so Elizabeth Bennet has to be civil to him, while in Machiko, Machiko repudiates Seki outright, saying his dishonesty and his contempt for women makes him unworthy of her. Austen went out of favour in Japan during the militarist period in the early Showa era (1931-1945) when a xenophobic, ultra-nationalist mood prevailed, and the government discouraged people from reading foreign books. But during the period of the American occupation (1945–52), almost every Austen book was translated into Japanese except Mansfield Park (which was not translated until 1978), and Austen started to be widely taught in Japanese high schools.
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According to Erika Papp Faber, "His leaning toward Socialism and his anti- militarist attitude were, for a brief time, suspended, as he was caught up in the general patriotic fervor at the outbreak of World War I. But once he experienced the horrors of war first hand, he soon lost his romantic notions, and returned to the more radical positions of his youth, as it evident in his further volumes."Erika Papp Faber (2012), A Sampler of Hungarian Poetry, Romanika Kiadó, Budapest. pp. 120–121. One of his poems from this period, Csak egy éjszakára (For Just One Night), in which he calls for Hungary's war profiteers, industrialists, and armchair patriots to come and spend just one night in the trenches, became a prominent anti-war poem and its popularity has lasted well beyond the end of the First World War. Gyóni was ultimately captured by the Imperial Russian Army after the surrender of Przemyśl in 1915.
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Unione Sindacale Italiana is an Italian trade union that was founded in 1912, after a group of workers, previously affiliated with the Confederazione Generale del Lavoro (CGI), met in Modena and declared themselves linked to the legacy of the First International, and later joined the anarcho-syndicalist International Workers Association (IWA; Associazione Internazionale dei Lavoratori in Italian or AIT - Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores in the common Spanish reference). The most left-wing camere del lavoro adhered in rapid succession to the USI, and it engaged in all major political battles for labor rights - without ever adopting the militarist attitudes present with other trade unions. Nonetheless, after the outbreak of World War I, USI was shaken by the dispute around the issue of Italy's intervention in the conflict on the Entente Powers' side. The problem was made acute by the presence of eminent pro-intervention, national-syndicalist voices inside the body: Alceste De Ambris, Filippo Corridoni, and, initially, Giuseppe Di Vittorio.
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Joosep's tutor Laine (Laine Mägi) becomes aware of Joosep receiving harassment and sends Paul to the headmistresses office and so he frames Kaspar of the whole harassment where they believe in him due to being unaware of his true actions, which leads to the school contacting Joosep's parents. Joosep's Father Margus (Margus Prangel) a militarist fascinated with guns and insists on Joosep being a "real man" encounters him about the accusation of Kaspar bullying him and so Joosep dismissively reveals that is the whole class which angers Margus and tells Joosep to fight the ringleader of the crowd as he believes it is the only way to stop and scare somebody from bullying him. The next day when Anders and his four friends go to attack Joosep, the restrained Kaspar breaks free and attempts to hit Anders with a chair, which Anders manages to dodge. Anders then claims that Kaspar has "gone crazy".
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Around the General was forming a heterogeneous group of supporters, including radical reformers like Georges Clemenceau and Charles de Freycinet; Bonapartists and monarchists who wanted to overthrow the Republic; socialists like Édouard Vaillant, who admired the General's views on workers' rights; and nationalists who desired revenge against Germany. Finally, Boulanger personally led the League of Patriots, a far-right revanchist and militarist league and benefitted from popular and financial support by workers and aristocrats, respectively. In the face of the rise of Boulanger, the republican leaders were divided. From one side, the old republican moderate wing, composed by prominent personalities like Jules Ferry, Maurice Rouvier and Eugène Spuller, representing the middle bourgeoisie, industrialists and scholars, formed the National Republican Association (ANR) in 1888. To the other side, the republican right-wing of Henri Barboux and Léon Say, who represented the interests of the rich bourgeoisie and Catholics, formed the Liberal Republican Union in 1889.
