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"industrial union" Definitions
  1. a labor union open to workers in an industry irrespective of their occupation or craft— compare CRAFT UNION
"industrial union" Synonyms
trade union craft union guild labour union(UK) labor union(US) organized labor trades union union local syndicate workers' association staff association

543 Sentences With "industrial union"

How to use industrial union in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "industrial union" and check conjugation/comparative form for "industrial union". Mastering all the usages of "industrial union" from sentence examples published by news publications.

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First woman elected to lead a major UK industrial union.
Business groups like the Argentine Industrial Union (UIA) say they agree.
Back in 1924, the building housed The Circle of Trade and Industrial Union of Madrid.
The machinists were the first industrial union to endorse Clinton and remain strong backers of her candidacy.
In Madrid, the Circulo Gran Via used to be the home of The Circle Trade and Industrial Union.
The Industrial Union has over 225,000 members and is estimated to represent around 75 percent of Finnish export industry.
Within the Democratic Party, it fuels tension between trade-friendly metropolitan economies and historic industrial union allies seeking trade protection.
Gerard, head of the nation's largest industrial union, said Wednesday that President Trump must act now to protect the domestic steel industry.
The sector has been stagnant for years, said Jose Urtubey, a director of the Argentine Industrial Union, which represents the country's biggest manufacturers.
It joined IG Metall, the largest industrial union in Europe, earlier this month, which prompted YouTube to invite its representatives to YouTube headquarters.
Built within the former building of The Circle of Trade and Industrial Union of Madrid, this storied building tells tales of Madrid's industrial development.
By the end of last year, metal workers' union IG Metall — Germany's largest union and Europe's largest industrial union — was warning of threats from the populist right.
But on Monday, United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE), a 35,000-worker industrial union, announced it is throwing its support behind Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders.
At another worker's home, I spoke with a member of the FSPMI, the Federation of Indonesian Metalworkers—the cross-trade industrial union that represented most members of the Jaba Garmindo workforce.
That means Hollywood unions must monitor scores of business entities — compared with, say, the United Auto Workers, which operates on the industrial-union model and deals mostly with three big car companies.
Strong economic growth and low unemployment in Germany is bolstering unions in their wage demands, with industrial union IG Metall having agreed a 4.3 percent raise and the right to shorter working hours.
Rosenfeld notes that the Fight for $15, backed by the Service Employees Industrial Union, and the push to raise Walmart's wages supported by the United Food and Commercial workers have both borne fruit.
Strong economic growth and low unemployment in Germany is bolstering unions in their wage demands, with industrial union Earlier this month, the union IG Metall agreed a 4.3 percent raise and the right to shorter working hours [nL8N1PW1KH].
The National Farmers Alliance and Industrial Union had its heyday some years before Debs entered public life, but its theorists similarly connected ordinary people's dislocation from the political process to the growing dominance of corporations and concentrated capital.
The United Steelworkers, the largest industrial union in North America representing refinery workers, said the decision leaves in place a costly regulation that puts at risk thousands of blue collar jobs of the type Trump has promised to preserve.
The bank was founded in 1965 as the Bank fur Sparanlagen und Vermoegensbildung, initially serving industrial union members by mail and phone and later a broader customer base by fax, the internet and apps as it went through multiple name changes.
IG Metall, an industrial union with nearly 2.3 million members, managed to translate the higher productivity generated by automation into better work flexibility for members — namely the option of a 28-hour workweek, with the right to return to full-time.
Driving the news: The "YouTubers Union," a self-proclaimed movement that "fights for the rights of YouTube creators and users," is teaming up with Germany's largest union (and Europe's largest industrial union) to launch a joint campaign targeting YouTube, Vice News reports.
The Industrial Union, which organises workers in the metals chemicals and wood products sectors, and two more unions have said that about 100,000 workers will begin a three-day strike on Monday, stalling production at companies including Nokian Tyres , oil refiner Neste and stainless steel producer Outokumpu.
Joe Uehlein, founding president of the Labor Network for Sustainability, is the former secretary-treasurer of the AFL-CIO's Industrial Union Department, having entered the labor movement in the 1970s as a United Steelworkers member at an aluminum plant, and then as a LIUNA member working on heavy construction projects.
The Detroit IWW, which became the Workers' International Industrial Union in 1916, published the Industrial Union News.
The Industrial Union of Construction and Wood (, IG Bau-Holz) was a trade union representing construction and wood workers in East Germany. The union was founded in 1950, when the Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB) merged the Industrial Union of Construction with the Industrial Union of Wood. Its remit also covered toy making, and in 1955, building materials workers were transferred from the Industrial Union of Chemicals. In 1956, workers in local timber and cultural goods trades were transferred to the Industrial Union of the Local Economy, but they returned in 1958.
In 2014, the union shortened its name, to become the Wood Union. In 2017, the union merged with the Metalworkers' Union and the Industrial Union TEAM, to form the Industrial Union.
The Industrial Union of Chemicals, Glass and Ceramics (, IG CGK) was a trade union representing workers in various industries in East Germany. The union was founded by the Free German Trade Union Federation in 1946, initially as the Industrial Union of Chemicals, Paper, Stone and Earth. It initially had 230,464 members. In 1947, its name was changed to the Industrial Union of Chemicals, Paper and Ceramics, and then in 1950 it was shortened to the Industrial Union of Chemicals.
Brandon took a few sympathizers and formed the Industrial Union Alliance. When, by the summer of 1933, it became clear that the IUL would turn itself into a political party Brandon tried to reunify with them and changed his organizations name to the Industrial Union Party on June 11. The Industrial Union League changed its name to the Industrial Union Party on June 14, and filed an injunction against the Brandon faction from using the name.
The Fur Workers Industrial Union was an industrial labor union of fur trade workers in the United States. The Fur Workers Industrial Union was affiliated with the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union, which in turn was affiliated to the Trade Union Unity League (TUUL).Cornell University IRL School. Chapter 10 - Clothing and Textiles, pp.
The Industrial Union of Textiles, Clothing and Leather (, IG TBL) was a trade union representing workers in the textile, clothing, leather, and tobacco industries in East Germany. The union was founded in 1950, when the Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB) reorganised its affiliates, merging the Industrial Union of Clothing, Industrial Union of Leather, and Industrial Union of Clothing. By 1964, the union had 650,000 members, and was the third largest affiliate of the FDGB. Internationally, the union was affiliated to the Trade Union International of Textile, Leather and Fur Workers Unions.
The Industrial Union of Mining and Energy (, IG Bergbau-Energie) was a trade union representing the mining, energy and water industries in East Germany. The union was founded in 1946 as the Industrial Union of Mining, a section of the new Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB). While most of the union was divided into districts based on location, a separate district was created for workers at Wismut, the uranium mining company, and in 1950 this was split away to form the Wismut Industrial Union. In 1951, the FDGB created the Industrial Union of Metallurgy, to which ore miners were transferred, but the union was dissolved in 1951 and the ore miners returned to the mining union. In 1963, the Industrial Union of Energy, Post and Transport was dissolved, and energy workers were transferred to the mining union, which was renamed as the "Industrial Union of Mining and Energy".
259-299 Ben Gold was the president of the Fur Workers Industrial Union.
The Industrial Union TEAM (, TEAM) was a trade union representing manufacturing and print workers in Finland. The Chemical Union had been keen to unite the various industrial union in Finland for several years, and opened negotiations with six other unions. The Metalworkers' Union withdrew, followed by all the others excepting the Media Union. At the start of 2010, when the Chemical Union and Media Union merged, forming the Industrial Union TEAM.
McKay, Jim. "Merger Makes USW Biggest Industrial Union." Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. April 14, 2005.
By 1998, it had 49,618 members, but by 2019, this had fallen to 34,021, of whom only 14,000 were actively employed in the industry. Despite its decline in membership, the union decided against joining the Industrial Union TEAM, founded in 2010, or its successor, the Industrial Union.
He was president of the Bermuda Industrial Union (BIU) 1945–55.Bermuda Industrial Union website. Gordon has been described as "perhaps the only black charismatic leader to have emerged in the island's modern political history",Frances Henry (ed.), Ethnicity in the Americas, Walter de Gruyter, 1976, p. 67.
The Wismut Industrial Union (, IG W) was a trade union representing workers at the Wismut uranium mining company. From 1946, workers at Wismut were represented by the Industrial Union of Mining, part of the Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB). However, due to the secretive nature of the work they undertook, under the control of the Soviet Union, they were placed in an autonomous section. In 1950, the FDGB decided to move the workers into their own dedicated union, the "Wismut Industrial Union".
In 2017, Metalli merged with TEAM and the Wood and Allied Workers' Union, to form the Industrial Union.
The Building Workers' Industrial Union of Australia was an Australian trade union covering workers in the construction industry.
The Swedish Industrial Union (Industrifacket) was a general trade union in Sweden. It was formed in 1993 by the merger of the Factory Worker's Union and the Textile, Garment and Leather Workers' Union. In January, 2006 the Swedish Industrial Union merged with the Swedish Metalworkers' Union to form IF Metall.
At the PFL's convention in May 1930, James A. Phillips was elected Casey's successor.Pennsylvania Industrial Union Council, p. 46.
The Industrial Union of Printing and Paper (, IG DuP) was a trade union representing workers in the printing industry in East Germany. The union was founded in June 1946 by the new Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB) as the Industrial Union of Graphic Arts and Paper Processing, with 49,475 members. In 1950, it was renamed as the "Industrial Union of Printing and Paper". Internationally, the union was affiliated to the Standing Committee of Trade Unions in the Graphic Industry, hosting its headquarters and providing its president.
The SPR hired the Pinkerton Agency to infiltrate and destroy the UBRE. One of the Pinkerton labor spy tactics was persuading workers to quit the industrial union and instead join a craft union. The defeat of the UBRE ended the last major attempt to organize North American railway workers into an industrial union.
In 1927, the branch broke away from the federal union as the West Australian Timber Workers' Industrial Union of Workers, resulting in litigation over the union's assets, eventually resolved in the state union's favour. The union was deregistered in October 1933 and three separate bodies attempted to apply for registration in its place, including a section of the Australian Workers' Union. In December, the West Australian Sawmilling and Sleeper Cutters' Industrial Union of Workers was registered. It was again renamed as the Western Australian Timber Industry Industrial Union of Workers in 1937.
University of Washington Press, Seattle, 1987. In 1907, Hoquiam was home to Industrial Workers of the World Industrial Union No. 276.
Thus, Foster and the CPUSA worked to integrate hundreds of Communist organizers into John L. Lewis's newly established industrial union organization.
During the economic panic of 1907, the Industrial Union Bulletin went from a weekly publication to every two weeks, and for a time publication was suspended. The last issue of the Industrial Union Bulletin was published March 6, 1909.Brissenden, p. 229 A few days later, on March 18, the Industrial Worker, version II, No. 1, Vol.
He returned to Britain and helped to organize the Workers' International Industrial Union, which was similar to the IWW from North America.
The new Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union was formed on January 1, 1929.Draper, Theodore. American Communism and Soviet Russia. Reprint ed.
The ruling overturned the conviction of Harold B. Fiske, an organizer affiliated with the Industrial Workers of the World's Agricultural Workers Industrial Union.
Daniel DeLeon, IWW founder and Marxist political leader who was the leading light of the WIIU. The Workers' International Industrial Union (WIIU) was a Revolutionary Industrial Union headquartered in Detroit in 1908 by radical trade unionists closely associated with the Socialist Labor Party of America, headed by Daniel DeLeon. The organization was formed when it broke with the main faction of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) over the question of political action. After seven years of parallel existence as the so-called "Detroit IWW," the dissident organization changed its name to Workers' International Industrial Union in 1915.
The AFL revoked the charter of the weaker AWWI and forced them to join the Carpenters' union. Some powerful AFL affiliates successfully resisted pressure to split into separate crafts. The United Mine Workers had been formed as an industrial union. They demanded, and were granted, the right to include craftsmen – "hoisting engineers, firemen, blacksmiths, carpenters" – into their industrial union locals.
The Lumber Workers Industrial Union of Canada was a trade union of lumberjacks in Canada. LWIUC was founded in Sault Ste. Marie 1924 by Finnish communists, who were dissatisfied with the Lumber Workers Industrial Union of the Industrial Workers of the World and the OBU. The two founding national secretaries of LWIUC were Alfred Hautamäki and Kalle Salo, both Finns.
This French union is the oldest confederation still in existence. ;April 1895 (United States) :American Industrial Union established by former American Railway Union Vice President George W. Howard. The union proves to be short-lived, disappearing in the second half of 1896."American Industrial Union: Organization with Unlimited Aims Begins Its Existence," Chicago Inter Ocean, 22 April 1895, pg. 5.
The IG EPT was dismantled, and its communication and transportation sections were merged with the Industrial Union of Railways, forming the "Industrial Union of Transport and Communication". By 1964, the new union had 600,000 members, making it the fourth largest FDGB affiliate. Internationally, it was affiliated to the Trade Union International of Transport Workers. The union continued to grow, and by 1989, it had 799,480 members.
Curran was also elected president of the Greater New York Industrial Union. The Greater New York Industrial Union (GNYIU) was organized by the CIO in 1940 as a central labor body for New York City. CIO-affiliated local unions in New York City and the nearby vicinity were its primary members. At the organization's founding convention on July 24, 1940, Curran was elected president of GNYIU.
He was reelected to Congress in 1926. A former union organizer for the United Mine Workers, Casey was the best-known labor union member in the state of Pennsylvania and its foremost advocate. Also representing the industrial union wing as James A. Phillips, a cigarmaker from Philadelphia. But whereas Otis argued for expelling industrial union advocates from the labor federation, Phillips argued for adopting industrial unionism wholesale.
The National Union of Wallcoverings, Decorative and Allied Trades (NUWDAT) was an industrial union representing workers connected with the manufacture of wallpaper in the United Kingdom.
On short line railroads, the organization acts as more of an industrial union and also represents trainmen, enginemen, maintenance of way employees, mechanics and clerical staff.
Industrial Union of Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of America (IUMSWA) archives, 1934-1970. 188.75 linear feet. University of Maryland Libraries, State of Maryland and Historical Collections.
Harriet Clisby (August 31, 1830 – April 30, 1931) was an English physician, women's rights activist, and founder of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union in Boston.
The Breweries & Bottleyards Employees Industrial Union of Workers WA (BBEIUW (WA)) is a trade union in Australia. It is affiliated with the Australian Council of Trade Unions.
The German Metal Workers' Union (, abbreviated DMV) was a German industrial union for metalworkers formed in 1891 and dissolved after the Nazis' accession to power in 1933.
The All-China Federation of Railway Workers’ Unions is a national industrial union of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in the People's Republic of China.
The Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union (CAWIU) was a Communist- aligned union active in California in the early 1930s. Organizers provided support to workers in California's fields and canning industry. The Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union (CAWIU) dated back to 1929 with the formation of the Trade Union Unity League (TUUL). With industrialization and the advent of the factories, labor started migrating into the urban space.
Although Lewis favored Harry Bridges, president of the Pacific Coast District of the International Longshoremen's Association, to lead the new maritime industrial union, the other union leaders balked. Curran agreed to affiliate with the CIO, but refused to let Bridges or anyone else take over his union. His views were reflected among those of the other union leaders, and the CIO's maritime industrial union never got off the ground.
The Argentine Industrial Union (, or, UIA) is the leading industrial employer federation and advocacy group in Argentina. The UIA is a member of the International Organisation of Employers.
The National Committee of the Chinese Aviation Workers’ Union is a national industrial union of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in the People's Republic of China.
The National Committee of the Chinese Banking Workers’ Union is a national industrial union of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in the People's Republic of China.
The Industrial Union () is a trade union representing workers in light and heavy industries in Finland. The union was founded on 1 January 2018, when the Industrial Union TEAM merged with the Metalworkers' Union and the Wood and Allied Workers' Union. Like its predecessors, it affiliated to the Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions. From its formation, it has been led by Riku Aalto, who was formerly president of the Metalworkers' Union.
The National Committee of the Chinese Seamen and Construction Workers’ Union is a national industrial union of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in the People's Republic of China.
The National Committee of the Chinese Energy and Chemical Workers’ Union is a national industrial union of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in the People's Republic of China.
In 1936, he was ordered by Louis "Lepke" Buchalter to lead a raid into the office of Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union, who were having a meeting at the time.
73 He returned in 1931. No longer on the staff of Freiheit, he became educational director of the TUUL Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union and editor of its weekly Needle Worker.
By 1998, the union had 29,009 members, and by 2020, this had risen to 34,000. It took part in the negotiations which formed the Industrial Union TEAM, but ultimately remained independent.
The Union of Trade, Food and Luxuries () was a trade union representing workers in various related industries in East Germany. The union was founded in 1949, when the Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB) decided to reorganise its affiliates, in line with the country's economic management plans. As a result, retail and wholesale workers from the Industrial Union of Trade and Transport and the Union of Employees were placed into a new union, the Industrial Union of Trade, which was soon renamed as the Union of Trade. In 1958, FDGB affiliates were again reorganised, and the Industrial Union of Food, Luxuries and Hospitality was merged into the Union of Trade, which changed its name to the Union of Trade, Food and Luxuries.
The Industrial Union of Transport and Communication (, IG TuN) was a trade union representing workers in the transport and communication sectors in East Germany. In 1958, the Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB) had rearranged its affiliates, and formed the Industrial Union of Energy, Post and Transport (IG EPT), in line with the national economic plan. However, the new union covered fields which were structured in very different ways. As a result, in 1963, the FDGB again restructured.
The Industrial Union of Metal (, IG Metall) was a trade union representing workers in the metal and electronic industries. The union was founded on 13 June 1946, in the Soviet occupation zone of Germany. By the end of the month, it had 421,558 members, making it the largest component of the new Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB). In 1951, metallurgical workers were moved into a new Industrial Union of Metallurgy, but in 1958 they returned.
IUP symbolThe Industrial Union Party (IUP) was a US DeLeonist political party. The party proclaimed itself on 7 July 1933 at 1032 Prospect Avenue, Bronx, Branch headquarters of its predecessor Industrial Union League (IUL). The new IUP immediately announced candidates in the New York City elections: Adolph Silver for Mayor, Irving Oring for Comptroller, and Sam Brandon for President of Alderman. The party's publication, the Industrial Unionist, was published first in May 1932 with its final issue in 1950.
Burns declared that "to all inquiries of this sort we have invariably answered that we know nothing about the American Industrial Union. We think we are a sufficiently big tub to stand on our own bottom." Instead the ARU announced its plan to reorganize on the basis of a secret society in an effort to avoid the blacklisting of its members by railroad corporations and a renewed effort to build the ARU as an industrial union of railway workers.
"New Union of Labor: American Industrial Union Just Formed at Chicago," Warren [PA] Evening Democrat, April 25, 1895, pg. 5. A national convention to perfect the organization was slated for January 1896.
The National Committee of the Chinese Machinery, Metallurgical and Building Material Workers’ Union is a national industrial union of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in the People's Republic of China.
The National Committee of the Chinese Defense Industry, Postal and Telecommunications Workers’ Union is a national industrial union of the All- China Federation of Trade Unions in the People's Republic of China.
While the SLP's newspaper, The People, would serve as the official organ of the so- called "Detroit IWW" until January 1912, when a new monthly magazine called Industrial Union News would be launched.
The National Committee of the Chinese Educational, Scientific, Cultural, Medical and Sports Workers’ Union is a national industrial union of the All- China Federation of Trade Unions in the People's Republic of China.
Many companies prefer no union whatsoever. However, when given the choice of an industrial union or a craft union, companies appear to prefer organization by craft unions. As an example, after the American Railway Union was destroyed, Eugene Debs, who had read Marx while serving his sentence, turned to politics, seeking solutions to the problems of working people through socialism. Some railroad workers in Indiana, Kansas, and Illinois who had been a part of Debs' ARU in 1894 resented the fact that Debs turned to socialism for, > ...[Debs] had left them without a fighting industrial union and forced them > to enter the scab craft movements after he changed the ARU to a political > movement... There was an effort to establish a new industrial union to take the place of the railroad brotherhoods.
The National Committee of the Chinese Financial, Commercial, Light Industry, Textile and Tobacco Workers’ Union is a national industrial union of the All- China Federation of Trade Unions in the People's Republic of China.
Gollobin was counsel to the Transport Workers Union of America (1939–1940) thereby securing citizenship for almost 1,500 subway workers. He continued citizenship matters for the Greater New York Industrial Union Council (CIO) from 1940-1942.
The Bermuda Industrial Union (BIU) is a general trade union in Bermuda. It was founded in 1946 and has a membership of 4200. The BIU is affiliated to the International Trade Union Confederation, and Public Services International.
The remit of the union also changed over the years. In 1955, its members in the building materials sector were transferred to the Industrial Union of Construction and Wood, and in 1956 various members moved to the Industrial Union of the Local Economy, although they returned in 1958. The biggest changes came in 1957, when the union's headquarters moved from Berlin to Halle, and its members in textile manufacturing and forestry were transferred to other unions. Internationally, the union affiliated to the Trade Unions International of Chemical, Oil and Allied Workers.
