387 Sentences With "Falangist" | Random Sentence Generator

Most likely on the orders of Granada's Falangist governor, the writer was arrested on August 16th 1936 and executed three days later.

During the Civil War, his paternal grandfather served as the Falangist mayor of Ibahernando, the village in the western province of Extremadura where Cercas was born, in 1962.

The Falangist government was obsessed with how the rest of the world perceived Spain, and football became a tool for propaganda, especially through Real Madrid, who mesmerised the world with their football in the 1950s.

The basilica also became the resting place of several nuns and other members of the clergy killed during the civil war — some of whom were later beatified by the pope — as well as that of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the leader of the far-right Falangist party, who was killed in 1936 and was considered a martyr by Franco's followers.

One understands Cercas's decision to renounce the fictional resources that served him so well in "Soldiers of Salamis" (Mena, the actual Falangist hero, is being offered up as a counterweight to Miralles, the invented Republican one), but the experience of reading a book with so many narrative holes is a bit like visiting a museum where half the collection is out on loan.

Pedro Muguruza Otaño (1893–1952) was a Spanish architect and Falangist politician.

Falangist troops acted as rearguard troops, serving in places captured by troops or where there had never really been any nationalist opposition. Daria and Mercedes Buxadé, two sisters from Barcelona, were participating in Republican action against Franco's nationalist forces in Mallorca in 1936. After being caught, Falangist troops gave them a virginity test, and then brutally and repeatedly raped the sisters. Margalida Jaume was in Mallorca in the same time, and Falangist also raped her.

Falangist movements existed in a number of countries including Spain, Poland, Lebanon, and in various Latin American countries.

He was a convinced Falangist. He began his involvement taking part in the Asturian miners' strike of 1934 as a reporter. He was awarded the above-mentioned prize, Palma de Plata, due to his work. It is important to highlight his work as a journalist in the Falangist press and in the newspaper La Nación.

265-6 Aznar was briefly imprisoned although he was soon released and appointed to the by then weakened Falangist National Council.

Falangist standard Frustrated by lack of the Falangist give and take in the Junta, some Carlists complained to Franco; the result were October 1937 nominations to another party body, a 50-member Consejo Nacional.Boletin Oficial de la Provincia de Soría 26.10.37, available here, César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, , p.

His origins are humble. He earned a degree in Philosophy from the University of Salamanca in 1932. He was a Falangist from the beginning, and was awarded with the Palma de Plata by José Antonio Primo de Rivera in 1934. During those years, he was a journalist in the Falangist press and in the newspaper La Nación.

After the union with the Carlists, the original Falange uniform became important in identifying genuine Falangists. The red beret had become the symbol of Carlism by the 1860s. The new party, commonly known as the Movimiento Nacional, was given a uniform with the Falangist blue shirt, the red Carlist beret and military belts. The party symbol was the Falangist yoke and arrows.

He also removed Head of the Falangist militia, José Luna Meléndez, despite having declared his loyalty to Generalísimo. His replacement was Manuel Mora Figueroa.

Born in Santa Cruz de Tenerife on 21 May 1916, Piernavieja was a Falangist who had worked for Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War.

254 and HedillaPayne 2000, p. 266 addressed him with letters which blended declarations of loyalty with demands, while Falangist congresses drafted grand schemes which demonstrated designs for political hegemony.in February a falangist National Press Congress drafted grandious plans of the party propaganda structure; in March the III Consejo Nacional de Falange discussed the future regime of Spain with little attention paid to the military, Payne 2000, p.

Falangist propaganda said there was never there and there was never a threat of rape. This made Odena's death meaningless. Beyond that, Falangist propaganda implied Odena had been guilty of murdering a Catholic priest a few weeks prior, with her suicide was a way of escaping punishment. In September 1936, the Largo Caballero Battalion which included about ten women, fought on the Sierra front.

57-58 and especially La ciudad sitiada (1939), the latter dubbed "patética apología del carlismo".it contains also some veiled anti-Falangist features, Sawicki 2010, p. 135.

Beyond that, Falangist propaganda implied Ódena had been guilty of murdering a Catholic priest a few weeks prior, with her suicide was a way of escaping punishment.

In Madrid, the election was again dominated by Falangist candidates, and politically rebellious Francoists. The abstention rate was 44.3%. Municipal elections also took place in 1970 and 1973.

He was a strong supporter of the national syndicalism that formed part of original Falangist ideology and published a book in 1940 entitled La Revolucion Social del Nacional Sindicalismo.

293 or Milicia Nacional.on May 11, 1937 colonel Monasterio was nominated jefe of Milicia Nacional, Garcia Venero 1970, p. 114 Civil governors organized rallies supposed to demonstrate fraternization of the unified parties.e.g. on April 21, 1937 the Navarrese civil governor organized a unification rally; the requete band played the Falangist anthem Cara al sol, later the Falangist band played the Carlist anthem Oriamendi, and finally both bands played Marcha Real, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 288.

Civil Guard corporal Juan Vadillo and Falangist Fernando Zamacola were both decorated by Nationalists forces after they raped women in Benamahoma. In the town of Brenes, a woman was taken to a farmhouse, and then forced lay on the ground and roll up her dress to expose her genitals. After this was completed, Falangist Joaquín Barragán Díaz was given scissors so he could cut off all the woman's genital hair. He refused.

Notably, he was strongly opposed to opportunism. He yearned for the Falangist 'pending revolution', as Primo de Rivera's ideas just inspired a few policies but Francoism was not really an actual Falangist regime, but a consensus of rightist and authoritarian tendencies. After Franco's death, both he and Blas Piñar were the natural leaders of the "Bunker" in the Cortes Españolas, and voted against the Political Reform Act of 1976 that allowed the transition to democracy.

A minor Cuban Falangist movement existed from 1936 to 1940 under Antonio Avendaño and Alfonso Serrano Vilariño. This group was effectively ended by a law which barred political groups from making specific reference to the policies of foreign groups. Although the government of Fulgencio Batista maintained good relations with Franco, it was not Falangist and the only real manifestation of Falangism since 1940 was with the minuscule (and probably defunct) La Falange Cubana.

Preston, Franco, pp. 432-3 Following his appointment, Galarza was the subject of numerous attacks in the Falangist press although he hit back by dismissing all the Falangist under-secretaries in his department, most notably Dionisio Ridruejo who had written a particularly scathing article against him.Preston, Franco, p. 433 However it was Galarza's anti-Falangism that also proved his undoing as his close support of José Enrique Varela led to his dismissal in 1942.

Her death would be widely shared by both Republican and Falangist propagandists. With Nationalist forces threatening her with the potential of being raped by Moorish soldiers if she is does not surrender, Republicans were able to cast her as an innocent who chose death rather than to be debased and lose her honor. Falangist propaganda said there was never there and there was never a threat of rape. This made Ódena's death meaningless.

Falange Española de las JONS (Auténtica) (, FE–JONS(A)) was a falangist political party, split from Spanish Falange of the JONS, which contested both the 1977 and 1979 general elections.

Alejandro Rodríguez de Valcárcel y Nebreda (25 December 1917 – 22 October 1976) was a Spanish falangist politician and State lawyer, who served in important positions during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco.

52, available here and appointed to the 1943-created Cortes Españoles, the Francoist quasi-parliament.see the official Cortes service, available here In 1953 Arellano was admitted by Franco during a personal audience.ABC 17.12.53, available here Re-emergent position enabled him to engage successfully in prolonged effort to repel the Falangist takeover of the local Navarrese administration; the conflict climaxed in 1954 when the Falangist Gobernador Civil, Luis Valero Bermejo, requested that Ministry of Interior administers special measures against Arellano.

202-204 Vetra CS 55, first Bilbao trolleybus Oriol's tenure in Bilbao was marked by continuing political ambivalence. He excelled in organising venerating celebrations of Francoduring his visit in June 1939, marking the second anniversary of Nationalist takeover of the city and forged good working relationship with the Falangist civil governor of the province, Manuel Ganuza, himself a protégé of Serrano Suñer.Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 199 On the other hand, he blocked hardline Falangist initiatives,e.g.

This made Odena's death meaningless. Beyond that, Falangist propaganda implied Odena had been guilty of murdering a Catholic priest a few weeks prior, with her suicide was a way of escaping punishment.

Male and female gender roles in Spain depended on whether or not each had children. This was a Francoist concept with roots going back to José Antonio Primo de Rivera's original Falangist ideas.

The Spanish Action Circle (Círculo de Acción Española) was a Falangist political organization in Chile associated with Francoist Spain.Stein Ugelvik Larsen (ed.). Fascism Outside of Europe. New York, New York, USA: Columbia University Press, 2001.

226 Bau did his best to release Catalan prisoners and enlist them either in the Carlist tercios or in the Falangist banderas.Monserrat Cavaller 2001, pp. 224-229 Following the end of the war he returned to Tortosa, though he is not listed as taking part in the Carlist-Falangist competition for power in Catalonia.Bau is hardly mentioned in Joan Maria Thomàs, Falangistes i carlins catalans a la «zona nacional» durant la Guerra civil (1936-1939), [in:] Recerques: Història, economia i cultura 31 (1995), pp.

292 Falangist standard During the next two years Elizalde vacillated between conciliatory rodeznistas and intransigent falcondistas. In late 1937 the latter considered him a candidate to new Navarrese executive, about to replace the one supposedly sold-out to Franco.Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 152 Indeed, he publicly voiced unease about Falangist political domination,in February 1938 Elizalde published in El Pensamiento Navarro an article, which contained a vailed protest against the Falangist monopoly, El Avisador Numantino 02.02.38, available here yet in March 1938 the dictator as part of his political balancing gameone scholar attributes Elizalde’s elevation to “sabia dosificación” of representatives of various political groupings, Gonzalo Redondo, Historia de la Iglesia en España, 1931-1939, Madrid 1993, , p.

Aznar was born in Madrid in 1953, was the son of Manuel Aznar Acedo, army official, journalist and radio broadcaster, and grandson of Manuel Aznar Zubigaray, a former Basque nationalist broadcaster turned Falangist propagandist and a prominent journalist during the Franco era. Both father and grandfather held governmental positions during the dictatorship. He was educated at El Pilar in Madrid. Aznar was a member of the Frente de Estudiantes Sindicalistas (FES), a Falangist dissident student organization opposed to the Francoist regime, in which a 16-years-old Aznar espoused an independent brand of Falangism.

With Nationalist forces overrunning her position, the unit commander chose to commit suicide rather than to surrender at a battle in Guadix. Her death would be widely shared by both Republican and Falangist propagandists. With Nationalist forces threatening her with the potential of being raped by Moorish soldiers if she is does not surrender, Republicans were able to cast her as an innocent who chose death rather than to be debased and lose her honor. Falangist propaganda said there was never there and there was never a threat of rape.

Blackwell Publishing, 2004. P. 3. During early years of the Falangist regime of Franco, the regime admired Nazi Germany and had Spanish archaeologists seek to demonstrate that Spaniards were part of the Aryan race particularly through their Visigothic heritage.

However, it was assaulted by a rival Falangist group during World War II. The assault has often been attributed to a supposed aliadophilia of the journal, a fact today is debunked as a myth of much later elaboration.Vilanova, Francesc.

Variations on the salute also appear in neo-fascist contexts. For example, The Christian Falangist Party, founded in 1985, uses a "pectoral salute", in which the right arm, bent at the elbow, is extended from the heart, palm down.

When they did though, Falangist women would often find themselves working alongside socialist and communist women and would serve as a focused source of opposition to the regime.Barreda, Mikel (2006). La Democracia española: realidades y desafíos. Análisis del sistema político español.

Paul Preston, Franco, London: 1995, pp. 194-5 He also campaigned vigorously to prevent the incorporation of the Falangist militias into a proposed united Nationalist force under Juan Yagüe, being suspicious of the Carlism of Yagüe and the other generals.

Dávila performing the Roman salute in Seville (September 1936). Sancho Dávila y Fernández de Celis (1905-1972) was a Spanish Falangist politician. He was an important figure in the early history of the movement but later fell out of favour.

In 1935 Primo de Rivera collaborated in editing the lyrics of the Falangist anthem, "Cara al Sol" (Face to the Sun).César Vidal: "¿Quién redactó el "Cara al sol"?." Libertad Digital. Every member of the Falange had to obey unquestioningly.

In order to contest the 1999 municipal election IPSP borrowed the registration (and party name) of a falangist splinter faction, (Movimiento al Socialismo-Unzaguista).Albó, Xavier, and Victor Quispe. Quiénes son indígenas en los gobiernos municipales. Cuadernos de investigación CIPCA, 59.

Montejurra, 1960s Carlos Hugo and his aides embarked on an activist policy, launching new initiatives and ensuring that the young prince gets increasingly recognized in national media. In terms of political content the group started to advance heterodox theories, focused on society as means and objective of politics. In terms of strategy, until the mid-1960s it was formatted as advances towards the socially-minded, hard Falangist core; later it started to assume an increasingly Marxist flavor. Orthodox Traditionalists grew increasingly perturbed by Carlos Hugo's active political advances toward the socially- minded, hard Falangist core, which assumed an increasingly Marxist flavor.

After Frasquita Avilés rejected a Falangist who fell in love with her, the Falangist killed her and then raped her in a cemetery. In Fuentes de Andalucía, five young girls between the ages of 16 and 22 were raped, murdered and then thrown into a well by Falangists on 27 August 1936. Their names are María León Becerril, María Jesús Caro González, Joaquina Lora Muñoz, Coral García Lora and Josefa García Lora. Before their rapes and murders, they were forced to drink alcohol and perform oral sex on male Falangists and were paraded through the streets in only their underwear.

The Spanish offer was accepted by the German regime on 24 June 1941 but there was still disappointment that Spain had not declared war on the Soviet Union. Franco struggled to balance the demands of both Army and Falangist factions which attempted to influence the new unit, himself siding with the former. Recruitment began on 27 June 1941 and 18,373 men had volunteered by 2 July 1941 from within the Spanish Army and Falangist movement. Fifty per cent of officers and NCOs were professional soldiers given leave from the Spanish army, including many veterans of the Spanish Civil War.

Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977. Madison, Wisconsin, USA: Wisconsin University Press, 1999. Pp. 299. In October 1937, the new leader of the Falange, Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta, declared national syndicalism to be fully compatible with capitalism, drawing praise from the non-falangist right.

Upon his return married to Mercedes López Ramiro; the couple had 5 sons: Fernando, José Maria, Jesús, Javier and Santiago.ABC 04.10.1977, available here Javier married Ana Dávila,See for instance ABC 21.07.1990, available here daughter of the Falangist politician Sancho Dávila y Fernández.

They were promptly stopped by Falangist soldiers and forcedly returned to his uncle's house to be punished. His uncle whips him with a belt. In the next room, Angélica's mother is combing her hair; a tear rolls down one of her cheeks.

Phalange Française (French for French Falange) was a Falangist political party in France founded and led by Charles Luca.James Shields. The extreme right in France: from Pétain to Le Pen. Oxon, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2007. p. 85.

Armando Muñoz Calero (1908–1978) was a Spanish physician and falangist politician. He was a member of the Cortes Españolas during the Francoist dictatorship, while he also served as president of the provincial government in Madrid and as deputy-mayor of the Madrid City Council.

67, available here In the Cortes he worked in commission drafting Ley Orgánica del Movimiento,ABC 23.03.67, available here an eventually abandoned attempt to ensure Falangist domination.ABC 14.11.68, available here In 1967 he grew to one of 4 secretarios of the diet,ABC 17.11.

In most works the stress is on his role in repressive measures against academics considered not sufficiently committed to the regime and on implementation of the Francoist orthodoxy. Some scholars, however, prefer rather to note his stand in confronting the Falangist influence. They claim that CSIC was “principal cover for Opus Dei’s assault on higher education”, a vehicle of imposing Catholic doctrine within the Spanish academic structures.Hutchison 2012, p. 127 Within this perspective, Puigdollers along scholars like Miguel Sancho Izquierdo, Enrique Luño Peña, José Corts Grau, Francisco Elías de Tejada and Joaquín Ruiz-Gimenez served as a bulwark against the Falangist, Ortega-oriented current in philosophy of law.Rivaya 2009, p.

President of Costa Rica Teodoro Picado Michalski, who governed between 1944 and 1948, was an admirer of Falangism and Somocismo, and even defended Francisco Franco in the United Nations. However, even after the end of the Second World War, the National Delegation of the Falangist Foreign Service recounted Costa Rica as one of the Hispanic countries where there was still an active circle of Falangists. Likewise, Falangist literature was published in Costa Rica between 1937 and 1946 in newspapers like El Nacionalista and La gloria de España, while two hours a week of propaganda were broadcast in Costa Rica on the radio programs La España y el Mundo.

Since the historicity of the salute has never been properly questioned, performing it is prosecutable only when "meant to exalt exponents, principles, events and methods" of the extinct National Fascist Party. The gesture and its variations continue to be used in neo-fascist, neo-Nazi, and Falangist contexts.

Oriol's rapport with a new civil governor, the Carlist sympathizer Juan Granell, was very poorBallestero 2014, p. 76 and most Traditionalists viewed him as a traitor. The Falangist rank-and-file resented him as well, the syndicalist radicals perfectly aware of his high bourgeoisie profile.Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p.

Sancho Dávila and Julián Pemartín, Hacia la historia de la Falange: primera contribución de Sevilla (Jerez: Jerez Industrial, 1938) pp. 24–7. Photographed during a political rally (c. 1935–36). The Falangist blue shirt was an emblematic uniform embodying the idea of the Falangist discipline, hierarchy and violence, as well as, often dressed with the top button unbuttoned, it contributed to the discourse of masculine "virility". The upper-class José Antonio abandoned the tie and suit and took on the new blue-shirt Falange uniform (despite later mocking JAP militants because of this, the Falangists were originally dressed in suit and tie); the uniform, adopted in October 1935, was deliberately chosen as reference to Italian Fascism.

July 23, 1977, p. 3. Earlier, as Ibárruri entered Congress, a 56-year-old man in Falangist uniform gave the Roman salute and heckled her, "Drop dead! If you had any shame you would not have returned to Spain."Anécdotas de una sesión histórica. ABC. July 23, 1977, p. 4.

Fascists and Conservatives: The Radical Right and the Establishment in Twentieth-Century Europe. Reprinted edition. Oxon, England, UK: Routledge, 1990, 2001. p. 10 The original Falangist party, FE de las JONS, merged with the Carlists in 1937 following the Unification Decree of Francisco Franco, to form FET y de las JONS.

ABC 19.07.70, available here In terms of officialdom his position climaxed in 1972, when Zamanillo entered Consejo de Estado.ABC 16.11.72, available here In terms of impact on real-life politics Zamanillo found himself increasingly marginalized; he sided with the Falangist core, which during the 1960s was outmaneuvered by the technocratic bureaucracy.

The Philippine Falange, the informal name for the Spanish National Assemblies of the Philippines (Juntas Nacionales Española) was a Philippine falangist political party that was a branch of the Spanish Falange.Hermógenes E. Bacareza. A history of Philippine-German relations. National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) – APO Production Unit EDSA, 1980.

Arnaud, Pierre; Riordan, James. p. 104 On 6 August, Falangist soldiers near Guadarrama murdered club president Josep Sunyol, a representative of the pro-independence political party.Spaaij, Ramón. pp. 280 He was dubbed the martyr of barcelonisme, and his murder was a defining moment in the history of FC Barcelona and Catalan identity.

The "economic miracle" was initiated by the reforms promoted by the so-called technocrats who, with Franco's approval, put in place policies developed in Spain. The technocrats, many of whom were members of Opus Dei, were a new breed of politicians who replaced the old falangist guard.Jensen, Geoffrey. "Franco: Soldier, Commander, Dictator".

Following Franco's ban, the book was buried into an oblivion. Having a higher profile enabled some women to speak more easily on women's issues. This was the case of Carmen de Icaza, Baroness de Claret. Her ties to the Franco regime and the Falangist movement always made her suspect in many circles.

22 Felipe Quispe aligned himself with Veliz's group. In the Cochabamba region the verbal confrontations between the two sides were often tense, the Veliz group launched the slogan "MAS is Unzaguist, falangist, heil heil Hitler".Loayza Caero, Román, and Shirley Rasguido. Román Loayza Caero: lider quechua, contribuyó al ascenso campesino indígena del país.

In early August 1942 at the end of a funeral for fallen Carlists in the Spanish Civil War celebrated at the church of San Vicente de Abando in Bilbao, shouts were heard against the Falangists. A Falangist "old shirt" from Bilbao considered it a provocation and asked the Deputy Secretary of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, José Luna Meléndez – a Falangist close to "El Cuñadísimo" Ramón Serrano Suñer – to organize a response since on August 15 there was to be a Carlist commemoration of their fallen at the Basilica of Begoña in Bilbao which would be presided over by the Minister of Defense, General Varela.Suárez Fernández, Luis (2011), Franco. Los años decisivos. 1931–1945.

The Falangist Ministers Ramón Serrano Suñer and José Luis Arrese, who were on vacation, returned immediately to Madrid and there, together with José Antonio Girón, also a Falangist Minister, tried to prevent the conviction and execution of the detainees and downplayed the incident. They sent their own representative to Bilbao. In the meantime, Franco continued his vacation in Galicia as if nothing had happened and did not react until August 24, nine days after the attack. That day he called General Varela by telephone who told him there had been an attack against him and only luck saved him from death to which Franco responded: "Everything is to be done with great fairness, because in the case of a provocation things will vary".

García Riol 2015, p. 231 Politically Zubiaur's term as city counselor and provincial deputy is marked mostly by confrontation between the Falangist civil governor, Luis Valero Bermejo, and the Traditionalist municipal and provincial delegates.for details see Maria del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945–1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, pp. 101–120 Some sources note him and Jesús Larrainzar as key opponents of FET in both bodies,Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organizacion, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), p. 112 others do not mention his name when reconstructing the Carlist-Falangist struggle for power.

The only case of possible fatality related to Carlist-Falangist clashes is this is José María Olazábal Zaldumbide, who at the age of 31 passed away as FET jefe of the Las Palmas province. Some authors speculate that heart failure, the ultimate cause of his death, was triggered by a particularly violent altercation with the local Falangists A large group scaled down their engagement in the system; having earlier been chief promoters of unification, they later preferred to remain at arms-length and pursued their own objectives.the most iconic is the case of Rodezno, the chief Carlist advocate of unification. Already in 1939 he started to withdraw from Falangist structures, though he took up roles in provincial diputación and in the Cortes.