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However, Hashimoto's primary intent was to create an idealistic young cadre of supporters for the Imperial Way Faction and its nationalist and militarist doctrines. During the third party rally, held in Hibiya Park, Tokyo with some 2000 members in November 1939, Hashimoto expressed his support for the upcoming Tripartite Alliance with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, and for a one-party system of government in Japan. He also set the ambitious goal of growing party membership to 100,000 members by the end of 1940. However, with increased military conscription due to the Second Sino-Japanese War and subsequently with the Pacific War, most of his target age group was being drafted into the Japanese military, and the party fell far short of its goals. Although not specifically a “political party” per se, the Great Japan Youth Party fell under the overall aegis of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association organized by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe from October 1940.
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Ruchama Marton was born in Jerusalem, to Bilha and Aaron Smuelevitch who arrived from Poland in 1929. In Jerusalem she attended the Lemel School, a non-religious school for girls. Her family then moved to Tel Aviv, where she attended high school. During her military service, she was a soldier in the Givati Brigade and served during the Sinai War in 1956. She saw members of her regiment killed in the Air Force bombing of the IDF, and witnessed the murder of Egyptian prisoners of war who had surrendered and were unarmed by soldiers from the battalion in which she servedProfiles of Four Women Health and Human Rights Activists, Laura Reiner and Richard Sollom, Journal of the American Medical Women's Association Volume 52 Number 4, Fall 1997 In the battlefields of Sinai the first seeds of her anti-militarist (but non-pacifist) attitude and her lifelong commitment to fighting for human rights began.
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Benedetto Cairoli, the prime minister who suffered the "slap of Tunis" and had to resign from his position The first foreign policy objective of the second government led by Benedetto Cairoli was the colonisation of Tunisia, to which both France and Italy aspired. Cairoli, like Agostino Depretis before him, never considered to proceed to occupation, being generally hostile towards a militarist policyIn August and again in October 1876 Austro-Hungarian minister Gyula Andrássy suggested to the Italian ambassador Robilant that Italy could have occupied Tunis, but Robilant rejected the invitation, and received comfort, along this line, by his Foreign Affairs minister: William L. Langer, The European Powers and the French Occupation of Tunis, 1878-1881, I, The American Historical Review, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Oct., 1925), p. 60.. However, they relied on a possible British opposition to an enlargement of the French sphere of influence in North Africa (while, if anything, London was hostile about a single country controlling the whole Strait of Sicily).
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The category of "postwar", born out of the cataclysmic events of 1945, had until that time been the major defining image of what contemporary Japanese poetry was all about (The New Modernism, 2010). For poets standing at that border, poetry had to be reinvented just as Japan as a nation began reinventing itself. But while this was essentially a sense of creativity and liberation from militarist oppression, reopening the gates to new form and experimentation, this new boundary crossed in 1989 presented quite a different problem, and in a sense cut just as deeply into the sense of poetic and national identity. The basic grounding “postwar”, with its dependence on the stark differentiation between a Japan before and after the atomic bomb, was no longer available. Identity was no longer so clearly defined (The New Modernism, 2010) In 1990, a most loved and respected member of Japan’s avant-garde and a bridge between Modernist and Post-Modern practice unexpectedly died.
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The rioters were protesting in response to a series of reforms introduced in 1914 initiated by the previous Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti (Salandra was PM by June 1914) which aimed to 'consume' the working class into Italy's liberal system. The final spark that caused the outbreak of the mass strikes was the death of three anti-militarist men in June. Despite a widening of suffrage and a change in the government's policies concerning industrial disputes (in favour of workers), a general strike was called in support of large demonstrations in many major industrialised towns, which in turn had been caused by the shooting of three socialist protesters. However, due to the nature of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), the strike was uncoordinated and rioters were headed off by government troops. The situation was regarded so grave that the government deployed “100,000 soldiers,” including many reservists, resulting in the death of 17 rioters and a thousand injured.
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Those thinkers eventually split along nationalist lines from the original communist movement, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels contradicting nationalist theories with the idea that "the working men [had] no country". The main reason for that ideological confusion can be found in the consequences of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, which according to Swiss historian had completely redesigned the political landscape in Europe by diffusing the idea of an anti-individualistic concept of "national unity" rising above the right and left division. As the concept of "the masses" was introduced into the political debate through industrialization and the universal suffrage, a new right-wing founded on national and social ideas began to emerge, what Zeev Sternhell has called the "revolutionary right" and a foreshadowing of fascism. The rift between the left and nationalists was furthermore accentuated by the emergence of anti- militarist and anti-patriotic movements like anarchism or syndicalism, which shared even less similarities with the far-right.