The American Labor Party (ALP) was the final name of a De Leonist splinter group in the US in the early 1930s. The ALP had split from the Industrial Union League, which in turn had split from the Socialist Labor Party in the late 1920s. The leader of the organization was Joseph Brandon, who had been a founding member of the IUL. Brandon insisted that a socialist industrial union had to be created before a party could be established. He was expelled from the IUL in April 1932.
The Vehicle Builders' Employees' Federation of Australia (VBEF) was an Australian trade union which existed between 1863 and 1993. It was an industrial union which represented all production employees in the vehicle industry and automotive parts manufacturing industry.
He worked for two decades as a ship's steward. During the 1920s, he joined the Communist-created Maritime Workers Industrial Union (MWIU). In 1936, he supported the 1936 Gulf Coast maritime workers' strike and joined its national committee.
Initial conversations about establishing a new industrial union to be known as the American Industrial Union (AIU) began in March 1895, with news reports at the end of that month indicating that former US Senator Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, a friend of the organized labor movement, had been approached with an offer to be made head of the new organization."The Latest Plan: Cooperation of Production and Distribution Now to Be Tried," Fort Wayne Journal-Gazette, March 31, 1895, pg. 6. Trumbull would decline the offer, leaving its chief originator, former Vice President of the American Railway Union (ARU) George W. Howard to serve as the public face of the new organization. The AIU was officially launched on April 21, 1895, at a meeting of 35 delegates held in Chicago through Howard's initiative."American Industrial Union: Organization with Unlimited Aims Begins Its Existence," Chicago Inter Ocean, April 22, 1895, pg. 5.
The Lumber Workers' Industrial Union (LWIU) was a labor union in the United States and Canada which existed between 1917 and 1924. It organised workers in the timber industry and was affiliated with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW).
The Australian Railways Union (ARU) was an Australian trade union in existence from 1920 to 1993. The ARU was an industrial union, representing all types of workers employed in the rail industry, excluding locomotive enginedrivers and tradesmen in craft areas.
Born in Sydney, Lundy left school without completing Year 11 and did not tell her parents. She went to work on a construction site. She became the trade union representative and began her career in the Building Workers' Industrial Union.
However, while Reuther advocated a 6-cent tax on CIO unions to fund the department, McDonald pressed for a 1- or 2-cent tax. When Reuther expressed interest in leading the new Industrial Union Department, McDonald proposed a USWA district director. Once more, McDonald won the day, and the Industrial Union Department, once envisioned as an organizing juggernaut, now became merely a research, publicity, and lobbying unit. McDonald acquiesced in Reuther's selection of John W. Livingston as the AFL-CIO's new organizing director, but Livingston was merely a functionary and not an aggressive organizer, which was why McDonald approved of Livingston.
Governor Sergio Urribarri of Entre Ríos Province recommended Galuccio to President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner on March 4 as an energy policy adviser; Galuccio's brother, Carlos, had served as director of the Entre Ríos Industrial Union (the local chapter of the Argentine Industrial Union manufacturers' association). The president interviewed Galuccio on April 4, and following her introduction of a bill in Congress on April 16 to renationalize 51% of YPF, the Schlumberger executive resigned his post. He was appointed CEO by President Fernández de Kirchner upon her signing the firm's renationalization into law on May 5.
In April 1895, Howard was the principal organizer of a new industrial union, the American Industrial Union (AIU). He was elected General Secretary of that organization at its founding convention, held in the city of Chicago. The AIU platform included the standardization of the eight-hour work day nationwide, settlement of disputes between labor and management through arbitration, women's suffrage (but not women's political participation beyond voting), temperance, and equal pay for women doing the same jobs as men. By the summer of 1899 Howard had retired from the field of labor organization to become a farmer in Arkansas.
This directly affected the NLRB certification vote which followed, where the IWW lost over 2:1. Three IWW General Secretary- Treasurers: Mark Kaufman, Jeff Ditz, and Fred Chase, at a funeral for a friend. In 1998, the IWW chartered a San Francisco branch of the Marine Transport Workers Industrial Union (MTWIU), which trained hundreds of waterfront workers in health and safety techniques and attempted to institutionalize these safety practices on the San Francisco waterfront. In 1999, the IWW chartered a local branch of the Education Workers Industrial Union in Boston, Massachusetts, which started to organize workers at local colleges and universities.
She published a volume of Poems (Buffalo, New York, 1891). In 1920, she established the Rochester Poetry Society, and served as president. She also affiliated with the Women's Education and Industrial Union, the Daughters of the American Revolution, and the Door of Hope.
Mahony was born on March 13, 1882, in Rockport, Massachusettsin. Mahony attended Simmons College in 1902. She participated in an advanced one-year program in the School of Secretarial Studies. During this time, she also joined the Women's Educational and Industrial Union.
She visited the Central Children's Room in New York and met Anne Carroll Moore. Other icons in children's literature whom she visited included Clara Hunt and Caroline Hewins. Mahony also gathered financial support from banks and the Women's Educational and Industrial Union.
During these later years, Wismut had one of the best educated work forces of all companies in East Germany, with the highest number of academic degrees per employee. Miners were organised in the Wismut Industrial Union, which ran sports teams and an orchestra.
The Metal and Machinery Workers Industrial Union No. 440 (MMWIU) was a labor union in the United States which existed from 1907 to 1950. It organized workers in the manufacturing industry and was affiliated with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW).
At its December 1889 convention in St. Louis, the National Farmers' and Laborers' Union of America changed its name again, this time to the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union — the name by which it would be known for the rest of its existence.
Union members asked for "abolition of piecework and elimination of the company union with consequent enrollment of its members in the industrial union." This delayed work of $40,000,000 worth of ships. The "first-class" mechanics were currently making $23.20 for a 32-hour work week.
The Industrial Union Party itself largely ignored Brandon thereafter, except ridiculing him for his numerous changes of position and line as "Zig-Zag" Brandon.Industrial Unionist Vol. II #8 p.20 The party published nine issues of a monthly periodical American Labor Bulletin until September 1934.
The Industrial Union Bulletin was a newspaper published by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), a labor union. During a 1906 split of the IWW into two groups, each claiming legitimacy as the real IWW, one group headed by former President Charles O. Sherman took possession of the union's office, and of the resources to continue publishing the organization's official newspaper, the Industrial Worker. The office of president had just been abolished at the 1906 convention. The other group, headed by IWW Secretary Treasurer William Trautmann, Vincent St. John, and Daniel DeLeon, head of the Socialist Labor Party, published through a different IWW publication called the Industrial Union Bulletin.
The IWW had significant experience in multiracial organizing in the United States through its support for the multiracial Brotherhood of Timber Workers, as well as IWW Local 8 in Philadelphia, which organized longshoremen. The celebrated multiracial local, in turn, had strong ties to the Marine Transport Workers Industrial Union (MTWIU), an industrial union which formed a component of the broader IWW. The MTWIU created a point of contact between the continentally-based IWW and radical sailors and dockworkers in Latin America, Europe, Africa, and Asia. South African port cities such as Durban became home to radical syndicalist currents which were strongly integrated into the international socialist and syndicalist movement.
Stanley was born in Sydney, one of two daughters born to Margaret () and William Mee. Her parents were both ALP supporters, and her mother worked for the Building Workers' Industrial Union of Australia. Prior to entering politics, Stanley worked as a bank officer for nearly 30 years.
McBride married Delores Neihaus in 1937. They had a son and a daughter. McBride was elected president of the St. Louis Industrial Union Council in 1940, and president of the CIO Council for Missouri in 1942. McBride served in the United States Navy from 1943 to 1945.
Lewis and the CIO did not wish to leave the AFL. In order to avoid antagonizing the AFL but eager to begin an organizing drive in steel along industrial union lines, the CIO resolved to work through the AA instead.Brody, "Origins...," 1987, p. 20; Zieger, p.
Lynn Russell Williams (July 21, 1924 – May 5, 2014) was a Canadian labour leader best remembered as the International President of the United Steelworkers union (USW) from 1983 until his retirement in 1994. Williams was the first Canadian to head a major North American industrial union.
The Swedish Metalworkers' Union ( often shortened in text and speech to simply Metall) was a trade union in Sweden. It was formed in 1888 and had a membership of 379,000. In January 2006, the Swedish Metalworkers' Union merged with the Swedish Industrial Union to form IF Metall.
The Women's Educational and Industrial Union (1877-2006) in Boston, Massachusetts, was founded by physician Harriet Clisby for the advancement of women and to help women and children in the industrial city. By 1893, chapters of the WEIU were established in Buffalo and Rochester, New York.
DeLeonist factions also tried to start a new organization along the lines of the Workers' International Industrial Union (WIIU, itself a splinter from the original IWW), but were crushed by the South African government despite having the vocal support from Zulu nationalists and anti- apartheid groups.
It amalgamated with the Sheet Metal Working Industrial Union of Australia and the Amalgamated Engineering Union in 1972 and ceased to exist at that time; however, due to legal issues over the name of the new union, the successor Amalgamated Metal Workers Union was not registered until 1973.
Established as a traditional industrial union party, the CLP began to reexamine its focus as the industrial workforce in the United States started declining in the 1980s. By 1993, CLP members had decided that the party could no longer grow in its present form and decided to disband it.
From 1947, Tille worked managing a construction company, and then in the city's civil engineering department, where he developed a quick and cheap method of creating wall and door openings. This brought him increased prominence, and he held various roles in the Industrial Union of Construction, becoming president of the executive of its successor, the Industrial Union of Construction and Wood (IG Bau-Holz), in 1953. From 1954, he was also an FDGB member of the Volkskammer, and from 1957, he was the president of the Trade Union International of Building, Wood, Building Materials and Industries. In 1958, Tille was appointed as secretary of the FDGB's executive committee, and he also joined the SED's central committee.
After its April 1895 launch, the American Industrial Union met each Sunday in Chicago, with a nucleus of about 40 members regularly attending these Sunday sessions."Leaders in a Fight: Stormy Meeting of American Industrial Union," Chicago Inter Ocean, May 13, 1895, pp. 1-2. These gatherings were soon marked by factionalism, however, with one May 1895 session garnering front page headlines when General Secretary Howard was challenged by local Knights of Labor activist August E. Gans for having solely authored the organization's constitution and forcing its passage in unaltered form. "If anyone does not agree exactly with your pet schemes, you brand him an obstructionist,” Gans is reported to have said, adding, "you want everything your own way.
Some of the most important political-pressure groups in Argentina include: the Argentine Association of Pharmaceutical Labs (CILFA); the Argentine Industrial Union (manufacturers' association); Argentine Rural Society and CARBAP (landowners' associations); the Armed Forces; the General Confederation of Labor or CGT (Peronist-leaning umbrella labor organization); the Roman Catholic Church; students.
"Unions Stay in Step With Companies on the Merger Front." Pittsburgh Post- Gazette. April 14, 2007. But the most important merger was in 2005 with the 250,000-member Paper, Allied-Industrial, Chemical and Energy Workers International Union (PACE), a merger which made the USW the largest industrial union in North America.
In July 2006, Crittenton, Inc. and the Women's Educational and Industrial Union merged to become Crittenton Women's Union (CWU). CWU combined the work of both organizations to better meet the needs of low-income women and their families. Each legacy organization represented more than 150 years of direct service to women.
The union was keen to undertake further mergers, and began negotiations with six manufacturing unions, but the Metalworkers' Union withdrew, leading the talks to collapse. Only the Finnish Media Union remained interested in a merger, and in 2009, the Chemical Union merged with it, to form the Industrial Union TEAM.
Serhiy Taruta Serhiy Taruta (, , born 22 July 1955 in Vynohradne, Donetsk Oblast, Ukrainian SSR) is a Ukrainian politician and current member of the Ukrainian parliament, Ukrainian businessman, sometimes called an oligarch, founder of Industrial Union of Donbas, former President of FC Metalurh Donetsk, and the former governor of Donetsk Oblast.
In 1995, Serhiy Taruta left Azovstal for "Azovintex", a foreign trade company he co-founded. In December, 1995 he was appointed the CEO of the Industrial Union of Donbass Corporation (ISD Corporation), which he co-founded. Between 2001 and 2014, Taruta served as the Chairman of the Board of ISD Corporation.
At the time there was no real conflict or division between the trade and industrial union mentality. Many supporters of the ALP in the Trades and Labour Councils were radical, militant and supported socialism. Both ideas of unionism shared the idea of organising the unskilled to win against the bosses.
Finlay Hart (1901–27 December 1989) was a Scottish communist politician. Born in Clydebank, Hart attended Clydebank High School.The Times House of Commons: 1959, p.200 He became politically active when he joined the Workers International Industrial Union in 1915 while working at the William Beardmore and Company shipyard, in Dalmuir.
He was a member of the Brandenburg state parliament from 1994 to 2004. From 2004 to 2013, he was deputy chairman of the Mining and Energy Industrial Union. He became member of the bundestag after the 2013 German federal election. He is a member of the Committee for Economics and Energy.
The Canadian garment industry saw some of the country's heaviest union activity in the 1930s. During that period, Buhay served as a leader of the Industrial Union of Needle Trades Workers. In 1931, she argued in The Worker that the CPC was not devoting sufficient resources to organizing women in the garment industry.
In December, it decided to prepare to merge with West German unions by dividing itself into sections which aligned with those unions. In February 1990, the Union of Railway Workers was split off, followed by the Industrial Union of Transport, and finally in March, the remainder of members became the German Postal Union.
The new minister was José Ignacio de Mendiguren, head of the Argentine Industrial Union. Alfonsín negotiated with him, on Duhalde's behalf, while Congress was still voting for the new president.Reato, pp. 333–334 Duhalde announced at his inauguration that he would repeal the convertibility plan, considered the main cause of the economic crisis.
The poster "Is Colorado in America?", with signature by Charles Moyer (bottom, left), which led to his arrest in 1904. Moyer's push for industrial union organizing involved the union in what came to be known as the Colorado Labor Wars. In August 1902, the WFM organized mill workers in Colorado City, Colorado.
Most of the IUP would later reconstitute itself as the League for Socialist Reconstruction Noting the roots of IUP in the Socialist Labor Party (SLP), IUP's split from the SLP reflected the impact of the Great Depression and the inability of the SLP to adjust to new events. Yet the immediate roots of the Industrial Union League were in the SLP's mass expulsion of Section Bronx during the 1920s. (Industrial Unionist did not appear until 1932, but its first issue included Louis Lazarowitz' review of Walter H. Senior's The Bankruptcy of Reform, published by the Industrial Union League itself). In November 1933 a furniture union in Jamestown, New York, the United Workers of America, was founded on industrial unionist principles compatible with the views of the IUP.
Discussions about merging the various building industry unions had begun by the 1930s, and in 1934, the New South Wales state carpenters' and bricklayers' unions merged as the Building Workers' Industrial Union, with approaches also being made to the plasterers', painters' and labourers' unions. In 1943, the issue of amalgamation on a broader scale emerged again. The federal Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners sought to expand its coverage to workers across the entire building industry, and changed its name to the Building Workers' Industrial Union, with a number of state-level unions merging into the union. In the same year, the New South Wales branch affiliated with the Australian Labor Party for the first time, breaking from the Carpenters' and Joiners' historical non-affiliation.
The absence of an existing industrial union structure within the Canadian OBU resulted in the defection of 20,000 members of the Lumber Workers Industrial Union (LWIU). According to the 1922 publication Industrial Unionism in America, "Their withdrawal was a staggering blow from which the O. B. U. [never] recovered." When the IWW in the United States was suppressed during the Red Scare and the Palmer Raids, there was pressure to similarly attack Canada's One Big Union movement: > The movement was got well under way with a basis of I.W.W. and Socialist > support; Calgary was a centre of the movement as it had been in the Alberta > mining unrest of these years. So obvious was the current of thought that the > Calgary Herald of Sept.
Rieve also was a committed industrial unionist. The UTW itself was an amalgamated union, a form of industrial union. Rieve's experiences in attempting to organize new members had convinced him that industrial unionism was the key to building the labor movement. In 1934, Rieve convinced UTW delegates to approve a resolution supporting industrial unionism.
She was a founder of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union of Boston. An important work of that association was giving legal protection of helpless women and girls from employers and advertisers who did not pay fair wages. She was unanimously re- elected president of the educational and industrial association every year since its organization.
Wages were generally between 25 and 35 shillings a week. Growth in the transport sector provided a stimulus for carters' unions to reorganise themselves to make them a stronger force. This led to the federal registration of the Federated Carters and Drivers' Industrial Union in 1906. This union is the direct predecessor of today's TWU.
In 1914, members joined the Federated Gas Employees Industrial Union. Industrial relations remained relatively smooth up until 1937 when workers at the Brompton works halted production by locking themselves in to force management to increase the industrial allowance. A prolonged strike during 1946-1947 seriously disrupted gas supply within the state for almost two months.
As a young man, he worked a busboy. During the economic crisis of 1913–1915, he became a leader of the Industrial Workers of the World. In January 1914, Tannenbaum, then 21 years old and a member of the IWW-affiliated Waiter's Industrial Union, proposed a campaign of demanding relief from New York City churches.
Louise Marion Bosworth (July 11, 1881 - August 1982) was an American researcher at the Women's Educational and Industrial Union (WEIU) who extensively surveyed working women in order to learn about their working and living conditions. Bosworth helped to blaze the way for more women to do social science research that benefits the public interest.
When he turned 18 he returned to his family in Maryborough. In 1946, Newton was working in a bacon factory when due to a strike he left his job and became a builder's labourer. This led to a long association with the Building Workers' Industrial Union and he served the role of state organiser from 1953 till 1960.
They would have a son and two daughters. Around 1894, Henshaw emigrated to Western Australia along with his brother and two sisters. Henshaw settled in Subiaco, working as a carpenter and joiner. He became active in the labour movement, becoming secretary of the Industrial Union of Carpenters and Joiners, and later president of the Coastal Trades and Labour Council.
He was also a founder of the Good Government Association of Boston and the Public School Association. Billings was also a director of the Children's Aid Society, a trustee of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, and a member of the Boston Athletic Association, National Exchange Club, National Municipal League, and the American Academy of Political and Social Science.
Crittenton, Inc. was established in Boston, MA in 1836, to provide temporary homes, employment assistance, and guidance for young women who came to Boston from farms and foreign countries. Until its merger with the Women's Educational and Industrial Union in 2006, Crittenton, Inc. offered programs in housing, education and child-care, health, nutrition, parenting, and family life skills.
79 While displaying characteristics of paternalism the villages were restrictive, as some companies employed company policemenWaller (1983), pp. 98–100 and discouraged trade unionism, apart from the breakaway Nottinghamshire Miners' Industrial Union (NMIU) of George Spencer in the 1930s. Work at the Dukeries collieries did not cease even during the coal and general strike of 1926.Waller (1983), pp.
Little is known of Chambers prior to his appearance in California in the late 1920s. Prison records give his birthplace as both Ohio and Massachusetts. In a 1972 interview, he alluded to having spent time in the Navy. Chambers, Pat (1972). Interview on the Organization of the Cannery and Agricultural Workers’ Industrial Union in California in the 1930s.
Like its predecessors, the union affiliated to the Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions. The union was initially led by Timo Vallunta, former president of the Chemical Union. In 2015, Vallunta was succeeded by Heli Puura. In 2017, the union merged with the Metalworkers' Union and the Wood and Allied Workers' Union, to form the Industrial Union.
Mahony married William D. Miller in 1932 and resigned from The Bookshop in 1934 to concentrate solely on The Horn Book. In 1937, the Women's Educational and Industrial Union sold The Bookshop for Boys & Girls, which ultimately killed it. However, Mahony saw the magazine as a continuation of the goals that prompted her to create the bookshop.
Socialist Lyceum Course, pg. 2. Bohn attended the University of Michigan and obtained a Ph.D. degree in History in 1904.Socialist Lyceum Course, pg. 2. In 1904, Bohn was a national organizer for the Socialist Labor Party of America and the party's industrial union offshoot, the Socialist Trade & Labor Alliance.Daniel DeLeon, "The Manifesto," The Daily People, vol. 4, no.
206 (Jan. 22, 1905). Available online. Retrieved September 28, 2009. It was in this capacity that Bohn sat as one of 22 invited radical political and labor leaders attending a "secret conference" held in Chicago on January 2, 1905, to discuss the prospective formation of a new general industrial union—the Industrial Workers of the World.
The DMV's building in Nuremberg German metalworkers started to organize in labor unions in 1868. In 1891, at a congress in Frankfurt from June 1 to June 6,Scherm 1932, pg. 376 a number of separate unions joined forces to form a single federation with 23,200 members. The DMV was the first industrial union in the country.
The Laundry Workers Industrial Union was a labor union affiliated with the Communist Party's Trade Union Unity League during the early 1930s. Established in 1931, the union organized laundry workers in New York City, and later became part of the non-Communist Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. The union's membership was primarily African American and Afro-Caribbean women.