Miguel Ezquerra Sanchez (January 10, 1913 – October 29, 1984) was a Spanish Falangist, soldier and volunteer member of the Waffen-SS. He fought in the Spanish Civil War and in the Second World War, in a battalion of the Spanish Blue Division or 250. Infanterie-Division as it was known in the German Army.

Nicasio Álvarez de Sotomayor (1900–1936) was a Spanish falangist politician and member of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). He was alcalde of the Province of Cáceres in Extremadura under the Second Spanish Republic. After the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, he was executed by the Nationalists in the White Terror (Spain).

Born on 17 June 1944 in Torrelodones. A poet coming from the intellectual falangist ranks of the Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU), he served as chief of the Cultural Activities Section of the National Delegation for Youth between 1968 and 1970. He started a career in journalism in '. He later collaborated in Arriba and El Alcázar.

With the onset of middle- class disillusionment with the CEDA's legalism, support for the Falange expanded rapidly. By September 1936, the total Falangist volunteers numbered at 35,000, accounting for 55 percent of all civilian forces of the Nationals.Stanley G. Payne. Fascism in Spain, 1923–1977. Madison, Wisconsin, USA: Wisconsin University Press, 1999. Pp. 242.

He " was an enthusiaistic Falangist and Francoist idelologue".unearthing Franco's Legacy, p.15 His first novel, Javier Mariño, appeared in 1943, and he continued to publish novels almost until his death, receiving major prizes for some of them. The Presentation of a sculpture in honour of Torrente, at the Café Novelty, in Salamanca in 2000.

The study was cited in the book Francisco Morente Valero, "The Falange and the Academia: Falangist Intellectuals and the Idea of a National-Syndicalist University (1933-1943)". Díaz is a professor of Contemporary Spanish History and a member of Centro de Documentación y Estudios Jose Maria Escrivá de Balaguer at the University of Navarra.

State Coat of arms version in use 1938–1945. The symbols of Francoism were iconic references to identify the Francoist State in Spain between 1936 and 1975. They serve as visual illustrations for the ideology of Francoist Spain. Uniforms were designed for men and women that combined elements of the earlier Falangist and Carlist uniforms.

Falangists were seeking to engage in attacks that would provoke Republican reprisals in 1935 and 1939. One such attack occurred on 9 March 1936 in Granada during a strike by workers. A squad of Falangist loyalist fired on workers, and their families who were protesting with them. Among the wounded were many women and children.

A month after the Spanish Civil War began in 1936, several players from Barcelona enlisted in the ranks of those who fought against the military uprising, along with players from Athletic Bilbao.Arnaud, Pierre; Riordan, James. p. 104 On 6 August, Falangist soldiers near Guadarrama murdered club president Josep Sunyol, a representative of the pro-independence political party.

Captain Alberto Bayo establishes a small base on the coast. ;August 19: Viznar, Granada: Federico García Lorca, among others, is murdered by members of the falangist Escuadra Negra. Before being killed, they are forced to dig their own graves. Later, the official excuse for the brutal assassination of García Lorca will be that he was homosexual.

For a sample of his endeavors as a Falangist propaganda jefe see e.g. a circular issued prior to a homage feast for José Antonio Primo de Rivera, José Andrés Gallego, Antón M. Pazos (eds.), Archivo Gomá: documentos de la Guerra Civil, vol. 12, Madrid 2009, , pp. 293-294 and at this role he remained active at least until 1939.

His chief biographer, Miguel Ángel Palacios Garoz, points out that Antonio José was not only a prolific composer but a writer with an intellectually facile mind that was open to influences from all fronts of contemporary music. He met the same fate as Federico García Lorca: he was executed by a Falangist firing squad in 1936 at Estépar (Burgos).

'Excelencia, esto ocurre en Auschwitz.' ' In:' 'El País.' 'March 21, 2010. The American historian Stanley G. Payne already sees withdrawal movements of Spain from Germany and Italy, even before the turn in Russia, as already at this time an article of a Falangist leader, in which Spain was differentiated from the totalitarian regimes, was allowed to print.

" One witness in Zamora said: "Many priests acted very badly. The bishop of Zamora in 1936 was more or less an assassin—I don't remember his name. He must be held responsible because prisoners appealed to him to save their lives. All he would reply was that the Reds had killed more people than the falangist were killing.

By the beginning of July, the CNT was still fighting, while the UGT had agreed to arbitration. In retaliation to the attacks by the Falangists, anarchists killed three bodyguards of the Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The government then closed the CNT's centers in Madrid, and arrested David Antona and Cipriano Mera, two CNT militants.

The brigade was integrated within the General Commissariat of Public Order, dependent on the General Police Corps (CGP). This, in turn, depended on the Directorate-General of Security (DGS) and the Ministry of Governance. During its early years of history, it also had Falangist elements. When the Civil Guard operated in cities, it was integrated into the brigade.

Anderson was released from custody in Salzburg in early December 1947. She then went to live with her husband at Almoharín in the postwar world of Falangist Spain. In the early 1960s, they moved to Cáceres, where she gave private lessons in English and German. After her husband's death, she moved to Madrid where she died in 1972.

12-13 This version seems corroborated by the fact that Consejo Presbiteral de Bilbao initially opposed Añoveros' nomination, reportedly concerned about his Carlist and Falangist record.Juan Manuel González Sáez, Geografía eclesial y construcción de la indentidad nacinalista: la revindicación de pa provincia eclesiástica vasca durente el tardofranquismo y la transición, [in:] Historia Contemporánea 46 (2012), p.

Arriba España was a Spanish newspaper published in Pamplona during the Spanish Civil War and in Francoist Spain, within the Prensa del Movimiento. The name of the publication came from the cry ¡Arriba España!, a motto that was associated with the Falangist ideology. In its early days, it coined the motto Por Dios y el César.

18 the Carlists tried to find a workaround by creating Obra Nacional Corporativa in November,Canal i Morell 2006, p. 334 an attempt to build own labor structure to be headed by Araúz, and defended its integrity against the Falangist CONS unions.Cenarro Lagunas, p. 20 At that time he emerged as "chief theorist of corporativism" within the Traditionalist realm.

Authoritarianism or Fascism describes certain related political regimes in 20th-century Europe, especially the Nazi Germany of Hitler, the authoritarian Soviet Union, the Fascist Italy of Mussolini and the falangist Spain of Franco. Pope Pius XI was moderately skeptical of Italian Fascism. To Pope Pius XI, Dollfuss in Austria was the ideal politician realising Quadragesimo anno.

In early April he engaged in fruitless last-minute talks with Falangist leaders, staged to agree a bottom-up alliance.Fidaldo, Burgueño 1980, p. 43, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 269 Eventually when faced with the military unification dictate he grudgingly opted for compliance, assuming that in case something goes wrong, “our Sacred Cause would always be reborn out of its own ashes”.

Trade unions were officially not allowed in Francoist Spain with the nominal exception of the Falange led union organization Organización Sindical Española (OSE). Women tended not to be involved with them. When they did though, Falangist women would often find themselves working alongside socialist and communist women and would serve as a focused source of opposition to the regime.Barreda, Mikel (2006).

Azaña and Quiroga did not act effectively against the killers. On 17 July, right-wing, Falangist, and Monarchist elements in the Republican army proclaimed the overthrow of the Republic. The rebellion failed in Madrid, however. Azaña replaced Quiroga as Prime Minister with his ally Diego Martínez Barrio, and the government attempted a compromise with the rebels, which was rejected by General Mola.

Vallejo 2015 In 1944Bartyzel 2015, p. 261 a Falangist hit-squad stormed into his house, dragged him to the nearby Retiro park and left him beaten unconscious.Jacek Bartyzel, Tradycjonalizm a dyktatura. Francisco Elías de Tejada y Spínola wobec frankizmu, [in:] Legitymizm service, available here, also Idoia Estornes Zubizarreta, Francisco Elías de Tejada, [in:] Aunamendi Eusko Entziklopedia, available here Dom Duarte Nuno.

Born in December 1917 in Burgos to a bourgeoisie family, he joined the Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU) in 1934. A camisa vieja falangist, he entered the Civil War as volunteer in a Bandera of Falange. From 27 November 1969 to 5 DecemberFranco bib 1975 he served as the President of the Francoist Cortes. He was a chief endorser of the (ANEPA).

As following the so-called Begoña crisis the chief architect of totalitarian state, Ramón Serrano Suñer, was already sidetracked, in 1943 the dictator embarked on first major redefinition of the system. The Falangist threads were slightly de-emphasized, while more focus on Catholic and traditional valuesPayne 2011, pp. 319–321 was combined with efforts to distinguish between the Spanish and the Axis regimes.

Falange Auténtica (, FA) is a Falangist political party in Spain. FA emerged in 2002 as a split from FE/La Falange. FA claims to represent the heritage of the dissolved Falange Española de las JONS (Auténtica) (FE-JONS). The term 'Authentic' refers to the positioning of FA as 'authentic' as opposed to the official Falange under the rule of Francisco Franco.

347 while civilian volunteers tried to escape on their own. Martínez Morena was shot in unclear circumstances; according to some sources he was killed already as POW, on his way to prison.Roldán Pastor 2014 Approximately at the same time also Villarrobledo was overrun by the Toledo province militias; the rebel alcalde was killed while most of the Falangist defenders were dispersed.

In him, Java sees the opportunity to escape his poverty- restricted life. In 1940, Marcos’ old cronies from the war are also looking for him. Still trying secret anti-government plots, they have resorted mainly to criminal activities. Palau, the leader of the gang has chosen his target: Menchu, a bleach blonde prostitute who works for the elite Falangist of the city.

Rape and gender violence was a problem that was a result of Nationalist attitudes developed during the Spanish Civil War. Sexual violence was common on the part of Nationalist forces and their allies during the Civil War. Falangist rearguard troops would rape and murder women in cemeteries, hospitals, farmhouses, and prisons. They would rape, torture and murder Socialists, young girls, nurses and milicianas.

The first of these was the Falange Boricua, who have claimed that they were banned on 7 May 2000 after leader Walter Lozano was arrested attempting to blockade U.S. military bases on the island.Report on the incident from a pro-Falangist website. Note - no neutral reports of the incident exist They have since been refounded as the Movimento Nacional Sindicalista de Puerto Rico.

142 it was Serrano who served as a link between him and the party executive.Franco wanted Serrano to enter the Junta, but the latter preferred to remain in the shadow and act as informal link between Franco and the body, Payne 2000, p. 275 The post of temporary secretary went to López Bassa; other most active figures in the Junta turned out to be Fernando González Vélez (a Falangist old-shirt appointed in place of Hedilla) and Gimenez Caballero.Tusell 2002, pp. 138, 141-2 Top provincial party posts were filled with a Carlist and a Falangist alternating as delegado and secretario; 22 provincial jefaturas went to the Falangists and 9 to the Carlists.Payne 2000, p. 276 The Carlist and pre-unification Falange press departments were told to stop party propaganda.Preston 1995, p. 267 By May 9.

The capture of Gipuzkoa had isolated the Republican provinces in the north. Nationalist aircraft bomb Madrid in late November 1936. Nationalist forces under Franco won a great symbolic victory on September 27 when they relieved the besieged Alcázar at Toledo. Two days after relieving the siege, Franco proclaimed himself Generalísimo and Caudillo ("chieftain"); he would forcibly unify the various Falangist and Royalist elements of the Nationalist cause.

Photographs show the courtyard littered with uniformed bodies. Orad and Arturo Barea both reported seeing a number of rebel officers who had gathered in a mess room and then shot themselves. At least some of the falangist and monarchist volunteers wearing civilian clothes were able to slip away in the confusion. Colonel Serra was among those killed immediately after the fall of the barracks.

The novel is divided into three sections. The first and third section depict the historical investigation of a fictional Javier Cercas into the life of the falangist Rafael Sánchez Mazas. The second section is a biographical retelling of Mazas's life. In the first section of the novel, a fictionalized version of the author, also called Javier Cercas and a journalist, interviews the son of Mazas.

As was common of 20th-century eliminationist political violence, the rationales for action immediately before La Violencia were founded on conspiracy theories, each of which blamed the other side as traitors beholden to international cabals. The left were painted as participants in a global Judeo-Masonic conspiracy against Christianity, and the right were painted as agents of a Nazi-Falangist plot against democracy and progress.

Primo de Rivera saw the solution to the "Jewish problem" in Spain as simple: the conversion of Jews to Catholicism.Bowen, p. 20. However, on the issue of perceived political tendencies amongst Jews he warned about Jewish-Marxist influences over the working classes. The Falangist daily newspaper Arriba claimed that "the Judeo- Masonic International is the creator of two great evils that have afflicted humanity: capitalism and Marxism".

851, further details in Teixidor 1990, pp. 84-86 Faced with growing threat of amalgamating Carlism within a monopolist state party, just a week between the Unification Decree he signed a circular, urging every Gipuzkoan Carlist to maintain loyalty to the Comunión.Martorell Pérez 2011, p. 852 Falangist standard Once Franco decreed abolishment of all parties and their unification within FET, Arrúe decided simply to ignore it.

José del Castillo about 1930 José del Castillo Sáez de Tejada or José Castillo (29 June 1901, Alcalá la Real - 12 July 1936, Madrid) was a Spanish Police Guardia de Asalto (Assault Guard) lieutenant during the Second Spanish Republic. His murder by four Falangist gunmen on July 12, 1936 led to a sequence of events that helped precipitate the Spanish Civil War.Thomas 1976, p. 206 et seq.

Within this perspective, theoretical outlook of the Octavistas is described as having had little in common with Falangist national-syndicalism and having been rather deeply anchored in Traditionalist thought.Heras y Borrero 2004, pp. 65–67 One scholar suggests Don Carlos stood a real chance of becoming a king, ruined by his wife, who tarnished his image and deprived him of future male descendency.Heras y Borrero 2004, p.

Gender violence and rape in Francoist Spain was a problem that was a result of Nationalist attitudes developed during the Spanish Civil War. Sexual violence was common on the part of Nationalist forces and their allies during the Civil War. Falangist rearguard troops would rape and murder women in cemeteries, hospitals, farmhouses, and prisons. They would rape, torture and murder socialists, young girls, nurses and milicianas.

In Lebanon, the Kataeb Party (Phalange) was formed in 1936, with inspiration of the Spanish Falange and Italian Fascism. The founder of the party, Pierre Gemayel, founded the party after returning from a visit at the 1936 Summer Olympics. The party is still active today, although it has abandoned the Falangist and Fascist ideology in place of Phoenicianism, social Conservatism, Republicanism, and anti-Islam.

On the one hand, as high official of the Interior he monitored the intransigent party activists and denounced some as "aliadofilos".Miralles Climent 2018, p. 162, Manuel Martorell Pérez, Antonio Arrue, Euskaltzaindiaren suspertzean lagundu zuen karlista, [in:] Euskera 56 (2011), p. 856 On the other, in late 1941 he visited the Falangist secretario general and demanded that Traditionalists are no longer isolated and marginalized.

She wrote and lectured on the Spanish Civil War to promote the Nationalist cause of Francisco Franco, who eventually won the war with German and Italian military assistance. She returned to Spain in 1938, worked for the Falangist Spanish Ministry of Propaganda, and came to the attention of the Reichs-Rundfunk-Gesellschaft, the German state radio, which offered her a post in Berlin in 1940.

The Carpenter's Pencil (O lapis do carpinteiro in Galician) is a book written by the Galician author Manuel Rivas. The story revolves around a young couple, Daniel Da Barca and Marisa Mallo. Their happiness is destroyed when Galicia falls under a Falangist dictatorship. What follows is a poor summary of the book, but instead relies on the plot of a movie based on the Rivas's novel.

201 According to one source Sentís worked to land the Tarragona civil governor job,García Ramos 2003, p. 201; the scholar claims that alleged Sentís bid was part of the struggle between the Falangists and the Carlists for domination in the Catalan FET structures. The job of Tarragona civil governor went to José María Fontana, who later denounced Sentís as a vehement Falangist enemy.

It was contemporaneous with, and inspired by, the Nazi assaults on Jewish-owned businesses in Germany. In 1935 the Madrid branch was assaulted by Falangist militants; the store's windows were broken on several occasions.Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida (2002), p. 343. That same year, Arriba wrote: > The international Jewish-Masonic conspiracy is the creator of the great > evils that have arrived for humanity: such are capitalism and Marxism.

The organization was formed in 1979, by several Falangist dissident organizations, especially former members of the Círculos Doctrinarios José Antonio (José Antonio Doctrine Circles) and some Spanish Independent Falange members. In the general elections of 1982 MFE gained 8,976 votes. In 1983 a section of the Youth Front joined the party. Since then the party has always achieved very poor election results, with some exceptions.

Luis Ortiz Rosales (died 1937) was a Spanish illustrator, draughtsman, painter, and graphic artist. Born in the Canary Islands, he created numerous posters and drawings that earned him national fame. He created the drawings for Luis Buñuel's surrealist film L'Âge d'Or (1930). After the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, although a Falangist, he was imprisoned and then shot at a Nationalist concentration camp in 1937.

MAS-IPSP: Instrumento político que surge de los movimientos sociales. p. 74 In January 1999, the organization adopted the name MAS-IPSP. This move provoked a split between IPSP and the new CSUTCB leader, Felipe Quispe. Quispe stated that he was unable to accept to contest the elections under a name tainted by a fascist past and that the falangist profile meant a negation of indigenous identity.

Some women with sons who fought for the Republic were forced to watch them be tortured or executed. Prior to going to prison, some women found themselves raped by male police officers. Some women were removed from prison at night by Falangists who would then rape them. During these nights away from prison by Falangist forces, some women were also branded with a yoke and arrows.

Carlist and Falangist leaders on common parade Terms of the unification came as unpleasant if not nasty surprise to most Falangist and Carlist politicians, especially that they differed from earlier sketchy plans presented by Franco to Hedilla and Rodezno.Tusell 2002, pp. 130-131 The Falangists might have been satisfied with their apparent predominance in terms of program and symbols, yet except Hedilla none of their heavyweights was appointed to Junta Política. The “legitimists” – Dávila, Aznar, Moreno – were in prison following the Salamanca events of April 16–17; Hedilla himself, misled by Franco that he would be appointed the leader, was shocked to find himself just one of 10 Junta members and on April 23 he refused to take his seat. He was almost immediately arrested, trialed, sentenced to death on inflated charges of treason, commutedHedilla’s death sentence was commuted almost 3 months later, on July 19, 1937, Preston 1995, p.

Preston, Franco, p. 268 Believing that his power would be increased by maintaining Falangist independence, Hedilla refused to join the council of the new movement. However he overestimated his power and was arrested on April 25 and sentenced to death the following month. However, on the advice of Ramón Serrano Súñer, who feared losing the Falange, the sentence was commuted to life imprisonment and ultimately Hedilla would only serve four years.

"Transcending the beyond: from Third Position to National-Anarchism", Troy Southgate, ed. Griffin (Routeledge) 2003, pp. 377–82 Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera said: "[B]asically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile".

The Begoña Bombing was an attack in the Basilica of Begoña in the Bilbao neighbourhood in Begoña on August 16, 1942, during the first period of the Francoist State (1936–1959), in which a hand grenade, thrown by the Falangist Juan José Domínguez Muñoz, caused seventy minor injuries. The act was interpreted as a failed attempt on the life of Carlist General José Enrique Varela, the Minister of War.

In the harsh post-war years' Catalan countryside, Dionís, a bird dealer, is killed with his son by a man in a hooded cape. Andreu, an 11-year-old boy, discovers the bodies. The falangist mayor of the town blames Farriol, Andreu's father. Farriol, who was Dionís's business partner dealing with birds, is an easy target for incrimination due to his suspicious background as a supporter of the Second Spanish Republic.

485 hailing common Carlist-Falangist comradeship,though he by no means suggested unification, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 24 lambasting CEDAPeñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 128 and somewhat belittling the military.Blinkhorn 2008, p. 265 Congratulated by his king Alfonso Carlos,in a latter dated September 22, 1936; the Carlist king thanked Zamanillo for magnificent work and referred to 70,000 requeté volunteers, Melchor Ferrer, Historia del tradiconalismo español, vol.

Francisco Franco's Falangist regime placed a general ban on García Lorca's work, which was not rescinded until 1953. That year, a (censored) Obras completas (Complete Works) was released. Following this, Blood Wedding, Yerma and The House of Bernarda Alba were successfully played on the main Spanish stages. Obras completas did not include his late heavily homoerotic Sonnets of Dark Love, written in November 1935 and shared only with close friends.

Onésimo Redondo Ortega (16 February 1905 – 24 July 1936) was a Spanish Falangist politician. He founded Juntas Castellanas de Actuación Hispánica (the Castilian Hispanic Action Groups), a political group that merged with Ramiro Ledesma's Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (Unions of the National-Syndicalist Offensive) and José Antonio Primo de Rivera's Falange Española. Together with Ledesma and Primo de Rivera, Redondo was one of the key figures of Francoist propaganda.

The Republican military commander Valentín González El Campesino refers to the existence of a gang of Spanish children in Kokand, who refused to mix with Russian children, and who used the flag of the Spanish Republic as an emblem. González said that when one of those children was captured and executed, it was not in his role as a bandit, but as a supposed "Falangist".González González, Valentín.

Memorial plaque in left Falangist women activists were often divided into groups, which were largely based on age. Younger activists often to be outside the home, working on Nationalist goals in Nationalist women's organizations. Older women Nationalist activists believed they should be outside the public eye, serving Nationalist interests by working in the home. Nationalist women in more rural, less cosmopolitan cities, often had more privileges than their urban counterparts.

Guadalajara Apparently fully compliant with if not enthusiastic about a Carlist-Falangist unification into a new state party, already in mid-1937 he co-drafted a scheme for personal appointments in Catalonia, to be effectuated once the region is conquered; the plan supposedly reached Franco.Sentís and his collaborators, Avellí Trinxet representing Falange and Julio Rentería representing the Alfonsists, worked out an entire personal scheme for all 4 Catalan provinces. In two of them a Carlist was supposed to be the local FET jefe and a Falangist the sub-jefe, in two other provinces the other way round, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Barcelona 2014, pp. 60-63 In December 1937,Domingo García Ramos, Instituciones y vida política durante la Guerra Civil y el franquismo. Palencia (1936-1975) [PhD thesis Univerisad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Madrid 2003, p.