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The contents of the second issue of CEAC's magazine, STRIKE, and its radical political program caused major controversy that led to the withdrawal of funding from the Ontario Arts Council and the Canada Council. The May 1978 issue of STRIKE, in support of the Italian militarist group, The Red Brigades, and Red Brigade-style “art- world” kneecapping, was charged with promoting violent overthrow of authority. The controversial issue included an excerpt from a 1937 work by Mao Tse-tung: “To still maintain tolerance towards the servants of the State is to preserve the status quo of Liberalism. In the Manner of the [Red] Brigades, we support leg shooting/knee capping in order to accelerate the demise of the old system”. Scandal broke quickly after the editorial was published, with a headline on the front page of Toronto Sun on May 5, 1978 reading: “Ont. Grant Supports Red Brigades Ideology: Our Taxes Aid Blood Thirsty Radical Paper”.
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Regarding the increasingly repressive, militarist and chauvinist atmosphere that grew in importance and effect in the years leading up to the war against China (1937) and even more in the war years (1937–45), see: Saburo Ienaga, Taiheyo Senso (=The Pacific War). Tokyo (Iwanami Shoten) 1968. There also exists an English version. As this author notes with regard to the Thirties, “(t)he prewar state kept the populace in a powerful vise: on one side were the internal security laws with their restriction on freedom of speech and thought; on the other side was the conformist education that blocked the growth of free consciousness and purposive activity for political ends.” And when the country was at war, the repression got worse: “legal resistance could accomplish very little, and illegal antiwar activity was limited to sporadic and ineffective protests(…).” The situation deteriorated with the outbreak of the war against China (1937), and even more so since 1939/40 when the democracy that still had existed up to a point in the late 1930s, was rapidly suspended.
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Former JSP Head Office in Nagatacho, the Social & Cultural Center (社会文化会館) Socialist and social-democratic parties have been active in Japan under various names since the early 20th century, often suffering harsh government repression as well as ideological dissensions and splits. The party was originally known as the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDPJ) in English and was formed in 1945 following the fall of the militarist regime that had led Japan into World War II. At the time, there was serious conflict inside the party between factions of the right and the left and the party's official name in English became the Japanese Socialist Party (JSP) as the left-wing had advocated. The right had wanted to use the older SDPJ. The party became the largest political party in the first general election under the Constitution of Japan in 1947 (143 of 466 seats) and a government was formed by Tetsu Katayama, forming a coalition with the Democratic Party and the Citizens' Cooperation Party.
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The failed coup attempts in 1931 (the March Incident and the Imperial Colors Incident) by the Sakurakai , a secret society within the junior ranks of the Imperial Japanese Army officer corps promoting a vision of a militaristic totalitarian, state socialist system as an alternative to the current corrupt party politics dominated democratic government, inspired similar plans by other groups within the military. In 1934, a group of five Imperial Japanese Army Academy cadets led by two army officers belonging to the radical militarist Imperial Way Faction at the academy, troubled by the perceived loss of influence of their faction over the military following the dismissal of Army Minister Sadao Araki in January 1934, formulated their own plan for overthrowing the government. However, in early November 1934, Sato, one of the cadets, informed the government authorities about the plan and its Imperial Way Faction involvement. Forewarned, Captain Tsuji Masanobu, company commander at the Army Academy, arranged the arrest of the principals by the Kempeitai on 20 November 1934, ending the possible coup d'état before it could even get started.
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Japanese soldiers of 29th Regiment on the Mukden West Gate Believing that a conflict in Manchuria would be in the best interests of Japan, and acting in the spirit of the Japanese concept of gekokujō, Kwantung Army Colonel Seishirō Itagaki and Lieutenant Colonel Kanji Ishiwara independently devised a plan to prompt Japan to invade Manchuria by provoking an incident from Chinese forces stationed nearby. However, after the Japanese Minister of War Jirō Minami dispatched Major General Yoshitsugu Tatekawa to Manchuria for the specific purpose of curbing the insubordination and militarist behavior of the Kwantung Army, Itagaki and Ishiwara knew that they no longer had the luxury of waiting for the Chinese to respond to provocations, but had to stage their own. Itagaki and Ishiwara chose to sabotage the rail section in an area near Liutiao Lake (; liǔtiáohú). The area had no official name and was not militarily important, but it was only eight hundred metres away from the Chinese garrison of Beidaying (; běidàyíng), where troops under the command of the "Young Marshal" Zhang Xueliang were stationed.