Toms was elected to the Bayswater Road Board in April 1944, and would serve on the council until May 1971, including as chairman from 1951 to 1965. He was also prominent in the Building Workers' Industrial Union, a forerunner of the CFMEU.John Mervin Toms – Biographical Register of Members of the Parliament of Western Australia. Retrieved 10 May 2016.
Mary Morton Kehew (September 8, 1859 – February 13, 1918) was an American labor and social reformer. She was a president of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, a trustee of Simmons College, and the first president of the National Women's Trade Union League. She was also active in the women's suffrage movement, and on behalf of the blind.
Philips and the other PFL officers in the PFL Executive Council retained possession of the old state federation's property and assets and appointed themselves temporary officers of the new CIO state body. On March 29, 1938 Pennsylvania unions in favor of industrial organizing formed the Pennsylvania Industrial Union Council."Ex-AFL Group to Reorganize As CIO Agency." Pittsburgh Press.
The loss of the MMWIU, at the time the IWW's largest industrial union, was almost a deathblow to the IWW. The union's membership fell to its lowest level in the 1950s during the Second Red Scare, and by 1955, the union's fiftieth anniversary, it was near extinction, though it still appeared on government lists of Communist-led groups.
Bustamante and the others recommended the formation of a trade union to empower the workers."A Look At The Early Roots," Jamaica Gleaner, November 21, 2000. On November 16, 1940, Kingston city workers formed the Municipal Officers Association. Although Bustamante and others had counseled an industrial union, membership in the new organization was limited to white-collar workers.
International Woodworkers of America (IWA) was an industrial union of lumbermen, sawmill workers, timber transportation workers and others formed in 1937. The IWA was formed when members of the Sawmill and Timber Workers’ Union division of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America voted to disaffiliate their local unions and form their own union. The IWA subsequently affiliated with the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). The IWA quickly moved into Canada, where it absorbed a number of smaller unions which had formed in the 1930s, and the Lumber Workers Industrial Union, one of the industrial unions of the Industrial Workers of the World. A successful strike and organizing drive in 1946 established the IWA as western Canada's largest union, a position that it has generally held since then.
However, Wahlforss restructured and developed the corporation determinedly during the 1930s. In 1938 the total number of employees reached 6 000. The acquisition put Wahlforss on pedestal; he was the chairman first in the Finnish Metal Industry Association in 1937–1942 and thereafter in the Finnish Industrial Union 1942–1946. During the Second World War he travelled to USA to purchase weapons.
Gompers had promised that each trade and craft would have its own union. The Scranton Declaration acknowledged that one affiliate, the United Mine Workers was formed as an industrial union, but that other skilled trades—carpenters, machinists, etc.—were organized as powerful craft unions. These craft unions refused to allow any encroachment upon their "turf" by the heretical industrial unionists.
Trautmann was one of the founders of the Industrial Workers of the World. He helped write the Industrial Union Manifesto, one of the IWW's founding documents. While in the Industrial Workers of the World Trautmann worked as an organizer, propagandist, and for some time as secretary-treasurer. He was much more known for his essays than for his administrative skills.
In 1877 Alcott was one of the founders of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union in Boston. After her youngest sister May died in 1879, Louisa took over the care of her niece, Lulu, who was named after Louisa. Alcott suffered chronic health problems in her later years, including vertigo. She and her earliest biographers attributed her illness and death to mercury poisoning.
In April 1990, it became independent, and renamed itself as the Industrial Union of Mining, Energy and Water Management. It suspended its affiliation to the FDGB in May, and in October it dissolved, most of its members transferring to the West German Union of Mining and Energy, although those in water instead joined the Public Services, Transport and Traffic Union.
Gordon took the lead in the subsequent establishment that year of the Bermuda Industrial Union (BIU),Robert J. Alexander with Eldon M. Parker, A History of Organized Labor in the English- Speaking West Indies, Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2004, pp. 101–02."From BWA to BIU", BIU History. and the BWA for the time being continued as its political arm.
The battle between the craft and industrial union philosophies led to a major membership loss for the AFL in 1935. In the first years of the Great Depression, a number of AFL member unions advocated for a relaxation of the strict "craft union only" membership policy but to no avail.Bernstein, Irving. The Turbulent Years: A History of the American Worker, 1933-1941.
The next year she accepted a position as instructor in history and economics at Simmons University, becoming head of the department. She gained the rank of associate professor in 1907. The same year she was also named director of research for the Women's Educational and Industrial Union in Boston. She served as president of the New England History Teachers Association in 1911.
From 1969, it held membership of the Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions. By 1998, the union had 29,100 members. In 2008, the union entered talks with six manufacturing unions about a possible merger. Ultimately, only the Finnish Media Union and the Chemical Union persevered with the talks, and at the end of 2009, the two merged, to form the Industrial Union TEAM.
The city encouraged rebuilding with brick, granite and steel rather than lumber. By 1888, Ocala was known statewide as "The Brick City". Downtown Ocala in 1883 In December 1890, the Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union, a forerunner of the Populist Party, held its national convention in Ocala. At the convention, the Alliance adopted a platform that would become known as the "Ocala Demands".
He was then charged with perjury for refusing to testify against other ANC members and spent a year in Allandale Prison. After prison, Coetzee worked for the Chemical Workers Industrial Union in East London where he assisted in the formation of South Africa's largest trade union COSATU. Coetzee was regarded as an important political organiser within the ANC and against apartheid.
He was educated to elementary level at Adamstown Public School and trained as a bricklayer. He was an office-holder in the Building Workers' Industrial Union. He was an Alderman of Newcastle City Council from 1959 till 1962. Greaves defeated Frank Purdue the incumbent member for the seat of Waratah at the state election of 3 March 1962 by 1,026 votes (2.7%).
He served as member of the board of school commissioners 1873-1888. He was twice president of the Kansas State Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union and twice vice president of the national organization of that order. Clover was elected as a Populist to the Fifty- second Congress (March 4, 1891 – March 3, 1893). He was not a candidate for renomination in 1892.
Its leadership, in particular Schneiderman, were supporters of the New Deal and had a particularly close connection to the Roosevelt administration through Eleanor Roosevelt, a member of the WTUL since 1923. The WTUL dissolved in 1950. A related organization was the Women's Education and Industrial Union (WEIU), which employed female researchers such as Louise Marion Bosworth to research the working conditions of women.
The NZ Merchant Service Guild Industrial Union of Workers (NZMSG) is a trade union in New Zealand. It represents workers in seagoing ships, as well as the waterfront/ports/shore-based shipping industry, and the passenger/tourism industry. The NZMSG has 1000 members and is affiliated with the New Zealand Council of Trade Unions and the International Transport Workers' Federation.
In 1865, North Eastern Railway footplatemen founded a union called the Engine Drivers' and Firemen's Society.Raynes, 1921, p. 22. It unsuccessfully attempted strike action, as a result of which the NER was able to break up the Society. In 1872, an industrial union, the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants, was founded with the support of the Liberal MP Michael Bass.
This group analysed industrial and social relations from the revolutionary viewpoint and drafted a manifesto. Enumerating labour's grievances, it criticized craft unions for creating a skilled aristocracy, and suggested "one big industrial union" embracing all industries and "founded on the class struggle." Printed in great quantities, this invitation to the first convention of the IWW was sent around the country.
The Agrarian Party of Kazakhstan (Qazaqstan Agrarlyq Partııasy) was a political party in Kazakhstan. At the last legislative elections, 19 September and 3 October 2004, the party was part of the Agrarian and Industrial Union of Workers Bloc, that won 7.1% of the popular vote and 11 out of 77 seats. The party was dissolved in 2006 and incorporated into the new Nur Otan party.
The Boston Cooking School was founded in 1879 by the Woman's Educational Association of Boston Not to be confused with the Women's Educational and Industrial Union. "to offer instruction in cooking to those who wished to earn their livelihood as cooks, or who would make practical use of such information in their families."Lincoln, Mary J. "Pioneers of Scientific Cookery, The." Good Housekeeping, Vol.
In 1915, the Detroit IWW changed its name to the Workers' International Industrial Union (WIIU). The WIIU continued its close relationship with the SLP, but ceased to exist in 1924. There was another division within the original Chicago IWW which caused political infighting for many years, and finally split the organization in 1924. This time, the two groups were referred to as the centralizers and the decentralizers.
In 1998, ANEP became the Asociación Nacional de Empleados Públicos y Privados (National Association of Public and Private Employees). The change was motivated by a fiscal crisis during which large sectors of the public workforce were privatized. ANEP is the largest union in Costa Rica. In 1966, the Sindicato Industrial de Trabajadores Eléctricos y de Telecomunicaciones (Electric and Telecommunications Workers Industrial Union) was founded.
Hugo Street (1901-?) was an English trade unionist. Born in Church Gresley in Derbyshire, Street worked at the Warsop Main Colliery from an early age. He joined the Nottinghamshire Miners' Association in 1916 and became branch secretary in 1927. In this role, he persuaded other members and management not to form a branch of George Alfred Spencer's rival Nottinghamshire and District Miners' Industrial Union.
The United Brotherhood of Railway Employees (UBRE) was formed, with George Estes as president. Estes came from a faction of the Order of Railroad Telegraphers. The UBRE came to public notice when it conducted a moderately successful strike in Manitoba in 1902. Like the General Managers Association of Chicago, the Southern Pacific Railroad (SPR) acknowledged the danger in allowing railway workers to form an industrial union.
In 1934 the Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union called for a general strike of lettuce and vegetable workers. Workers demanded a thirty-five-cent increases in wages, a minimum five-hour work day, clean water, free transportation to and from work, and union recognition. Again, the authorities reacted with mass arrests and prohibitions against meetings. People were arrested on suspicion of supporting the strike.
The Ocala Demands was a platform for economic and political reform that was later adopted by the People's Party. In December, 1890, the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union, more commonly known as the Southern Farmers' Alliance, its affiliate the Colored Farmers' Alliance, and the Farmers' Mutual Benefit Association met jointly in the Marion Opera House in Ocala, Florida, where they adopted the Ocala Demands.
The union became involved in sports associations, their names starting with "SV Chemie". The membership of the union continued to change until the 1972, when it also adopted its final name, the "Industrial Union of Chemicals, Glass and Ceramics". In addition to these areas, it also represented workers in the paper and petroleum industries, and in waste disposal. By 1989, the union had 531,301 members.
Rosvall (left) and Voutilainen Viljo Rosvall and Janne Voutilainen were two Finnish-Canadian unionists from Thunder Bay, Ontario and members of the Lumber Workers Industrial Union of Canada who mysteriously disappeared on November 18, 1929. The two were on their way to a bushcamp near Onion Lake to recruit sympathetic bushworkers for a large strike which was gaining momentum west of Thunder Bay in Shabaqua and Shebandowan.
Andrey Adamovskiy was born in Kyrgyzstan, worked in Moscow and finally settled in Ukraine in the 1990s. His first large business was the telecommunications company "FARLEP", which served more than 200,000 customers. In 2005, the businessman sold the asset to the "SCM Group", which belongs to Rinat Akhmetov. Earlier, in 2003, he became a shareholder and a board member of the "Industrial Union of Donbass".
The commission was incapable of settling the dispute. After bloody conflict on 20 January 1990, Volsky and his team left the region. In the 1990 elections, Volsky ran for a parliamentary seat, but he lost the election. Shortly after his defeat, Volsky was named as the head of the scientific and industrial union that was a pro-Gorbachev body consisting of the state enterprises directors.
Page 252. 1912. It was during her time in the Bay Area that her interest in women's issues began to take root. Much of her personal time was spent working with the San Francisco Woman's Educational and Industrial Union, which was a prominent organization uniting women across the United States in advocating for woman's suffrage. They counted a membership between 600 and 700 women in San Francisco.
Smith travelled east, working a job in the Kansas wheat fields. In 1921 he joined the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) as a member of Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union, No. 110. He later followed the harvest to Canada, before heading for Seattle, Washington, where he became editor of the IWW's west coast newspaper, The Industrial Worker. Smith joined the local "Marxian Club" in Seattle in 1922.
This was implemented as the Manhattan Trade School for Girls, which she opened in November 1902. She ran the school until 1910 while continuing to teach at the Teachers College. In 1912, Woolman became acting head of the home economics department at Simmons College in Boston, a position she held until 1914. She also was elected president of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union.
IG Metall Headquarters in Frankfurt IG Metall (German: Industriegewerkschaft Metall, "Industrial Union of Metalworkers'") is the dominant metalworkers' union in Germany, making it the country's largest union as well as Europe's largest industrial union.Hendrik Sackmann (May 18, 2012), German IG Metall, employers confirm 4.3 percent wage deal Reuters. Analysts of German labor relations consider it a major trend-setter in national bargaining. IG Metall and ver.
In 1913,Raynes, 1921, p. 165. the ASRS, GRWU and UPSS duly merged to form the National Union of Railwaymen. ASLEF stayed out of the new industrial union and held to the slogan "organise your trade, federate your industry" coined by Fox. During the First World War the cost of living increased rapidly. From July 1914 to September 1915, for example, food prices rose 37%.
Horsburgh v NZ Meat Processors Industrial Union of Workers CA102/86 [1988] NZCA 75; [1988] 1 NZLR 698; (1988) 2 NZELC 96,397; (1988) ERNZ Sel Cas 193 is a cited case in New Zealand law allowing (albeit through the backdoor) compensation for non financial loss, for example for distress. It effectively overruled Addis v Gramophone Co Ltd [1909] AC 488 in NZ case law.
In order to get the black workers organized, the Southern Negro Youth Congress sent a field representative, C. Columbus Alston. In addition to being a member of the Southern Negro Youth Congress, Alston was also a union member of the Youth Committee of the American Federation of Labor and helped organize the black workers into the Tobacco Stemmers and Laborers Industrial Union. With the help of Alston and Southern Negro Youth Congress, the Tobacco Stemmers and Laborers Industrial Union was able to draft a list of demands aimed at the Tobacco companies. Some of the demands listed by the black tobacco workers consisted of having higher wages, shorter working-hours and better working conditions. Within 48 hours of the union’s committee presenting its case to the management of the company, an agreement was reached with Frank Kruch of the State Labor Department and the owners of the companies.
Putin meeting with the union in 2001. The Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (RSPP), a lobby group based in Moscow, promotes the interests of business in Russia. It has over 1,000 members, including both private and state-owned companies, factories, and foreign and Russian plants. The RSPP represents the successor in the Russian Federation of the previous USSR scientific and industrial union founded in the summer of 1990.
Jones was born in Donnybrook, Western Australia. He worked as a call boy with the railways at the beginning of his career after moving to Collie in 1929. In 1947 he joined the coal mining industry and in 1951 was elected General Secretary of the Coal Miners Industrial Union - the youngest person ever elected to that position. He also served as Secretary of the Collie Coal Miners Combined Union.
Lina Frank Hecht (1848 – September 5, 1920) was one of Boston's leading philanthropists. She founded several of the city's earliest settlement houses, most notably the Hebrew Industrial School for Girls. She was active in the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, supported the arts, and helped launch the careers of Mary Antin and Louis Brandeis. In 1908 she became the first female vice president of the Federated Jewish Charities.
At the SLP's national convention of 1896, this issue came to a head with the formation of the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance, a party-sponsored industrial union federation founded to compete directly with the unions of the emerging American Federation of Labor and the declining Knights of Labor, which eventually became a part of the Industrial Workers of the World when that organization was founded in 1905.
Los Angeles Times, 7 Apr. 2010. Web. 11 July 2016. During her time on the board, Allen received a significant amount of scrutiny, despite the fact that she had an overwhelming amount of support from organizations such as the Los Angeles Teachers Federation, the L.A. Industrial Union Council, and the L.A. Democratic Central Committee. The controversy surrounding her tenure on the board continued both during and after her term.
After three years of negotiation, the three unions merged to form the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers. At its convention in Troy, New York, in 1874, the Sons of Vulcan debated the industrial union proposal, and reacted favorably to it. However, the union took no formal action. The Roll Hands sent a representative to the Associated Brotherhood convention of July 1874 to negotiate a merger of the unions.
Industrial Union of Donbass (ISD; ) is one of the biggest corporations in Ukraine. It is a horizontally integrated holding company that owns or directs stocks of 40 industrial enterprises in the East Ukraine, Hungary, and Poland. The company was created in 1995 and before the appearance of SCM Holdings in 2000 was a major steel rolling corporation in the East Ukraine. According to Interfax, ISD produces 9.2 million of steel annually.
James Edward Smith (1 January 18872 November 1962) was an Australian politician and member of the New South Wales Legislative Assembly from 1928 until 1930. He was a member of the Labor Party (ALP). Smith was born in Wentworth, New South Wales and became a master bricklayer. He settled in Newcastle in 1920 and joined the ALP in 1922 after becoming an official of the Building Workers Industrial Union.
The Shearers and Rural Workers' Union is an Australian industrial union that is not registered with the Fair Work Commission and is also not affiliated with the Australian Council of Trade Unions. They formed on 1 May 1994 in Victoria when members of the Australian Workers' Union split away due to the declining membership of the AWU; the increase in AWU dues; and, a perceived anti-democratic bureaucracy in the AWU.
From 2003 to 2006 – a shareholder and a board member of the "Industrial Union of Donbass", whose shares were sold in 2006. From 2002 to 2009 – the founder and main shareholder of the company "VikOil". Since 2005 he has been a major shareholder and member of the supervisory board of "Infomir and Loko Digital". Since 2007 he has been engaged in real estate in Ukraine, developing shopping mall.
Mariano Riva Palacio was named governor of the state and he started the most important modernization process of the city in the 19th century. In 1881, The Industrial Union was founded, the railroad was opened and the Bank of State of Mexico created the first bills in the country. In 1882, the Teachers College was founded. In 1910, people celebrated a century of Independence, and the Plaza España was inaugurated.
In 1982, Sippel joined the Socialist Youth of Germany "Die Falken", belonging to the International Falcon Movement, and was engaged up to the district level. That same year, she also joined the Social- Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and was soon involved in the local party branch in Neheim. In 1983, she also joined the German Industrial Union of Metalworkers (IG Metall), in which she served i. a. as employee representative.
By 1917 the Agricultural Workers Organization had close to 20,000 members. In this same year the AWO was renamed the Agricultural Workers Industrial Union (AWIU). Even though the AWIU coincided in the midst of the Red Scare and World War One, the AWIU's membership still continued to grow reaching 25,000 members by 1921. The AWIU eventually became the biggest financial contributor to the Industrial Workers of the World.
Born in the inner Sydney suburb of Zetland, Ferguson was educated at Granville Convent and Marist Brothers College, Parramatta, both Catholic schools. After leaving school he was variously a farmhand, textile worker, builder's labourer and bricklayer and was an organiser for the Building Workers' Industrial Union. From 1942–46 he served in the Second Australian Imperial Force. Following his demobilisation, he became active in municipal, and then state, politics.
The "maintenance of membership" issue had still not been resolved. In May 1942, Federal finally gave in to demands to require membership in the CIO Industrial Union of Marine and Shipbuilding Workers. Company president Lynn H. Korndorff said Federal only complied with the order of the National War Labor Board because of the war emergency. The incident was viewed as one of the first major tests of the NWLB.
At its first meeting it renewed the campaign to elect a woman to the local school board even though women were still not allowed to vote. Mary Gannett, speaking for both the Council of Women and the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, played a major role in this campaign, which succeeded when both major parties were convinced to nominate the same woman. The Council of Women's consumer's committee, headed by Mrs.
In 1906, he led the reform of the FAV as an industrial union, renamed as the Factory Workers' Union of Germany."Brey, August", Hannoversches Biographisches Lexikon, p.72 In 1906, Brey was elected as the chair of the SPD organisation in Hannover, and he was also elected to represent the party in the Reichstag. He served until it was replaced by the Weimar National Assembly, and then in the Reichstag again.
Lucy was elected its first president and continued to serve in that capacity until 2013, when the role was assumed by Terrence Melvin. Lucy was elected president of Public Services International in 1994, the first African American to hold the post. In 1995, he was appointed to the AFL-CIO executive council. He has also served as vice- president for the AFL-CIO's Maritime Trades, Professional Employees, and Industrial Union departments.
Rust was a member of the American Froebel Union; this became the Kindergarten Department of the National Educational Association. She was a member of the Eastern Kindergarten Association, the National Education Association, the International Kindergarten Union, and the Women's Educational and Industrial Union. She was formerly a member of the Worcester Woman's Club, and helped to organize the Women in Council Club, Roxbury, Massachusetts. She belonged to Trinity Church, Boston.
The gabled roofs were made of corrugated sheet metal, which also clad the narrow verandahs. The Government Gazette of 22 April 1949 announced acceptance of tenders for construction of accommodation for 200 migrants. Construction continued into 1950 when a carpenters strike threatened to delay completion of the hostel. The dispute was due to the communist-controlled Building Workers' Industrial Union opposing the immigration of refugees from communist-occupied Baltic countries.
Caroline Davis was elected president of Local 764 in 1944, and was reelected four more times. Davis in 1948 was appointed to the staff of the International Union, ending her presidency of Local 764. A CIO affiliate, the Detroit Industrial Union Council, elected its first woman organizer, Mae McKernan. After a proposal submission to the IEB, the UAW Women's Bureau was established, electing Mildred Jeffery as its first director.