Cantabrana Morras 2004, p. 165 The Francoist pressure started to mount in 1937-1938, as positions of civil governor,in 1937 an oriolist civil governor Candido Ichaso was replaced by a Eladio Esparza, who though in his youth related to Carlism, in the 1920s distanced himself from the movement; he soon started to display a Falangist zeal head of diputaciónElizgarate replaced a “pragmatic oriolista” Echave- Sustaeta in early 1938 and provinvial FET jefeElizgarate replaced Echave- Sustaeta in late 1937 went to Falangist politicians, marking the end of “oriolist” domination.Cantabrana Morras 2004, pp. 164, 180 In 1939 some Álavese politicians protested against the regime ignoring Jose Luis Oriol.Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Diputacion-FET de las JONS: la convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Álava (1938-1943), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 22 (2005), p. 151 Early 1940s “oriolismo” was still considered in good health and there were its representatives in Diputaction until 1943,Cantabrana Morras 2005, pp.

Dionisio Ridruejo Jiménez (12 October 1912 – 29 June 1975) was a Spanish poet and political figure associated with the Generation of '36 movement and a member of the Falange political party. He was co-author of the words to the Falangist anthem Cara al Sol.E. de Blaye, Franco and the Politics of Spain, Penguin, 1976, p. 189 In later years he fell from favour with the Francoist State and eventually became associated with opposition groups.

Although nominally the Falangist leader in Santander, Hedilla was based in A Coruña when the northern uprising began. He thus took charge of securing this city and was responsible for the bloody repressions. Despite this Hedilla, who was on the left wing of the Falange and emphasised the proletarian and syndicalist nature of the movement soon became a critic of the indiscriminate violence being perpetrated by the Nationalists. Beevor, The Battle for Spain, p.

In October of that same year, Franco took over as the Generalissimo and Chief of State in Nationalist zones. On 19 April 1937, Catholic and Falangist parties were merged, making Falange Española Tradicionalista the official state party behind Nationalist lines. On 30 January 1938, the first National State Cabinet meeting was held, with the Spanish Civil War formally coming to an end on 1 April 1939 and an official government formalized on 8 August 1939.

He was the son of diplomatia and journalist Manuel Aznar Zubigaray. His maternal uncle was footballer Domingo Acedo. He was married to Elvira López y Valdivieso and had four children, including politician, the President of Spain (May 1996 to August 2004) José María Alfredo Aznar y López. He was a member of the falangist movement and served during the Spanish Civil War as an officer in charge of propaganda for the Spanish Nationalist army.

In October of that same year, Franco took over as the Generalissimo and Chief of State in Nationalist zones. On 19 April 1937, Catholic and Falangist parties were merged, making Falange Española Tradicionalista the official state party behind Nationalist lines. On 30 January 1938, the first National State Cabinet meeting was held, with the Spanish Civil War formally coming to an end on 1 April 1939 and an official government formalized on 8 August 1939.

Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 297; Rodezno did not take notice, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 293. Some authors claim he was expulsed already in the spring, following accepting post in Secretariado, José Carlos Clemente Muñoz, El carlismo en el novecientos español (1876-1936), Madrid 1999, , p. 90 Falangist standard Rodezno's motives are unclear; apart from partisan claims that he traded Carlist principles for a few Navarrese alcaldias,dubbed "el traidor por unas alcaldías", Clemente 2011, p.

From the other end of the ideological spectrum, Spanish dictator Francisco Franco's right-wing Falangist Party accused the United States of aggression against Panama. Significantly, other governments in the western hemisphere which had long backed U.S. policies declined to back the American position. Venezuela led a chorus of Latin American criticism of the United States. The Organization of American States, on Brazil's motion, took jurisdiction over the dispute from the United Nations Security Council.

466 apart from former CEDA or Renovación militants, also some right-wing republicans started to join Falange in order to counterbalance the monarchist Carlists.Blinkhorn 2008, p. 279 Franco kept meeting Hedilla, listened to his adviceas early as November 1936 the Falangist executive did not hesitate to address Franco with recommendations as to foreign policy, Rodríguez Jiménez 2000, p. 239 and even made some effort to flatter him, yet he usually denied Hedilla's requests.

Contemporary scholar concludes that Franco considered the Falangists tamed and viewed the Carlists, as usual inflexible and intransigent, as the chief obstacle;Tusell 2002, pp. 113-114 he was also increasingly irritated by their “tono de soberanía”.Tusell 2007, p. 411 However, he was also annoyed by socially radical Falangist propaganda; in February censorship scrapped publication of an earlier José Antonio's speech, which contained the promise of “dismantling capitalism”;Tusell 2002, p.

107, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 283 members of Carlist infantile section, Pelayos In late February one more round of talks was held by Hedillistas and a different representation of Carlists, headed by Rodezno. The Falangist softened their position; Carlism would still be incorporated but a new party would be greatly transformed afterwards, it would accept Traditionalist doctrine and some Carlist symbols, and it would be headed by a triumvirate, possibly including Don Javier.Blinkhorn 2008, p.

272 Not entirely convinced, they met few days later to edit a preamble, to be proposed to Franco; the intention was to counter revolutionary Falangism.the preamble was edited at Asamblea Extraordinaria de la Comunión Tradicionalista de Navarra, staged on April 16, 1937, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 272-276 Carlist standard On April 12 Hedilla told his men that accord with the Carlists was almost ready and called the Falangist Consejo Nacional for April 26.

While in Portugal he worked for the British secret service.Más luz sobre la vida de Juan Tizón (En: More light on the life of Juan Tizón) (first page only), La Voz de Galicia, 13 March 2010 All through the Franco period he was assumed in Monforte to have been killed by some Falangist death squad. This belief was supported by gunfire damage to a commemorative plaque on a fountain that he had installed.

467 As in Cuba, Falangist groups have been active in Puerto Rico, especially during World War II, when an 8000 strong branch came under FBI scrutiny.Gunther, Inside Latin America, pp. 434-5 Support, of sorts, for fascism was also briefly logged in British Jamaica during the 1930s. Although based in London for much of that decade, Marcus Garvey remained an important political figure on the island which had often been his home base.

307-308, and diputacion provincial, García Ramos 2003, p. 442 though it was related also to advancing Carlist symbols over the Falangist ones.e.g. after the solemn mass of April 1, on Fiesta de la Victoria, attended by all provincial dignitaries, the only music played was the Carlist anthem Oriamendi, García Ramos 2003, p. 203. See also Domingo García Ramos, Les primeres etapes polítiques de Sentís a Paléncia (1940-1942), [in:] Lo Floc 2004, p.

Since 1946s he held no official job. Also his political lieutenant, Luis Arellano Dihinx, scaled down his engagement in the state party. Both have earlier voiced to Franco their unease about Falangist predomination in the emerging state. Both – like many carlo-franquistas – turned into supporters of the Alfonsist claimant Don Juan and worked for his cause There were cases of grand returns, marked first by engagement, then by marginalization, and then by re-engagement, e.g.

The Falangist Spanish government petitioned for 100 Panzer IVs in March 1943 but only 20 were ever delivered by December that same year.Caballero & Molina (2006), pp. 76–82 Finland bought 30 but only received 15 in 1944 and in the same year a second batch of 62 or 72 was sent to Hungary (although 20 of these were subsequently diverted to replace German military losses). The Croatian Ustashe Militia received 10 Ausf.

Fernández y Krohn was born in Madrid, the son of a middle-class Andalusian family with distant Norwegian ancestors. He successfully studied at the Escuelas Pías in Madrid's Argüelles district. At age 17, he began studying economics at the Complutense University of Madrid. At the beginning of his studies he joined the syndicalist and Falangist fraternity Frente de Estudiantes Sindicalistas (FES) and acted as an activist on the progressive wing of the group.

Neo-Nazi skinheads in right Spanish neo-Nazism is often connected to the country's Francoist and Falangist past, and nurtured by the ideology of the National Catholicism.Casals Meseguer, Xavier, Ultrapatriotas, Crítica, Barcelona 2003. Gallego, Ferran, Ramiro Ledesma Ramos y el fascismo español, Editorial Síntesis, Madrid 2005. According to a study by the newspaper ABC, black people are the ones who have suffered the most attacks by neo-Nazi groups, followed by Maghrebis and Latin Americans.

During these nights away from prison by Falangist forces, some women were also branded with a yoke and arrows. Borrowing from a practice being used by Mussolini's forces in Italy, women in prison were often forced to drink castor oil with the intention of giving them diarrhea. The purpose was to humiliate these women when they soiled themselves. Women in prison often had a toilet ratio of one toilet for every 200 women.

In 1945, Poland regained its independence after Nazi and Soviet occupation. Relations between Poland and Spain were not re-established until 31 January 1977, as the government of the People's Republic of Poland refused to recognize the Falangist government of General Francisco Franco. After the Autumn of Nations and formation of a new, non-communist Polish government, both countries signed a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation in 1992. In 1998, both countries signed a Common Polish-Spanish Declaration.

Otto Skorzeny died the same year as Fransisco Franco, whose death on November 20, 1975 led to the democratization of Spain. Third position political organizations, including Fascists and National Socialists, formerly supported by the Falangist government ceased to be welcome in the new regime and fled to South America, in particular to Augusto Pinochet’s Chile, and Argentina, where the return of Perón after a 20-year exile in Spain had seen the June 20, 1973 Ezeiza massacre.

A Decree was issued on 27 October 1967 that supported the principle of equal pay for equal work. Trade unions were officially not allowed in Francoist Spain with the exception of the Falange led union organizations. These tended to attract little female membership. When they did, Falangist women would often find themselves working alongside socialist and communist women and would serve as a focused source of opposition to the regime before Comisiones Obreras was banned in 1967.

A member of the Civil Guard was brought in to do this, but he only half finished removing her genital hair. Finally, the head of Falange de Brenes completed the job. Wife of a socialist councilor of a pueblo in Andalucia of El Gastor, María Torreño was beaten so badly that she miscarried. She was then abandoned by her Falangist torturers, and died a short time later as a result of the torture she had been subjected to.

Other notable members include Radomiro Tomic and Bernardo Leighton. A more avowedly Falangist group, Movimiento Revolucionario Nacional Sindicalista (Revolutionary National Syndicalist Movement), would appear in 1952, although it did not achieve the influence of the Falange Nacional.S. Cerqueira, 'Chile' in JP Bernard et al, Guide to the Political Parties of South America, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973, p. 245 The name has proven durable however as it still organised into the 21st century, albeit on a very minor level.

Around the time of the Spanish Civil War, the Falange was heavily active amongst the 8,000 or so Spanish citizens on the island, with an official branch of the Falange organised in San Juan. This group officially disavowed any involvement in local politics, although it was scrutinised closely by the FBI during the Second World War.John Gunther, Inside Latin America, 1941, pp. 434-5 Two very minor Falangist groups have been active in the drive for Puerto Rican independence.

Madrid, 1950s The ministry-approved Casariego's departure from El Alcazár was not a fall from grace; in some Francoist spheres he remained an appreciated militant camarádaDiario de Burgos 01.04.43, available here. Casariego contributed also to other Falangist periodicals, like Labór, Ferran Archilés i Cardona, La nación de los españoles: Discursos y prácticas del nacionalismo español en la época contemporánea, Valencia 2012, , p. 83 and in 1946 was received at a personal audience by Franco,ABC 13.06.

274 Apparently he did not realize the terms of forthcoming amalgamation; in the last-minute attempt as representative of Carlist labor structure Obra Nacional Corporativa Arellano was delegated to negotiate unification conditions.Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 268 Falangist standard In April 1937 Arellano formed part of the pressure group which visited the regent-claimant and Fal in Saint-Jean-de-Luz and presented them with sort of an ultimatum, forcing Don Javier and his jefe delegado into silence.Blinkhorn 2008, p.

While the British Union of Fascists rarely found a stronghold in Scotland,Cooney, Bob."The Story of Aberdeen's Communists" in Scott, 1996, pp. 12–15. the population of Scotland was not uniformely pro-Republican either. Opponents to the Republic fell primarily into one of two categories: they either supported Franco and Falangist ideologies, or they opposed the Republicans on the grounds of anti-communism and the atrocities perpetuated by republican forces upon Christians and the Catholic Church in Spain.

El comienzo de la guerra: de Berlín a Valladolid, El País (15/12/1985) He returned to the nationalist zone.De Berlín a Valladolid, El País (18/07/1986) During the Spanish Civil War, Ridruejo as National Chief of Propaganda entrusted the radio departament to Tovar and he was made responsible for Radio Nacional de España when it was being broadcast from Salamanca (1938). He also worked with the Falangist newspaper Arriba España in Pamplona, edited by Fermín Yzurdiaga.

Later on his position changed and in the mid-1940s a Falangist intelligence described him as vacillating between orthodoxy and Juanismo.an internal Falangist document of early 1944 describes Sentís as the one who leads Tarragona Carlists, though hardly a military man and rather a politician with "temperamento terriblemente caciquil". He was named "antifalangista declarado" who together with Bau works to the detriment of Falange. Initially clearly following Falcondismo, in the mid-1940s he was reportedly in-between Falcondismo and Juanismo, Thomàs 1998, p. 152 Indeed, in the late 1940s and early 1950sexcept one note in Martorell Pérez 2009 no other historiographic work discussing general Carlist history of the 1940s and 1950s mentions Sentís, compare Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo, 1962–1977, Pamplona 1997; , Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015.

Willing to offer an alternative to the most basic fundamentals behind liberal democracy, he also non-accidentally addressed some words of scorn to "that terrible man who was called Juan Jacobo Rousseau" during the foundational meeting of the Falange. Just as other Falangists, Primo de Rivera partially embraced the sense of Castilianist essentialism from the Generation of '98, but, conversely, he was also distinctly aware of the cultural plurality of the peoples in Spain, and thus the Falangist national project for Spain was framed following the orteguian legacy as one of "unity of destiny in the universal". It has been noted that at some point he benignly put his hopes on politicians far from his own Fascist stances such as republican Manuel Azaña (in this case for a very brief time) or socialist Indalecio Prieto as potential candidates to alleviate his self-imposed burden for "saving" the country. According to Álvarez Chillida, Primo de Rivera's written works did not feature a marked antisemitism when compared to other Falangist leaders.

The Casino (Oscense Circle). Huesca is notable for the saying "Tomorrow we'll have coffee in Huesca", a running joke among militiamen of the Spanish Civil War. In February 1937, George Orwell was stationed near the falangist-held Huesca as a member of the POUM militia. In Homage to Catalonia, Orwell writes about this running joke, originally a naïvely optimistic comment made by one of the Spanish Republican generals: Huesca is also famous for the legend of the Bell of Huesca.

The desire to keep a place open for him prevented any other Falangist leader from emerging as a possible head of state. Franco's previous aloofness from politics meant that he had few active enemies in any of the factions that needed to be placated, and he had also cooperated in recent months with both Germany and Italy.Thomas, pp. 420–422. On 1 October 1936, in Burgos, Franco was publicly proclaimed as Generalísimo of the National army and Jefe del Estado (Head of State).

This led to the first public universitary protest against the Francoist regime, and following a clash with Falangist activists they were arrested along with other opposing figures. This incident led to the destitution of Education Minister Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez, the decline of SEU which was sidelined from the Youth Front for losing the grip on the student body, and the start of the organized universitary protest movement. For his actions Múgica was imprisoned for three months in Carabanchel Prison.Toda España era una cárcel.

This was the first election contested by Evo Morales' Movement for Socialism (MAS). MAS emerged from the split in the Assembly for the Sovereignty of the Peoples, which had been divided in a factional conflict between Morales and Alejo Veliz. Morales' group obtained the legal registry to compete in the elections by borrowing the registration (and party name) of a falangist splinter faction (MAS-U). Veliz's group decided to contest on the lists of the Communist Party of Bolivia (PCB).

43, available here one of key dailies in the Falangist propaganda machinery.Calero Delso 2013, though he does not appear as engaged until at least 1948, see Jordi Rodriguez Virgili, La cooperativa del diario “El Alcázar”, [in:] Historia y comunicación social 5 (2000), pp. 171-187 In the 1940s he became one of the seniors of the Spanish press corps; in 1947, 50 years after commencing his newspaper career, he was awarded the order of Alfonso X the Wise as “veterano periodista”ABC 22.04.

Tusell 2002, pp. 37-8 This ban on political activity was not rigorously enforced on rightist organizations,the first time the decree was enforced by security was February 1937, when employed against some Falangist activities, Tusell 2002, p. 77 but each of their fates differed significantly. The largest grouping, CEDA, which held 88 seats in the Cortes, had been gradually disintegrating since the February elections; its structures had partially collapsed, having been abandoned by militants disappointed with the movement's legalist strategy.

Only the walls of the Church of St. Mary of the Incarnation and the Church of San Pedro Alcantara were left standing. With the aid of Fascist Italian troops, Nationalist forces seized Marbella during the first months of the war. It became a haven for prominent Nazis, including Léon Degrelle and Wolfgang Jugler, and Falangist personalities like José Antonio Girón de Velasco and José Banús. After the Second World War, Marbella was a small jasmine-lined village with only 900 inhabitants.

Sometimes after Falangists were done raping women, they would brand the breasts of their victims with the yoke and phalanx arrows, the Falangist symbol. In late 1938, a 17-year-old girl in Unarre was forced to watch her mother being executed, and then she was brutally gang raped and executed. When Nationalist troops occupied Vizcaya in the summer of 1937, their supporters engaged in wide scale sexual harassment. Women's heads were shaved, and some were publicly beaten while half naked.

Focused on social values, it was initially formatted as an offer to the Falangist syndicalist core, but later started to assume an increasingly Marxist tone. The Hugocarlistas were identified as subversive revolutionaries by the old-time requeté leader José Luis Zamanillo, and Sentís was caught in crossfire. Initially he seemed to side with the old guard; in 1962 he joined their new ex-combatant organisation, Hermandad de Antiguos Combatientes de Tercios de Requetés,ABC 06.05.62, available here and entered its Junta Nacional.

During the 1930s, future President of Colombia Laureano Gómez became an enthusiastic supporter of Falangism, although this fervour had died down somewhat by the time he took power in 1950. Nevertheless, a Falangist group was active in the country during the 1940s.A. Hennessy, 'Fascism and Populism in Latin America', W. Laqueur, Fascism: A Reader's Guide, Harmondsworth: Pelican, 1979, p. 289 A current group exists, the Falange Nacional Patriótica de Colombia, which claims to be active in the National University of Colombia.

More broadly, workerism can imply the idealization of workers, especially manual workers, working class culture (or an idealized conception of it) and manual labour in general. Socialist realism is an example of a form of expression that would be likely to be accused of workerism in this sense, but this also applies to Fascism, such as Franco's Falangist movement, which often used propaganda showing workers living and working in equitable conditions.Granada, "The Spanish Revolution." The charge of workerism is often levelled at syndicalists.

88 presents a slightly different view claiming that Bilbao was satisfied with the government changes, as they loosened the Falangist grip on power though the standoff eventually led to sidetracking of Serrano and de- emphasizing of Falangism.Preston 2011, pp. 469 and onwards The last major confrontation between syndicalist hardliners and monarchists took place in late 1956; Bilbao compared Arrese's draft of Leyes Fundamentales to "Soviet totalitarianism" and led the coalition of monarchists, Catholic hierarchy and the military against the project;Preston 2011, p.

442 Together with Lamamié de Clairac he talked in Villarreal de Álava to the Falangist leader Manuel Hedilla and agreed that either unification would take place on their terms, or not at all.Josep Carles Clemente, Raros, Heterodoxos, Disidentes Y Viñetas Del Carlismo, Madrid 1995, , 9788424507077, p. 136, Pérez-Nievas Borderas 1999, p. 118 He is listed as a member of the in-between Carlist group, neither decisively opposing nor decisively supporting the unification,Canal i Morell 2006, p. 342, Blinkhorn 2008, p.

Durych's Catholic viewpoint was often at odds with the prevailing intellectual climate in the Czechoslovak First Republic; notably his positive evaluation of the developments in Bohemia and baroque culture in general that followed the Battle of White Mountain. Durych felt that the loss suffered there by Frederick V of the Palatinate saved Bohemia from becoming a part of Germany. He was also the target of heavy criticism for supporting the Falangist side during the Spanish Civil War. Durych died in Prague.

The mottos of Francoism are mottos which encapsulate the ideals of Francoist Spain. Although the regime had many ideological influences (Traditionalism, National Catholicism, Militarism and National syndicalism), it employed Falangism in its popular movements. Falangist ideology was easily incorporated in the creation of mottos as it is believed to demonstrate a certain reluctance towards political agendas, and to favour empiricism, taking action, and the simplification of ideas.Historians have discussed which of the Falange's qualities were most characteristic of the ideology.

Peca la > natvraleza, son enfermizos ocio y soledad qve cada cval cvltive lo qve de > angelico le agracia, en amistad y dialogo. The text is found at the Monumento a Eugenio d'Ors (Madrid). These comparisons must be viewed in the context of National Catholicism, an essential aspect to the Francoist ideology. Although National Catholicism was not a key component of Falangist ideology (and was sometimes even opposed by the Falangists), it was used by the Falange as a rhetorical device.

Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Díputación-FET de las JONS. La convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Alava (Primera parte: 1936-1938), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 21 (2004), 156; his grip on alavese politics is also dubbed "cacicato" there In October 1937 as one of 12 Carlists he was appointed to the Falangist Consejo Nacional;Canal 2000, p. 340, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 192 it is not clear whether he entered the FET 9-member executive, Junta Política.

37, available here Despite unification, Manglano stuck to his Traditionalist identity; he soon embarked on war against the Falangist old-shirts, competing with them for control of the Valencian FET. When in the spring of 1938 the Nationalist troops seized first comarcas of the Valencian region, rivalry to control its FET branch translated into rivalry for real power. With Castellón province fully controlled by May, in June Cárcer was appointed head of the provincial FET,Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p.

331, for 1964 see Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El naufragio de las ortodoxias: el carlismo, 1962-1977, Pamplona 1997, , 9788431315641, p. 45 In 1958 he was appointed as representative of Navarre in the Falangist Consejo Nacional, a largely fictitious executive body which nevertheless automatically guaranteed membership in the Francoist quasi- parliament, Cortes Españolas;see Indice Historice de Diputados service, available here. For his appointment to Consejo Nacional see ABC 14.05.58, available here it is not clear what if any background mechanism elevated him to the position.

Blinkhorn 2008, p. 294 At this position he commenced work on revoking the Republican laws, focusing mostly on the laic legislation. Though the task was completed by his successor, it was Rodezno who ensured that the Church re- took a key role in a number of areas, especially education, and that intimate Church-state relations were restored.Blinkhorn 2008, p. 294, Dronda Martínez 2013, p. 388 When setting the direction he had to overcome the Falangist resistance and outmaneuver its key exponents, Jordana and Yanguas.Martínez Sánchez 2002, p.