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Baroncelli was deeply affected by the carnage of the First World War, and became a fervent anti-militarist, later supporting a local Communist mayor. Most importantly, perhaps, he played an active role in maintaining and fostering a native Camarguais culture. He was involved in codifying the nascent ‘course camarguaise’, or local style of bullfighting, in which the object was to snatch a rose from the bull's head. He put a lot of effort into raising purebred Camargue bulls, and his bull Prouvenço was a particularly fearsome and well-known example. In 1909 he founded the Nacioun Gardiano (‘gardian nation’) to preserve the traditions of the Camargue. In 1931, out of money, Baroncelli had to leave the Mas de l’Amarée. Locals offered him a patch of land nearby where he constructed a replica of his old ranch, calling it the Mas du Simbèu (‘sign, emblem’; also the name given to the chief bull of a herd). Among other things, he became an important supporter of the Romany people in this area, and counted many Romani among his close friends.
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German historian Eberhard Kolb wrote that: > "...from the mid-1920s onwards the Army leaders had developed and propagated > new social conceptions of a militarist kind, tending towards a fusion of the > military and civilian sectors and ultimately a totalitarian military state > (Wehrstaat)". In 1926, Seeckt was ousted by the so-called "modern" faction within the Reichswehr as a group of more technocratic officers were known, which saw Seeckt as too conservative as he was less willing to see the sort of radical reorganization of German society that the "modern" faction wanted. What the German military wanted to see above all was the Wiederwehrhaftmachung of Germany, namely the total militarization of German society in order to fight a total war and thus ensure that Germany did not lose the next war. As such, what both the Nazis and the German Army wanted to see was Germany remade into a totally militarized Volksgemeinschaft that would be ruthlessly purged of those considered to be internal enemies, such as the Jews who were believed to have "stabbed" Germany in "the back" in 1918.
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Instrument of Surrender document Representatives of the then three Allied Powers, the United States, the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom, working through the European Advisory Commission (EAC) throughout 1944, sought to prepare an agreed surrender text to be used in the potential circumstances of Nazi power being overthrown within Germany either by military or civil authorities, and a post-Nazi government then seeking an armistice. By 3 January 1944, the Working Security Committee in the EAC proposed: The committee further suggested that the instrument of surrender be signed by representatives of the German High Command. The considerations behind this recommendation were to prevent the repetition of the stab-in-the-back legend, created in Germany following defeat in the First World War; since the act of surrender in November 1918 had been signed only by representatives of the civilian German government; militarist circles subsequently claimed that the High Command of the Army carried no responsibility for the instrument of defeat or for the defeat itself. Not everyone agreed with the Working Security Committee's predictions regarding the war's ending.
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The "constructive socialist" wing of the Socialist Party, exemplified by party leaders Morris Hillquit and Victor L. Berger, saw the attack on Mahlon Barnes as a thinly-disguised and very unfair political hatchet job and immediately set about returning Barnes to the party's good graces as a paid functionary. In 1912, Barnes was named as campaign manager for the fourth campaign of Socialist Party journalist and orator Eugene V. Debs for President of the United States. At the Socialist Party's 1917 Emergency National Convention in St. Louis, Missouri, Barnes was the primary author of the organization's national platform, although he did not participate in the drafting of the organization's controversial anti- militarist St. Louis Resolution against the war. In 1919, Barnes served as head of the National League for the Release of Political Prisoners and the American Freedom Foundation, organizations launched by the Socialist Party and civil libertarians in an effort to build public pressure for political pardons of conscientious objectors languishing in prison following the conclusion of World War I. Barnes continued to work for the Socialist Party as the business manager of the organization's propaganda weekly, The New Day, from 1920 to 1921.