"While strike leaders denied that Red propagandists inspired them," the article says that when "police raided the headquarters of an industrial union a Soviet flag and a large quantity of Red literature were found and seized". The strike escalated to the point where more than "twenty automobiles manned by policemen with riot guns were ready to quell a disturbance [that failed to arise]." Finally, Federal Judge Alexander Akerman: "signed an injunction against more than 140 persons believed to be leaders of the outbreak ... the injunction was drastic and sweeping. It probably hit the heart of the radical program with a clause restraining those named 'from continuing to maintain and conduct the organization known as The Tobacco Workers Industrial Union of Tampa as an organization under the statement of principles advocating and encouraging the belief in the destruction by force of organized government or in the destruction of private property as a means to that end'".
It outlined no immediate > political demands and showed no conception of the role of the party in > fighting for such demands ... ; the program contented itself with saying > vaguely that it would support all struggles of the workers. The whole stress > of the party work was placed upon industrial union action and revolutionary > agitation and propaganda for the abolition of the capitalist system.William > Z. Foster, From Bryan to Stalin. New York: International Publishers, 1937; > pg. 37.
Nevertheless, unemployment remained in the 4% range, and many Bermudians held more than one job. In 2000, about 25% of workers were union members. There are three primary unions in Bermuda: the blue-collar Bermuda Industrial Union, Bermuda's largest labour organisation; the professional Bermuda Public Services Association, with a steadily increasing membership; and the Bermuda Union of Teachers, which is affiliated with the Caribbean Union of Teachers. Organised labour enjoys a high profile in Bermuda.
The Electrical Trades Union was a trade union representing electrical technicians and engineers in Ireland. The union was founded in 1923 when the electrical section of the Irish Engineering Industrial Union split away. Initially, it was named the Electrical Trades Union (Dublin), but became the Electrical Trades Union (Ireland) in 1925. It joined the Irish Trades Union Congress, then joined the group of unions which formed the rival Congress of Irish Unions.
Dieter Nohlen, Florian Grotz & Christof Hartmann (2001) Elections in Asia: A data handbook, Volume I, p420 The party participated in the Agrarian and Industrial Union of Workers Bloc that won 7.1% of the popular vote and 11 out of 77 seats in the 2004 Kazakh legislative election. The elections were held on 19 September and 3 October. QAP held a party congress on 10 November 2006. First Secretary Peruashev and President Nursultan Nazarbayev both attended.
In 1904 the largest industrial union organization, the Western Federation of Miners, was under significant pressure from employer association attacks and the use of military force in Colorado. The WFM's labor federation, the American Labor Union had not gained significant membership. The AFL was the largest organized labor federation, and the UBRE felt isolated. When they applied to the AFL for a charter, the Scranton Declaration of 1901 was the AFL's guiding principle.
Twenty-four of the strikes, involving 37,500 union members, were led by the Cannery and Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union (CAWIU). The strikes are grouped together because most of them were organized by the CAWIU. Strike actions began in August among cherry, grape, peach, pear, sugar beet, and tomato workers, and culminated in a number of strikes against cotton growers in the San Joaquin Valley in October. The cotton strikes involved the largest number of workers.
She was a trustee of the Massachusetts State Reform Schools from 1886 through 1914. She was a member of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union of Boston as well as the Boston Women's Trade Union League, the Massachusetts Minimum Wage Commission, and the Massachusetts Consumers' League. In 1915 Evans served as a delegate to the International Congress of Women at the Hague. She was the first National Organizer of the Woman's Peace Party.
Starting in April with the Santa Clara pea harvest, strikes erupted throughout the summer and fall of 1933 as each crop ripened for harvest. The strike wave culminated with the San Joaquin Valley Cotton Strike, the largest strike in the history of American agriculture. More than 47,500 farmworkers participated in the 1933 strikes. Twenty-four of these strikes, involving approximately 37,500 workers, were under the leadership of the Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union (CAWIU).
In the mid or late 1890s, Crawford was co-founder of the Industrial Union of Abbeville County, which was devoted to the "material, moral and intellectual advance of the colored people". He was the father of twelve sons and four daughters. By 1916, his land holdings had expanded to 427 acres (as much as 600, according to some sources). Many of Crawford's children had settled on plots adjoining that of their father.
She moved to Boston to teach at a Simmons College graduate program operated through Women's Educational and Industrial Union. In Boston, Eaves became one of the first sociologists to study medical sociology, especially women with physical disabilities. Her work prefigured modern sociology's concern with the structural ties between class and sex. When Lucile Eaves died in 1953 in Brookline, Massachusetts, she was professor emeritus at Simmons and the school's oldest living faculty member.
Trueblood became a fellow at the Boston School of Housekeeping, and was hired by the Women's Educational and Industrial Union to survey job satisfaction among working women in Massachusetts. Her research found that domestic servants were much less happy than workers in factories, restaurants, and shops, in part because of their long working hours and inability to control their free time. She suggested that better education would improve their happiness and job performance.
In 1901 O'Reilly helped to found the Guild of St. Elizabeth, a settlement house in South Boston."Comfort and Safety for Boston's 75,000 Lodgers" Boston Globe (January 5, 1908): 37. via Newspapers.com She was active in the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, the Boston Public Library, the Tuberculosis Society, and the Massachusetts Conference of Charities. O'Reilly was appointed to the State Prison Commission in Massachusetts in 1907, to oversee children's institutions, including reformatories and orphanages.
The Chemical, Energy, Paper, Printing, Wood and Allied Workers' Union (CEPPWAWU) is a trade union in South Africa. It was formed through the merger of the Chemical Workers' Industrial Union (CWIU) and the Paper, Printing, Wood and Allied Workers' Union (PPWAWU) in 1999. At the time of the merger, the union had 93,000 members which had fallen to 64,100 members by 2011. CEPPWAWU is an affiliate of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU).
Upon completion of her courses, she got a job in the New Library, a lending library. Shortly after, Mahony was employed as Assistant Secretary in Boston's Women's Educational and Industrial Union. She started off as assistant secretary, then was put in charge of promotional materials. Later she became the Associate Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Unions' little theatre company, The Children's Players, which involved her in a four-year series of children's plays.
The SEIU United Healthcare Workers West (SEIU UHW) is a statewide local union of the Service Employees International Union in California in the United States. In 2020, it had 97,000 members, down from nearly 150,000 in 2013. UHW is headquartered in Oakland, California and has offices statewide. UHW is an industrial union representing all classifications of health care workers in hospitals, nursing homes, clinics, home health agencies as well as homecare workers.
In 1961, Oehler was appointed as the president of the Industrial Union of Printing and Paper, also serving on the executive of the FDGB. In 1966, he returned to Fritz Heckert as its deputy director, then director in 1969. He remained involved in the printing union, and in 1967 he became the founding president of the Standing Committee of Trade Unions in the Graphic Industry. He died in 1973, still in office.
Juan Carlos Lascurain, former president of the Argentine Industrial Union was jailed in March 2018 for alleged irregularities in the YCRT renovation projects. In the first months of 2019, the port of Punta Loyola began operating again. YCRT made its first export in six years from this facility, a 25 thousand tons of coal shipment sent to Brazil. Contracts to provide coal to Lime kilns in San Juan and Mendoza were signed.
She was a proponent of dress reform, a member of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, and a believer in free love. Through Isabel Barrows, she befriended the Russian socialist Catherine Breshkovsky, who was known as the "little grandmother of the Russian Revolution". She retired in 1886 due to poor health and spent her later years in Tarpon Springs, Florida, with her brother Anson and his family. She died on December 8, 1891, aged 56.
The 1905 convention of the IWW was attended by 203 radical trade unionists representing 43 organizations, which covered a wide range of occupations. 70 delegates from 23 organizations were authorized to install their organizations in the industrial union which was to be founded at the convention. 72 additional delegates from the other 20 organizations were only present to take notes on the proceedings and report back. The other 61 delegates did not represent any organization.
Montgomery worked on social reforms in the United States, especially those to benefit women. In 1893, she joined with Susan B. Anthony, the activist for civil rights who was nearly 40 years older, in forming a new chapter of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union (WEIU) in Rochester. Montgomery served as president from 1893-1911, which "enabled her to exert broad influence in the city's social and political affairs."Mobley, Kendal. 2005.
According to Foner, the Wobbly conception of industrial democracy is intentionally not presented in detail by IWW theorists; in that sense, the details are left to the "future development of society." However, certain concepts are implicit. Industrial democracy will be "a new society [built] within the shell of the old." Members of the industrial union educate themselves to operate industry according to democratic principles, and without the current hierarchical ownership/management structure.
In 1910, she held a fellowship in the Department of Research of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, and from 1911 to 1913, she was a graduate student at Bryn Mawr College. Her fellowship research focused on the millinery trade in Philadelphia and Boston; she earned her doctorate in 1913, under the supervision of Marion Parris Smith and Susan Myra Kingsbury. Her study was later published as Millinery as a Trade for Women (1916).
Like many Boston Brahmin women, Kehew spent much of her time volunteering. Rather than focusing on charity work, however, she used her social position and political connections on behalf of working class women. Quiet and self-effacing, she preferred to work behind the scenes, lobbying legislators and soliciting donations from her wealthy friends. In 1886, Kehew joined the Women's Educational and Industrial Union (WEIU), a cross-class organization dedicated to improving working conditions for women.
In 1938, it began describing itself as an industrial union, representing all workers connected with the scalemaking trade, and the first woman joined the union in 1941. The union repeatedly considered merging into the Amalgamated Engineering Union, but feared that its members interests would be neglected by the much larger union. In 1993, the union merged into Manufacturing, Science and Finance.John B. Smethurst and Peter Carter, Historical Directory of Trade Unions, vol.
The Women's Medical Society of the State of New York was launched by the Blackwell Society, also with Dolley as the president. She helped to organize a chapter of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union in 1893. Dolley also made endeavors to help her community, co-founding the Rochester chapter of the American Red Cross. She was politically active in advocating for women's suffrage, and in the 1872 presidential election attempted to register and vote.
Both the CIO and its rival the AFL grew rapidly during the Great Depression. The rivalry for dominance was bitter and sometimes violent. The CIO (Congress for Industrial Organization) was founded on November 9, 1935, by eight international unions belonging to the American Federation of Labor. In its statement of purpose, the CIO said it had formed to encourage the AFL to organize workers in mass production industries along industrial union lines.
A History of American Labor, Joseph G. Rayback, 1966, page 208. The Scranton Declaration was re-affirmed in 1912, repudiating an argument made by the Industrial Workers of the World that trade unions are too rigid to meet changing demands. About one-third of the delegates voted for an industrial union proposal put forward by the AFL-affiliated United Mine Workers. Even so, by 1922 the AFL had repeatedly voted down all resolutions endorsing industrial unionism.
Castellot also was involved in the creation of new representative organizations for announcers and employees in broadcasting. In 1951, he founded the National Announcers' Association (Asociación Nacional de Locutores), as well as TV Servicio Modelos, the first modeling agency of its kind in the country. Eight years later, he became the secretary general of SITAT, the Industrial Union of Television Artists and Workers, now known as SITATYR. He remained the head of the union for 37 years.
Owing to the death of his father and his mother's need for financial support, O'Connor went to work in various lumber camps as a logger after graduation rather than continuing his education.Harvey O'Connor, Revolution in Seattle: A Memoir. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1964; dust jacket biography. There he joined the Industrial Workers of the World, a radical industrial union espousing the doctrine of syndicalism — the overthrow of capitalism in favor of rule by industrially-defined workers organizations.
She was particularly interested in educational reforms for women and became dedicated to promoting many issues involved in the woman's movement, including the inferior status of women within society. In the 1880s and 1890s, Kennard's concern regarding the status and treatment of women in society persisted as she served as an officer within the Women's Educational and Industrial Union. She was actively involved in social reform her entire life as she published a variety of articles on social reform.
A precursor to the Argentine Industrial Union was founded on August 29, 1875, by a group of Buenos Aires manufacturers. The Argentine Industrial Club was organized to "establish a society at the disposal of local manufacturers in their efforts to secure the adoption of economic reforms." Overshadowed during the 19th century by the dominant wool and hides merchants, local industry was further marginalized by the 1876 advent of transatlantic chilled beef and cereals shipping.Historical Dictionary of Argentina.
The term red-green-brown alliance, originating in France, refers to the alliance of Leftists (red), Islamists (green) and the far-right (brown). \- \- The term has also been used to describe alleged alliances of industrial union-focused leftists (red), ecologically-minded agrarians (green) and the far-right (brown). It is often used in a broad sense to refer to anti-Zionist, conservationist, anti-globalization, anti-American or anti-Western views shared by disparate groups and movements.
He was also the only CCFer elected in the 1934 election, and was defeated in his bid for re-election in the 1937 election. He was elected Ontario CCF president in 1941, and served as Mayor of Hamilton from 1944 to 1949 leading a CCF slate in that city. Lawrence then served for a time as president of the local Industrial Union Council, and subsequently regained his seat on the Board of Control and kept it for six years.
The Finnish Mining Union merged into the Metalworkers' Union in 1969, followed in 1974 by the Precious Metal Workers' Union, and in 2003 by the Automobile and Machinery Union. By 1998, it had 166,854 members. In 2009, the union was part of negotiations to form the Industrial Union TEAM. While a narrow majority of members voted in favour of a merger, this did not reach the required three- quarters majority, and so the union remained independent.
Diagram of the CNT organizational structure The industrial unions (sometimes referred to as "branch unions") form the base structure of the CNT. Each industrial union groups together workers of different crafts within an industry. When there are fewer than 25 people working in one particular industry, a various posts union is formed for that industry, rather than multiple industry unions. A various posts union can include workers from different crafts and industries; it requires a minimum of five people.
On August 6, 1917, the Marine Transport Workers Industrial Union No. 700, which was affiliated with the Industrial Workers of the World, called for a strike of deckhands on steamers operating on the Columbia and Willamette Rivers, to show sympathy for lumber worker strikes then ongoing at mills and logging camps. Most of the deckhands of five steamers went out on strike. Of the eight deckhands on Bailey Gatzert, three or four non-union hands remained on duty.
Tobacco Workers' Union, The Tobacco Workers' Union, 1834-1984 In 1925, the association became an industrial union, admitting all workers in the tobacco industry, including women, and adopted its final name. However, the following year, it was disaffiliated from the Trades Union Congress after other unions complained that it was poaching their members. It rejoined only in 1941.University of Warwick, "Tobacco Workers' Union" In 1946, the union merged with the rival National Cigar and Tobacco Workers' Union.
In 1946, he joined the Free German Youth. He also joined the Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB), and studied at its district school. In 1950, Deckert was appointed as president of the Industrial Union of Printing and Paper for Weimar and Gera, soon becoming its chair for Thuringia. In 1953, he joined the union's national executive as its chair for Gera, becoming the secretary of the executive in 1958, and vice president of the union in 1959.
Agitators now put their organizing energy behind the CIO industrial union movement. The Shipping Federation stepped back from it overt anticommunism, but continued to fund a variation of the Citizens' League, the Industrial Association of British Columbia under the leadership of Colonel C. E. Edgett, former police chief, prison warden, and leading local anticommunist polemicist. Nevertheless, workers managed to establish and sustain an independent union under Harry Bridges's new International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) that still exists today.
The CPUSA attempted to organize a separate union, the Marine Workers Industrial Union (MWIU). Darcy and the MWIU organizer, Harry Hynes, disagreed on tactics, and eventually Hynes was recalled from San Francisco. Once the International Longshoremen's Association (ILA) granted a charter to San Francisco, Darcy came to see the MWIU as an impediment to organizing longshoremen. Darcy was supportive of Henry Schmidt and Harry Bridges who formed the Albion Hall Group as a caucus within the new ILA local.
Collaborating with the council's president, Aronowitz cowrote New Jersey's unemployment compensation law, subsequently enacted by the state legislature in 1961. His work with the Industrial Union Council led to Aronowitz's appointment as director of the organizing and boycott department of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America. Aronowitz spent four years traveling throughout the United States to develop the union's campaigns. In the 1960s, while employed with the Clothing Workers, Aronowitz began participating in the Civil Rights Movement.
Voice of Labour. February 9th, 1907 The same year, Turner, along with Guy Aldred and others, formed the Industrial Union of Direct Action. Turner was also elected (in absentia) to the International Bureau of the Anarchist International, formed at the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam. Throughout the many changes in Freedom's history, Turner was its publisher from the time it was renamed Freedom: A Journal of Libertarian Thought, Work and Literature in 1930 until his death in 1934.
During the 1960s, it was seen as a radical, left-wing union, but by the 1970s, it was associated with the right-wing of the union movement, and criticised for its top-down approach. In 1991, the East German Industrial Union of Chemicals, Glass and Ceramics merged into the union. By 1996, it had 694,897 members. The following year, it merged with the Union of Mining and Energy and the Leather Union, to form IG Bergbau, Chemie, Energie.
A battle broke for the presidency of the PFL when Maurer retired. Leading a faction in favor of craft unionism was John S. Otis, a machinist from Pittsburgh. John J. Casey represented the emerging industrial union wing of the federation. Casey was a member of the United States House of Representatives, first from Pennsylvania's 11th congressional district from 1913 to 1917 and again from 1919 to 1921, and then from Pennsylvania's 12th congressional district from 1923 to 1925.
The union was, however, never able to reach a mass following. Even at the most liberal estimate, it never had more than 15,000 members. It did not organize or control any large factories and was only able to organize one significant strike - in Slatersville, Rhode Island (now part of North Smithfield), which was, however, a great failure. In 1905, at that union's founding convention, the STLA became a part of the Industrial Workers of the World, an industrial union.
Arthur Marsh and John B. Smethurst, Historical Directory of Trade Unions, vol.5, pp.184-185 During World War I, the union changed its name to the Operative Bakers and Confectioners of Scotland National Federal Union, then to the Scottish Union of Bakers and Confectioners in 1923, and to the Scottish Union of Bakers, Confectioners and Bakery Workers in 1927. From 1926, the union accepted women as members, and sought to become an industrial union, including unskilled workers in the industry.
In 1910, the PSA conducted its first major campaign covering equal pay, superannuation and conditions. In 1915, it had to be decided whether to register as a trade union under the Industrial Arbitration and Trade Union Acts. The proposal fired spirited debate but a referendum resulted in 670 members supporting registration with 538 votes cast in opposition. The PSA subsequently became registered as a trade union under the Trade Union Act and an industrial union under the Industrial Arbitration Act.
De Leon and the SLP helped to found the Industrial Workers of the World in 1905. They soon had a falling out with the element that they termed "the bummery" and left to form their own rival union, also called the Industrial Workers of the World, based in Detroit. De Leon died in 1914 and with his passing this organization lost its central focus. This body was renamed the Workers International Industrial Union (WIIU) and declined into little more than SLP members.
In recognition of this, the union was renamed the Industrial Union of Metal and Metallurgy, but the following year, it returned to its former, shorter, name. Internationally, the union was an affiliate of the Trade Union International of Workers in the Metal Industry. The union was also involved in sports associations, initially called SV Mechanik, and later, SV Motor, as seen in SV Motor Altenburg. The union continued to grow, and by January 1989, it had 1,819,356 members, 18.9% of all FDGB members.
The Alliance carried the movement further into economics. The National Farmers Alliance and Industrial Union, formed in 1889, embraced several originally independent organizations (including The Agricultural Wheel) formed from 1873 onwards; it was largely confined to the South and was secret. The National Farmers Alliance, formed in 1880, went back similarly to 1877, was much smaller, Northern and non-secret. The Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union (formed 1888, merged in the above Southern Alliance in 1890) was the second greatest organization.
The IWGB remained close to the Detroit-based IWW of De Leon, and when that group renamed itself the Workers International Industrial Union (WIIU), they became the British affiliate and similarly changed their name.Ian MacDougall, Voices from the hunger marches, p.186 The group regained some influence in Glasgow in the run-up to World War I, now led by T. L. Smith. Tom Bell saw the Red Clydeside movement and the Clyde Workers Committee as its most important continuation.
Later the name seemed to change to the Industrial Labor party. However, Joseph V. McKee and his Recovery Party brought a suit before the New York City Board of Elections and tried to get several minor parties off the ballot, including the Socialist Labor and regular Industrial Union tickets. Brandon's ticket was the only one to be removed. By December 10 the group had apparently settled on the name American Labor Party and taken up headquarters at 149 East 42nd street.
In September 1908, the Women's Educational and Industrial Union in Boston began to supply hot lunches to high schools which were under the supervision of the Boston School Committee. A central kitchen system was used and lunches were transported to the participating schools. In January 1910, an experimental program for elementary schools took the form of a mid-morning lunch prepared by the class in Home Economics three days each week. On two days of each week sandwiches and milk were served.
The failure of the great Southwest railroad strike represented the first major defeat sustained by the Knights of Labor. When the strike did not draw the support of the engineers and other industrial workers, the Knights' vision of an industrial union withered as well. Internal conflict broke out between various factions within the Knights, paralyzing the union. The great Southwest railroad strike, the Haymarket affair, and the collapse of the 1887 sugar strikes in Louisiana demoralized the Knights of Labor and energized management.