90 In 1943 Rodezno resigned from the Navarrese government to enter the Francoist quasi-parliament, Cortes Españolas;see his 1943 file on the official Cortes service he was ensured its mandate as member of Consejo Nacional.ABC 24.11.42, available here The term lasted three years and was not renewed in 1946, which suggests that at that time he had already dropped out from the Falangist executive.none of the sources consulted provides information as to if and when Rodezno ceased as member of Consejo Nacional and Junta Politica.

Blinkhorn 1975, pp. 288-9 claims that the Baleztenas pressed Don Javier to accept the unification. The latest work, Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013 does not mention either of the Baleztenas when describing the amalgamation process (though see p. 132). Some claim that the Baleztenas contested the intransigent opposition to unification of Fal Conde, but Don Javier kept considering them loyal, as he authorised Joaquín to enter the Falangist Consejo Naciónal, see Martorell Peréz 2009, pp.

He succeeds and is later described by a Scotland Yard detective as "the most cold blooded executioner the movement has seen since Collins and his murder squad". During the Spanish Civil War, Devlin volunteers for the Connolly Column and is later captured by Falangist forces. While in a detention camp, he is recruited by Germany's military intelligence service, the Abwehr. During an intelligence mission inside the neutral Irish Free State, he is captured after a gunfight with the Garda Síochána, but later escapes from hospital in Dublin.

Franco dismissed the proposal ("es un exaltado") and went on to suggest Zamanillo. "Este es hugonote" said Carrero, and the post finally went to Antonio Maria Oriol. As at the time differences between Zamanillo and Carlos Hugo were already evident, it is not clear whether the opinion of Carrero resulted from poor intelligence or was rather a conscious attempt to against Zamanillo, perhaps related by Carrero (correctly) to the Falangist core. The account referred after Blas Piñar, Escrito para la historia, Madrid 2000, , p.

174 It remains obscure why Falange from the onset enjoyed advantage over the Carlists, and specifically whether it was the setup designed by Franco and Serrano (who appreciated greater Falangist mobilization potential and intended to present a counter-offer to radicalized masses), or whether it was the result of internal dynamics within the party (resulting from Carlist numerical inferiority, consistently skeptical stand of the regent or errors committed by their unificated leaders, who prematurely decided to withdraw). Many questions remain in relation to the unificated parties themselves.

These later regulations also attenuated the imperialist whims present at the Law. The membership included public officials, military personnel, falangist leaders, religious figures and right-wing intellectuals, amounting for 74 councillors. Until the creation of the Council of the Hispanidad, the issues related to Hispanic America were under the control of the Falange Exterior, organ of FET y de las JONS charged with the action of the party abroad. Later, the Service of the Falange Exterior maintained a pre-eminent role in the propaganda in Hispanic America.

219 Together with many Catalan industry tycoons taking refuge in the Gipuzkoan capital, Bau engaged in plans to re-create regional economic institutions once Catalonia would be retaken by the Nationalist troops. He was offered presidency of l'Institut Catala de Sant Isidre, the regional agricultural organization, but declined quoting his hostile relations with Serrano.Vallverdú 2014, p. 68 Indeed, the internal Falangist document denounced him as one of the leaders of local "plutocratas y alta burguesia" who conspired against the national- syndicalist state.Vallverdu 2014, p.

Initially, the Falange was short of funds and was a small student-based movement that preached of a utopian violent nationalist revolution. The Falange committed acts of violence prior to the war, including becoming involved in street brawls with their political opponents that helped to create a state of lawlessness that the right-wing press blamed on the republic to support a military uprising. Falangist terror squads sought to create an atmosphere of disorder in order to justify the imposition of an authoritarian regime.Paul Preston.

He deployed an intense activity, like the labor institutes for training workers and the development of the social security system ('). He was removed from the Ministry in 1957 according to the liberalizing shift that Franco wished for the Spanish economy (Stabilization Plan). The previous year, Girón had decreed a salary increase that the Spanish economy could not afford. Throughout Francoism, Girón was one of the leaders of Falange and he increasingly showed his dissent, according to the Falangist principles, to many policies of the regime.

Sexuality and the past, key themes in Aranda's work, are at the center of La Muchacha de las Bragas de Oro (1980) (Girl with the Golden Panties). This was an adaptation of a popular novel by his fellow Catalan Juan Marsé, in which Aranda displayed a more mature style. A Falangist character is writing his memoirs and shapes his past to the new democratic realities. His world of lies falls apart when he is confronted by his carefree niece, who playfully starts a game of seduction.

The son of the academic Severino Aznar Embid, Aznar studied medicine at the Universidad Central de Madrid, where his father was a sociology lecturer.Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1990, p. 16 He specialised in haematology and would ultimately serve as Chief Professor of the Central Laboratory and the Haematological Service. Aznar's political involvement also began in his student days and in 1935 he was the founder and leader of the Falangist student union, the Sindicato Español Universitario.

There, he was caught up in one of the major escapes of republican prisoners in the Spanish Civil War, and escaped to Pamplona to warn about the events. As a result, the sentence was reduced to just two years. In January 1940 he was appointed press officer of the Institute of Political Studies in Madrid thanks to his friendship with Ramón Serrano. Alcazar decides to talk to the British Ambassador Samuel Hoare, presenting himself as a radical Falangist with opposing ideas to Francoist Spain.

In Alava the Carlists formed some 70% of the requete volunteers, Ruiz Llano 2016, pp. 109, 165 It is also noted that during political amalgamation into Falange Española Tradicionalista, "los carlistas del Tercio de Montserrat brillan por su ausencia" in the new state party.Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 65 During feasts the Terç soldiers greeted the Falangist centurias with cries of "¡Viva el Rey!" and "¡Muera el nacional-sindicalismo!"; confrontations between former Terç combatants and Falangists endured well into the late 1940s, not infrequently ending in riots.

The first Spanish Republican women to die on the battlefield was Lina Odena on 13 September 1936. With Nationalist forces overrunning her position, the unit commander chose to commit suicide rather than to surrender. Her death would be widely shared by both Republican and Falangist propagandists. With Nationalist forces threatening her with the potential of being raped by Moorish soldiers if she is does not surrender, Republicans were able to cast her as an innocent who chose death rather than to be debased and lose her honor.

Luis Forest, an aging Falangist writer, has retired to Sitges to devote himself to review his past, write his memoirs and ruminate over his failed marriage. Due to a sense of guilt for his political past, aligned with the Francoist regime, he lives in virtual isolation in a large house accompanied only by his dog and Tesla, the housekeeper. Luis's isolation is suddenly interrupted by the unexpected visit of his niece, Mariana. Young and wildly carefree, Mariana arrives with the excuse to interview her uncle about the biographical book he is writing.

The role of a woman in Francoist Spain was to be a mother. Questioning this role for women was tantamount to questioning the nature and rights of the state, and viewed as a subversive act. In Francoist Spain, women were not endowed by God with business ingenuity, nor the capacity to be involved in war. According to Falangist teachings, God made women for the home; to understand it, with its upkeep, was the way to measure a woman's worth and the place where women should always be content.

The impact of this was that Sección Femenina encouraged women into secondary and university education so they could impart knowledge to the next generation. This could become problematic at times as there was a fine line in Falangist thinking between seeking education for practical reasons and seeking knowledge for the sake of knowledge in the vein of Second Republic feminists. Sección Feminina and the Catholic Church had conflicting viewpoints on women and physical activity. Sección Feminina actively encouraged women's sports and women's physical fitness, while the Catholic Church opposed it.

Militarily the Brigade achieved little; in its first action, near Ciempozuelos in February 1937, the Brigade was involved in a friendly fire incident with a Falangist unit while advancing to the front. Four brigaders and 13 Falangists were killed in the exchange of fire.Othen p117 Shortly after, at Titulcia in March 1937 the Brigade refused to advance after taking casualties and was withdrawn.Othen p119 Later, months of inactivity in a quiet sector sapped morale and saw an erosion of discipline; the unit was finally sent home in July 1937.

Born on 15 February 1908 in Águilas, Murcia. A trained physician, he worked in Lorca for a time. A hardline falangist who held the post of FET y de las JONS' national's inspector of health, Muñoz Calero joined the Blue Division siding with the nazis to fight the Soviet Union in the Eastern Front of World War II. He served as front-line surgeon in the division's medical corps. From 15 February 1943 to 14 January 1946 he presided over the managing committee (comisión gestora) that controlled the .

Born in Canfranc, Aragon, and the son of the town's miller, Ezquerra was a Falangist and enthusiastically signed up for military service on the Nationalist side after the military coup of 18 July 1936. He fought on the fronts of Aragon, Madrid, Extremadura and Teruel, in the 7th "Bandera de Castilla" and in the 6th Granada Infantry Regiment. He was wounded in fighting around Huesca, commissioned as a "provisional second lieutenant" (alferez provisional) and ended the war as a provisional first lieutenant. He received several medals for valor.

Tellería was replaced by Julio Muñoz Aguilar. However, the anniversary celebrations, staged in San Sebastián, ended with anti-Falangist demonstrations anyway; the Carlist participants shouted vivas to their king and to Fal Conde, Iñaki Fernández Redondo, La fallida conquista del estado. Falange y el establecimiento de FET y de las JONS (1939-1973), [in:] Damián A. González, Manuel Ortiz Heras, Juan Sisinio Pérez Garzón (eds.), La Historia, lost in Translation? Actas del XIII Congreso de la Asociación de Historia Contemporánea, Albacete 2016, , p. 3558 However, Tellería did not fall out of grace entirely.

In July 1936, the Spanish Civil War started with a military coup attempt launched from the Spanish enclave of Melilla. In October of that same year, Franco took over as the Generalissimo and Chief of State in Nationalist zones. On 19 April 1937, Catholic and Falangist parties were merged, making Falange Española Tradicionalista the official state party behind Nationalist lines. On 30 January 1938, the first National State Cabinet meeting was held, with the Spanish Civil War formally coming to an end on 1 April 1939 and an official government formalized on 8 August 1939.

Panoramic view of the Castle of La Mota. The castillo de la Mota in Medina del Campo was the center of the Escuela Superior de Formación de la Sección Femenina in the Francoist period. Inside, women and teenaged girls were trained to become Falangist leaders in defense of the Spanish family. Lessons were given on hygiene, embroidery, cooking, singing of patriotic hymns, and saying of prayers. In May 1939, Pilar Primo de Rivera organized a festival at La Mota castle in Medina del Campo which was attended by 10,000 girls and young women.

One of the Basque nationalist journalists who wrote for the paper was Manuel Aznar Zubigaray, who later would become a falangist. He was the grandfather of eventual Spanish prime minister José María Aznar. In 1921, after a split in the Basque Nationalist Party, Euzkadi supported the branch called Comunión Nacionalista Vasca ("Basque Nationalist Communion"). In June 1937, during the Spanish Civil War, after the "national" forces occupied Bilbao, Euzkadi's publication was cancelled and the premises were offered to El Correo Español which then was the newspaper of Spanish Falange.

Brasillach was also greatly impressed by José Antonio Primo de Rivera and his Falangist movement.Philippe D'Hugues, "Brasillach et l'Allemagne", in La Nouvelle Revue d'Histoire, Numero 50, 2010 at p. 45 By contrast, he described Mein Kampf as a "masterpiece of cretinism" in which Hitler appeared to be "a sort of enraged teacher."Philippe D'Hugues, "Brasillach et l'Allemagne", in La Nouvelle Revue d'Histoire, Numéro 50, 2010 at p. 46 A soldier in 1940, Brasillach was captured by the Germans and held prisoner for several months after the fall of France.

Another of Roulien's films, El grito de la juventud, which debuted in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on 24 September 1939, was much better known. A short time later Montenegro and Roulien were divorced. In 1944, Montenegro married the Spanish diplomat Ricardo Giménez Arnau, a senior member of the far right Falangist Party and Ambassador to the Holy See. Following a rare interview with Montenegro shortly before her death, Spanish author José Rey Ximena claims in his book, El Vuelo del Ibis [The Flight of the Ibis]Rey Ximena, José.

It was one of the ideological bases of Francoist Spain, especially in the early years. The ideology was present in Portugal with the Movimento Nacional- Sindicalista (active in the early 1930s), its leader Francisco Rolão Preto being a collaborator of Falange ideologue José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The Spanish version theory has influenced the Kataeb Party in Lebanon, the National Radical Camp Falanga in Poland and various Falangist groups in Latin America. The Unidad Falangista Montañesa maintained a trade union wing, called the Association of National-Syndicalist Workers.

Martorell Peréz 2009, p. 343. As late as 1954 he occasionally went into hiding, having been easy target of Falangist vengeance.Martorell Peréz 2009, p. 349 Carlist standard The Baleztenas voiced against a union with Juanistas,Premín de Iruña blog, entry 27.06.13; the Baleztenas voted against publishing Ecto de Estoril in Pensamiento, Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffé, El papel del carlismo navarro en el inicio de la fragmentación definitiva de la comunión tradicionalista (1957-1960), [in:] Principe de Viana 2011, p. 402 which did not necessarily amount to endorsing Don Javier's claim to the throne.

436 Since late 1936 Carlist and Falangist leaders got wind of unification idea, vaguely nurtured by Franco. Unsure about its terms and whether resistance was a viable option, they concluded that a deal agreed by both parties might be better than a solution imposed by the military. Exchange of public statements at the turn of 1936 and 1937 immediately revealed major differences: an article by Carlist pundit presented both as partners,this is the view advanced in Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, , pp.

Tusell 2002, p. 123 However, on April 16 his opponents in the executive visited Hedilla in his Salamanca office and declared him deposed; both Hedillistas and “legitimists” remained in touch with Franco and both were led to believe they had his support. The following day Hedilla stroke back and tried to arrest his opponents; the gunfight left two people dead. At this point Franco's security detained most of these involved except Hedilla, who on April 18 was confirmed by the rump Falangist Consejo as the new Jefé Nacional.

Sevillian homosexual Falangist Andrés Díaz murdered his pregnant ex-wife Ana Lineros while she was giving birth, having taken her from jail and shaving her first. He then tried to hide her body. Díaz was acquitted of murder because the court ruled Lineros was a dangerous red, despite lots of testimony from other women who claimed she was not. In a case in Torre Alháquime, when there was a leadership in Falange, the incoming boss wrote an internal report that accused the outgoing leader as drunk, rapist and extortionist.

The intervention of the Consul of Mexico in Málaga, taking an interest in his situation and that of other political prisoners, allowed him to delay looking at his cause and saving his life. The new authorities appointed him manager of the first Town Hall, president of the Official Agricultural Chamber and in May 1938, provincial union delegate in the province, a position in which he remained until May 1941. He was a Falangist from José Luis Arrese's circle. Appointed chief engineer of Tobacco Culture and Fermentation, he moved to Madrid.

Memoria de una represión silenciada: Enfrentamientos, marginación y persecución durante la primera mitad del régimen franquista (1936-1955), Madrid 2018, , p. 40 Others count him among the hardline Falangist “blandos” and note that Iturmendi in public appeared in the black party uniform.Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 188 As before taking seat in Consejo he did not seek authorization from the Carlist regent-claimant Don Javier, the latter expelled him from Comunión Tradicionalista.

Francoist/Falangist and Nazi memorabilia in a shop in Toledo, Spain Several Cold War regimes and international neo-fascist movements collaborated in operations such as assassinations and false flag bombings. Stefano Delle Chiaie, who was involved in Italy's Years of Lead, took part in Operation Condor; organizing the 1976 assassination attempt on Chilean Christian Democrat Bernardo Leighton. Documents concerning attempted assassination of Bernardo Leighton, on the National Security Archives website. Vincenzo Vinciguerra escaped to Franquist Spain with the help of the SISMI, following the 1972 Peteano attack, for which he was sentenced to life.

By the beginning of July, the CNT was still fighting while the UGT had agreed to arbitration. In retaliation to the attacks by the Falangists, anarchists killed three bodyguards of the Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The government then closed the CNT's centers in Madrid and arrested David Antona and Cipriano Mera, two CNT militants. George Orwell wrote of the nature of the new society that arose in the communities: Some of the most important communities in this respect were those of Alcañiz, Calanda, Alcorisa, Valderrobres, Fraga or Alcampel.

The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) broke out on July 18, 1936, and Anderson covered the struggle for the London Daily Mail, reporting from the Falangist side. On September 13, 1936, she was captured and imprisoned by the Republican side, held as a fascist spy, tortured, and sentenced to death. However, in October 1936 her release was secured by the intervention of US Secretary of State Cordell Hull and the US State Department assisted her return to the United States. Her experiences in Spain moved her political allegiance to the far right.

38, available here, Lizarza Iribarren 2006, pp. 149-150, 155 or lambasting “intolerable” domination of Falangist threads in official propaganda.many historiographic works note his protest against a Francoist propaganda movie of early 1939; it presented the 1936-1937 conquest of the Northern zone with emphasis on Falange and almost no mention at all about the Carlist requeté. Depending upon sources, Elizalde either protested to Junta Política, or to Fernandez Cuesta, or to Franco, Emeterio Diez Puertas, El montaje del franquismo: la política cinematográfica de las fuerzas sublevadas, Madrid 2002, , p.

José Pablo Arellano Marin (Santiago, March 18, 1952) is an economist, academic, researcher, company director, consultant and Chilean politician, a member of the Christian Democrats. He was Minister of Education under the governments of Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle and of Michelle Bachelet, Chief Executive Officer of Codelco-Chile, a state-owned company and also the largest company in the country. His father was José Arellano, a Falangist former mayor of Cartagena and former president of the Association of Municipalities of the time. He died when Arellano was just four years old.

Mussolini met Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera in 1933 but did not have much enthusiasm in the establishment of fascism in Spain at that time. By January 1937, an expeditionary force of 35,000 Italians, the Corpo Truppe Volontarie, were in Spain under the command of General Mario Roatta. The contingent was made up of four divisions: Littorio, Dio lo Vuole ("God Wills it"), Fiamme Nere ("Black Flames") and Penne Nere ("Black Feathers"). The first of these divisions was made up of soldiers; the other three of Blackshirt volunteers.

José Antonio Girón in the 1940s. José Antonio Girón de Velasco (28 August 1911, Herrera de Pisuerga, Palencia - 22 August 1995, Fuengirola, Málaga) was a prominent Spanish Falangist politician. He was minister of Labor (1941–57), counselor of the Council of the Realm and member of the Cortes Españolas. He was one of the most heard voices against any kind of changes during the last years of Francoist regime, taking part in the political group known as "the Bunker", for their reluctance to the Spanish transition to democracy after Franco's death.

It was a pioneer as a disseminating publication of the Falangist ideology in the rebel zone after the beginning of the war. In its editorial line, anti-Marxist, but also anti- Semitic and anti-Masonic approaches were manifested. In its first copy, the ideology of the same was clear: In November 1936, after the proliferation of the bonfires, from the pages of the publication had to ask for restraint and to respect private libraries. However, as the struggle progressed, the newspaper maintained the dialectic of the first days.

At the beginning of the civil war Aznar was appointed jefe of the national militias in succession to Luis Aguilar who had been killed.Payne, Fascism in Spain, p. 242 In this role he was close to Hans Joachim von Knobloch, the German consul in Alicante and in 1936 the two co-operated in a scheme to secure the release of the captured Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera through bribery. The plan failed and Aznar narrowly escaped capture himself, although the scheme was typical of his adventuring reputation.

Also stopped are a wealthy Englishman and his American wife, la Condesa, for whom Andrés acts as interpreter and is rewarded. He is then sent to safety in Barcelona where he starts an affair with Julia, the virgin daughter of the house, but is evicted before consummation. To live, he starts dealing on the black market and one night tries a prostitute, but she is so bored that he leaves in disgust. The war over, his mother comes back and is set up in a flat by her Falangist lover Victor.

Pemán was one of the few prominent intellectuals to support Francisco Franco and the Falangist movement. This ensured his professional success during and after the Civil War, but damaged his international reputation. Pemán wrote a set of unofficial, although "officiose" popular lyrics for the Marcha Real, which Franco reestablished as Spain's national anthem in 1939 in its original and ever official way, musical only, despite some popular unsustained assumptions about Marquina's lyrics officialty . His never published on the BOE (Official State Bulletin) lyrics remained in use by some nostalgics during the Transition period.

In the Cochabamba region the verbal confrontations between the two sides were often tense, and the Veliz group launched the slogan "MAS is Unzaguist, falangist, heil heil Hitler".Loayza Caero, Román, and Shirley Rasguido. Román Loayza Caero: lider quechua, contribuyó al ascenso campesino indígena del país. Líderes contemporáneos del movimiento campesino indígena de Bolivia, no. 3. La Paz, Bolivia: CIPCA, 2006. p. 27 MAS-IPSP itself however stressed that the adaptation of the name MAS was a mere formality, the membership cards issued by the organization carried the slogan "MAS legalmente, IPSP legítimamente".

Fascism describes certain related political regimes in 20th- century Europe, especially the Nazi Germany of Hitler, the Fascist Italy of Mussolini and the falangist Spain of Franco. About Italian Fascism Pope Pius XI is said to have been moderately sceptic and G. K. Chesterton friendly but critical. In the Spanish Civil War Roman Catholics internationally were mainly in support of either neutral or on Franco's side, due to Azaña's de facto toleration of anti-clerical violence in and just before this conflict. Dollfuss in Austria was the ideal politician realising Pope Pius XI's Quadragesimo anno.

284 Following the death of José Antonio Primo de Rivera Hedilla was nominated as his successor but he was soon at the centre of a power struggle between himself and the legitimistas led by Agustín Aznar and Sancho Dávila y Fernández de Celis.Paul Preston, Franco, London: 1995, pp. 261-6 Hedilla's pro-social reform position won the support of the German ambassador General Wilhelm Faupel and, although Hedilla was not directly involved, his followers took the initiative in Salamanca on April 16, 1937 by attempting to wrest control of the Falangist headquarters from rightist leader Sancho Dávila.Beevor, The Battle for Spain, p.

On August 16, with various units of the Spanish Republican Navy in support, Bayo landed his force of 8,000 militia at Punta Amer and Porto Cristo. Despite problems unloading and deploying their six 75mm and four 105mm guns, the Republicans managed to push inland against the Nationalist garrison consisting of 1,200 regular infantry, 300 members of the Guardia Civil, and hundreds of Falangist volunteers. However, the Nationalists' fortunes improved dramatically on August 27 when supplies and air support arrived from nearby Italy. The Republican bomber forces ranging overhead were cut down and replaced by Italian aircraft.

However, since 1945 the Council of Ministers takes greater relevance especially after the departure of the government of the Falangist José Luis de Arrese. Between this date and 1950, the Franco regime suffers a clear international isolationism, which ends after the interested aid of the United States. Since then, Spain enters the WHO, UNESCO, signed agreements with the Holy See and, among all this, financial aid from the United States continued to arrive. With the new government of 1951, which included, among others, the opening and former ambassador in the Holy See, Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez or his right hand, Luis Carrero Blanco.