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The Freedom Press door in 2014 War Commentary was published with an overtly anti-militarist message, co-operating heavily with the pacifist movement, and in November 1944 the homes of several collective members were raided along with the offices of the press itself. When Richards, Marie-Louise Berneri, John Hewetson and Philip Sansom were arrested at the beginning of 1945 for attempting "to undermine the affections of members of His Majesty's Forces,"George Orwell at Home pp 71-72 Freedom Press (1998) Benjamin Britten, E. M. Forster, Augustus John, George Orwell, Herbert Read (chairman), Osbert Sitwell and George Woodcock set up the Freedom Defence Committee to "uphold the essential liberty of individuals and organizations, and to defend those who are persecuted for exercising their rights to freedom of speech, writing and action."Orwell, Sonia and Angus, Ian (eds.). The Collected Essays, Journalism and Letters of George Orwell Volume 4: In Front of Your Nose (1945-1950) (Penguin) In 1961, Freedom began producing Anarchy, a well-regarded series with noted front pages designed by Rufus Segar and seven years later the Press moved to its current premises at 84b Whitechapel High Street after Whitechapel Art Gallery bought out 84A.
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U.S. entry into World War I against Germany and the Austro- Hungarian empire was a decisive turning-point for Bohn. In the fall of 1916, Bohn contributed to the Preparedness Movement by contributing articles to The New York Times condemning German militarism as a menace to world peace.See, for example: Frank Bohn, "No Progress Towards Democracy in Germany: Dr. Frank Bohn Says That Prussian Militarism Will Block Any Such Tendency Until It Has Been Definitely Crushed," New York Times, November 19, 1916. Available online. Retrieved September 28, 2009. The staunch and unflinching anti-militarist line of the Socialist Party of America established at the party's 1917 St. Louis Convention put the organization at odds with Bohn's views. After keeping his criticism within party ranks for half a year, in the fall of 1917 Bohn decided to break decisively with the SPA, writing an open letter to the Secretary of Local Bronx, his own chapter. This letter, published in the New York Times on September 26, 1917, declared: > The position of the Socialist Party of New York, as voiced in the present > [electoral] campaign, makes it a plain matter of duty on my part to resign > my membership at once.
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Arru was born in Bordeaux on 6 September 1911. In 1914 his family moves to Paris. When he was 20 years old he entered obligatory military service with anti-militarist positions. In 1933 he assists to a conference by prominent French orator and militant Sébastien Faure which he describes in his own words as a "revelation" and afterwards he embraces anarchism and starts to participate in anarchist groups. During 1938 and 1939, he participated in solidarity with anti-fascist sides of the Spanish Civil War, and in 1939, he started his activities as an orator and writer with a conference on Max Stirner and his book The Ego and His Own, an author which would influence his thought profoundly."C’est aussi en 1939 que Jean-René rédige, après en avoir fait le sujet d’une de ses premières expériences d’orateur, une brochure sur un auteur et une œuvre d’importance majeure pour sa vie et sa pensée : « L’Unique et sa Propriété » de Max Stirner" When World War II started Andre Arru went underground, changing his name from Saulière to Arru and moving from Bordeaux to Marseilles.
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For a month, a Central Council (soviet) under Ernst Niekisch held governmental power. Then, on 7 March 1919, the new leader of the Socialists, Johannes Hoffmann, an anti- militarist and former schoolteacher, managed to patch together a parliamentary coalition government, but a month later, on the night of 6–7 April, Communists and anarchists, energized by the news of a left-wing revolution in Hungary declared a Bavarian Soviet Republic (BSR), with Ernst Toller as chief of state. Toller called on the non-existent "Bavarian Red Army" to support the new dictatorship of the proletariat and ruthlessly deal with any counter- revolutionary behavior.Mühsam, Erich (1929) Von Eisner bis Leviné, Berlin- Britz: Fanal Verlag p. 47Mitcham (1996), pp. 32–33 The Hoffmann government fled to Bamberg in Northern Bavaria, which it declared as the new seat of government - although most of the ministers resigned. An attempt by troops loyal to the Hoffmann government to mount a counter-coup and overthrow the BSR was put down on 13 April by the new "Red Army" created from factory workers and members of the soldiers' and workers' councils. Twenty people died in the fighting.