Its theme was "The Unrest of the Times a Cause for Thankfulness". Anthony spoke on the women's movement. Mary and Susan B. Anthony In 1893 Susan B. Anthony became the main force behind the formation of the Rochester branch of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, which worked for the educational and social advancement of women. Mary Gannett presided at the founding meeting and became the chair of its Legal Protection Committee, often becoming personally involved in protecting working women from dishonest employers.
Helen Barrett Montgomery (July 31, 1861 - October 19, 1934) was an American social reformer, educator and writer. In 1921 she was elected as the first woman president of the Northern Baptist Convention (and of any religious denomination in the United States). She had long been a delegate to the Convention and a policymaker. In 1893 she helped found a chapter of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union in Rochester, New York, and served as president until 1911, nearly two decades.
Several attempts were made to sell the building, but it was not until 1943 that the Greater Flint Industrial Union Council purchased it to use as offices for Congress of Industrial Organizations locals. The building, however, was underutilized, and in 1948 it was sold to a group of investors. Over the next few decades, it housed a variety of businesses, professionals, and governmental offices. In 1997, the University of Michigan–Flint opted to purchase the building, now known as the Northbank Center.
Several Little Canadas throughout New England formed similar credit unions, often out of necessity, as Anglo- American banks frequently rejected Franco-American loans. America's Credit Union Museum now occupies the location of the home from which St. Mary's Bank Credit Union first operated. In November 1910 the Woman's Educational and Industrial Union set up the Industrial Credit Union, modeled on the Desjardins credit unions it was the first non-faith-based community credit union serving all people in the greater Boston area.
The Forest Products, Furnishing and Allied Industries Industrial Union of Workers was a trade union in Western Australia. In 1907, the Amalgamated Timber Workers' Union of West Australia was formed as the first united timber industry union for the entire state of Western Australia. It succeeded the Amalgamated Sawmill Employees' Union of Workers, which had united the timber unions of the south-west in 1906. It merged into the Australian Timber Workers' Union in 1918, becoming their No. 5 branch.
The Pennsylvania AFL–CIO is a federation of labor unions in the U.S. state of Pennsylvania in the United States. It is an affiliate of the AFL-CIO. It was formed on June 9, 1960, by the merger of two predecessor bodies, the Pennsylvania Federation of Labor (an affiliate of the American Federation of Labor) and the Pennsylvania Industrial Union Council (an affiliate of the Congress of Industrial Organizations). It can trace its history through its predecessor bodies to 1890.
He held the seat again at the 1922 election, this time, for the first time, against a Labour Party opponent. However, he was defeated at the 1923 general election by the Conservative Party candidate, Herbert Wragg. Aged 65, he did not stand for Parliament again. In 1927, following the General Strike, there was a split in the Nottinghamshire miners and Hancock followed the Association's General Secretary and Labour MP, George Spencer in the creation of the more moderate Nottinghamshire Miners' Industrial Union.
The first major industrial union to be chartered by the CIO, on November 16, 1936, was the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (UE). The subsequent explosive growth of the UE was instrumental for the survival in the early days of the CIO. By the end of 1936, the UE had organized the General Electric plant at Schenectady, New York, and the UE went on to organize 358 more local unions with contracts covering over 600,000 workers, at 1375 plants.
Shortly after graduating from Wellesley in 1897, Dewson began working as research assistant at the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, an organization that originated in Boston to advocate for the social advancement of women, women's education, and rights of women in the workforce. Dewson was offered this job by Elizabeth Glendower Evans, a reformer from Boston and one of Dewson's mentors. During her time at the WEIU, Dewson conducted statistical studies and reported on women's poor working conditions. She also taught a course on household economics.
The biographer Bernardo De Dominici mainly recalled Gennaro, but mentioned that Antonio and Giovanni, then still alive were excellent pupils of Matteis. Antonio worked with Giovanni in frescoes for Palazzo Partanna, now home to the Industrial Union of Naples. Giovanni also painted a Consecration of the Virgin (1766) for the church of Santa Anna at Sessa Aurunca. He also painted Scenes of the Life of Beato Franco (1751), St Januarius and St Irene and St Gregory celebrates Mass (1774) for the church of Santa Maria del Carmine.
After the Socialist Labor Party withdrew from the IWW in 1908,Fred W. Thompson, Patrick Murfin, The IWW: Its First Seventy Years, 1905-1975, 1976, pages 37-40.Verity Burgmann, Revolutionary industrial unionism, 1995, page 14. it formed an offshoot of the "Chicago IWW" in Detroit which also adopted the name Industrial Workers of the World. (It changed its name to Workers' International Industrial Union in 1915).Fred W. Thompson, Patrick Murfin, The IWW: Its First Seventy Years, 1905-1975, 1976, pages 38-40.
"Report of the Proceedings of the Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor" (1943), p.325 Bayliss became his union branch delegate in 1915, and served a year as vice-president of the union in 1927, and a year as president in 1929. In 1932, he became the union's full-time financial secretary. In this role he worked with Herbert Booth to promote reunification with the rival Nottinghamshire Miners' Industrial Union, which was achieved in 1937,Bernard Taylor, Uphill all the way, pp.
A carpenter, he became an executive member of the New South Wales Building Workers' Industrial Union; he joined the Labor Party in 1962. He became assistant secretary of the party's Rozelle branch, and was on the electorate councils for the federal seat of Dalley and the state seat of Balmain. He married Celes Watkin in 1964, with whom he had one son. When the member for Balmain, John McMahon, retired at the 1968 state election, Degen was selected to replace him as Labor candidate.
At Grabow the main factions involved were the Galloway Lumber Company and a party of striking unionized mill workers and their supporters. The union workers were known as the Brotherhood of Timber Workers (BTW),kilgorenewsherald a branch of the Lumber Workers Industrial Union (LWIU), which was affiliated with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). The Brotherhood tried to recruit mill workers by giving speeches and conducting meetings at various mills. Although they had limited success in Louisiana, the LWIU became very successful from 1917 to 1924.
Gan, The reluctant hosts: Soviet Antarctic expedition ships visit Australia and New Zealand in 1956, p. 46. The Ob was invited by the Australia–USSR Friendship Society and the Building Workers' Industrial Union to visit Melbourne and Sydney, respectively, and Mawson lobbied to have the visits go ahead, but permission was denied by Minister of External Affairs Richard Casey. The decision was criticised by Mawson, and he made note of the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation losing an opportunity to view the latest oceanographic research technology.
An influx of immigrant workers contributed to the environment favorable to big business by increasing the supply of unskilled labor lost to the urban factories. The demand for labor spurred the growers to look to seasonal migrant workers as a viable labor source. Corporations began to look at profits and started to marginalize its workers by providing sub-par wages and working conditions to their seasonal workers. The formation of the Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union addressed and represented the civil rights of the migrant workers.
Because of the war situation in the East Ukraine, on 17 June 2015, the Industrial Union of Donbas decided to merge both its clubs FC Metalurh Donetsk and FC Stal Kamianske. The new club was to be primarily based on the Kamianske team and was planned to continue its participation under the name of FC Stal Kamianske. However, on 11 July 2015 Metalurh declared bankruptcy, citing the economic difficulties caused by the fighting. FC Stal Kamianske did take its place in the Ukrainian Premier League.
At its annual convention in San Francisco in October 1934, the AFL called for an organizing campaign in the steel industry. As early as 1926, AFL president William Green had convinced the federation's executive council to re-establish federal labor unions (FLUs) as a compromise between workers' desires to belong to an industrial union and the jurisdictional rights of existing AFL affiliates. The FLU had been one of Samuel Gompers' favorite recruiting devices. All workers in a plant were recruited into a single union.
In this case, Administrative Discretion resulted in individualized parameters of what was deemed necessary to convey a termination of aid, instead of a federal standard. The Holding of Chief Justice Warren Burger and the court sided with the appellants' view: a full hearing of evidence is required before a recipient can be denied/deprived of certain types of government benefits. In other words, a recipient must receive some sort of notice should their aid be changed/terminated; whether in writing or orally. Industrial Union Department v.
Sanitary conditions were poor and an exhaustingly long work week in poorly ventilated facilities resulted in a higher than average rate of tuberculosis as well as other diseases. The affected workers had little recourse to their situation. Despite previous efforts to organize the Passaic millworkers by the Industrial Workers of the World and the Workers International Industrial Union in 1912 and the Amalgamated Textile Workers Union in 1919 and 1920, as of 1925 there were no textile unions extant in the area.Weisbord, Passaic, pg. 19.
He became active in the Yorkshire Miners' Association (YMA) and also joined the British Socialist Labour Party (SLP) and the Workers' International Industrial Union. The YMA asked him to stand for election in Pontefract, but he refused, as it would have required him to stand as a Labour Party candidate. In 1915, Lavin moved to work at Welbeck Colliery in Nottinghamshire. There, he worked with Owen Ford to form a local branch of the SLP based in Mansfield, which attracted members including Rose Smith.
Between 1920 and 1923, Meshcheryakov served as a machine gun crew and platoon commander in the Maykop Command Staff Courses. In 1923, he was a quartermaster of the North Caucasus Military District Repeated Courses for Commanders in Rostov-on-Don. From 1923 to his demobilization in May 1925, Meshcheryakov was a machine gun instructor for the Taganrog Military commissariat. He worked for the Moscow Food Industrial Union between 1925 and 1930 and as a welder at the Moscow Elektrozavod factory from 1930 to 1932.
De Leon was engaged in a policy dispute with the leaders of the IWW. His argument was in support of political action via the Socialist Labor Party while other leaders, including founder Big Bill Haywood, argued instead for direct action. Haywood's faction prevailed, resulting in a change to the Preamble which precluded "affiliation with any political party." De Leon's followers left the IWW to form a rival Detroit-based IWW, which was renamed the Workers' International Industrial Union in 1915, and collapsed in 1925.
Nicolaas Steelink (October 5, 1890 - April 21, 1989) was a Dutch American labor activist who was a member of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), an international industrial union, and an important figure in the creation of the California Soccer League, which resulted in his induction into the United States Soccer Hall of Fame. During his time as a member of the IWW, due to his involvement with the union and radical ideals, he was convicted of criminal syndicalism and sentenced to prison in 1920.
In 1895 she attended the University of Berlin on a scholarship from the Women's Educational and Industrial Union. Her mother accompanied her to Europe in the summer of 1895 and stayed in Berlin while school was in session. It was there that Mary met and became engaged to Vladimir Simkhovitch (1874-1959), a Russian student of economics. During the summer of 1896 she and her friend Emily Greene Balch, the future Nobel Peace Prize winner, attended the International Socialist Trade Union Congress in London.
In 1907, Salt Lake City was home to Industrial Workers of the World Industrial Union No. 202. The city adopted a non-partisan city council in 1911. As LDS/non-LDS tensions eased people began to work together for the common good, improving roads, utilities and public healthcare. Downtown Salt Lake City circa 1913 Salt Lake City suburb, 1909 Armed delivery of liquor & beer, 1917 The Great Depression hit Salt Lake City especially hard. At its peak, the unemployment rate reached 61,500 people, about 36%.
She toured the world, playing various clubs, theaters and protest marches. Petric was involved with Spanish Civil War refugees, anti-fascism committees, worked for racial equality, and was a political target during the McCarthy Era. She was also a member of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and performed under the label of the union's Entertainment Workers' Industrial Union No. 630. Friends of Petric have described her as the "Fort Knox of folk music," for her ability to recall the lyrics of thousands of songs.
However, the dominant union in the town, the Amalgamated Miners' Association (AMA), did not join and some tradesmens' unions were represented separately by the Iron Trades Council. In 1921 the AMA was renamed the Workers' Industrial Union of Australia and joined the Trades and Labour Council in 1923. The following year the council was renamed after the Barrier Ranges, first as the Barrier Industrial and Political Council and then as the Barrier Industrial Council (BIC). By the end of 1925 all the tradesmens' unions had affiliated.
As chief strategist as well as secretary-treasurer for the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union (NTWIU), Ben Gold pursued an aggressive and militant policy of collective bargaining. The formation of the union was inauspicious: Within the year the Great Depression began, leading to thousands of layoffs in the fur industry and strong downward pressure on wages. But even as early as February 1929, as the economy slid toward depression, Hyman and Gold were announcing a series of strikes designed to raise wages.Department of Labor Research.
FC Stal Kamianske () was a professional Ukrainian football club located in Kamianske, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, Ukraine. After being relegated to the Ukrainian First League after the 2017–18 Ukrainian Premier League season the club re-registered to Bucha and changed its name to PFC Feniks Bucha in June 2018. The club didn't play any game under the new name and was dissolved on 9 July 2018. The club was sponsored by the Dnieper Metallurgical Combine (DMK) which is a member of the Industrial Union of Donbas (ISD).
The narrow strip of accessible spruce forest bordering the railway that stretched some east of Prince George was known as the East Line. In 1920, the Prince George Sawmill Co. built a 10,000-foot per shift capacity mill.Prince George Citizen: 28 May 1920 & 13 Sep 1921 A delegate from the Lumber Workers Industrial Union, who visited that company's logging camp at Shelley the following spring, reported on the abysmal living conditions. Injury and death for humans and horses were common in sawmills and logging camps.
In 1940 the union filed an application and succeeded in extending its coverage to most workers employed in the timber and wood industry including cabinet makers and furniture factories. In 1991 it amalgamated with the Pulp & Paper Workers' Federation of Australia to form the Australian Timber & Allied Industries Union. Later in the year amalgamation with the Building Workers' Industrial Union of Australia created the ATAIU & BWIU Amalgamated Union. Further amalgamations eventually saw this organisation become part of the Construction Forestry Mining & Energy Union in 1993.
Brown, her sister, and Elisabeth Parsons designed a stained glass window that was displayed in the Woman's Building at the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago. The feminist-themed piece, titled Massachusetts Mothering the Coming Woman of Liberty, Progress and Light, was sponsored by the Women's Educational and Industrial Union. As of 2012 it was housed in the Smith Museum of Stained Glass Windows in Chicago. The older woman on the right represents Massachusetts, nurturing and encouraging the liberated young woman of the future.
He also spent a year on the SDS national staff, as Assistant National Secretary, in 1963-64. Ireland dropped out of SDS in 1966 to devote his time to electoral organizing against the Vietnam War. As a staff member of the New Jersey Industrial Union Council AFL-CIO and the United Auto Workers Region 9-A, in 1967 he helped to organize the National Labor Leadership Assembly for Peace to oppose the Vietnam War. He was involved in the Gay Activists Alliance (GAA) and Gay Liberation Front (GLF).
Mary Williams (Molly) Dewson (1874–1962) was an American feminist and political activist. After graduating from Wellesley College in 1897, she worked for the Women's Educational and Industrial Union. She became an active member of the National Consumers League (NCL) and received mentorship from Florence Kelley, a famous advocate for social justice feminism and General Secretary of the NCL. Dewson's later role as civic secretary of the Women's City Club of New York (WCCNY) led to her meeting Eleanor Roosevelt, who later convinced Dewson to be more politically active in the Democratic Party.
League for Socialist Reconstruction (LSR) was a DeLeonist political organization with sections in New York City and Michigan. Joseph Brandon, Louis Lazarowitz, Sam Brandon and other LSR members had been active in the Industrial Union Party after mass expulsion of the Socialist Labor Party's Section Bronx during the 1920s. The LSR organ, The Socialist Republic, was published until 1980. At a Unity Conference in Ypsilanti, Michigan from 22 August through 24 August 1980, LSR fused with the New Unionist group of Minneapolis to create the New Union Party.
Industrial Union Department v. American Petroleum Institute (The Benzene Case), 448 U.S. 607 (1980), was a case heard before the United States Supreme Court. This case represented a challenge to the OSHA practice of regulating carcinogens by setting the exposure limit "at the lowest technologically feasible level that will not impair the viability of the industries regulated." OSHA selected that standard because it believed that (1) it could not determine a safe exposure level and that (2) the authorizing statute did not require it to quantify such a level.
The Fur Workers Industrial Union was formed in 1927 by a group of New York City locals expelled from the American Federation of Labor-affiliated International Fur Workers Union of the United States and Canada. The split had been preceded by a power struggle inside the fur workers union locals of New York. Under the leadership of Gold, communists had taken over the control of a number of fur workers locals in New York. They had nearly been able to seize control over the union as such during the 1925 convention.
Following a 1926 strike led by Gold, locals in Chicago, Philadelphia, Newark and Boston also swayed to the communist side. In January 1927, foreseeing a communist victory at the 1927 union convention, the communist leaders and locals were expelled on the instructions of the AFL president William Green. The relations between the Fur Workers Industrial Union and the International Fur Workers Union of the United States and Canada were very bad. Violent clashes often broke out between the two unions at picket lines, at workplaces or in the streets of the city.
They also mentored talented young people, including Louis Brandeis, who went on to become a Supreme Court Justice, and the writer Mary Antin. Lina Hecht was known as "Aunt Lina" to the hundreds of immigrant children she helped. Hecht was actively involved with the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, the Public Bath Department of Boston, the Civil Service Reform Association, the Consumer's League, the Jewish Publication Society, and the Council of Jewish Women. She and her husband were jointly involved in artistic and historic organizations such as the Boston Art Club and The Bostonian Society.
Mai Kivelä in 2014 Mai Kivelä (born December 20, 1982) is a Finnish human rights activist, feminist, and member of Parliament. She served as the general secretary of the Finnish Left Youth in the years 2013 – 2015. Kivelä has operated in numerous non-governmental organisations, amongst others Greenpeace, Teollisuusalojen ammattiliitto (Industrial Union TEAM), and Kepa ry (Service Centre for Development Cooperation). Within the Left Alliance (Vasemmistoliitto), she has placements in the task force for environment, as vice chairman in Kallion Vasemmisto (Left Alliance in Kallio), and as board member in the Finnish UN Association.
Conway also edited Clara Erskine Clement Waters' collection, called Christian Symbols and Stories of the Saints as Illustrated in Art. Conway organized the first Catholic reading circle in Boston, of which she was president, and served as presiding officer of the New England Woman's Press Association. In the spring of 1891, Conway was invited to give before the Woman's Council in Washington, D.C., her paper upon "The Literature of Moral Loveliness". She was the first Catholic who appeared before the Women's Educational and Industrial Union of Boston to speak upon a religious theme.
She began to connect with other parents of disabled children and established an "informal cooperative business running out of her basement." However, such business endeavors were not recognized legally until 1986, when Szekeres founded Összefogás Ipari SzÖvetkezet, or in English, the Alliance Industrial Union. Although progress was slow for a few years, in 1989 the Ministry of Welfare in Hungary awarded substantial funds to the Alliance. This helped to speed up the development of housing as well as facilities and supplies that would enable those with disabilities to earn money.
The final film screening in the original Regent Theatre was on 27 August 1978, demolition being planned for a few weeks later. The University of Queensland Senate tried to postpone the redevelopment while options to convert the Regent to a live theatre venue were further explored, and the Building Workers' Industrial Union imposed a Green Ban on the site from 12 September to facilitate these discussions. This was lifted on 8 December, when again no commercially viable option for retaining the theatre had been found. Workers began demolition on Saturday 9 December 1979.
But dissatisfaction began to build once again within the AFL-CIO. The elimination of a number of constitutional and administrative departments, such as the Industrial Union Department, was seen as a strike against those unions which had not supported Sweeney. The directorship of the AFL-CIO Organizing Department was a revolving door, organization of new members had not markedly increased and many unions had taken to raiding one another to increase membership. A number of unions were unhappy with what they saw as AFL-CIO criticism of their organizing programs.
Delo () is a Russian daily business newspaper in Ukraine, belonging to Ekonomika, a joint-venture of Handelsblatt Publishing Group, Germany, one Czech and two young Ukrainian publishers. The newspaper started in October 2005 as the first independent business daily of Ukraine. Its competitors are the Russian newspaper Kommersant and Ekonomicheskie Izvestia, which belongs to ISD - Industrial Union of Donbas. Delo is the first daily in Ukraine, publishing its real print circulation (13.000 - 15.000) and trying to introduce Western editorial and business standards into the rather post-soviet environment.
The US government bailed the growers out in 1933, offering them subsidies. The pickers hoped the growers would support them with the bailout, but this did not happen, which prompted the strike. The Cannery and Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union, a communist worker's organization, had been organizing in the cotton fields for some time, and by 1933 had come to provide leadership for the cotton pickers, most of whom were Mexican. The CAWIU was militant in its demands, and threatened a valley-wide strike if they were not met.
There were no mechanisms to enforce the lofty goals, and many AFL unions continued to segregate blacks and engage in racist practices. Jurisdictional dispute resolution mechanisms, too, were put off, to be established later by the new organization's executive council. Aggressive AFL industrial unions, such as the Teamsters, were already pressing hard on CIO affiliates such as the United Brewery Workers, and the new organization held out little hope that the CIO affiliates would survive. Reuther won constitutional inclusion of an Industrial Union Department to promote industrial unionism and organizing in the new federation.