175 He was moved in 1951 to the post of General Secretary of the Movement and oversaw a return to much more draconian ways as unrest over rising unemployment repression under Fernández-Cuesta's direction.De Blaye, Franco, pp. 177-9 He lost this position in early 1956 after Franco came under pressure by leading figures in the Army to remove him following a riot at the University of Madrid in which it was said that the Falangist Frente de Juventudes had acted too heavy-handedly in battling students seeking to organise their own syndicate outside of the official government body.De Blaye, Franco, p.

Paul Preston has speculated that the police officers may have acted of their own accord. This was a factor in the uprising of 18 July, though the Nationalist revolt had been in planning for months.Beevor, Antony; "The Battle for Spain" Driving with him in a police car of the Guardia de Asalto, Officer Luis Cuenca shot him in the back of the neck in summary execution. ;July 14: Shootout between the Guardia de Asalto and falangist militias in the streets surrounding the cemetery of Madrid, where the burials of José Castillo and Calvo Sotelo are taking place.

The wounded are walking disorientated over the battlefield, the organization of the defense in this area breaks down. Falangist General Varela tells foreign journalists in a press conference: "You can tell the world, Madrid will fall within one week." General Mola plans the attack route: over the Casa de Campo and the practically unpopulated University City (Ciudad Universitaria), to avoid heavy losses in the fierce street fight he would anticipate if he had to enter through the south suburbs, traditionally strong districts of the working class. Nationalist casualties are mounting but still tolerable: 115 men today.

During the war, women affiliated with Sección Femenina spread propaganda, sewed flags, visited Falangist prisoners in jail, supported families of prisoners and engaged in large scale fundraising activities in support of nationalist causes. Sección Femenina trained instructors and health practitioners, and in the process developed a number of strong female leaders. The organization also created territorial based sub-entities to implement their wider agenda of controlling women across Spain. Sección Femenina held their first national conference in January 1937, which allowed for the organization for the first time to highlight their accomplishments with support from the Nationalist established Spanish state.

One of the goals of the Women's Section was to use fascist ideology about the role of women and Falange's teachings in a woman's individual agency to attract leftist women who were seeking to enjoy some semblance of the freedoms they had enjoyed during the 1920s and 1930s. They did this in part through educational efforts and providing a political outlet. The Women's Section continued to build schools in the post-war period. Pilar, serving as a link between her brother and Falangist originalism, ensured the organization's survival even as it lost some of its early impetus and grew exceptionally in size.

On 19 July, the new government of Prime Minister José Giral decided to issue weapons to the unions; 65,000 rifles were handed over, but only 5,000 had bolts. The other 60,000 bolts were stored separately at the Montaña barracks. The commander of the barracks, Colonel Moisés Serra, disregarded the order of the Minister of War to hand over this essential equipment, effectively marking the beginning of the uprising in Madrid. On the morning of 19 July, General Fanjul arrived at the Montaña barracks, as did groups of officers from the other Madrid garrisons and a number of falangist and monarchist volunteers.

Franco responded warmly, but without any firm commitment. Falangist media agitated for irredentism, claiming for Spain the portions of Catalonia and the Basque Country that were still under French administration.Serrano Suñer, tragedia personal y fascismo político, Javier Tusell, El País, 2 September 2003: "Serrano ante él [Hitler] llegó a sugerir que el Rosellón debia ser español, por catalán, y que Portugal no tenía sentido como unidad política independiente."El último de los de Franco, Santiago Pérez Díaz, El País 7 September 2003 Hitler and Franco met only once at Hendaye, France on 23 October 1940 to fix the details of an alliance.

They formed a committee of members and non-SCJ experts to meet with any person affected and said they were committed to investigating and clarifying the truth about "the incidents, which are intolerable, because they involve grave suffering for persons who trusted our community, and they betray our deepest values". They said they were available to cooperate with civil and ecclesial authorities. There were thirty allegations of abuse by Figari and his closest associates, including Daniel Murguía and Germán Doig. Salinas's book also detailed Figari's involvement in his youth with right-wing Catholic, extreme right-wing, and falangist groups.

The initial strategy of the military plot had been to assume power all over the country in the manner of a pronunciamiento (military coup) of the 19th century. However, resistance to the coup by Republicans meant that instead Franco and his allies instead had to conquer the country by military force if they wanted to seize power. Franco himself had landed in Algeciras, in southern Spain, with Moroccan troops from the Spanish Army of Africa. Mola, who commanded the colonial troops as well as the Spanish Foreign Legion and Carlist and Falangist militia, raised troops in the north.

91–98 The work advanced a fairly Traditionalist vision, founded on monarchical, Catholic, regionalist and organicist threads; it contained no reference to caudillaje system, by no means endorsed Falangist national- syndicalism and when discussing social issues focused on gremialist structures instead. What differed it from orthodox Carlism was that modernizing effort prevailed over focus on tradition; it contained even some democratic references stressing total mobility of the society, unheard of in tradition- entrenched typical Carlist outlook."nuestra política profesa un concepto rectamente democrático derivado del divino principio de a fraternidad verdadera", Heras y Borrero 2004, p. 96 The grouping was getting internally divided.

168 All these concepts were resemblant of Primo de Rivera state party, Unión Patriótica, the amorphous and bureaucratic structure built from scratch and organized around general values such as patriotism, discipline, work, law and order. It is not clear whether Franco has ever considered seriously any of the above options; it seems that by late 1936 he started to opt for a different formula, based not on a general political amalgam but formatted along more specific lines. In November he confessed in private that perhaps the Falangist doctrine could be incorporated without the Falange.Payne 2000, p.

253 As a result, in the early spring of 1937 situation was getting increasingly complex. Franco and Serrano were working on unification terms, to be imposed upon Falange and Comunión; both parties tried to agree their own terms as measure of defense against anticipated military dictate;the actual position of Franco versus autonomous Falangist-Carlist negotiations is not clear. Some of his earlier statements suggest that he genuinely expected them to agree the terms, Tusell 2002, pp. 113-4. His later comments suggest he started to view autonomous negotiations as a threat and intended to prevent any such deal, Payne 1987, p.

Franco speaking, late 1940s; note Falangist and Carlist symbolsthe graphical symbol in the middle has not been identified The key outcome of unification was ensuring political unity within the Nationalist camp. The most dynamic political groupings in the rebel zone, so far fully loyal but autonomous and demonstrating own ambitions, were marginalized. Falange was domesticated and though the independent national-syndicalist current within FET remained strong, the party was now firmly controlled by caudillo and his men. Carlism retained its independent political identity beyond FET yet it suffered from fragmentation bordering breakup and Comunión Tradicionalista started to languish in semi-clandestine life.

In late 1940s Massó moved to Madrid studying Filosofia y Letras to graduate in Philosophy (later he became also Técnico en Publicidad). During his university years he joined Agrupación de Estudiantes Tradicionalistas, a technically illegal though tolerated Carlist student organization. Enraged by increasing marginalization of Carlism within the political realm of the regime he developed his childish anti-Falangist sentiments into a firm anti-Francoist outlook. Engaged in leafleting campaigns and skirmishes against the official SEU organization, in 1954 Massó (recommended by the Carlist political leader Manuel Fal Conde) grew to the position of Delegado Nacional of AET.

A law dated 2 November 1940, published in the Boletín Oficial del Estado on 7 November, gave birth to the organ.España: The text, that put Spain as the "spiritual axis of the hispanic world, with title of preeminency in regards to the universal concerns", made a passing mention in the articles to the possibility, unattainable in the short term, of a some kind of political union (Art. #2), a feature characteristic of the falangist ideary. Two months later, the composition of the Council was decided and, in April 1941, the bylaw of the organization was passed.

The party claims to be based around the traditions and beliefs of the Orthodox church. The party's manifesto asserts that the main objectives are to preserve and promote Greek culture and to "convey the continually unchanging ideas and values of Hellenism and to transform them into the new generations, through the continuation of the ancient Greek civilization adapted to the needs of today, the dissemination of its high cultural destination, the proclamation and promotion of the principles of equality, equality and meritocracy". The party supports the political beliefs espoused by Spanish falangist, José Antonio Primo de Rivera.

Juan Carlos, Prince of Spain Since 1949 Iturmendi was continuously member in the Cortes by virtue of his seat in the Falangist Consejo Nacional.over time Iturmendi grew to Comisión Permanente of the Council and was noted in such role in 1966, Joaquín Monserrat Cavaller, Joaquín Bau Nolla y la restauración de la Monarquía, Madrid 2001, , p. 243 His parliamentary ticket was renewed in 1952, 1955, 1958, 1961 and 1964; since 1952 he held double eligibility because of his ministerial job.see the official Iturmendi note on the Congress website, available here When stepping down, Iturmendi made room for another Carlist, Antonio Oriol.

Antonio Iturmendi Bañales (1903–1976) was a Spanish Carlist and Francoist politician. He is best known as the Minister of Justice, serving in 1951–1965, as the Cortes speaker, serving in 1965–1969; he held the parliamentarian ticket between 1949 and 1976. He is also noted as briefly a civil governor and Tarragona and Zaragoza provinces in 1939. Though not counted among key decision-makers of the Francoist regime, he is considered instrumental in thwarting the Falangist attempt to re-define the system in the mid-1950s, and in the process of implementing the Alfonsist restoration in the 1960s.

Falangist standard In January 1939 Iturmendi was nominated the first Francoist gobernador civil in Tarragona.technically the first Francoist civil governor of Tarragona was Carmelo Monzón Mosso, nominated in April 1938 (also for the province of Castellón). At that time the Nationalist made first incursions into the province, yet until January 1939 they never controlled more than 25% of its territory. Official provincial site does not count Monzón as the civil governor, Govern civil de Tarragona, [in:] Tarragona service, available here He is noted as involved in anti-Republican purges; officials deemed “anti- patriotic” were to be removed or suspended.

115 As a cabinet Minister he took the lead in attacking the Constitutional proposals put forward by the Falangist hard-line of Manuel Hedilla, Dionisio Ridruejo, Agustín Aznar and Fernando González Vélez which sought to build Spain into a party state along the lines of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Sainz Rodríguez was supported in his opposition by Franco and both Aznar and González Vélez were imprisoned for their part in the proposal.Preston, Franco, pp. 299-300 Unsurprisingly Sainz Rodríguez became a target of abuse from the Falangists and, damaged by the criticism, he requested his own removal from office in April 1939.

Marcus Garvey Fascism has also been a rare feature of politics in this region, not only for the same reasons as those in Central America but also due to the continuation of colonialism well after the main era of fascism in much of the area. However Falangist movements have been active in Cuba, notably under Antonio Avendaño and Alfonso Serrano Vilariño from 1936 to 1940.Le Falange en Cuba A Cuban Nazi party was also active but this group, which attempted to change its name to the 'Fifth Column Party' was banned in 1941.Gunther, Inside Latin America, p.

BOE 21.05.73, available here Bau's rise from political non-existence to president of Consejo de Estado in just 7 years was possible as he proved acceptable to most groupings competing for power within Francoism. Deprived of own political background, he posed no threat and might have been considered as sympathetic to their cause by Carlists, monarchists, technocrats (by virtue of his business activities and friendship with López RodóMonserrat Cavaller 2001, p. 335), the Church and even the military (maintained friendly relations with many high-ranking generals); it was only the Falangist syndicalists that he remained at odds with.

The prince, greeted with exploding enthusiasm of the youth, delivered his La Proclama de Montejurra which, apart from social novelties, presaged modernization of the party and a more activist policy, which might have been interpreted as an offer to Franco. As Carlos Hugo moved permanently from France to Madrid, his cooperation with Valiente went well, resulting in Valiente's nomination to Jefe Delegado in 1960. Don Javier Initially, the rapprochement, masterminded by Valiente and the leading hugocarlista Ramón Massó, looked promising. The socially radical Falangist leaders, José Solís Ruiz and Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta, started to frequent Carlist meetings.

With princess Irene, Madrid 1967 In the mid-1960s, the differences over posibilismo were becoming a function of an even more fundamental conflict. Valiente was alarmed when he noticed that the social radicalism of Carlos Hugo was losing its pro-Falangist tone and was taking an increasingly Marxist turn instead. The Basque question proved to be another field of discontent. In the late 1960s, the young hugocarlistas already controlled the Carlist student organization Agrupación Escolar Tradicionalista (AET), the trade-unionist Movimiento Obrero Tradicionalista (MOT) and the new militia Grupos de Accion Carlista (GAC), and launched an open bid for control.

He began his political activities during his university studies in Valladolid. In 1931 he joined Juventudes Castellanas de Acción Hispánica (Castilian Youth for Spanish Action), a small political group founded in Valladolid by Onésimo Redondo, that would merge with Ramiro Ledesma's Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (Unions of the National- Syndicalist Offensive) and José Antonio Primo de Rivera's Falange Española de las JONS. He fought in the Civil War on the Nationalist side and commanded units of Falangist militias. After the war, he was appointed national delegate of Veterans and in 1941 minister of Labor, when he was only 30.

Añoveros was noted for chiding Falangist unions as undemocratic, at the same time praising Catholic groups as acting "with heroic courage at times in hostile environments", Patrick J. Sullivan, Catholic Social Thought on Labor-Management Issues, 1960–1980, available here especially as the organizations were assuming an alternative and challenging format.Añoveros organized the national congresses of HOAC in Cadiz and hosted independent 1 May celebrations at the religious premises, see Torres Barranco 2015, pp. 111–112, Foweraker 2003, p. 103 Some of his gestures looked like manifestos, which pitted the world of poverty against that of glamour and officialdom.

María Rosa Urraca Pastor, one of 3 Carlist leaders of 18 existing FET branches, resigned in 1938, following a conflict with the Falangist leader Pilar Primo de Rivera. In 1938 José María Oriol resigned his place in Junta Política and protested to Franco personally up to total withdrawal into privacy; José Quint Zaforteza was the Carlist pre-war leader in the Baleares and was nominated the civil governor of the province in 1937. He immediately clashed with the Falangists and was ousted following a few months. He continued political activity as president of the local diputación, but only until 1939.

Del tradicionalismo al socialismo autogestionario [PhD thesis Universidad Jaume I], Castellón 2015 Except preservation of semi-separate establishments in Álava and Navarre, detailed accounts differ; according to some sources it was the Minister of Economy who sought homogenisation of the country, according to others the Falangists aimed at undercutting the Carlist strength in Navarre and Alava by means of removing local legal establishments. Various individuals claimed the credit for eventual preservation of some Alavese and Navarrese fueros, see e.g. Entrevista a Esteban Bilbao, [in:] Esfuerzo común 102 (1969) the list of carlo-francoist political accomplishments is mostly about thwarting radical Falangist designs.

Corina (Cora) Eloísa Ratto de Sadosky (1912–1981) was an Argentine mathematician, educator and militant activist in support of human and women's rights in Argentina and beyond. She played an important part in the Argentine University Federation supporting republican interests during the Spanish Civil War and helping victims of Falangist oppression. In 1941, following the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, she established and headed the anti-fascist Junta de la Victoria which stood for democracy and women's suffrage. In 1965, Ratto founded Columna 10, a journal denouncing the conduct of the United States in the Vietnam War.

He promoted the magazines Papel de Color and Galiza, and edited the first issue of the latter, published July 25, 1930. He was a founding member of the Partido Galeguista (Galicianist Party). The military uprising of July 1936 found Cunqueiro in Mondoñedo, and thanks to the influence of his conservative family, he was not subjected to reprisals, and was able to find work as a teacher in a private school in Ortigueira from October 1936 onwards. He was the regional head of press and propaganda for the Falange, and worked on the local Falangist publication Era Azul.

Until 1992, Cuba was officially an atheist state. In August 1960, several bishops signed a joint pastoral letter condemning communism and declaring it incompatible with Catholicism, and calling on Catholics to reject it. Fidel Castro gave a four-hour long speech the next day, condemning priests who serve "great wealth" and using fears of Falangist influence in order to attack Spanish born priests, declaring "There is no doubt that Franco has a sizeable group of fascist priests in Cuba." Originally more tolerant of religion, the Cuban government began arresting many believers and shutting down religious schools after the Bay of Pigs invasion.

After lobbying by the Foreign Minister Ramón Serrano Suñer and senior figures within the Spanish Army, Franco agreed that Spanish people would be permitted to enlist privately in the German Army and agreed to provide tacit support. An infantry division was raised from Falangist and Army cadres and was sent for training in Germany. The unit participated in the Siege of Leningrad but was withdrawn from the Front after Spanish pressure in October 1943 and was returned to Spain soon afterwards. Several thousand non-returners were incorporated into the short-lived Blue Legion and eventually into the Waffen-SS.

The Blue Legion (; ), officially called the Spanish Volunteer Legion (; ), was a volunteer legion created from 2,133 falangist volunteers who remained behind at the Eastern Front after most of the Spanish Blue Division was repatriated in March 1944 because Francisco Franco had started negotiations with the Allies. It officially consisted of two battalions. It was later estimated that the legion grew to over 3,000 Spaniards. The 101st SS Spanish Volunteer Company () of 140 men, composed of four rifle platoons and one staff platoon, was attached to 28th SS Volunteer Grenadier Division Wallonien and fought in Pomerania and Brandenburg.

From the end of 1940 or early 1941, Tilly Spiegel was actively engaged in resistance work for Travail Allemand (TA), an anti-fascist organisation of German expatriates that increasingly operated as a section of the French Resistance. Most were communists, many had fled Nazi Germany to escape life-threatening political and/or race based persecution. A lot of TA members had fought in the Spanish Civil War, and ended up in France after the Falangist victory. One returnee from the Spanish Civil War who ended up as a TA resistance leader was Franz Marek, a leading Austrian communist intellectual originally from Galicia.

At a meeting in the Teatro Calderón in Valladolid in March 1934, the hall was filled with banners and insignia and many attendees wore the blue shirts, visually displaying what José Antonio Primo de Rivera called the "spirit of service and of sacrifice, the ascetic and military concept of life." Later, upper-class women tended to use Falangist insignia on their clothes as fashion accessories. When Carmen Primo de Rivera, sister of José Antonio, married in December 1938, she had the yoke and arrows embroidered on her wedding dress. After José Antonio died, a black tie was added in his memory.

Falangist women activists at times had difficulty in deciding whether they should to be in the public eye serving the cause or stay working in the home to serve Nationalist interests away from the front. Catholic women activists faced similar conflicts. The issue was mirrored in broader Nationalist society, which faced the need for women to fill support roles to help the war effort, while at the same time wanting women to remain pure, supporting traditional motherhood and working in the home. The concept of motherhood would also change fundamentally during the war, with mothers becoming the one in charge of the home.

Garralda Arizcun 2008; at that time the alcalde was a Carlist, Antonio Archanco Zubiri, "comerciante local con la tendencia colaboracionista", María del Mar Larraza-Micheltorena, Alcaldes de Pamplona durante el franquismo: Un retrato de conjunto, [in:] Memoria y Civilización 15 (2012), pp. 232, 235 By this token, in 1943 and 1944 he performed the prestigious sanfermines task of setting off el chupinazo.see sanfermin.com site available here The council role did necessarily imply collaboration, but promotion to colonel, 1943 appointment as a provincial Falangist delegate for communication and transport and vice secretary of FET Educación Popular sectionAurora Villanueva Martínez, El Carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo: 1937-1951, Madrid 1998, , p.

In course of one of key meetings in BurgosTellería was not present during two other key Carlist meetings when unification was discussed, namely these in Insua and in Pamplona. Though member of the broad party leadership, apparently Tellería did not form part of the compact decision- making executive, compare Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, pp. 252-280 he questioned the legality of Consejo de la Tradición, a body formed by the Rodeznistas as part of their strategy to overpower Fal. Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós 1996, p. 255 Shortly after declaration of the forced unification and watching a joint Carlist-Falangist juvenile parade in San Sebastián, he remarked: “this is shameful.

Ariel, Barcelona, pp. 221–224. (Spanish) On the eve of the celebration, the Commander of the Falangist militia of Bilbao informed his Regional Head, based in Burgos, that among the attendees at Begoña would be Basque nationalists disguised in Carlist uniform with weapons ready to provoke an incident. That same day, August 14, "after having received instructions", Eduardo Berástegui, the Head of the Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU) of Biscay, and an "old shirt" named Hernando Calleja Calleja left Valladolid. In San Sebastián they picked up Juan José Domínguez Muñoz who, like Calleja, had just returned from the Eastern Front where they fought with the Blue Division.

The Council of the Hispanidad would become the in 1946 and change from a more Falangist profile to a more Catholic one. That happened within a framework of a general change in the doctrine of the Hispanidad between 1945 and 1947, with Alberto Martín-Artajo at the helm of the Spanish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The message then became more defensive and less aggressive, with fewer mentions of "empire" and "race" (biological). Afterwards, later in the Francoist dictatorship, the regime, then less constrained by the international community, recovered more aggressive rhetorics, but it failed to reach the full extent of when Ramón Serrano Suñer was Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Payne 2000, p. 252 The Falangist executive, itself divided mostly along personalist lines between Hedillistas and so-called “legitimists”,some scholars identify even 3 currents with Falange: Hedillistas, legitimists and neo-falangistas, Rodríguez Jiménez 2000, p. 267 were getting increasingly frustrated about military domination; in early 1937 they empowered Hedilla to demand total political hegemony with military control reduced to the army and the navy.Payne 2000, p. 266 Moreover, in January the Junta reached to the German NSDAP and the Italian PNF seeking a political understanding behind the back of the military; they vaguely suggested that “Franco is [only] for today”.Payne 2000, p. 259, Tusell 2002, pp.

Falangist standard Franco first mentioned unification in October, but during 5 months he apparently struggled to work out its terms; in February he was stuck with laborious comparison of José Antonio's and Víctor Pradera's works, in handwritten notes on the margins trying to identify points of convergence.Payne 2000, p. 262 The process gained momentum in late winter of 1937; most scholars relate it to arrival of Ramón Serrano Suñer, the astute man impressed with Italian Fascism who immediate replaced conventional Nicolas Franco as Caudillo's key adviser.Payne 1987, pp. 167-168 Generalísimo was also increasingly concerned with both Falange and Carlism assuming a bolder tone; in March Don JavierPeñas Bernaldo 1996, p.