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A form of counterfeiting is the production of documents by legitimate printers in response to fraudulent instructions. An example of this is the Portuguese Bank Note Crisis of 1925, when the British banknote printers Waterlow and Sons produced Banco de Portugal notes equivalent in value to 0.88% of the Portuguese nominal Gross Domestic Product, with identical serial numbers to existing banknotes, in response to a fraud perpetrated by Alves dos Reis. Similarly, in 1929 the issue of postage stamps celebrating the Millennium of Iceland's parliament, the Althing, was compromised by the insertion of "1" on the print order, before the authorised value of stamps to be produced (see Postage stamps and postal history of Iceland.) In 1926 a came to light in Hungary, when several people were arrested in the Netherlands while attempting to procure 10 million francs' worth of fake French 1000-franc bills which had been produced in Hungary; after 3 years, the state-sponsored industrial scale counterfeit operation had finally collapsed. The League of Nations' investigation found Hungary's motives were to avenge its post-WWI territorial losses (blamed on Georges Clemenceau) and to use profits from the counterfeiting business to boost a militarist, border-revisionist ideology.
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Eugen Wiedmaier was born into a working class family in Zuffenhausen, then just outside Stuttgart to the north. He attended school locally and then undertook commercial training. He worked for a succession of businesses as a sales representative till 1932. He joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD) in 1918, switching almost immediately to the anti-war Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD). As the USDP itself broke apart, in 1919 he joined the newly launched Communist Party (KPD), remaining a member at least till the party was outlawed in 1933. Wiedmaier was a co- founder of the Free Young Socialists in Württemberg and from 1920 served as secretary of the Württemberg Young Communists (KJD). It was also in 1920 that he became a member of the Communist Party's Württemberg regional leadership team (Berzirksleitung). Wiedmaier relocated to Berlin in 1921, although there are indications that he retained close links with his home region. In 1922 he joined the KJD's Berlin-based national leadership team, appointed "Secretary for Anti-militarist Work" ("Sekretär für antimilitaristische Arbeit"). In 1923, following the French military occupation of the Ruhr the KJD leadership sent him to the region as a party instructor.
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The Russian Communist leader Lenin wrote: "The close alliance between the Norwegian and Swedish workers, their complete fraternal class solidarity, gained from the Swedish workers' recognition of the right of the Norwegians to secede.... The Swedish workers have proved that in spite of all the vicissitudes of bourgeois policy.... they will be able to preserve and defend the complete equality and class solidarity of the workers of both nations in the struggle against both the Swedish and the Norwegian bourgeoisie." (The Right of Nations to Self-Determination) In November 1912, Höglund, together with his Swedish friends Hjalmar Branting and Ture Nerman, attended the special emergency convention of the Socialist International, which had been summoned to Basel in Switzerland, due to the outbreak of the Balkan Wars. At the convention, the leaders of all the European Socialist parties agreed to stand together internationally to prevent any future wars. Together with Fredrik Ström and Hannes Sköld, Höglund wrote the anti-militarist manifesto Det befästa fattighuset (The Fortress Poorhouse) in which they described and criticized Sweden as an armed fortress and at the same time a poorhouse, where the people were miserable and the rulers spent all resources on militarism.
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But at the same time, Blomberg saw the SA only as a junior partner to the Army, and utterly opposed the SA's ambitions to replace the Reichswehr as Germany's main military force. Blomberg, like almost all German generals, envisioned a future Nazi-Army relationship where the Nazis would indoctrinate ordinary people with the right sort of ultra-nationalist, militarist values so that when young German men joined the Reichswehr they would be already half-converted into soldiers while at the same time making it clear that control of military matters would rest solely with the generals. In 1931, he visited the US, where he openly proclaimed his belief in the certainty and the benefits of a Nazi government for Germany. Blomberg's first wife Charlotte died on 11 May 1932, leaving him with two sons and three daughters. p. 22. In 1932, Blomberg served as part of the German delegation to the World Disarmament Conference in Geneva where, during his time as the German chief military delegate, he not only continued his pro-Nazi remarks to the press, but used his status as Germany's chief military delegate to communicate his views to Paul von Hindenburg, whose position as President of Germany made him German Supreme Commander in Chief.
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