The Union of Land, Food and Forests () was a trade union representing workers in various related industries in East Germany. The union was founded in 1946, as the Industrial Union of Agriculture and Forestry, and in June it became part of the new Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB), by which point it already had 167,065 members. In 1949, it was a founding affiliate of the Trade Union International of Agricultural and Forestry Workers. In 1950, it changed its name to the Union of Land and Forests, to better reflect its membership.
The scope of the union gradually increased. In 1960, employees of food purchasing businesses were transferred from the Union of Trade, Food and Enjoyment, followed in 1964 by workers in feed mixing plants, and in 1968 by all remaining workers in food manufacturing and processing. As a result, that year, it changed its name to the "Union of Land, Food and Forests". In 1964, the union also took in workers in veterinary medicine from the Union of Healthcare, and in 1967 those in rural building organisations, from the Industrial Union of Building and Wood.
It outlined no immediate > political demands and showed no conception of the role of the party in > fighting for such demands...; the program contented itself with saying > vaguely that it would support all struggles of the workers. The whole stress > of the party work was placed upon industrial union action and revolutionary > agitation and propaganda for the abolition of the capitalist system.Foster, > p. 37. The WWP proved to be stillborn, extant for only a few months — long enough to issue but one issue of its newspaper, The Wage Worker.
The Union of Healthcare () was a trade union representing healthcare workers in East Germany. The first Union of Healthcare was formed in 1949, when the Free German Trade Union Federation decided to split healthcare workers out of the Industrial Union of Public Companies and Administration. In addition to industrial activities, the union became involved in sports associations, their names starting with "SV Medizin". In 1958, the union was merged into the Union of Government Administration, Healthcare and Finance (Sta-Ge-Fi), but this proved unsuccessful, and in 1961, the Union of Healthcare was re-established.
The Women's Educational and Industrial Union (WEIU) was founded for the advancement of women in 1877 in Boston, Massachusetts by Harriet Clisby, one of America's first women physicians. In the 20th century, it created many programs that were geared toward the advancement of women in the workplace, and especially focused on low-income mothers and their families. In 2001, the WEIU launched the Woman to Woman Program, offering career development and mentoring to low-income mothers. Now offered by CWU, this program continues to serve low-income women today.
He was involved in trade unionism, being associated with the Building Workers' Industrial Union and serving as a delegate to the Labor Council of New South Wales. He also served in local government as an alderman of the City of Penrith from 1960 to 1962. Bennett was selected to contest the local seat of Nepean for Labor at the 1962 state election. An electoral redistribution had changed the long-time Liberal seat into a notional Labor seat, and Bennett won a tight race against the incumbent Liberal member, Bill Chapman.
Later, in 1976–1977, he was the director of technology section of industrial union"Obneftegasgeologiya". In 1977-1980 V.A. Abazarov became the deputy director of drilling department of industrial association “Nizhnevartovskneftegas”, in 1980–1981 – he was the vice – president of oil and gas department “Belozerneft”. From 1983 to 1992 he was the head of Yuzchno – Tarkosalinskaya and Yamal expeditions. Abazarov is remembered not only for the discoveries of oil fields in interior of Tyumen North, but for his justice in spite of harshness. “He worked selflessly, without being sorry of forces and time.
Sweden's Channel 4 investigative programme Kalla Fakta (Cold Facts) uncovered Stefan Löfven's role – a former head of the Swedish industrial union IF Metall and incumbent Prime Minister. In 1999 Löfven was the head of Metall's international section and a good friend of Moses Mayekiso, the former general secretary of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (Numsa). Numsa and the South African National Civics Organisation (SANCO) announced their joint support for the Saab Gripen bid. Mayekiso had by then left Numsa to lead Sanco, though he remained influential within the union.
The immigrant demographics of the cannery workers made the industry difficult to organize under unions. The American Federation of Labor (AFL) would not organize canneries because of their diverse work force and the use of immigrant labor.Arnsen, 202 The Agricultural Workers Industrial Union (AWIU), an organization that was founded under the Trade Union Unity League established by the Communist Party of the U.S.A. It was organized with the goal to organize semi-skilled and unskilled workers that were being ignored by the AFL. However, The AWIU took on a passive method for forming unions.
The slaughtering gang was irreplaceable due to their skill, they were mobile as their skill was in demand across multiple shops, and they were militant. The AMIEU considered itself an industrial union and enrolled all workers in a particular workplace regardless of their trade—the meatworkers represented boilermakers, engine drivers and maintenance workers who worked in the meat industry. The Queensland organising techniques spread to southern states. Shop committees (workers councils) were established at the Melbourne and Corio works in Victoria in 1917, on the initiative of C. Coupe.
Philip Murray, 2nd CIO presidentIn November 1946, prior to passage of the Smith-Connally Act, the CIO's second president, Philip Murray appointed John Brophy (a UMW leader, by then head of the CIO's director of Industrial Union Councils), Nathan Cowan (CIO legislative director), and J. Raymond Walsh (CIO research director) to report on CIO political operations. Their report of December 1946 included recommendation for a permanent CIO national political group and consideration for formation of an American Labor Party. During CIO Executive Board meetings in January and February 1943, the board approved most recommendations.
The following year, his family moved to Coalburn and he worked at Auchenbeg Colliery. He became active in the Lanarkshire Miners' County Union (LMCU), and was elected to its district committee when only 19, and four years later, was elected to the executive of the LMCU. Pearson married and moved to Stonehouse, South Lanarkshire, around 1920, and became the checkweighman at Canderigg Colliery. He joined the Socialist Labour Party and, inspired by the ideas of Daniel De Leon, he became secretary of a new Lanarkshire Miners' Industrial Union.
After the communist regime collapsed, Volsky founded the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (RSPP), the business lobby, in 1991 and headed it until 2005. The RSPP, called "Union of Red Directors" at the beginning of the 2000s, is the successor of the previous USSR scientific and industrial union in the Russian Federation. Alexander Shokhin replaced Volsky in the post. In July 1991, Volsky and other prominent politicians such as Aleksandr Yakovlev, Eduard Shevardnadze, Gavriil Popov and Anatoly Sobchak issued a declaration in order to create a movement for democratic reforms. Text.
Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial Workers of the World. [1969] New York: Quadrangle/New York Times Book Co., 1973; pp. 77–80.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The IWW: A Study of American Syndicalism. New York: Columbia University, 1919; pg. 103. This three-day conclave thrashed out their disagreements and issued a set of 11 principles and an Industrial Union Manifesto. It issued a call for a convention to be held in Chicago on June 27, 1905, to launch the new general industrial organization.Dubofsky, We Shall Be All, pp. 78–79.
In 1938, Peterson became a paid organizer for the American Federation of Teachers and traveled around New England. In 1944, Peterson became the first lobbyist for the National Labor Relations Board in Washington, D.C. In 1948, the State Department offered Peterson’s husband a position as a diplomat in Sweden. The family returned to Washington D.C., in 1957 and Peterson joined the Industrial Union Department of the AFL-CIO, becoming its first woman lobbyist. She was Assistant Secretary of Labor and Director of the United States Women's Bureau under fellow Bostonian President John F. Kennedy.
In 1917 the organization changed names to the Agricultural Workers Industrial Union (AWIU) as part of a broader reorganization of IWW industrial unions. As a member organization of the IWW, the AWO embraced a variety of tactics in order to organize workers. While the AWO resolved to prohibit street speaking and soap boxing – a common method by which the parent organization communicated its more radical message to workers – soapboxing was practiced by AWO delegates, and met with considerable success.Henry E. McGucken, Memoirs of a Wobbly, Charles H. Kerr Publishing Company, 1987, page 70.
The League included a few of Davitt's ideas, but was dominated by a conservative faction loyal to Parnell and emphasised Home Rule rather than further land reform. In addition, Parnell agreed to support a new organisation, the Irish Labour and Industrial Union, which aimed to help rural labourers acquire land and the franchise. The union was later replaced by the Irish Democratic Trade and Labour Federation, over whose formation Davitt presided in 1890 with Michael Austin. This organisation was later subsumed into D. D. Sheehan's Irish Land and Labour Association in 1894.
Orange was a project coordinator at the Southern Christian Leadership Conference from 1965 to 1970, then later became a regional coordinator with the AFL-CIO in Atlanta, Georgia. He worked on at least 300 labor-organizing campaigns in that role. In 1977, Orange worked on the organizing campaign of the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union and won union representation and benefits for the workers at J.P. Stevens textile and clothing factories. After that success, Orange was assigned to the AFL-CIO Industrial Union Department until 1996, when he joined their Atlanta field office.
He was a member of the Machinists Union Local Lodge 122 in Winnipeg. He also became a prominent member of the Socialist Party of Canada, which at the time represented the left-wing of the labour movement in Manitoba. In 1919, he attended the Western Labour Conference in Calgary, Alberta, and called for the replacement of narrow craft unionism with an industrial union known as the One Big Union. During the Winnipeg General Strike, he became a prominent figure in the Strike Committee which managed most city affairs.
Frans Reinhold Cedervall (1904-1996) was a Swedish-American plasterer and labor organizer most well known for his time as a leading figure in the Industrial Workers of the World in Cleveland, Ohio. He was the lead organizer of the Metal and Machinery Workers Industrial Union and leader of its Cleveland Local 440. Cedervall joined the Industrial Workers of the World in 1931 and was a soapbox speaker for the organization. After years of arrests and physical attacks, Cedervall stopped organizing on behalf of the organization, though he maintained membership until his death.
After losing his seat in 1925, he was secretary of the South Australian branch of the Federated Gas Employees' Industrial Union until he regained the seat in 1929. He contested the 1938 state election as an independent, nominating against Premier Richard Layton Butler in his seat of Light, but was unsuccessful. Gabb rarely listened to radio coverage of politics in later years because he felt broadcasting was bringing Parliament into disrepute. He remained publicly critical of parliamentary salary increases in later life, accusing politicians of "feathering their nests".
As president, Booth focused on promoting reunification with the rival Nottinghamshire Miners' Industrial Union (NMIU). This was unpopular with some NMA activists, but was supported by Cook, who had become secretary of the MFGB. In 1937, Booth stood down as president to become a full-time agent for the union. Later that year, the NMA merged with the NMIU to form the Nottinghamshire Miners' Federated Union; the rationalisation of posts in the new union led to Booth losing both his work as an agent and his position on the executive committee.
Under the influence of the American Labor Union (ALU), he changed his politics around this time to put more focus on industrial unionism, and the ballot as a purely destructive weapon, in contrast to his earlier view of political organization as 'sword' and industrial union as 'shield'. He worked with the ALU in the founding of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in 1905. His participation in this organization was short- lived and acrimonious. De Leon later accused the IWW of having been taken over by what he called disparagingly 'the bummery'.
Gradually, laundry workers were unionized, including through the organizing efforts of Jessie Taft in Harlem, and related walk-outs and strikes. Laundry workers and the American Federation of Labor founded Local 204 in 1936, and by 1939, most laundry workers in NYC were members of the Congress of Industrial Organizations. The Laundry Workers Industrial Union was the first laundry union in New York City, and was one of the few in the country. Its successful efforts in organizing laundry workers helped inspire unions in other industries as well.
Born and raised in New York City, Aronowitz attended public primary school in The Bronx before enrolling in The High School of Music & Art in Manhattan. He then attended Brooklyn College until being suspended by its administration for engaging in a demonstration. Instead of returning to school the next year, Aronowitz moved to New Jersey, where he worked at several metalworking factories. Aronowitz became involved in the American labor movement in New Jersey, and in 1959, while laid off from his job as a metalworker, he found work with the New Jersey Industrial Union Council.
In response, these workers adopted the industrial model of union organization and formed the CCL as their umbrella organization. The spectacular growth of industrial jobs in the first half of the 20th century, combined with new legislation in most Canadian jurisdictions explicitly recognizing the industrial union organizational model, led to fears of raiding between the unions belonging to the two federations, the TLC and the CCL. Tensions were increased because of significant political differences. The TLC leadership, in the person of President Percy Bongough, had actively supported the Liberal Party.
Katz was a member of the Social Democratic Party of Victoria before joining the Victorian Socialist Party (VSP), a Marxist organisation, upon its formation in 1906. He spoke regularly at party meetings, and was a vocal opponent of electoral cooperation with the Australian Labor Party (ALP). In 1909, Katz was elected assistant secretary of the Federated Carters' and Drivers' Industrial Union. He moved to Tasmania in 1911, in order to re-organise the local branch of the union, and succeeded in increasing its membership from 30 to more than 400 within a few months.
Prince George Citizen, 17 Jan 1919 Union activity swept the region during the post-war period. In April 1919, to guard against sabotage, the mill restricted employee access to the property outside normal working hours, and engaged armed security that had the powers of special constables. In October, guided by mill manager Mark DeCew (DeCue alternate spelling), a party accompanying the Duke of Devonshire, governor-general 1916–21, viewed the facility.Prince George Citizen, 1 Oct 1919 The Lumber Workers Industrial Union targeted the railway tie camps during this era.
Allen became an early activist and organizer in the labor movement. At age 17, he joined the American Federation of Musicians Local 362 and the Communist Party, and soon was elected as a delegate to the Huntington Central Labor Union, AFL. He subsequently worked as a coal miner in West Virginia as a member of the United Mine Workers, serving as an organizer and president of one Local and later member of another. He also co-developed a trade union organizing program for the Marion County, West Virginia Industrial Union Council, CIO.
Yegorov graduated from the Stavropol State Agrarian University, Higher Party School under the Central Committee of the CPSU. He worked as an instructor of the district party committee, secretary of the state farm party committee, chairman of the collective farm, chairman of the Labinsky District executive committee. In 1990-1993 - First Deputy Chairman of the Krasnodar Krai Agro-Industrial Union, General Director of the Department of Agriculture and Food, First Deputy Head of the Krai Administration of Krasnodar, Chairman of the Krai Government. On December 23, 1992 was appointed governor of the Krasnodar Krai.
The One Big Union organizations adopted some principles of One Big Union as initially promoted by the IWW. The OBU idea became popular in Australia at a time when some syndicalist-leaning labour leaders had started moving toward communism. Although the One Big Union organizations frequently formed with the help of IWW members or members of IWW offshoot-organizations such as the WIIU, the OBU organizations frequently incurred criticism from the original industrial union organizations. The IWW advocated organizing bottom- up, the OBU in Australia operated increasingly top-down.
The IWW advocated job control, the Australian OBU did not. Shop committees and rank and file participation which had been so important to IWW members were de-emphasized. The OBU in Australia was described as "the plum extracted from the IWW cake to keep down discontent among the dupes". The Industrial Union News of the WIIU criticized the structure of the Canadian One Big Union organization, declaring "the O.B.U. seeks to masquerade under the guise of industrial unionism while organized on a territorial plane, without sound foundations and building from the top down".
It was a firm opponent of the Industrial Workers of the World, the Communist Party of Australia, NSW Premier Jack Lang and other radical forces in the Australian labour movement. For many years Communists were banned from AWU membership. In the 1930s the Communist Party launched a rival Pastoral Workers Industrial Union, but this failed to break the AWU's grip on its membership. The Northern Territory branch of the AWU was a central faction in the most recent worker's rebellion in Australia, the Darwin Rebellion in 1912 - 1918.
In 1877, while still living in Boston, Clisby and several friends founded the Women's Educational and Industrial Union to address the problems of poor women, especially unemployed immigrants. In a large building on Boylston Street, women could take English language lessons, learn millinery, dressmaking, and needlework, and obtain free legal advice. Later the WEIU provided job placement services and training for domestic and retail work, and eventually established a women's credit union. The WEIU remained in operation well into the 20th century, providing many of the same services as a settlement house.
Sweden also has many large organizations which almost all produce membership magazines with a wide readership. The biggest ones, with readership figures above 300 000, include Vår bostad (published by the Union of Tenants and HSB, a cooperative building society), PRO-pensionären (published by the Pensioners’ National Organization) and the magazines of the largest trade unions: Kommunalarbetaren (published by the Municipal Workers' Union), Siftidningen (published by the Union of Clerical and Technical Employees in Industry) and Dagens Arbete (published jointly by the Metalworkers' Union, the Industrial Union, the Graphic Workers' Union, the Paper Workers' Union and the Forest and Wood Workers' Union).
After her removal to Los Angeles, California, in 1887, she began to write over her own name. She edited, with occasional interruptions, a woman's department in the Los Angeles Evening Express. During 1891 and 1893, she filled the position of vice-president of the National Woman Suffrage Association, first vice-president of the Ladies' Annex to the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, and member of the board of directors of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union. During her term as president of the California suffrage society, the first county suffrage convention was held in the state.
The Cannery and Agricultural Workers' International Union (CAWIU), formerly known as the Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union (AWIU), was a Communist- aligned union active in California in the early 1930s. Early in its career the CAWIU involved itself primarily in spontaneous agricultural strikes, including the Santa Clara Valley cannery workers strike in July 1931 and the California pea pickers strike in May 1932. However, the union focused little on recruiting and organizing a large group of permanent members. Following the failures of these two strikes the CAWIU leaders realized the difficulty of establishing a solid agricultural labor movement around spontaneous and unplanned uprisings.
While remaining supportive of the B of LF and its limited mission, over time Debs began to feel the insufficiency of a mere fraternal benefits to solve the fundamental problems facing locomotive firemen and other railway workers, which were often financial in nature and seemed to call for collective action. In 1893, Debs was instrumental in forming an industrial union bringing together railway workers of all occupational tasks, the American Railway Union (ARU). This organization conducted several strikes for higher wages and better working conditions before ultimately being broken by judicial injunction in the 1894 Pullman strike.
The modern IWW website describes a historical offshoot led by James Rowan of the Lumber Workers Industrial Union (LWIU), who invoked the E-P (Emergency Program). The other faction was sometimes called the "Four Trey" group, taking their name from the address of the IWW headquarters at 3333 W. Belmont in Chicago.Archie Green, Wobblies, pile butts, and other heroes: laborlore explorations, University of Illinois Press, 1993, page 82 Once again, the question of politics played a significant role between union factions. At the 1924 IWW convention, decentralist Rowan scheduled a session in parallel with the official session controlled by the leadership.
The narrow strip of accessible spruce forest bordering the railway that stretched some east of Prince George was known as the East Line. The Lumber Workers Industrial Union targeted the railway tie camps during 1919–20. The J.W. Blain camp at Foreman, a major producer in the area, was one of the first to be unionized. The company agreed to most of the union demands, but by season end, it had failed to address the abysmal living conditions. J.W. Blain, which held the timber rights for the government reserve (northeast of the station), expected to take out 150,000 ties.
Some of the unions affiliated with the WUL include the Mine Workers' Union of Canada, Lumber Workers Industrial Union of Canada and the Relief Camp Workers' Union. It provided the leadership for the most important labour struggles of the early 1930s. This includes the bloody walkout by Estevan, Saskatchewan miners in which the police killed three strikers, and the strike of furniture workers and chicken pluckers in Stratford, Ontario which was put down by calling in the Canadian army. By 1935, the WUL had a membership of over 40,000 members, the vast majority of whom were not communists.
Senior African employees first considered forming their own union in 1948, but were discouraged by government officials tasked with establishing trade union representation for black mineworkers, who considered that having multiple unions would undermine the African workers' bargaining position with the employers. The MASA was first recognized by the companies following the major strikes of 1955, led by the rival African Mineworkers' Union (AMU). The AMU aimed to be an industrial union for all African miners in Northern Rhodesia, and regarded the MASA as a company union which divided the African workforce for the benefit of the mining companies.
Studies in History, Economics and Public Law vol 83, whole no. 193. New York: Columbia University, 1919; pp. 61-62. Hagerty help to draft the gathering's "Industrial Union Manifesto," a document which was to serve as an intellectual foundation stone for the establishment of the Industrial Workers of the World at a convention later that same year. At the founding convention Hagerty served as secretary of the Constitution Committee, and as such wrote the preamble to the IWW Constitution — a short and effective manifesto which became a fundamental element of the organization's official doctrine for decades to follow.
At the CIO convention in December 1952, McDonald nominated Allan S. Haywood, the CIO's 64-year-old director of organizing, as president. McDonald was supported by most of the CIO's independent local unions and Industrial Union Councils (the CIO's local central labor bodies). Reuther promised to create the office of executive vice-president and appoint Haywood to the position, a move with allowed him to eke out a win, with 54 to 48 percent of the vote. Reuther followed through on his convention promise, and Haywood became the CIO's new executive vice- president but died suddenly in February 1953.
This enabled the employer to continue to manufacture product and receive revenue, and so outlast the union. The movement to form an industrial union began in Columbus, Ohio, where locals of the Sons of Vulcan, Associated Brotherhood and Roll Hands amalgamated into a single union. The National Labor Tribune, a newspaper dedicated to labor issues in the iron and steel industry, discussed industrial unionism extensively for the next year. On December 10, 1874, locals of all three unions from Columbus, Louisville, Kentucky, and New Albany, Indiana, met in Louisville to formulate a proposal, which was published in the National Labor Tribune.