147, Payne 1987, p. 174 others note that at this point the original Falange signed a pact with Franco, and its notary was Serrano.Tusell 2002, p. 147, Payne 1987, p. 174 It was strengthened once the original Secretary General, Raimundo Fernández Cuesta, made it from the Republican zone and in October was reinstated at the same post in FET.Prieto agreed to release Fernandez Cuesta in hope that he would lead a hardcore Falangist opposition to Franco, Tusell 2007, p. 414. Fernandez Cuesta arrived in the Nationalist zone in October 1937; following a series of talks Serrano concluded that Fernandez was not dangerous and can be reinstated, Tusell 2002, pp.

When Heinrich Himmler visited Spain in 1940, a year after Franco's victory, he claimed to have been "shocked" by the brutality of the Falangist repression.Packer, George "The Spanish Prisoner" The New Yorker October 31, 2005 In July 1939, the foreign minister of Fascist Italy, Galeazzo Ciano, reported of "trials going on every day at a speed which I would call almost summary... There are still a great number of shootings. In Madrid alone, between 200 and 250 a day, in Barcelona 150, in Seville 80". While authors like Payne have cast doubts on the democratic leanings of the Republic, "fascism was clearly on the other".

After his release from prison, he was an instructor for "La Motorizada", a youth organization made up of members of the Madrid Socialist Youth who had not participated in the merger with the communist youth to form the Unified Socialist Youth and that, among other functions, served usually to escort Indalecio Prieto. Lieutenant Castillo was also one of the instructors for "La Mortorizada". ; The murders of Faraudo, Castillo and Calvo Sotelo On 7 May, Captain Faraudo was assassinated by Falangist gunmen, a fact that caused great commotion among his entourage, in the socialist youth, and in the left parties in general. On 12 July, unidentified gunmen killed Lieutenant Castillo.

It was during his stay in Spain that Traversi began submitting articles for the Catholic journals The Month, The Dublin Review and Blackfriars. The British government purposely sent British intellectuals, particularly Catholics, with the view to help keep Falangist-Spain neutral despite the propaganda dominance of Germany. Traversi had frequent close encounters with the Guardia Civil owing to his seeming to wander into officially prohibited areas. In 1943 Traversi set up the Barcelona branch of the British Institute, on Passeig de Gràcia, where he organized musical evenings, cocktail parties and conferences, for intellectuals and cultural figures like Carles Riba, Margot Fonteyn and Joan-Antoni Maragall i Noble.

The departure of Jordan and the subsequent arrest of the leaders of the NSM brought a lot of public attention to the far-right in general and the BNP's 1962 summer camp, where a Falangist and an Organisation armée secrète leader were among the guests, was surrounded by press photographers despite Fountaine telling them that it was merely a "holiday camp". Meanwhile, the BNP, along with the Union Movement and other extremist groups, faced increasing opposition from the Jewish "Yellow Star Movement", which had itself become increasingly radicalised with a group of 40 BNP members attacked and beaten up on 2 September 1962 in London.

Enrique Parra Bozo, who was noted for his admiration of Franco as well as his Catholicism and anti-communism, led the Partido Auténtico Nacionalista along Falangist lines. The group lent its support to the military regime of Marcos Pérez Jiménez and even attempted, though unsuccessfully, to nominate him as their candidate for the 1963 presidential election.L.F. Manigat, 'Venezuela' in JP Bernard et al, Guide to the Political Parties of South America, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973, p. 568 A minor group, the Falange Venezolana, have been active in the 21st century and look to Primo de Rivera, Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, Léon Degrelle and Corneliu Zelea Codreanu for their inspiration.

The term "Falangism" should not be applied to the military dictatorships of such figures as Alfredo Stroessner, Augusto Pinochet and Rafael Trujillo because while these individuals often enjoyed close relations to Francisco Franco's Spain, their military nature and frequent lack of commitment to national syndicalism and the corporate state mean that they should not be classed as Falangist (although individuals within each regime may have been predisposed towards the ideology). The phenomenon can be seen in a number of movements both past and present. The popularity of Falangism in Latin America declined after the defeat of Fascism and the Axis powers in World War II.

231; according to Fal Conde, Bilbao and others "han prestado colaboración en cargos políticos destacados, no sólo sin autorización de la jerarquía sino abiertamente en contra de la orientación de la Comunión", quoted after Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 187 With all bridges burnt, following transformation of the Secretariat into Junta Politica, the new FET executive, Bilbao emerged as one of two top-positioned Carlists of the regime, becoming the Junta's member in October 1939. He exercised little if any influence on the emerging party; its Estatuto and internal structures were designed by Serrano,Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, pp. 77-86 who – together with his Falangist entourage – became Bilbao's chief opponent.

Together with a group of similarly-minded peers, best known of them Rafael Gambra and Francisco Elías de Tejada,also Francisco Diez Tejada, Pueyo Alvarez, Fernando Polo, Zabala brothers, González Quevedo, Amancio Portabales, Luis Ortiz y Estrada, Luis Alonso and Rafael Lluys, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 205 he staged minor and semi-private anti-Francoist demonstrations,called "saltos", e.g. prowling parks and streets with anti-Francoist cries, dropping leaflets, painting graffiti, refusing to raise arms in Falangist salute during public events like football matches etc., some graffiti Larramendi 2000, p. 89-90, Andía, Sierra-Sesúmaga 2011andia, sesumaga 328 at one point in 1942 having been detained and placed under security supervision.

On 12 July 1936, Lieutenant José Castillo, an important member of the anti-fascist military organisation Unión Militar Republicana Antifascista (UMRA), was shot by Falangist gunmen. In response a group of Guardia de Asalto and other leftist militiamen led by Civil Guard Fernando Condés, after getting the approval of the minister of interior to illegally arrest a list of members of parliament, went to right-wing opposition leader José Calvo Sotelo's house in the early hours of 13 July on a revenge mission. Sotelo was arrested and later shot dead in a police truck. His body was dropped at the entrance of one of the city's cemeteries.

Juan Perón, President of Argentina from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974, admired Italian Fascism and modelled his economic policies on those pursued by Fascist Italy In the aftermath of World War II, the victory of the Allies over the Axis powers led to the collapse of multiple fascist regimes in Europe. The Nuremberg Trials convicted multiple Nazi leaders of crimes against humanity including the Holocaust. However, there remained multiple ideologies and governments that were ideologically related to fascism. Francisco Franco's quasi-fascist Falangist one-party state in Spain was officially neutral during World War II and survived the collapse of the Axis Powers.

297, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 46 it was only after in November 1937 Arellano had accepted seat in a 50-member Consejo Nacionalas one of 11 or 12 Carlists; the difference stems from the fact that some scholars count in Fal, who was offered the seat but refused to take it that the claimant declared him one of key rebels against his authority and expulsed them from Comunión Tradicionalista.Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 293-4 Arellano together with López Bassa co-headed Comisión de Organización Sindical, set up by the Falangist Secretariato; the body was entrusted with drafting theoretical framework for labor organization in the new regime.

Irene and Don Carlos Hugo, 1964 In the early 1960s Don Carlos Hugo posed as a Francoist; his supporters pursued a policy of approaching the Falangist syndicalists, attempting to firmly mount the prince in political milieu of the regime and to enhance his chances of becoming a Francoist monarch in the future. When executing the strategy they tried to engage Carlists well adapted within the regime. It is not clear why Arellano, member of Don Juan's private council and a leading Carlist Juanista, fell into this trap. During the 1963 Sanfermines he agreed to host Princess IreneLa Vanguardia 11.06.63, available here in what was a carefully planned Huguista plot.

Once the Spanish Civil War began following the Spanish coup of July 1936, Sagardía Ramos was called by one of the rebel leaders, General Emilio Mola, to rejoin the Army. He immediately commanded a unit of Falangist volunteers with whom he intervened in the Campaign of Gipuzkoa. In August and September 1937, Sagardía Ramos took part in the War in the North and participated in the Battle of Santander, at the head of the so-called "Sagardía Column"; the unit exercised a harsh repression against the civilians and soldiers of the Republican faction, including numerous extrajudicial killings. Julián Sanz Hoya (2009); La construcción de la dictadura franquista en Cantabria, pág.

Born in 1944 in Zaragoza, he earned a PhD in Philosophy and Arts from the University of Barcelona (UB). Author of the pioneer Falange and literatura in 1971, his work regarding the study of literary fascism has been described as "exculpatory" towards the Falangist authors involved. He worked as lecturer at the UB, the Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB) and the University of La Laguna (ULL) before obtaining a Chair in Literary History of the University of Zaragoza (UNIZAR) in 1982. He retired from teaching in 2011 and remains active as writer, critic and lecturer and collaborates with the newspapers El Pais and ABC.

While the Falangist leadership knew the truth, they chose to keep it a secret for fear of the impact it would have on morale, though rumours of his death would continue to circulate for the period. Thus until this date many Falangists had lived in hope that de Rivera would still return (commonly saying "when José Antonio comes back") and began referring to him as "The Absent One", a reference to the Falange's tradition of calling "present!" when the names of the fallen were read out.Thomàs, Joan Maria. José Antonio Primo de Rivera: The Reality and Myth of a Spanish Fascist Leader. Vol. 3.

Berghahn Books, 2019, p.317 The founder of Falange was anointed a martyr of the "crusade against Marxism." Notwithstanding the apparent veneration by the Francoist State, it remains true that the Missing One's demise had removed a dangerous opponent: Primo de Rivera had been Marquess, a doctor of civil law, a political thinker; Franco owned no comparable pedigree, no comparable education and no personal ideology. At the end of the war in 1939, the mortal remains of Primo de Rivera were carried on the shoulders of Falangist relay teams from Alicante to Madrid (a three- hundred kilometre journey) and provisionally interred at El Escorial.

He espoused an elitist understanding of politics, influenced by the ideas of Ortega y Gasset. His political thought fascistised as he progressively radicalised in an anti- conservative direction. Primo de Rivera put much faith on corporativism, one of the few early Falangist tenets framed in positive terms, adopted from Italian Fascism. Regarding political violence, he early alluded to what he famously termed as the "dialectics of fists and guns", already stating during the Falange foundation event at the Teatro de la Comedia, that in order to fulfill the desired cultural and historical regeneration of Spain, "if this has to be achieved through violence, we shall not be stopped by violence".

Information obtained from him convinced the Falange that the Niños were being trained as communist activists. This was enhanced by the Nazi capture of a group of Niños in 1942, allegedly members of an "activist cell". The regime was always suspicious that the repatriated Niños could be communist agents. In 1952, the Falangist writer and poet Federico de Urrutia railled against "the minor expatriates of 1937" sent to the Soviet Union, who he claimed "dada la infrahumana educación recibida [...] ya habrían dejado de ser criaturas humanas, para convertirse en desalmados entes sovietizados."Blanco Moral, Francisco A. «Los "niños de la guerra": expatriación y repatriación», revista El Rastro de la Historia, n.

He was imprisoned in the prison of Bilbao, Larrínaga, for crimes against the Spanish Second Republic, because of his work as a gunman for the Falange (the Spanish Falangist movement). He was present at the time of the uprising of the Nationalist army on July 18, 1936. When he was due to be transferred he escaped from the prison and fled to the national zone. In 1937, he traveled to Salamanca as a correspondent at the front for an interview with Manuel Hedilla, National Leader of the Falange, who tried to gain support against those who had a sense of entitlement due to their proximity to José Antonio Primo de Rivera.

The division was made up of mainly Falangist volunteers and almost a fifth of early volunteers were students. General Agustín Muñoz Grandes was assigned to lead the volunteers. Because the soldiers could not use official Spanish army uniforms, they adopted a symbolic uniform comprising the red berets of the Carlists, the khaki trousers of the Spanish Legion, and the blue shirts of the Falangists—hence the nickname "Blue Division". This uniform was used only while on leave in Spain; in the field, soldiers wore the German Army field grey uniform (Feldgrau) with a shield on the upper right sleeve bearing the word "España" and the Spanish national colours.

59-65 and ensuring compliance.while the war was ongoing Oriol kept supervising recruitment to Carlist tercios and Falangist banderas; afterwards he triggered setup of Brigada de Investigación y Vigilancia de FET, a feared party version of secret police, Cantabrana Morras 2005, p. 152, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 192 Increasingly perplexed by syndicalist preponderance over Carlism in the new party, he demonstrated unease;"no seria leal a mi conciencia si al hacer saber mi disconformidad con las orientaciones que sigue la actual politica del Movimiento, no presentase al mismo tiempo la renuncia al cargo de Vocal de la Junta Política", a letter from Oriol to FET jefe Muñoz Grandez of 20.11.

Ballestero 2014, p. 61 a single source claims that in early 1938 he resigned from Junta Política and together with other collaborative Carlists personally protested to Franco.Cantabrana Morras 2004, pp. 168-9 In 1939 he spoke against a Serrano-sponsored draft, intended to ensure totalitarian nature of Falangist domination.Ballestero 2014, p. 65; he is not known as having protested against derogation of traditional Biscay provincial establishments, especially the Concierto Economico, Ballestero 2014, p. 70 In April 1939 Oriol was nominated mayor of Bilbao,Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 197 later that year re-appointed to Consejo Nacionalas one of 13 Carlists among its 96 members, Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p.

Charles Scribner's Sons, New York Two days after relieving the siege, Franco proclaimed himself Caudillo ("chieftain", the Spanish equivalent of the Italian Duce and the German Führer—meaning: 'director') while forcibly unifying the various and diverse Falangist, Royalist and other elements within the Nationalist cause. The diversion to Toledo gave Madrid time to prepare a defense, but was hailed as a major propaganda victory and personal success for Franco. On 1 October 1936, General Franco was confirmed head of state and armies in Burgos. A similar dramatic success for the Nationalists occurred on 17 October, when troops coming from Galicia relieved the besieged town of Oviedo, in Northern Spain.

The Spanish Historical Memory Law, approved by the Congress of Deputies on 31 October 2007, mandated the removal of commemorative plaques, statues and other symbols from public buildings. It also opened the public archives covering the Franco period and facilitated the task of locating and exhuming the graves of victims. Under the 2007 law introduced by the socialist government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, Falangist symbols had to be removed from public view, and streets and plazas that honoured Franco and his entourage had to be renamed. The law was criticized by both left-wing and right-wing observers, both for being too lenient or too severe.

Gonzalez Calleja 2011, p. 5 to the Toledo curia.Gonzalez Calleja 2011, p. 27 The maneuvers did not helpit probably did not help either that some El Castellano collaborators aloud expressed their hostility towards the regime; it was the case of Martin Garrido Hernando, a poet and requeté, who was detained during unrest in Burgos in 1939. He was charged with for refusing to give a falangist salute, Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 239 and both newspapers closed down either in 1939Gonzalez Calleja 2011, p.

AET logotype There were both Falangist and Carlist antecedents among Pascual's close family. He admitted great influence of a maternal relative, Joaquín Arbeloa,Joaquín Arbeloa Galdeano (1910-1979), Errea Iribas 2007, p. 47; see also Mediterráneo 28.06.79, available here, Ainhoa Arozamena Ayala, Joaquín Arbeloa Galdeano entry, [in:] Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia online, available here during early Francoism an emerging star in Navarrese historiographyhis opus magnum, Los orígenes del Reino de Navarra, was published in 3 volumes in 1969 and journalism, co-founder of combative Falangistdubbed "la revista negra de la Falange", also "Guía nacionalsindicalista del Imperio, de la Sabiduría, de los Oficios", Juan María Lecea Yábar, Angel María Pascual (1911-1947), [in:] Príncipe de Viana 215 (1998), p.

In the article he protested and ridiculed patronising Falangist treatment of the Carlists as merely "unos buenos chicos", CNT 19.01.58, available here Carlist standard In the late 1950s and early 1960s Pascual kept contributing to a number of regional and national titles, including 24, a periodical issued by the Francoist student organization SEU,e.g. in 1961 he focused on poverty and underemployment among the Andalusian peasants, quoting statistical information gathered by unofficial research of parochial networks; the piece was even re-printed in Republican papers issued in Cuba, España Republicana 16.04.61, available here Imperio, a syndicalist daily,e.g. in 1959 he praised a young priest who formatted his life as service to the country and the people, Imperio 14.03.

The Frente de Estudiantes Sindicalistas (FES) (English: Front of Syndicalist Students) was a Spanish student group belonging to the Falangist minority opposition to the Francoist regime. Founded in 1963 in Madrid, the FES was led by Jorge Perales, and José Real. Initially operating as the student arm of the Frente Nacional de Trabajadores (FNT; "National Front of Workers"), its mottos were Falange sí, Movimiento no ("Yes to Falange, No to Movement"); Falange sí, dictadura no ("Yes to Falange, no to dictatorship") and Por la reconstrucción de Falange ("For the re-building of Falange"). It eventually developed intense conflict with its matrix organization, the FNT, led by Narciso Perales, that transformed into the Revolutionary Syndicalist Front.

Co-belligerence (, ) is also the term used by Finland for its military co-operation with Germany during World War II. During the Continuation War (1941–1944), both countries had the Soviet Union as a common enemy. Finnish reentry into World War II was a direct consequence of Germany's attack on the Soviet Union, Operation Barbarossa. While the Allies often referred to Finland as one of the Axis Powers, Finland was never a signatory to the German-Italian-Japanese Tripartite Pact of September 1940. The Allies, in turn, pointed to the fact that Finland, like (Fascist) Italy and (Militarist) Japan, as well as a number of countries including neutral (Falangist) Spain, belonged to Hitler's Anti- Comintern Pact.

Tribute to Maravillas, Pamplona 2018 On the night of 15–16 August 1936, a group consisting of civil guard officers, a Falangist and a local arrived at the house of Vicente Lamberto Martinez, a peasant member of the union Unión General de Trabajadores, threatening to break open the door. The civil guards, a paramilitary police force which had sided with the Nationalists, informed Martinez that he would be taken to the prison in Pamplona. Maravillas Lamberto, who was aware of the repression taking place in her village, asked about his destination and insisted on accompanying his father. Maravillas was taken by lorry with her father to the town hall, where she was raped during the night.

Neither the Falangists nor the Carlists decided to oppose the unification openly and the most intransigent groupings opted merely for non-participation. Key Falangist and Carlist assets – volunteer militia units, formally incorporated into the army but still maintaining their political identity and in mid-1937 amounting to 95,000 menout of which 74,519 were Falangists and 19,969 were Carlists, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 808-809 \- remained loyal to the military leadership. As a result of unification, no major political discrepancies were allowed to surface in the Nationalist zone, a stark contrast with raging competition and conflicts which plagued the Republican coalition; scholars underline that at least formal political unity greatly contributed to final Nationalist victory in 1939.

304-305, Preston 1995, p. 299 and the others like Fernández Cuesta realized that Falangist hegemony in the state party was possible only given Franco was acknowledged as the unquestionable leader and source of all power.Fernandez Cuesta did not act as an autonomous old-shirt but rather as a transmission belt from Franco and Serrrano, Tusell 2002, p. 149 Comunión opted for semi-clandestine autonomous identity; Fal did not accept his seat in Consejo and Don Javier expelled from the party all these who had accepted without his earlier consent.on December 6, 1937 Don Javier and Franco meet in Salamanca; the regent concluded that Franco was nice but offered nothing and expected compliance, Tusell 2002, p. 157.

The Spanish Labyrinth pp. 321–322 Cambridge University Press Gerald Brenan said that: > ... thanks to the failure of the coup d'état and to the eruption of the > Falangist and Carlist militias, with their previously prepared lists of > victims, the scale on which these executions took place exceeded all > precedent. Andalusia, where the supporters of Franco were a tiny minority, > and where the military commander, General Queipo de Llano, was a > pathological figure recalling the Conde de España of the First Carlist War, > was drenched in blood. The famous massacre of Badajoz was merely the > culminating act of a ritual that had already been performed in every town > and village in the South-West of Spain.

In October, 1946, after rising to the position of special assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State, he resigned from the State Department and entered the United Nations, where he served as an officer in the Social Department of the Refugee Division. He was accused that year by a U.S. Representative, J. Parnell Thomas, of being an agent of the Russian police and a member of the Comintern. In 1951, Senator Joseph McCarthy, drawing on a report written for the Spanish Falangist journal Arriba (Madrid), denounced him as a communist and member of the Communist-dominated military intelligence, SIM. As a UN officer, he helped start Unesco, CEPAL and was sent to Congo in 1960.

As a child Ramón together with his family fled Barcelona, the city which fell under the anarchist control during the first months of the Civil War. The family settled in San Sebastián in the nationalist zone. The Massó boys joined Pelayos, the Carlist organization for older children animated mostly by the Catalan emigrees, but terminated their engagement following amalgamation of the Carlist and Falangist juvenile organizations; as a kid Massó took part in the 1937 anti-unification demonstrations, allegedly shouting "death to Franco" and "death to Falange". Following the end of hostilities the family returned to Barcelona, where Ramón together with his brothers became a teenage member of the Catalan Opus Dei.

In response to the Western Powers pursuing a policy of appeasement of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy (the Anglo-German Naval Treaty; allowing the reoccupation of the Rhineland; non-intervention against the Falangist Coup in Spain; Italy's attack on Abyssinia), he flirted with Soviet communism to find the staunchest enemy of Germany's National Socialism. [cite: Karl Schlogel, Moscow 1937, Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2017, chapter 5] From November 1936 to February 1937 he travelled to the Soviet Union. In his book Moskau 1937, he praised life under Joseph Stalin. Feuchtwanger also defended the Great Purge and the show trials which were then taking place against both real and imagined Trotskyites and enemies of the state.

Royal trips of King Juan Carlos I from 1975 until 2010 Juan Carlos's accession met with relatively little parliamentary opposition. Some members of the Movimiento Nacional voted against recognising him, and more against the 1976 Law for Political Reform. But even most Movimiento members supported both measures.Payne, Stanley G; Fascism in Spain 1923–1977; University of Wisconsin Press, 1999 Juan Carlos quickly instituted reforms, to the great displeasure of Falangist and conservative (monarchist) elements, especially in the military, who had expected him to maintain the authoritarian state. In July 1976, Juan Carlos dismissed prime minister Carlos Arias Navarro, who had been attempting to continue Francoist policies in the face of the King's attempts at democratisation.

At times Requetés refused to share the barracks with Falange units, Peñalba Sotorrío 2012, p. 105 and to embrace the official national-syndicalism. internal FET statistics of conflicts devised a number of rubrics the categorize them, with headings like "Falange exige el sometimiento al requeté", "Catalanismo del requeté", or "apoyo del clero al requeté", Peñalba Sotorrío 2012, pp. 100-103 During the 1940s the Falangists and groups were referred to as "Requetés" engaged in intimidation e.g. in 1940 requeté militants used to visit bookstores and demand that books of José Antonio Primo de Rivera and other pro-Falangist prints be removed from windows, otherwise "the Requeté police will come and burn you down", Martorell Pérez 2009, p.

Ofelia's stepfather, the Falangist Captain Vidal, hunts the Spanish Maquis who fight against the Francoist regime in the region, while Ofelia's pregnant mother Carmen grows increasingly ill. Ofelia meets several strange and magical creatures who become central to her story, leading her through the trials of the old labyrinth garden. The film employs make-up, animatronics, and CGI effects to bring life to its creatures. Del Toro stated that he considers the story to be a parable, influenced by fairy tales, and that it addresses and continues themes related to his earlier film The Devil's Backbone (2001), to which Pan's Labyrinth is a spiritual successor, according to del Toro in his director's DVD commentary.

The time seemed particularly opportune in 1957, when totalitarian plans of the Falangist leader José Arrese were rejected by Franco; the dictator started to make references to Traditionalism and to movimiento-comunión. The law on Principios Fundamentales del Movimiento, adopted in 1958, declared Spain to be a Monarquía Tradicional. The new strategy of posibilismo was welcomed with mixed feelings among the Carlists; older regional junteros grumbled and a young Navarrese, disguised as a priest, assaulted Valiente in a Pamplona street. His key ally against the internal opposition turned out to be the son of Don Javier, Carlos Hugo, who made a fulminant Príncipe de Asturias entry at the 1957 annual Carlist Montejurra amassment.

Jiménez Villarejo 2007, pp. 10, 12, 15, 16, 23 He did not assume any official posts in state administration; he is neither noted as active in political structures, be it Falangist or otherwise. In 1940 he entered the national executive of Acción Católica,Boletin Oficial del Obispado de Orihuela 16.05.40, available here occasionally giving lectures and publishing in AC periodicals. Having retired from the Tribunal and the university in 1944Baltar Rodriguez 2014 he focused on various duties in Real Academia de Ciencias Morales y Políticas, Institución Fernando el Católico, Colegio de Aragón, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and especially in Instituto Balmes de Sociología, created by CSIC as the brainchild of Severino Aznar.

114 Already in late 1936 he voiced against Falangist drive for power;in December 1936 Larramendi wrote vaguely, though according to the present-day scholar referring to the Falangists, that "nadie tiene el derecho a descubrir ni a inventar España", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 52 when unification within a state party became a burning issue in early 1937 he tended to skepticism. He was present during a meeting of Carlist executive in Insua, but there is little data on his stance.he is not listed in most detailed study on pre-unification discussions among the Carlists, see Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937).

Aranda made his most sexually explicit film with Si te dicen que caí (1989) (If They Tell You I Fell), adapted from the novel of the same name by Juan Marsé.Colmena, Vicente Aranda, p. 184 With a labyrinthine structure in which imaginary facts and real events are blended in a crosswords style, the main part of the story is set in the old quarter of 1940s Barcelona during the early years of Francoist repression. The plot features a young man who, trying to survive in the aftermath of the Civil War, is hired to perform sexual acts with a prostitute; they are to be viewed by a rich falangist rendered crippled during the war.

Falangist standard During 30 years of activity within the Francoist regime Bilbao maintained a perfectly loyal posture;Lewis 2002, p. 85; some authors observe sarcastically that Bilbao was among those who "had not let their Carlism get in the way of their careers", Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, , p. 93 he was later given credit for coining the royally-sounding phrase "Francisco Franco, Caudillo de España por la gracia de Dios".in street-talk mocked as "Francisco Franco, Caudillo de España por una gracia de Dios" (caudillo by the joke of God), Payne 2011, p. 235 He is not known to have participated in any sort of conspiracy, opposition or even protest to Franco personally.

His declarations of the time contained a hardly veiled criticism of Falangist syndicalism, compare La Espiga 06.05.39, available here During 1939 and 1940 CNCA claimed it could operate “sin rozar la función de los Sindicatos verticales”El Dia de Palencia 30.04.39, available here and fought marginalization.e.g. a CNCA document of October 1939 referred to earlier Francoist legislation on cooperatives, adopted on November 29, 1938, and in line with the January 28, 1906 legislation attempted to carve out a space within the rural regime where Catholic syndicated might operate, La Espiga 28.10.39, available here working the fields, early Francoism In the early 1940s militant syndicalist Falangism enjoyed its climax in the Francoist Spain; it translated also into outcome of power struggle within the rural agricultural ambience.

183, Lavardin 1976, pp. 148-149 Zamanillo played into their hands resigning from further functions,in 1963 Zamanillo resigned posts in the Requeté ex-combatant organization, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 181, MacClancy 2000, p. 99 also in Hermandad.Lavardin 1976, pp. 153-155 The climax came in June 1963, when on a party council the Hugocarlistas launched an all-out attack advancing a number of charges.the June 1963 session saw a number of charges: disloyalty to Don Javier, attacks on Carlos Hugo, impolite and rude behavior versus Carlos Hugo's sisters, overcommitting to Franco, collaboration with hardline Falangist Circulo Jose Antonio, implanting hostility between Franco and Don Javier, attempting another dynastic Caspe agreement with Juanistas, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 186, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 182, Lavardin 1976, p.

Many tended to view the news as introduction of some vague bureaucratic structure above the existing Falangist and Carlist organizations.many Carlist rank-and-file generally paid little attention to the decree and thought the announced party to be “remedo trasnochado de la Unión Patriótica”, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 268 Most did not realize the arbitrary nature of unification and believed that it was fully agreed and endorsed by their respective leaders, especially that the official propaganda and censorship clearly advanced such a narrative.the balcony episode as related in the media might have given the impression that Hedilla, a just elected new jefe of Falange, was handing power to Franco, Paul Preston, La Guerra Civil Española: reacción, revolución y venganza, Madrid 2011, , p.

Among the appointees 12 had earlier Cortes experience.none of them Falangist; these who used to seat in the Cortes (either during Restoration or the Republic) were Rodezno, Bilbao, Baleztena, Yanguas, Valiente, Serrano, Sainz, Aunos, Urbina, Arellano and Toledo The appointments marked the end of the constituent phase of Falange Española Tradicionalista. Though the balance of power within the new state party was yet to be established and though its actual political line initially remained vague, some key features were already set and would not be subject to change; firm personal leadership of Franco, predominance of original Falange and its syndicalism, decorative role of formal collective executive bodies like Junta Política or Consejo Nacional and general dependence on state administrative bureaucratic structures.

During the Second Republic period he was an active member of the Republican Anti-Fascist Military Union (UMRA). On 12 July, he was on duty at the Pontejos barracks when he was surprised by the murder of Lieutenant José del Castillo, an Assault Guard officer who had been killed by Falangist gunmen. Castillo was stationed in the Assault Group led by Burillo and some of Castillo's colleagues clamored for revenge at his funeral, which would eventually lead to the murder of right-wing deputy José Calvo Sotelo. The fact that he is the superior of Lieutenant Castillo and both belong to the same Assault group will leave him touched by suspicions about his participation in or knowledge of the murder of the deputy of the "National Bloc".

She supported republican interests during the Spanish Civil War and helped victims of Falangist oppression. She denounced the Chaco War on the grounds that it had been triggered by British and American interests. In 1937, she married the mathematician Manuel Sadosky (1914–2005) with whom she had one child, Cora Sadosky (1940–2010), who also became a prominent mathematician and was president of the Association for Women in Mathematics in the mid-1990s. After the Nazis invaded the Soviet Union in World War II, in the early 1940s Ratto established and headed the women's organization La Junta de la Victoria (The Victory Union) to promote democracy and provide support for the anti-Nazi war effort, including clothing ánd food for the Allies.

Vegas Latapié had been close to the Falange and had exhorted it to greater violence in the early days of the Spanish Civil War. Alongside this, however, he had a fraught relationship with José Antonio Primo de Rivera, as he did not approve of the Falangist leader's high-living private life. They were estranged not long before Primo de Rivera's death, when Vegas Latapie attacked his "social frivolity" while Falangists were being killed.Stanley G. Payne, Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977, 2000, p. 110 He sat on the National Council of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista until 4 March 1938, when Francisco Franco, seeking to remove potential troublemakers, removed the abrasive and uncompromising Vegas Latapie from his position.

In 2015, a member of the Citizens electoral list for Gijón to the city council and regional elections posted pro-Falangist, pro-Blue Division and pro-Hitler Youth messages on Facebook. Those same elections carried news of at least five other former card-carrying Falange and/or España 2000 members. An altercation took place in Canet de Mar on 21 Ma, 2018 between pro-independence local residents, who had planted yellow crosses on the beach to honor imprisoned and fugitive politicians; and anti-independence individuals who decided to remove said crosses. The altercation left at least three people wounded, including an 82-year-old man and a local CUP councilor who explicitly accused Citizens and Falange militants from across the whole region to be among the provocateurs.

A number of paintings and works on paper, documenting this period of Heidenreich's life, survived in private collections. Among them are a series of prison sketches. In early 1939, as Franco's Falangist forces swept through Barcelona, ending the Spanish Civil War, Heidenreich fled back to Paris, where he stayed until the outbreak of World War II. Imprisoned in 1940 at the camp Cepoy/Loiret as an enemy alien, he made his way to Marseilles. In 1941, with the support of the American Guild for German Cultural Freedom, he received a visa from the US Consulate; in May of 1941 on the S.S. Capitain Paul Lemerle, reportedly the last ship allowed by the British to pass through the Straits of Gibraltar.

Together with his father, Oriol advocated acceptance of what looked like a unification ultimatum from Franco;Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis], Valencia 2009, pp. 30-1. Already in late 1936 or early 1937 Oriol and Arauz de Robles represented Carlism when meeting in Portugal with Falangist representatives Sancho Dávila and Pedro Gamero del Castillo, discussing rapprochement of both groups; it is not clear whether they were authorised by the Carlist leader Manual Fal Conde, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 248, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, , p. 282 in the last-minute attempt to stage an internal coup within Carlism, he was proposed to be head of Sección Administrativa.

285 In the aftermath of the event Hedilla secured his own leadership of the Falange two days later although his triumph was short-lived as Franco checked his power by immediately announcing the formation of the Spanish Traditionalist Phalanx of the Assemblies of National-Syndicalist Offensive as a grand party of all his followers, including Hedilla's followers.Beevor, The Battle for Spain, p. 285 Problems were escalated when Hedilla's close ally José Sáinz Nothnagel sent a telegram to Falangist leaders telling them to ignore all merger orders apart from those delivered 'through proper hierarchical channels'. Whilst the message was vague as to whom the proper channels actually meant it was taken by Franco and his supporters to be a warning that only Hedilla should be obeyed and thus increased tension.

479 Puigdollers was one of the hardliners.according to one source, Puigdollers maintained a hard, repressive line against a tendency to leniency, demonstrated by Peman; in August 1937 he warned the president of CSE "por haberles hablado de la posibilidad de una revisión de sanciones", Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida, José María Pemán: pensamiento y trayectoria de un monárquico (1897-1941), Cádiz 1996, , p. 100 However, Puigdollers demonstrated some unease about Carlist marginalization within the new Francoist structures. In October 1937 he did not appear – though he was supposed to attend – at an official academic rally in Burgos, intended to demonstrate unity of the Falangist and Carlist youth. Moreover, he was also suspected of instigating the Carlist participants and hence being co-responsible for cries “¡muera Franco, traidor!”, heard at the assembly.

Although in 1947, following the overturn of monarchies in Eastern Europe and Italy, Franco promulgated, and voters approved, a succession law which defined Spain as a kingdom, it also empowered Franco to decide whom to enthrone and when. Don Juan responded by issuing the Estoril Manifesto which affirmed the traditional order of succession, and followed up with comments embracing a democratic monarchy. The new law allowed Franco or his successor to choose any man "of royal lineage" as king, and Alfonso was mentioned that year as a possible alternative to Don Juan and his son, Juan Carlos, should Franco consider the former too liberal to reign over a Falangist Spain. In December 1949 Segovia retracted his renunciation as coerced and claimed that he was the rightful claimant to Spain's crown.

Fernández-Cuesta was imprisoned upon the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War by Republicans and, although he escaped twice, was recaptured on both occasions. He was released from captivity in October 1937 when he was involved in a prisoner swap with Justino de Azcárate, who was held by the Nationalists. Soon after his release he was appointed Secretary general of the unified Falangist-Carlist movement although he did not prove talented as a political organiser and was replaced in the role by Agustín Muñoz Grandes in 1939. His appointment as leader was largely intended to keep onside Falangists who feared the influence of both the Army and monarchism on Franco, but the role proved to have little power since real influence over Franco was instead to lie with Ramón Serrano Súñer.

On 18 July 1936, at the time of the coup of the pro-Fascist generals, rebel General Emilio Mola developed a plan to take Madrid by storm sending troops from Navarra at great speed across the Somosierra Pass.Análisis Cronológico de la Guerra Civil Española The battle took place on 24 July when the rebel troops formed by Carlist and Falangist units, the former led by Colonel Ricardo Rada, reached the area and occupied the village of Braojos and the Villavieja railway station. But towards the heights of the range they were fought back by loyalist troops commanded by Captain Francisco Galán. After fierce battles, the Republican troops, which included different militias, as well as the newly formed Fifth Regiment, were finally successful in repelling the attempted invasion of the capital.

Members of Falangist female branch, Sección Femenina Initial statements of the military remained extremely vague politically, and frequently repeated phrases referring to patriotic unity resembled banal old-style clichés rather than an articulated political concept. Since right-wing parties were not dissolved by Junta de Defensa it might have been understood that some sort of limited multi-party regime might be maintained. As late as in September 1936 Franco declared that following military victory he would hand over power to “any national movement” supported by the people, which might have hinted at some electoral procedure and political competition.early September interviewed in Cáceres by German press Franco said that he is military, his objective is to defeat bolchevism, and one done will return power to any national movement (movimiento nacional) supported by the people.

Though at the time Serrano Suñer was ousted and the hard Falangist core was getting de-emphasized, this did not work to Sentís' advantage; he was getting gradually sidetracked. At unspecified time and still in military service, Sentís became Secretary of Supreme Council of Military Justice; apparently marginalized in terms of political career, he seemed put up with his bureaucratic role off the limelight and later appreciated the new position;Corts i Salvat, Toda i Serra 1986, p. 24 in 1948 he was already coronel de infantería.Nueva Alcarria 07.02.48, available here In public he maintained a low profile; noted in the press usually due to his engagement in religious or ex-combatant feasts, he has never been acknowledged in relation to his military court role, usually even his military rank omitted.

301 When the conflict climaxed in the late 1960s Larramendi was a witness rather than a participant. As Hugocarlistas traded their pro-Falangist penchant for belligerent anti-Francoism his earlier concerns faded away, replaced with anxiety about radically Marxist turn of the prince. What did not change was his loyalty to the dynasty; shortly before Don Javier's expulsion in 1969 Larramendi hosted his king in the own Madrid Villa Covadonga residence.Ignacio Hernando de Larramendi y Montiano 1921-2001, [in:] filosofiaorg service, available here Don Carlos Hugo and his wife Princess Irene, 1978 In 1970, when the Hugocarlista domination was not yet complete, the Madrid party branch nominated Larramendi to take part in Arbonne gathering, styled as a would-be platform for compromise between the Progressists and the Traditionalists.

207; dating of the police document in question is not clear, probably either late 1930s or early 1940s He seemed rather focused on agricultural organizations. In 1939 he was among co-founders of a re-created Confederación Nacional Católico-Agraria, the nationwide Catholic agricultural trade union, yet he did not enter its executive;Pensamiento Alavés 09.05.39, available here the following year the syndicate lost its autonomy and identity, forcibly incorporated into the Falangist Delegación Nacional de Sindicatos.Ignacio Lamamié de Clairac, Recuerdos de la guerra: España 1936-1939: vividos y relatados por los autores, Mexico 1991, , p. 158 Estévanez was then noted as involved in local organizations of wheat producers, notably in the mid-1940s he acted as president of Cámara Oficial Agrícola in the Burgos province, heavily engaged in trade, distribution and quality control.

Angeles López Moreno, Enfoques actuales a cerca del contenido temático de la Filosofía del Derecho, [in:] Funciones y fines del derecho: estudios en homenaje al profesor Mariano Hurtado Bautista, Marid 1992, , p. 23 In more specific typologies Puigdollers is deemed to be a member of Catholic/scholastic school vs. Falangist/ortegian school,according to one scholar, in the 1940s “the makeup of Spanish philosophy of law” was roughly about division between “Catholics” and “Falangists”; Puigdollers was among “main characters” the former, the group organized around ACNdP. It was homogeneous and Puigdollers marked one the intransigent end which rejected “materialism, apriorism, formalism, phenomenologicalism, existentialism, vitalism … and all the isms that are not a clear and accurate Christian view of the world and of mankind”, Enrico Pattaro, Corrado Roversi (eds.), A Treatise of Legal Philosophy and General Jurisprudence, Volume 12, s.l.

Castillo had been placed on a Falangist blacklist after he was incorrectly blamed for the death of José Antonio Primo de Rivera's cousin, Andrés Sáez de Heredia. Heredia had been killed during shootouts during the funeral procession of the Civil Guard officer Anastasio de los Reyes, who had been killed in unclear circumstances during a military parade on April 14th. While Reyes had no known political views, the Spanish left-wing blamed his killing on fascists, while the Spanish right-wing claimed him as one of their own and held a large funeral for him as a political demonstration against the government. Shots were fired on the funeral procession (it had been prohibited from marching through the city but had insisted on doing so anyway) and three people, including Heredia, were killed, while many more were injured, before Reyes was finally buried.

Alberto Martín-Artajo Alberto Martín-Artajo Álvarez (Madrid, 2 October 1905–Madrid, 31 August 1979) was a legal technocrat for the Nationalist (rebel) government during the Spanish Civil War and for the succeeding reign of caudillo Francisco Franco, and a Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs. He served as the Foreign Minister from 1945 to 1957. Ideologically, he was not a Falangist (a member of the original Falange Española, the fascist-like party, before it absorbed the other anti-Republican parties), but a monarchist and a leader of the dynamic and powerful Catholic movement within the Francoist coalition. During the time of the Second Spanish Republic, he had been a member of the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right (CEDA, existed 1933–1937).Preston 1995:111-119 He received his secondary education at the Colegio Nuestra Señora del Recuerdo.

In 1937, facing Franco's pressure to unite the Carlists and Falange, he shared neither the alacrity of Conde Rodezno nor the intransigence of Fal Conde. As one of 11 Carlists he entered the 50-member Consejo Nacional of the new organization (though not the Junta Politica) and assumed the Burgos province jefatura, resigning his post in the Junta de Guerra. More than amalgamation within a motley grouping artificially created by the military, he feared the breakup of Carlism into rodeznistas and falcondistas. Don Juan Having personal authorisation of the regent-claimant Don Javier, Valiente remained in the Falangist Consejo Nacional (until 1942), but he refused the offer of Rodezno, who assumed the Ministry of Justice in the first Francoist cabinet of 1938 and asked Valiente to be his sub-secretary (the post went to Luis Arellano instead).

S. Maria church, Tafalla At some point Añoveros became vicedirector of a diocesan Pamplonese weekly La Verdad.ABC 18 February 1955, available here; it was directed by Pablo Gurpide, Dronda Martínez 2013, pp. 125, 131–133 It is not entirely clear when he ceased as a parish priest for St. Nicholas in Pamplona; during the war he was officially delegated to Delegación de frentes y hospitales, a branch of Falange catering for the wounded;Antonio Añoveros y Ataun entry, [in:] Diocesis Malaga service, available here no sooner than in 1939 Añoveros was nominated representative of the diocese to Casa del Consiliario de Madrid and in this capacity he made few trips abroad. Afterwards he was appointed primer capellán and professor at Escuela Nacional de Mandos del Frente de Juventud, an institute designed to train the Falangist youth cadres.

They adopted the Order of Christ Cross as their emblem, in order to underline their Christian ethos, and set up their own armed militia that became known as the "Blueshirts" (Camisas azuis) because of the colour of their uniforms (inspired by Benito Mussolini's Blackshirts); they also greeted each other using the Roman salute. Their main inspiration was Italian fascism although they were also linked to the Spanish Falange, who shared many of their ideas. Nonetheless Rolão Preto clashed with José Antonio Primo de Rivera, whom he dubbed "too capitalist", and the MNS also hinted at wishing to add Spanish Galicia to Portugal, a further source of tension with the Falangist. Brigadas de choque, a form of stormtrooper organisation, were established by the MNS although rarely utilised, with street battles not really a feature of Portuguese politics at the time.

Manuel Sacristán Luzón (born Madrid, 1925, died Barcelona, 1985) was a Spanish philosopher and writer. Sacristán, the son of a Francoist collaborator, moved to Barcelona in 1940, thereafter living most of his life in said city. He soon became a member of the Falange Española youth section and studied Law and Philosophy in the University of Barcelona, where he became a member of the cultural section of the Sindicato Español Universitario (the Falangist student union). After a thwarted contact with a clandestine Anarchist group, he and two fellow Falangists were shunned and persecuted by the mainstream SEU officials, resulting in the suicide of one of them and an ultimately ineffectual death warrant on Sacristán. He subsequently moved to Münster, in Westphalia (German Federal Republic) in order to study Mathematical Logic and the Philosophy of Science (1954–1956).

Falangist volunteer forces of the Blue Division entrain at San Sebastián, 1942 The Völkisch movement emerged in the late 19th century, drawing inspiration from German Romanticism and its fascination for a medieval Reich supposedly organized into a harmonious hierarchical order. Erected on the idea of "blood and soil", it was a racialist, populist, agrarian, romantic nationalist and an antisemitic movement from the 1900s onward as a consequence of a growing exclusive and racial connotation. They idealized the myth of an "original nation", that still could be found at their times in the rural regions of Germany, a form of "primitive democracy freely subjected to their natural elites". Thinkers led by Arthur de Gobineau, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Alexis Carrel and Georges Vacher de Lapouge distorted Darwin's theory of evolution to advocate a "race struggle" and an hygienist vision of the world.

She was driven around by a Falangist activist, and came to the conclusion that what she described as the "Glorious Uprising" was an unqualified success, the war being entirely the fault of communists, and that a dictatorship was necessary to save the country. Although she was only in the country for ten days, on her return to the UK, she published Spanish Journey: Personal Experiences of the Civil War. At home she was a leading figure in Friends of National Spain, a group formed by Lord Phillimore in 1937 to win the support of leading members of the political elite and nobility for Francisco Franco, and in this group was close to the far-right academic Charles Saroléa who, like Tennant, was based in Scotland at the time.Gavin Bowd, Fascist Scotland: Caledonia and the Far Right, Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2013, pp.