Brito became chairman of the Argentine Banking Association (ADEBA) on April 8, 2003 until 2016, when was succeeded by Daniel Llambías, chairman of Grupo Financiero Galicia owner of Banco Galicia. In 2017 he was replaced by Jorge Pablo Brito, Brito's son and director of Macro Bank. ADEBA was founded in 1972 and is part of the G-6 Group, which unites the main Argentine business entities such as the Argentine Industrial Union, the Buenos Aires Stock Exchange, the Argentine Construction Chamber, the Argentine Chamber of Commerce, and the Argentine Rural Society. The Group organizes debates related with domestic economy and development.
In July 1931 cannery employers in the Santa Clara Valley called for a 20% cut in worker's wages. As a result, 2,000 workers spontaneously walked off the job.Starr, 69 Immediately, the American Labor Union, a small independent union formed in early 1931 and mainly comprised on Italian cannery workers began to organize the strike.Daniel, 127 Quickly, the AUWIL took leadership, and spread the strike to over 16,000 Santa Clara cannery workers.Starr,170 The AWIU was not getting support from these strikers so they attempted to gain support by changing their name to the Cannery and Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union.
The Tampa cigar makers' strike took place in Ybor City, Florida between the months of November and December 1931. It was made up of a highly unionized, militant cigar maker workforce who had a long history of radical labor--management relations dating back to the 1880s when Cuban immigrants first began building the Florida cigar industry. Due to rising unemployment and falling wages in the wake of the Great Depression, workers of the Tobacco Workers Industrial Union engaged in radical demonstrations, most notably, the celebration of the anniversary of the Russian Revolution. In doing so, 17 workers were jailed.
However, the union itself had to adapt and make the transition from the horse-drawn era to the new world of trucks and cars. In 1925, representatives of the Federated Carters and Drivers' Industrial Union, the Trolley, Draymen and Carters' Union and the Motor Transport and Chauffeurs' Association met to plan the establishment of a new union capable of representing all persons employed in connection with the transport of people or goods by road. This led to the Amalgamated Road Transport Workers Union becoming federally registered in 1928. Despite these attempts to create a stronger organisation, the Great Depression hit the union hard.
By 1906, he was a member of the Pochin Lodge of the South Wales Miners' Federation (SWMF), and he was elected as auditor of the union's Tredegar District; in 1908, he served as the district president. In 1912, he was elected as checkweighman at the Oakdale Colliery. In 1919, he became the statistical secretary of the SWMF, and from 1921 was also its treasurer. While in the role, he supported the union's policy in the 1926 UK general strike, and was strongly opposed to the right-wing South Wales Miners' Industrial Union, arguing that trade unions must always be antagonistic to employers.
There Dietrick established various organizations to aid women: a Women's Educational and Industrial Union, a day nursery, a cooperative bakery and cooking school, and a home for elderly women. She campaigned for civic reform in such areas as jail conditions and city government, and it was said of her that she "ran the town". In 1888, she was the founding vice-president of the Kentucky Equal Rights Association (KERA). The following year, Dietrick, KERA founder Laura Clay, and three other women established the Kentucky Lecture Bureau to provide free speakers on suffrage-related topics to clubs and civic organizations around the state.
From 1980, he was Secretary for Science, Popular Education and Culture in the Potsdam City district, then in 1984, he became Secretary of Labor and Law in the Union of Education and Training. In 1985, Peplowski was appointed as president of the Industrial Union of Printing and Paper (IG DuP), also serving on the executive of the Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB). The following year, he additionally became president of the Standing Committee of Trade Unions in the Graphic Industry. In 1989, Peplowski wrote to Harry Tisch, leader of the FDGB, proposing that Tisch resign.
On her return to Queensland, she moved into acting believing that "the only salvation lay in art" . She was part of the Popular Theatre Troupe"The Go-Betweens" By David Nichols, Allen and Unwin 1997 p65 which protested against the Bjelke-Petersen led National Party government performing for free in public their sharply satirical political street theatre during a time when life in Queensland was felt to be strongly constrained by the government, select business groups, and political interests."No! No! to Joh" by Pete Thomas published by Building Workers industrial Union (Queensland Branch) dated February 1979.
The CP grew even more powerful within the UE in 1937 when James J. Matles, former head of the CP's Metal Workers Industrial Union, brought in a number of locals after a brief affiliation with the International Association of Machinists. Matles and other CP members and allies held the bulk of the important positions within the UE for the next twelve years, until the CIO engineered a split within it in order to separate the Communist leaders from the CIO; they continued to hold power thereafter within that portion of the union that was not raided by the International Union of Electrical Workers.
The Amalgamated Union of Clothiers' Operatives (AUCO) was a trade union representing clothing factory workers in the United Kingdom. The union was founded in 1894 when the Bristol Clothiers' Cutters' Trade Association merged with the Leeds Wholesale Clothiers' Operatives' Union, and it was originally known as the Amalgamated Union of Wholesale Clothing Operatives. The leading founders were Arthur Evans, William N. Pitts and Joseph Young, and they hoped to create a national industrial union. The union established its office in Leeds, and by the end of 1894 had also absorbed small unions based in Glossop, Hebden Bridge, Manchester, Nantwich and Wigan.
Membership of the Trades Council reached 16,000 by 1892, and by this point, a majority of its affiliated membership worked in the heavy trades. Hobson and Uttley were elected to the national Industrial Union of Employers and Employed in 1895, but this organisation soon dissolved. The Trades Council affiliated to the Labour Representation Committee, but did not agree to the foundation of a local organisation until 1903. In 1904, this became the "Sheffield Trades Council and Labour Representation Committee", an auxiliary of the Trades Council, with the Building Trades Federation, the ILP and the Sheffield Socialist Society also represented.
Born Max Gould in 1903, B. J. Field had been a successful Columbia educated petroleum analyst on Wall Street before the crash of 1929. Afterwards he became a Trotskyist and led informal discussion groups at his home with the other members. Field was expelled following the New York Hotel strike of January 1934 for not accepting CLA discipline and not getting adequate safeguards for former strikers against discrimination. Field was later removed from leadership of the Amalgamated Food Workers union because a rival union, the Communist-led Food Workers Industrial Union, had gained shop floor leadership during the course of the unsuccessful strike.
The United States Maritime Commission ordered John W. Brown as an ECS-S-C1 Maritime Commission Emergency Cargo Ship, the type of ship that would become popularly known as the "Liberty ship", hull number 312 on 1 May 1941.Live, publication of Project Liberty Ship, 2013 edition, pp. 4, 8. She was laid down at the Bethlehem- Fairfield Shipyard in Baltimore, Maryland, on 28 July 1942 and - sponsored by Annie Green, the wife of the president of the Industrial Union of Marine and Shipbuilding Workers - was launched on 7 September 1942, the third of three Liberty ships launched at the yard that day.
John W. Brown (1867–June 19, 1941) was a labor union leader. Born in Canada, he moved to Maine and worked as a joiner at the Bath Iron Works, where he became involved with the labor movement. He became an organizer for the United Brotherhood of Carpenters, then went to the United Mine Workers and was involved with the Colorado conflicts of 1913 and 1914, including the Ludlow Massacre. In 1934 he was living in Woolwich, Maine, where he helped organize Local 4 of the Industrial Union of Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of America, and later served on the union's board.
The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU), literally translated as National Democratic Confederation of Trade Unions, also known as Minju-nochong (; acronym for KCTU in Korean language) is a national trade union centre officially established in 1995. Its predecessor was the National Council of Trade Unions (NCTU), established in 1990 as an independent, democratically operated alternative to the Federation of Korean Trade Unions. Following the 2016–17 South Korean protests (Candlelight Demonstrations), the KCTU has seen accelerated growth in union enrollment, reaching 963,035 members in 2018 and making it the largest industrial union confederation in Korea.
Coincidentally, the event took place soon after replacement of the Governor of Donetsk Oblast Volodymyr Shcherban (no relation to Yevhen) with the former Minister of Coal Industry of Ukraine Serhiy Polyakov and the appointment of Viktor Yanukovych to the position of a deputy chairman. Previously, in December 1995, when Serhiy Polyakov was appointed to the ministerial position in Donetsk, the Industrial Union of Donbas (ISD) was established. Headed by Serhiy Taruta, many however saw the real leader of the Union as Yevhen Shcherban. Preceding that in October 1995 another no less important assassination of Akhat Bragin took place.
The unions comprised by the CIO had been ejected by the American Federation of Labor (AFL) in November 1936, and now Lewis wanted to launch a maritime union. His goal was to create a union as large and influential as the Steel Workers Organizing Committee out of the nation's 300,000 maritime workers. Although Lewis favored Harry Bridges, president of the Pacific Coast District of the International Longshoremen's Association, to lead the new maritime industrial union, the other union leaders balked. Curran agreed to affiliate with the CIO, but refused to let Bridges or anyone else take over his union.
Boffin's Bower predated South End House, considered Boston's first settlement house, by nearly two decades.Ranta (2010), p. xii. Although Boffin's Bower served many of the same functions as a settlement house, it was not staffed by upper-class, college-educated reformers intent on studying the problems of the working poor, but by a working-class woman already familiar with them. After Collins's death, a women's charitable organization called the Helping Hand Society took over the work of Boffin's Bower, opening a low-rent rooming house for working girls on Carver Street (now Charles Street South), near the Women's Educational and Industrial Union.
The AFL and the IWW (whose members are referred to as Wobblies) had very different ideas about the ideal union structure. While the AFL primarily organized workers into their respective crafts, the IWW was created as an industrial union, placing all workers in a factory, mine, mill, or other place of business into the same industrial organization. The IWW also promotes the class-based concept of One Big Union. The IWW was formed by militant unionists, socialists, anarchists, and other labor radicals who believed that the great mass of workers are exploited by, and are in an economic struggle with, an employing class.
Later named Secretary of Energy and Mining, she was transferred to the powerful post of Secretary of Industry by Economy Minister Domingo Cavallo. Following President Fernando de la Rúa's resignation in December 2001, she returned to Alpha, whereby she was invited as Director of the International Negotiation Center of the Argentine Industrial Union (UIA), Argentina's leading manufacturers' lobby. Giorgi was appointed Minister of Production of the Province of Buenos Aires (Argentina's largest) by Governor Felipe Solá in 2005. In that capacity, she reopened the Undersecretariat of International Economic Relations, making the pursuit of foreign trade avenues central to her department's policy.
The event took place in the floor of the House of Deputies on October 21, 1946, with full attendance for the ruling bloc, however the opposition failed to attend. The event was opened by the Senate President and Vice President of the Nation, Dr. Juan Hortensio Quijano; and later Perón and the Technical Secretary, barcelonan Dr. José Figuerola. The government opened an outreach campaign, beginning with talks of President Juan Perón in the Teatro Colón, first with workers, and then with employers of the Argentine Industrial Union and the newly created Argentine Association of Production, Industry and Trade.
The IWW organized in the United States, Canada, Australia, and other countries, employed creative tactics, and advocated the general strike as a favourite method for workers to gain control of industries. But One Big Union spread far beyond the IWW. The revolutionary character of the OBU can be appreciated from a statement by the Brotherhood of Metal Workers' Industrial Union, a 1909 offshoot of the International Association of Machinists. In 1919, this organization published the following, > The workers, not only of America, but of all countries, are determined to > get the full value of the price they paid and will yet pay.
In 1919 in Canada, unionists who were discontent with policies of the Trades and Labour Congress of the Dominion formed a union called "One Big Union" (OBU). The Canadian OBU movement had been inspired by the IWW, and like the IWW, it favoured the general strike. The concept of One Big Union in western Canada did not gain widespread acceptance until the Western Labor News reported that the idea had been adopted by the Australian Workers International Industrial Union in South Melbourne, Australia. That Australian workers' organization went beyond industrial unionism to advocate the abolition of private ownership of the means of production.
The Hochtief representatives met with Andriy Sadovy and Myroslav Senyk (the head of the local regional council). Lviv officials claimed that the arena would cost 60 million euros, with 75% of the amount to be paid by an investor and 25% by the city government. In early 2008, Hochtief was replaced by the Austrian company AlpineBau. After almost a year of discussions, no works had begun and by 10 October 2008 AlpineBau had rejected the city's bid of 85 million euros, requesting at least 100 million.gazeta.ua (October 10, 2008) On 23 October 2008, Lviv's administration contacted ISD (Industrial Union of Donets Basin).
Efforts in Western New York proved somewhat fruitful, with a March 1844 meeting in Rochester resulting in the formation of a group called the American Industrial Union (AIU), attended by representatives of seven phalanxes.Guarneri, The Utopian Alternative, pg. 231. The group opened an office in Rochester in May and attempted to aid its member Associations through cooperative purchasing of supplies and coordinating trade of the products of each. The AIU soon was forced to terminate due to the rapid collapse of its member phalanxes, however, although the idea behind the organization made a lasting impression on prominent Fourierist leaders.
On April 19, 1920, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and the Metal Mine Workers Industrial Union called for a strike in the mines around Butte. They hoped the strike would help secure higher wages, an eight- hour day, and end the use of the rustling card, a system that allowed employers to blacklist employees involved in union organizing, among other goals. The strike came at a weak point for the union movement in Butte. World War I had undermined the power of the Butte Miners Union and the mines around the town were open shops.
In the elections received the support of the Association of Industrialists and entrepreneurs, the agro-industrial Union region, stood as the successor to Boris Nemtsov. Despite this, shortly after the election announced conducted by the predecessor policy is wrong, and "the only political force on which he focuses," called mayor Yuriy Luzhkov. Positioning itself as a "good Manager", Sklyarov seeks to maximize the participation in the management of the region's economy. Most notable was a project of creation on the basis of the Kstovo refinery regional oil refining company on the model of "Moscow oil company".
The IWW lumber strike of 1917 led to the eight-hour day and vastly improved working conditions in the Pacific Northwest. Though mid-century historians would give credit to the US Government and "forward thinking lumber magnates" for agreeing to such reforms, an IWW strike forced these concessions. From 1913 through the mid-1930s, the IWW's Marine Transport Workers Industrial Union (MTWIU), proved a force to be reckoned with and competed with AFL unions for ascendance in the industry. Given the union's commitment to international solidarity, its efforts and success in the field come as no surprise.
The Trade Union Unity League (TUUL) was an industrial union umbrella organization under the Communist Party of the United States (CPUSA) between 1929 and 1935. The group was an American affiliate of the Red International of Labor Unions. The formation of the TUUL was the result of the Communist International's Third Period policy, which ordered affiliated Communist Parties to pursue a strategy of dual unionism and thus abandon attempts at "bore from within" existing trade unions. TUUL unions aimed to organize semi- skilled and unskilled workers, many whom had been expelled from the American Federation of Labor (AFL).
In 1914 and 1915, factional differences within the Finnish Socialist Federation erupted and led to a split of the federation. This controversy was a reprise of a similar fight which had swept the Socialist Party of America in 1912 and 1913, over the issues of syndicalism and sabotage and the party's relationship to the radical industrial union, the Industrial Workers of the World. The constructive socialist Eastern District, centered around the newspaper Raivaaja, named a slate of candidates for the Executive Committee of the Federation in the 1914 referendum election. Apparently supported by a moderate group then heading the newspaper Työmies, the Raivaaja group was elected in its entirety.
L.W. Rogers with his fellow officers of the American Railway Union: Elliott, Keliher, Hogan, Burns, Goodwin, and Debs. McHenry County Courthouse and Jail in Woodstock, Illinois as they appear today. As a veteran trade unionist and railway worker, Rogers found the 1894 establishment of the American Railway Union (ARU) by former Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen official Eugene V. Debs to be irresistible — an attempt to create an industrial union joining workers in the myriad of railway crafts into a centralized and therefore powerful organization. Rogers became active in the ARU, was named to the organization's 7 member Executive Board, and was appointed editor of the organization's weekly newspaper, Railway Times.
Apart from its presence in New York, the union also established a stronghold in Chicago. In 1935 the Fur Workers Industrial Union merged back into the International Fur Workers Union of the United States and Canada. The merger was preceded by a meeting in Toronto, Ontario, Canada at which the left and right wings of the fur workers movement reconciled and opted for a united front. A mass meeting of 5,000 members of the International Fur Workers Union of the United States and Canada was held in New York in June 1935, defying the AFL president Green by voting to continue merger efforts with the dissident union.
The National Winding and General Engineers' Society was a trade union in the United Kingdom. It primarily represented stationary engineers employed at underground coal mines to operate the winding engines which ran the mining hoists. The operation of the mining hoist was a crucial part of the operation of a colliery and the engineers who ran them were generally more skilled than the general mineworkers, who were represented by the Miners' Federation of Great Britain (MFGB). The demarcation between engineers and miners often led to conflict between the two unions, as the MFGB aimed to be an industrial union, representing all employees in coal mining.
Gerard was elected a vice president of the AFL-CIO in 2001, elected to the AFL-CIO Executive Council in 2001, and appointed to serve on the labor federation's Executive Committee in February 2003. He was instrumental in the formation of the AFL-CIO Industrial Union Council, and was named chair of the AFL-CIO's Public Policy Committee in March 2005. He also is a member of the Apollo Alliance, a group which works toward North American energy independence and cleaner and more efficient energy alternatives, and is co-chair of the board of directors of the Blue Green Alliance"Commissioners: Leo W. Gerard." National Commission on Energy Policy.
It was in this period also that the ADG finalised rate cards for directors' fees. And while directors’ contracts had also been drafted, the ability to negotiate with producers for their implementation still remained a stumbling block. In 2014, following discussions with MEAA and SPAA, the ADG received unanimous support from its members for the constitutional changes necessary for registration as an industrial union. The ADG continued to maintain a focus on directors’ creative and craft issues through seminars and discussion screenings in capital cities, at its national conference, and in collaboration with a range of other industry organisations, educational institutions and film festivals.
By the spring of 1903 the WFM was the most militant labor organization in the country.Colorado's War on Militant Unionism, James H. Peabody and the Western Federation of Miners, George G. Suggs, Jr., 1972, page 15. In 1902, another significant industrial union, the AFL-affiliated United Mine Workers of America (UMWA), turned away from the significant power and challenge of industrial unionism to embrace collective bargaining and business unionism, during a strike in the eastern coal fields. John Mitchell began organizing the anthracite region of Pennsylvania in 1898, more than two decades after the Molly Maguires trials had cleared unions out of the region.
In 1922, Marion Dutton Savage cataloged the disadvantages of craft unionism, as observed by industrial union advocates. These included "distressingly frequent disputes between different craft unions" over jurisdiction; modern industry results in a constant process of phasing out old skills; one trade doing the struck work of another entity is a frequent dilemma; expiration of contracts can be staggered, hindering coordination of strikes. Industrial unionists observe that craft union members are more often required by their contracts to cross the picket lines established by workers in other unions. Likewise, in a strike of (for example) coal miners, unionized railroad workers may be required by their contracts to haul "scab" coal.
An anti-union cartoon depicting labor union infighting in 1912, published in The American Employer. The cartoon apparently struck a positive chord with at least one union.Employers have rarely failed to notice divisions or disputes among labor unions, and in 1912 The American Employer contracted for and gleefully reproduced a cartoon depicting the labor scene chaos of the period. Curiously, the Detroit IWW (which had been expelled from the Chicago IWW four years earlier, and would soon change its name to the Workers' International Industrial Union) editorialized that the cartoon was accurate from an industrial unionism point of view, stating (according to The American Employer),A.
In 1912, he broke with the IWW leadership over strike tactics and the alleged misuse of funds collected for the "Bread and Roses" strike in Lawrence, Massachusetts. In 1913, Trautmann joined the so-called yellow IWW created by the Socialist Labor Party, which later became the Workers' International Industrial Union (WIIU), as a "full-time propagandist."Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All, A History of the Industrial Workers of the World, University of Illinois Press Abridged, 2000, page 60 In 1922, Trautmann published a novel, Riot, drawing on his experiences as an IWW activist during the Pressed Steel Car Strike of 1909 in McKees Rocks (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania).
Reinhard Sommer (born 13 July 1921) is a former German trade union leader. Born in Köppelsdorf, in Thuringia, Sommer completed an apprenticeship as a locksmith and machine fitter, then worked as a mechanic until 1941, when he was called up for military service. He joined the Luftwaffe, eventually becoming a Non-Commissioned Officer, but was taken prisoner. He escaped shortly before the end of the war, and returned to Thuringia, working as a locksmith. In 1945, Sommer joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), and a trade union which soon became part of the Industrial Union of Metal (IG Metall), itself part of the Free German Trade Union Federation (FDGB).
In 1895, he enthusiastically led the council into the Industrial Union of Employers and Employed, although this did not get widespread support from trade unions, and soon collapsed. Hobson was a supporter of the Labour Electoral Association, and the Sheffield Labour Association, which supported working men as Liberal- Labour candidates. He was elected to Sheffield Town Council in 1887, representing St George's ward, and also to the Sheffield School Board in 1893, and the Board of Guardians in 1894. He was proposed as a candidate for the 1894 Sheffield Attercliffe by-election, although this was opposed by much of the Liberal Party, who did not want a worker as a candidate.