146 and radical Left-wing propagandaEnric Llopis, Atado y bien atado, [in:] Rebellión service 10.02.02. available here Manglano is lambasted as incompetent and chaotic administrator and representative of local Fascist oligarchy.“oligarquía fascista que ocupa el poder”, Acerca del problema de las nacionalidades en España, [in:] Cuadernos Marxista-Leninistas 1 (1969), p. 7, available here It is not clear whether this opinion was shared by his contemporaries. It is also unknown whether the Falangist – Carlist rivalrywhen alcalde of Valencia Manglano, though favoring Carlists against the Falangists, ensured to stay firmly within the Francoist setting, compare his propaganda writings: “‘La Valencia Roja’, ‘el gobierno republicano de Valencia’, estas y otras frases parecidas nos han estado atormentando durante estos años de guerra por la grandeza e independencia de España, y era cierto que Valencia, nuestra amada Valencia, gemía sometida a la tiranía roja.

548 clearly did, especially that in the mid-1940s he openly started to advocate a possibilist policy.Recommending "beneficio de la impresa comun de salvar a España a las órdenes del Generalísmo Franco", see his letter of 1945 quoted by Alcalá 2012, p. 287 As in 1949 the Falangist zealot Luis Valero Bermejo was appointed a new provincial civil governorMaria del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945-1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, pp. 101-120 del Burgo was his man of trust,Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, Una visión falangista de la foralidad navarra, [in:] Gerónimo de Uztariz 2006, p. 11 though when himself offered the jobs of civil governor of Lerida and Lugo he declined, claiming that he would never accept a post beyond Navarre.

The allocation of areas of power between the familias del franquismo - nacionalcatolicismo, Falangist 'Blues', monarchists, Carlists (supporters of King Juan Carlos), 'Juanistas' (supporters of Juan de Borbón), military groups such as the Africanists, and other factions - corresponded to each of the areas including ministries, and did not always have well-defined functions: Catholics accounted for the Ministry of Education of Spain, which focused most of cultural policy, but the Blues had their share of political and social and apparatus in the nationalist Movement, which sought a totalitarian presence in all aspects of public life and even private. Each of the 'Blue' Francoist families controlled the country's communication media. The Church, in exchange for support for the uprising, the regime demanded control of the field that had traditionally considered theirs: education and teaching. For its part, the Falange as a single party would try to impose its support through the mass media.

Lopez Sanz During first decades of post-war Spain the trend which clearly prevailed when it comes to the Carlist theme was continuation of the wartime-style novels; it was visible in the 1940s but started to dry out and disappeared almost completely in the 1950s. None of the key features changed: nagging moralising objectives, sketchy and Manichean characters, Civil War setting, lively yet predictable plot. As Falange was clearly gaining the upper hand in internal power struggle, also the Falangist historical perspective started to prevail, with Carlist characters relegated to secondary roles in the narrative; this is the case of Rafael García Serrano and his La fiel infanteria (1943), Cuando los dioses nacían en Extremadura (1947), Plaza del Castillo (1951) or Los ojos perdidos (1958). Casariego kept writing, but the most successful of his wartime novels, Con la vida hicieron fuego (1953), did not contain Carlist threads.

170 both Falangist and Carlist executives were internally divided with one faction conspiring against another, in Falange the conflict unfolding along mostly personal lines and in Carlism related to the unification strategy. In mid- March the Carlists already sensed urgency, apparently aware that unification was no longer a distant perspective but an immediate future. In late March the Rodezno-led group of leaders which tended to accept a merger outmaneuvered Don Javier and Fal and in circumstances which bordered internal coup within Carlism forced them to accept the strategy,on March 22, 1937 the Carlist frondists set up a new body, Consejo de la Tradición, presided by Martinez Berasain and with José María Oriol as secretary; the council tried to supersede the official executive, Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra. The most thorough account of Carlist response to the unification threat in Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp.

This was the case of the first FET Gipuzkoan leader, Agustín Tellería Mendizábal, who tried to organize celebrations of the first anniversary of taking San Sebastian as a Carlist gala. Two national FET inspectors arrived in the city and Tellería was promptly dismissed; Iñaki Fernández Redondo, La fallida conquista del estado. Falange y el establecimiento de FET y de las JONS (1939-1973), [in:] Damián A. González, Manuel Ortiz Heras, Juan Sisinio Pérez Garzón (eds.), La Historia, lost in Translation? Actas del XIII Congreso de la Asociación de Historia Contemporánea, Albacete 2016, , p. 3558 complaining about lack of Falangist give and take and demanding immediate intervention.detailed statistics of formal complaints raised along internal FET channes is discussed in Peñalba Sotorrio 2013 Violent street clashes between Falangists and Carlists (both unificated and non-unificated) were not rare,Tusell 2002, p. 139 with hundreds of arrests following.

Preston, Franco, pp. 261-2 It was Aznar who struck first, using his militia to seize to depose Hedilla on April 16, 1937, and instead placing at the head of the Falange a triumvirate made up of himself, Sancho Dávila and their ally José Moreno.Preston, Franco, p. 262 Hedilla hit back however, enlisting the help of Finnish Nazi Carl von Haartman, who led Hedilla's troops in capturing the Falangist Headquarters from Aznar's forces.Preston, Franco, pp. 263-4 With the struggle threatening to impact upon the war effort Franco stepped in to publicly back Hedilla and ensure the arrest of Aznar, Sancho Dávila and the others. However Franco used the opportunity to effectively neutralise the Falange by immediately announcing the formation of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista, effectively making the post of head of the Falange little more than ceremonial.Preston, Franco, pp.

Brocos Fernández 2005; Clemente 2011, p. 242 Following the outbreak of hostilities he joined the Burgos-based Junta Carlista de GuerraBrocos Fernández 2005 and became head of its Guilds and Corporations section,Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939, Barcelona 2006, , 9788496467347, p. 331; Blinkhorn 2008, p. 270; Fermín Pérez- Nievas Borderas, Contra viento y marea. Historia de la evolución ideológica del carlismo a través de dos siglos de lucha, Pamplona 1999; , 9788460589327, p. 108; sort of Carlist “ministry of labor” bent to build a syndical structure competitive to the Falangist scheme.Blinkhorn 2008, p. 274 Araúz co-engineered the raid of Aragonese Requetés who captured his native Molina de Aragon early August 1936; he later contributed to forming of the local Requeté battalion, Tercio de María de Molina.Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes requetés en la Guerra Civil española (1936-1939) , Madrid 2013, , p.

Born in Valladolid, the son of a notary, he grew up in Elorrio (Vizcaya), Morella (Castellón) and Villena (Alicante) where as a child he learned to speak Basque and Valencian. He studied Law at the Universidad María Cristina de El Escorial, History at the University of Valladolid, and Classical Philology in Madrid, Paris and Berlin. He had as teachers, among others, Cayetano de Mergelina, Manuel Gómez-Moreno, Ramón Menéndez Pidal and Eduard Schwyzer. He was president of the University Student Federation (FUE) in Valladolid, a republican-leaning organisation, but in September 1936 after beginning the civil war, he adopted a Falangist attitude influenced by his intimate friend Dionisio Ridruejo, and became one of those responsible for the propaganda of the nationalist government in Burgos, though his disillusionment with the Nationalist faction started. During the Spanish coup of July 1936 he was in Berlin visiting a Hitler Youth camp.

Falangist standard Turn of the decades produced the climax of Oriol's political career,late 1930s and early 1940s seem to have been a rather awkward period for the Oriols. While José María enjoyed his political climax in Biscay, influence of José Luis was being gradually eradicated in Álava, as Falange was bent on terminating the "oriolismo", perhaps a typical Franco’s strategy, compare Cantabrana Morras 2004 and Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Díputación-FET de las JONS. La convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Alava (Segunda parte: 1938-1943), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 22 (2005), pp. 139–169 marked mostly by his vacillation between Carlism and Falangism. Re-admitted to semi-legal Traditionalist structures,at unspecified time between late 1937 and 1940 Oriol he was re- admitted to the Comunión Tradicionalista following a personal meeting with Don Javier, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp.

Terç de Montserrat mausoleum Terç de Requetès de la Mare de Déu de Montserrat () was a battalion-type Carlist infantry unit, forming part of Nationalist troops during the Spanish Civil War. It is known as one of two Catalan units fighting against the Republicans.another unit was the Falangist I Centuria Virgen de Montserrat, created in Burgos, see Joan Maria Thomàs, Falangistes i carlins catalans a la «zona nacional» durant la Guerra civil (1936-1939), [in:] Recerques: Història, economia i cultura 31 (1995), p. 9 It is also recognized as the Nationalist unit which recorded the highest KIA ratio of 19%,"unidad nacional que registró mayor porcentaje de muertos de la Guerra, un 19 por ciento", Lucas Molina Franco, Pablo Sagarra, Óscar González, Grandes batallas de la Guerra Civil española 1936-1939: Los combates que marcaron el desarrollo del conflicto, Madrid 2016, , page unavailable, see here.

The term is used generically, without involving ideological or aesthetic evaluation of the entire art and culture of Francoist Spain (1939–1975), which would only be suitable for art and culture more identified with the Franco regime, where other expressions are sometimes used: 'Fascist art and culture in Spain', 'Falangist art and culture', or 'nationalist- catholic (nacional-católica) art and culture', and so forth. The terms 'Spanish Fascist art', 'Fascist Spanish painting', 'Spanish fascist sculpture', 'Spanish fascist architecture', 'Spanish fascist culture', 'Spanish fascist literature', and so on, are infrequently used, but there are examples, as in the writing of Spanish historian . Such terms have a wide application, which can be restricted to cultural products more identified with Spanish Falangism and the azul (blue) familias del franquismo (organizations affiliated with Francoism), although very often these more specific terms are generalized, to cover all of the art identified as "nacional" ('national') in Francoist Spain.

It is not agreed whether FET was created as a stepping stone towards a Fascistoid/Fascist state or whether it was set up principally to eliminate any competitive centers of power and served rather traditional objectives of securing dictatorial powers of one individual. It is not entirely clear whether unification was a hastily rushed provisional measure triggered by displays of Falangist and Carlist ambitions or rather a carefully prepared step which had matured in Franco's mind for some time.see e.g. comments in Tusell 2007, p. 414 It is open to debate whether FET was initially intended to harbor a generally vague political program so that doctrinal rigidity did not stand in the way of getting “neutral mass” affiliated, or whether it was formatted along national- syndicalist lines.“its function after the unification was to incorporate, in Franco’s words, the ‘great unaffiliated neutral mass’ of Spaniards, and doctrinal rigidity was clearly not to stand in the way”, Payne 1987, p.

La idea de España en el siglo XIX (Premio Nacional de Ensayo 2002), conferences on this subject held at the Fundación Juan March. Those within the regime did not all blindly support such simplifications as demonstrated in España como problema by the Falangist intellectual, Pedro Laín Entralgo. Rafael Calvo Serer responded to this with his España sin problema, expressing traditional and orthodox beliefs. These beliefs had to be adopted, as assuming a traditional stance and showcasing 'unwavering support' towards Franco was the only way to maintain any semblance of power, as highlighted by Luis Carrero Blanco when referring to Franco and everything the Caudillo represented: > [...] my loyalty to [Franco] and his work is undoubtedly sincere and > completely transparent; it is unconstrained by limitations, nor is it > affected by doubts or reservations [...] During Spain's transition to democracy, not only were Francoism's mottos and symbols abandoned, but there was also a decline in the use of national symbols in general.

152-153 Juventud, the Falangist weekly launched in Tarragona in 1943 was styled as continuation of Joventut; issued in Spanish and subtitled Semanario nacional sindicalista it had little in common with the original Caylà's periodical.see index of Vallencs publications available here Except singular cases of homage on part of intransigent anti-Francoist Sivattistasin 1961 they tried to unveil a commemorative plaque in Valls; it read "Tomás Caylá ejemplo vivo. Con firmeza jamás vencida, el hijo ilustre de Valls, D. Tomás Caylá y Grau, Jefe de los Carlistas de Cataluña, aqui dio valerosamente la sangre y la vida por los ideales de Dios, Fueros, Patria y Rey". The event was accompanied by building a castell and dropping leaflets, César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, , pp. 161-162 the memory of Caylà went into oblivion; he started to figure prominently in the Carlist political discourse some time in the late 1960s.

It was first performed in a rally at the Cine Europa of Madrid on February 2, 1936. The music was based on a 1935 piece by Juan Tellería, Amanecer en Cegama ("Dawn at Zegama") The song was registered with number 75 027 between 1936 and 1937 with the lyrics at the name of Juan Ruiz de la Fuente. Its popularity was boosted by Primo de Rivera's execution on 20 November 1936 and his subsequent glorification by the Spanish Nationalists. During the Spanish Civil War the Falange, which was since its inception quite military or paramilitary, like other equivalent youth parties in countries under totalitarian regimes, became an important part of the National Army (or National Movement), both ideologically and militarily, still as an independent organization but strengthening the regular insurgent army in the combat lines, which caused plenty of Falangist casualties, and Cara al sol was their anthem throughout "the war days", the lyrics acquiring an even more special signification for its remembering of the "fallen comrades".

67, here but lost and had to renounce the mandate.in the work discussing Carlist candidates running from tercio familiar Manglano is not listed at all, which suggests that he was not endorsed by official Carlist executive and ran on his own, see the chapter Las candidaturas carlistas en las elecciones a procuradores a Cortes de 1967 [in:] Ramón María Rodon Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, pp. 370-390 His last and his first days in the Spanish diet are spanned by 48 years, rendering Cárcer one of the national record-holders in terms of duration of parliamentary career.Praxedes Sagasta served between 1854 and 1903, Esteban Bilbao between 1916 and 1965 Cárcer retained anti-Falangist, Traditionalist identity, which was not incompatible with an "extreme addiction to the regime".Ginés i Sànchez 2008, p. 472 On the other hand, his stand was irreconcilable with intransigent opposition originally mounted by the Carlist leader, Manuel Fal.

Characteristic of Franco 's attitude to the Axis n, however, is his behavior in Hendaye in 1940 (thus at the height of Nazi power in Europe) on the occasion of his only meeting with Hitler, when Franco not only demanded French colonial territory for Spain's entry into the war, but also refused to allow German troops into his country to let. According to his own statements, Franco is said to have even told Hitler that Spain will fight every invader to the last man, wherever he comes from. In addition, Franco demanded the supply of raw materials such as cotton and rubber, which Germany could hardly deliver. Franco, in spite of his superficial approval, finally closed Hitler's suggestion to occupy Gibraltar, which had long been demanded by England, because that would have meant Franco's entry into the Second World War.Compare and His condolences finally consisted in sending the 'División Azul' 'to the Eastern Front, 47,000 Falangist volunteers under General Agustín Muñoz Grandes, but which he withdrew in 1943 after the Battle of Stalingrad there again.

Heras y Borrero 2004, p. 160 in 1968 a small group of his supporters showed up at the massive Javierista gathering at Montejurra, staging sort of a semi-suicidal provocation.Heras y Borrero 2004, p. 161, Vallverdú Martí 2014, p. 124; MacClancy 2000, p. 152 notes "two taxiloads of bellicose traditionalists, most of them in their late sixties"; when insulted by the Javieristas, one of them pulled out a gun; at this point Guardia Civil intervened and shuffled the Carloctavistas off the scene His cause was supported by few periodicals, mostly ¡Carlistas!Heras y Borrero 2004, p. 148 In 1969 Pueblo, a publication issued by Organización Sindical, published a lengthy interview with Don Francisco José; it was probably part of the last-minute Falangist attempt to block official designation of Don Juan Carlos as the future king.Heras y Borrero 2004, pp. 161–62 Don Francisco José The Octavistas received what looked like a mortal blow in 1969, with death of the most dedicated supporter of the cause Cora y Lira, even though Don Francisco José passed away in 1975 and Don Antonio in 1987.

Falangist militia Few months into the civil war it was already evident that the balance of power among right-wing parties underwent a major shake-up. The decomposed CEDA, Renovación and Agrarians were dwarfed by Comunión Tradicionalista and Falange Española, two groupings responsible for some 80% of volunteers in ranks of the Nationalist party militias.in October 1936 there were 46,794 volunteers registered in ranks of the frontline Nationalist militias; 23.307 were Falangists, 12,213 were Carlists and 9,724 were other, like JAP or Legionarios de Albiñana, Aróstegui 2013, p. 808 It was their efficiency as recruitment structures which mattered to Franco and the military.Preston 1995, p. 248 Initially volunteers constituted 38% of all troops available to the Nationalists on the peninsula; as conscription was getting implemented by November this figure went down to 25%.in late July 1936 out of 90,140 Nationalist militants some 35,000 were militiamen; in October 1936 out of 188,581 Nationalist militants there were 46,794 militiamen, Aróstegui 2013, p. 808 Both groupings were increasingly viewing themselves as future masters of new Spain.

Members of Falangist infantile section, Flechas Theoretical platforms of Falange and Comunión were strikingly distinct. The former advanced a syndicalist revolution and vehement Spanish nationalism, both to be incorporated in an omnipotent state; the latter were committed to a loose monarchy, society entrenched in traditional roles and de- centralized state accommodating local Basque and Catalan liberties. Though both were equally hostile to democracy, parliamentarism and socialism, they did not hold each other in high regard; the Falangists considered Carlism a half-dead prehistoric reactionary relic,already in Republican prison José Antonio diagnosed the military coup as “un grupo de generales de honrada intención; pero de desoladora mediocridad política. Puros tópicos elementales (orden, pacificación de los espirítis..). Detrás: 1) el viejo carlismo intransigente, cerril, antipático” plus self-interesed conservatism and capitalism, Rodríguez Jiménez 2000, p. 261 while the Carlists viewed the Falangists simply as “red scum”.Jacek Bartyzel, “Don Carlos Marx”. Studium przypadku rewolucyjnej transgresjo tradycjonalizmu w socjalizm w hiszpańskim karlizmie, [in:] Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia v/4 (2010), p. 68.

Carlist and Nazi emblems It is close to impossible to sketch a typical path of a Carlist engaged in Francoism. Personal careers differed widely, from time of access to level of enthusiasm to political success or failure. Moreover, numerous carlo-francoists did not maintain a consistent stand during almost 40 years of the Franco regime; many demonstrated a vacillating approach, marked by varying modes of engagement or even by erratic twists and turns of their careers. A significant group of recognized personalities who landed top jobs in the late 1930s in few years were already no longer associated with the official policy. Some got increasingly disappointed with the emerging system and resigned,perhaps the most striking is the case of Jesús Elizalde Sanz Roblés, one of 2 “asesores políticos” of the unificated FET militia and member of the FET Junta Política at the same time; outraged at Falangist domination in the state party, he resigned both posts in March 1939, shortly before the ultimate Nationalist triumph in the Civil War later.

318 The decree which nominated members of Junta Política listed 10 names.which in line with the unification document should have been understood as half of all members, with the rest to be appointed by the future Consejo Among 5 Falangists there were 3 “old- shirts”; Manuel Hedilla (35 years) and two officers with loyalties divided between the army and the party, Joaquín Miranda González (43) and Ladislao López Bassa (32); they were accompanied by one fresh Falangist who had joined after the July coup, Dario Gazapo Valdés (46), and one oddball vaguely related to the party with – or at least it might have seemed so – literary rather than political ambitions, Ernesto Giménez Caballero (38).some scholars claim that there were just 4 Falangists appointed, 2 old-shirts Hedilla and Miranda and 2 neos Lopez Bassa and Gonzalez Bueno, García Venero 1970, p. 109 There were 4 Carlists, all of them Rodeznistas: Tómas Dominguez de Arevalo (conde Rodezno, 55), his lieutenant Luis Arellano Dihinx (31), rather detached member of Carlist executive Tómas Dolz de Espejo (conde de la Florida, 58) and a locally known Rioja politician José Mazón Sainz (36).

Meanwhile, this operation gave time to the republicans in Madrid to build defenses and start receiving some foreign support. Francoist troops storming a suburb of the city in 1937 The Summer and Autumn of 1936 saw the Republican Madrid witness of heavy-hand repression by Communist and Socialist groups, symbolised by the murder of prisoners in checas and sacas directed mostly against military personnel and leading politicians linked to the rebels, which, culminated by the horrific Paracuellos massacres in the context of a simultaneous major rebel offensive against the city, were halted by early December. Madrid, besieged from October 1936, saw a major offensive in its western suburbs in November of that year. ;Collapse In the last weeks of the war the collapse of the republic was speeded by Colonel Segismundo Casado, who, endorsed by some political figures such as Anarchist Cipriano Mera and Julián Besteiro, a PSOE leader who had held talks with the Falangist fifth column in the city, threw a military coup against the legitimate government under the pretext of excessive communist preponderance, propelling a mini- civil war in Madrid that, won by the casadistas, left roughly 2,000 casualties between 5–10 March 1939.

167 by some scholars he is even considered co-leader of the Rodeznistas,Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 43 pressing compliance and advocating the Carlist entry into a new partido unico. During charged meetings of February, March and April he enjoyed "voz cantante"Manuel Martorell Pérez, Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008), p. 444, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 39 when pushing the intransigent Fal into minority.Blinkhorn 2008, p. 285, c Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del carlismo contemporaneo, Barcelona 1977, , p. 30. It is not clear whether Arellano engineered an odd incident in March, when sitting of Concejo de Tradicion in Burgos was accompanied by 30 requetés from Navarre, apparently an intimidation attempt aimed against those opposing unification, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 126 Conscious of Carlist junior position within the coalition, he argued that sacrifice of the Requeté should not be wasted by allowing total Falangist predomination in a new monopolist state party.Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp.

Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 191 Following re-organization of 1934 he was nominated assessor of Delegación Especial de Juventudes.Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El Carlisme Català Durant La Segona República Espanyola 1931-1936, Barcelona 2008, , 9788478260805, p. 162 He is known mostly as supporting own father, successfully organising his electoral campaigns in Álava.Agirreazkuenaga, Urquijo 2008, p. 190 In 1936 Oriol became member of Junta Militar, a Saint- Jean-de-Luz based executive of Carlist conspiracy.Javier Ugarte Tellería, La nueva Covadonga insurgente: orígenes sociales y culturales de la sublevación de 1936 en Navarra y el País Vasco, Madrid 1998, , 9788470305313, p. 74 As a party envoy a few times he met the imprisoned José Antonio Primo de Rivera, negotiating details of a would-be Carlist and Falangist insurgent alliance.Ballestero 2014, p. 57, Ugarte Tellería 1998, p. 74 Locally he served as a link between his parent and head of the military plot in Álava, teniente coronel Alonso Vega.Ballestero 2014, p. 57; some fairly detailed sources claim he was personally negotiating with Mola, which seems to confuse the father and the son, see Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937).