220 Organized labor had come to the lumber industry and the over the next few years, several more strikes and organizing efforts would slowly wear down the employers' opposition to union recognition. Angered by the lack of militancy and support displayed by the AFL during the 1935 strike, lumber workers began to reject the conservative craft unionism of the AFL and in 1937, the International Woodworkers of America (IWA) was formed as an industrial union under the newly created Congress of Industrial Organizations.Ficken, pg. 221 Under the guidance of the CIO and the IWA, the lumber workers won increased wages and benefits, and perhaps most significantly union recognition.
The Great Depression had taken its effect on the industry, creating rising unemployment and falling wage rates. Additionally, demand for luxury cigars fell and manufacturers around the country shifted to increased production of cheap cigars that could be made by machine and sold for as little as five cents each. Despite this, Tampa's cigar makers resisted change by defending wage scales and traditional work practices. By 1931 they rejected the conservative Cigar Makers' International Union, which was an affiliate of the American Federation of Labor, and 5,000 of them poured into the Tobacco Workers Industrial Union, an affiliate of the Trade Union Unity League of the Communist Party.
He worked to increase union membership, represented the union at inquiries into the Gresford disaster, and led a largely unsuccessful five-week strike at Bersham. He managed to gradually build up a branch at Point of Ayr, leading eventually to the dissolution of the rival Point of Ayr Industrial Union. The NWMA was part of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, and in 1944 this became the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), with the NWMA becoming its North Wales Area. This meant less autonomy, but Jones came to greater national prominence, winning election to the national executive committee of the NUM, on which he was known as a right-winger.
The strike occurred during construction of the Heavy cruiser USS Tuscaloosa. By the summer of 1933, wages and conditions in the port were considered unsatisfactory due to the increased cost of living and lack of support by the American Federation of Labor. The Industrial Union of Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of America offered assistance, being organized by local left-wing and social workers in the area. By 1934, it had expanded and represented a quarter of a million members. The workers went on strike on March 27, 1934, demanding an increase in wages and fewer working hours. Around 3,100 men took part in the action.
Massa had been elected mayor on the FpV slate, and had served in a number of high-ranking posts in the administrations of both Cristina Kirchner and her predecessor and husband, the late Néstor Kirchner. His relationship with the Kirchners had been a difficult one, however, and though polling gave him better prospects running for Congress under the FpV party list than on a separate slate, Massa ultimately opted to form his own Frente Renovador (Renewal Front) ticket with the support of the 'Group of 8' Buenos Aires Province Mayors and others, notably former Argentine Industrial Union president José Ignacio de Mendiguren (an ally of Kirchnerism).
He was a Mexican trade union and political leader, member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party and governor of Queretaro from 1979 to 1985. Rafael Camacho Guzmán began his political career as leader of the Industrial Union of Workers and Television and Radio Artists (SITATYR), which placed as one of the most prominent of the Confederation of Workers of Mexico and very close to Fidel Velazquez leaders, this allowed him to occupy various positions of popular election among which are the Senator in 1976 and Governor of Querétaro in 1979. During his administration he held various public works such as the Estadio La Corregidora and highways of the Sierra Gorda.
Those CP-led unions not only fended off Schultz's gangsters, but thrived, and became dominant within the AFL Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees union in New York when they affiliated with it several years later. The Maritime Workers Industrial Union did not survive the Third Period, but it left its mark. Sailors and longshoremen had a tradition of radical politics and more or less spontaneous job actions; the IWW had been particularly active in both east and west coast ports up through the 1920s. The MWIU organized occasional strikes, attacked the inadequate relief provided for unemployed workers by the YMCA and other groups, and distributed the MWIU's newspapers.
The PIEUA was formed on 6 December 1916 through the merger of several state-based affiliates of the Australasian Typographical Union - the New South Wales Typographical Association, the Queensland Typographical Association, the West Australian Typographical Industrial Union and the South Australian Typographical Association. The impetus for amalgamation was a desire to seek an award under the federal arbitration system, which was achieved in the following year. In its early years the PIEUA primarily represented compositors - skilled tradesmen responsible for typesetting, who formed an 'aristocracy of labour' within the printing industry. Soon after its formation, however, the PIEUA began expanding its industrial remit to cover a broader range of workers.
As a result, he was chosen to execute a highly publicized series of murals painted in Maryland about Harriet Tubman and the Underground Railroad. The central mural, which depicted Tubman carrying a musket, was ultimately rejected by the Associated Black Charities (for whom it was intended) for its controversial association with gun violence. Alewitz has also organized cultural initiatives for unions and progressive organizations such as the United Mine Workers; Jobs with Justice; Teamsters; Oil, Chemical and Atomic Workers Union; and the United Farm Workers. He taught labor history at Rutgers University, where he was Artist-in-Residence for the NJ Industrial Union Council.
The images of four men on the gates represent friendship and the four walls create a skyline profile that references the one seen when looking at the plant. The cats are in recognition that the animals were dumped in the area. The relevant trade unions associated with steel manufacture are acknowledged by their initials, incorporated into one wall. Among them are the Federated Ironworkers' Association of Australia, the Maritime Union of Australia, the Transport Workers Union of Australia, the Electrical Trades Union of Australia, the Building Workers Industrial Union, the Operative Painters and Decorators Union, the Federated Clerks Union of Australia, the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union.
After a few years of police brutality and several demonstrations, the JMLA won concessions from the American Beet Sugar Company growers of Oxnard and fell apart afterwards. In 1933, the Latino beet picking labor force decided to join the Cannery and Agricultural Workers Industrial Union (CAWIU) to gain a 50% increase in wages (35 cents an hour), eliminate the use of labor contractors, and gain free transportation to work, weekly paydays, and eight-hour work days. When the American Beet Sugar Company rejected their demands, the local Latino community marched with the beet pickers ("betabeleros") in a strike. The ACLU and International Defense Council soon joined the effort.
The repertoire of the movement consists mainly in revolutionary songs and those of the working class of different nations. Among registered members of individual committees (distinguished by region, industrial union, and other criterion) of the singing voice of Japan is favored to create new songs and choral pieces in the genre suited to the needs of their group. According to the program adopted in 2013, the National Council of the singing voice of Japan aims the objective to include 500 units and choral circles allover the national territory of Japan.Program adopted at the 46 th National Congress of The Singing Voice of Japan (2013).
The German Agricultural Workers' Union (, DLV) was a trade union representing agricultural and forestry workers in Germany. From 1890, agricultural workers in Germany were represented by the Union of Factory, Agricultural and Commercial Support Workers in Germany, a general union. However, that organisation wished to move towards becoming an industrial union, and the General Commission of German Trade Unions felt it would be better for agricultural workers to have their own organisation. The Union of Agricultural, Forest and Vineyard Workers of Germany was founded in 1909, under the leadership of Georg Schmidt, who had previously been the leader of the small Union of Gardeners and Nursery Workers.
Dubofsky and Van Tine's claims, however, are often ad hominem, repetitious, and unspecific. Phelan's claim relies heavily on the short biography in Fink, Biographical Dictionary of American Labor, 1984, which does not claim that Tobin was an ardent craft unionist along the lines of William Hutcheson. In many ways, the Teamsters were already an industrial union, with wide diversity in membership, and Tobin advocated a moderate line toward industrial unionism in part to defend his own union. When the AFL Executive Council proposed in July 1935 suspending the unions which had formed the Committee for Industrial Organization, Tobin argued that the Executive Council lacked the authority to do so.
Shortest Straw: CPUSA in Labor Organizing, Master's Thesis. Published by CSU Pomona Library, June 2010 Unable to persuade the AFL to charter an international union of agricultural workers and increasingly drawn to the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) industrial union structure, Henderson and representatives from locals throughout the country met in Denver in July 1937 to form UCAPAWA, which promptly received a charter from the CIO. Part of the reason behind its founding was to address the concerns of agricultural laborers and their counterparts in packing and canning during the Great Depression. The UCAPAWA represented multi-cultural workers from Mexicans in sugar beet to black sharecroppers in Arkansas and Missouri.
On 23 November, the striking workers held a protest march along Darlinghurst Road through Kings Cross to the El Alamein Fountain. A "shoving duel" between demonstrators and "heavies" took place as they passed the Pink Panther. The march was addressed by state Labor MP George Petersen, federal Building Workers' Industrial Union secretary Pat Clancy and the federal organiser of Actors Equity, N. Kirkpatrick. Clancy announced that he would request that the Australian Council of Trade Unions support the state black ban on the clubs, and Petersen told media that "it is incredible that these clubs are allowed to operate under conditions that are illegal".
Florida President Natasha Patterson and Don Maston In 1920, a secession from the NRLCA resulted in the forming of the National Federation of Rural Letter Carriers. The National Alliance of Postal Employees was formed in 1913 by black employees of the Railway Mail Service. Although the Union was organized to prevent the elimination of blacks from the railway mail service, in 1923, the NAPE became the first industrial union in the United States when it opened its membership to any postal employee who desired to join, regardless of race, sex, creed or religion. The NAPE allowed membership to all eligible postal employees of all crafts, rural carriers included.
Debs declined to participate in the AIU, asserting his continued allegiance to the American Railway Union and casting its future prospects in highly optimistic terms. The AIU patterned itself after the American Railway Union but with a goal of establishing national labor bureaus throughout the United States and seeing to the implementation of the 8-hour day by September 1, 1897."A New Venture: American Industrial Union, the Latest Labor Society, Born in Chicago," Belvidere [IL] Standard, April 24, 1895, pg. 2. The preamble to the organization's constitution called for expansion of the principle of cooperation, the establishment of postal savings banks, and universal suffrage for women.
No political party was endorsed, with union members encourage to continue to support the candidates and parties of their own choosing."Labor's New Organization: Aims and Expectations of the American Industrial Union," Edwardsville [IL] Intelligencer, May 3, 1895, pg. 2. The AIU rather fantastically claimed a membership of 5,000 at the time of its launch, with most of its adherents said to come from the ranks of telegraphers. A more reasonable estimate may be extrapolated from another contemporary press report indicating a membership of about 300 for Local Union No. 1, the first and most important chapter of the organization, which ultimately had three locals in Chicago.
The Australian Coal and Shale Employees' Federation (often known as the Miners' Federation of Australia) was an Australian trade union representing workers in the coal mining industry from 1913 to 1990. It was first federally registered in 1913 as the Australasian Coal Miners' Association and changed its name to the Australasian Coal and Shale Employees' Federation in 1916. It "traces its descent in an unbroken line" from the Amalgamated Miners' Association, formed in 1874. In 1919, it joined the short-lived One Big Union, the Workers' Industrial Union of Australia, as its Mining Department, amending its constitution but retaining its separate industrial registration; the WIUA had ceased to exist by 1921.
The IWW was officially founded in Chicago, Illinois in June 1905. A convention was held of 200 socialists, anarchists, Marxists (primarily members of the Socialist Party of America and Socialist Labor Party of America), and radical trade unionists from all over the United States (mainly the Western Federation of Miners) who strongly opposed the policies of the American Federation of Labor (AFL). The IWW opposed the American Federation of Labor's acceptance of capitalism and its refusal to include unskilled workers in craft unions. The convention had taken place on June 24, 1905, and was referred to as the "Industrial Congress" or the "Industrial Union Convention".
In 1908 a group led by Daniel DeLeon argued that political action through DeLeon's Socialist Labor Party (SLP) was the best way to attain the IWW's goals. The other faction, led by Vincent Saint John, William Trautmann, and Big Bill Haywood, believed that direct action in the form of strikes, propaganda, and boycotts was more likely to accomplish sustainable gains for working people; they were opposed to arbitration and to political affiliation. Haywood's faction prevailed, and De Leon and his supporters left the organization, forming their own version of the IWW. The SLP's "Yellow IWW" eventually took the name Workers' International Industrial Union, which was disbanded in 1924.
Leading figures such as Frank Cedervall, who had helped build the branch up for over ten years, were concerned about the possibility of raiding from AFL-CIO unions if the IWW had its legal status as a union revoked. In 1950, Cedervall led the 1500-member MMWIU national organization to split from the IWW, as the Lumber Workers Industrial Union had almost thirty years earlier. Unfortunately for the MMWIU, this act would not save it. Despite its brief affiliation with the Congress of Industrial Organizations, it would face serious raiding from AFL and CIO and would be defunct by the late 1950s, less than ten years after separating from the IWW.
After graduating in 1956, Kohl became a fellow at the Alfred Weber Institute of Heidelberg University under Dolf Sternberger where he was an active member of the student society AIESEC. In 1958, Kohl received his doctorate degree in history for his dissertation Die politische Entwicklung in der Pfalz und das Wiedererstehen der Parteien nach 1945 ("The Political Developments in the Palatinate and the Reconstruction of Political Parties after 1945"), under the supervision of the historian Walther Peter Fuchs. After that, Kohl entered business, first as an assistant to the director of a foundry in Ludwigshafen, then, in April 1960, as a manager for the Industrial Union for Chemistry in Ludwigshafen.
Under his leadership, it survived through a decline to only 2,300 members in 1898, and changed its name to the General Union of Weavers and Textile Workers the following year. Now seeing itself as an industrial union accepting as members all workers in the industry, this marked the start of rapid growth. Membership rose to 4,500 in 1910, of which almost half were women - unusual for a union of the period - then to 13,400 in 1914, when it became the "General Union of Textile Workers", and 64,000 by 1918. In 1922, the union merged with the National Society of Dyers and Finishers and the Yeadon, Guiseley and District Factory Workers' Union, forming the National Union of Textile Workers.
Terence Powderly, Grand Master Workman of the Knights of Labor during its meteoric rise and precipitous decline. In 1869, Uriah Smith Stephens, James L. Wright, and a small group of Philadelphia tailors founded a secret organization known as the Noble Order of the Knights of Labor. The collapse of the National Labor Union in 1873 left a vacuum for workers looking for organization. The Knights became better organized with a national vision when they replaced Stephens with Terence V. Powderly. The body became popular with Pennsylvania coal miners during the economic depression of the mid-1870s, then it grew rapidly.Ware, (1929) pp 23- 37 The KOL was a diverse industrial union open to all workers.
In 1947, the Taft–Hartley Act became law. One of its provisions required union leaders to file affidavits with the United States Department of Labor declaring that they were not supporters of the Communist Party and had no relationship with any organization seeking the "overthrow of the United States government by force or by any illegal or unconstitutional means", to which MESA acquiesced. The prevailing Red Scare, which began in 1947 and coincided with a period of McCarthyism, put a damper on popular support for radical unions like the Mechanics. In 1954, MESA absorbed the Metal and Machinery Workers Industrial Union (MMWIU), which had previously been affiliated with the Industrial Workers of the World.
Hagerty was not long in moving outside of the Socialist Party's orbit altogether, changing the focus of his efforts to the construction of new radical industrial unions. In 1904 Hagerty took a position as editor of a short-lived monthly publication of the American Labor Union called Voice of Labor, through which he gave voice to his ideas about organization of workers in industry. It was in this capacity as a leading union magazine editor of the day that Hagerty was invited early in January 1905 as one of 23 industrial union activists from 9 organizations to a secret Chicago conference for the planning of a new national union.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The IWW: A Study of American Syndicalism.
Ultimately, it was believed that enough individual unions could be won over that the entire trade union movement could be moved in a socialist direction. Others rejected the existing network of craft unions as hopelessly reactionary bureaucracies, sometimes outright criminal in their administration, but never able to see beyond their own narrow and isolated concerns of wages, hours, recognition, and jurisdiction. A completely new, explicitly socialist industrial union structure was required, these individuals believed, an organization established on a broad basis uniting workers of different crafts in common cause. This new organization would gain the support of the working class when average workers at the bench witnessed the superiority of its form of organization and ideas in actual practice.
During the period in which he was excluded from the ILGWU, Zimmerman was influential in establishing the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union, a dual union sponsored by the Communist Party's Trade Union Unity League (TUUL) and affiliated with the Red International of Labor Unions (RILU).Alexander, The Right Opposition, pg. 45. Zimmerman's expulsion from the Communist Party in 1929 led to his expulsion from the NTWIU in 1930, paving his way for a return to ILGWU Local 22 shortly thereafter. Zimmerman was three times a candidate for elective political office, running in Bronx County for New York State Assembly in 1925, 1926, and 1928 on the ticket of the Workers (Communist) Party.
The group also changed tactics: instead of campaigning for trade unions to voluntarily dissolve themselves into a new industrial union, it aimed to recruit workers directly into local groups of the organisation until it had sufficient numbers to form genuine industrial unions.Branko Pribićević, The Shop Stewards' Movement and Workers' Control 1910-1922 Even before the name change, the group had received some support in three large factories: Singer's Sewing Machine Company in Clydebank, the Argyll Motor Works in Alexandria and the Albion Motor Works in Scotstoun, all near Glasgow. By the end of the decade, the group claimed a membership of 4,000 at Singer's alone.Tom Bell, Pioneering Days In early 1911, a woman working at Singer's was dismissed.
In the United States shortly after 1900, there were few effective employers' organizations that opposed the union movement. By 1903, these organizations started to coalesce, and a national employers' movement began to exert a powerful influence on industrial relations and public affairs.Colorado's War on Militant Unionism, James H. Peabody and the Western Federation of Miners, George G. Suggs, Jr., 1972, page 65-66. For nearly a decade prior to 1903, an industrial union called the Western Federation of Miners (WFM) had been increasing in power, militancy, and radicalism in response to dangerous working conditions, the imposition of long hours of work, and what members perceived as an imperious attitude on the part of employers.
As of 2012, the company had thousands of workers at 12 major facilities in the United States, in states such as Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania. All non-salary employees in North America, with the exception of the Dofasco facility in Hamilton, Ontario, are represented by the United Steelworkers union, the largest industrial union in North America. Also, at the time around 100,000 of the company's 260,000 employees were in Europe. As of 31 December 2013, the company employed over 232,000 people, of which 37% were in the EU, with a further 16% in non-EU European countries, 17% in Asia, 16% in North America, the remainder split between South America and the Middle East and Africa.
While the IWW was a spent force after that strike, syndicalist thinking remained popular on the docks. Longshoremen and sailors on the West Coast also had contacts with an Australian syndicalist movement that called itself the "One Big Union" formed after the defeat of a general strike there in 1917. The Communist Party had also been active in the area in the late 1920s, seeking to organize all categories of maritime workers into a single union, the Maritime Workers Industrial Union (MWIU), as part of the drive during the Third Period to create revolutionary unions. The MWIU never made much headway on the West Coast, but it did attract a number of former IWW members and foreign-born militants.
In the 1930s there was a vast amount of labor strikes that occurred within California specifically about agriculture known as the California Agricultural Strike 1933. The strikers were organized under the Cannery and Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union (CAWIU), a labor organization affiliated with the Communist party. Many of the strikers/workers were of the minority background, such as Mexicans and Filipinos.Garden of the World: Asian Immigrants and the Making of Agriculture in California's Santa Clara Valley By Cecilia M. Tsu, Oxford University Press, USA, June 1, 2013 A primary reason for the strikes were that workers were demanding for increased wages as the standard wage of the average cherry picker was 20 cents per hour.
In 1934, an opposition group known as the Rank and File Movement formed within the AA. A number of militant local affiliates had sprung up across the nation or had joined existing lodges in large enough numbers to elect their own, militant leaders. The locals coalesced into the Rank and File Movement and challenged the conservative leadership to act, demanding that the AA reorganize along industrial union lines. At the AA national convention in late April, the Rank and File Movement forced through a resolution which committed the international to a nationwide strike on June 16, 1934, if the major steel employers did not recognize the union in every plant.Brody, 'Origins...' 1987, p.
Attendees included Dick Russell (author of The Man Who Knew Too Much), Don DeLillo (Libra and Underworld), Kevin Coogan (Dreamer of the Day), G. Gordon Liddy (Will) and others. At the time, Hougan was helping Mailer in his research for what became Mailer's CIA novel, Harlot's Ghost. And while Mailer referred to these informal gatherings – drinks and dinner – as "meetings," the affairs had more in common with those of a salon than of an actual "club.""The Old Man and the Novel" by Scott Spencer, The New York Times, Sept. 22, 1991 In early 1991, Hougan was retained as a private investigator by AFL-CIO's Industrial Union Department (IUD) and by the United Steelworkers of America (USWA).
The All-Russian Executive Committee of the Union of Railwaymen (Russian: Всероссийский исполнительный комитет железнодорожного профсоюза), commonly known in English by its Cyrillic acronym, Vikzhel, was the governing body of an industrial union established in revolutionary Russia during the summer of 1917. Inclined towards syndicalism and standing as one of the most radical Russian unions of the period, Vikzhel played a decisive role in stymying the attempted Kornilov coup in August 1917. At the time of the October Revolution Vikzhel was the largest and best organized union in Russia. Simultaneously but independent of the Bolshevik Party's seizure of state power, Vikzhel would seize control of Russia's railways in the fall of 1917.
Following the overthrow of Tsarism in the February Revolution of 1917, workers found no governmental obstacles to their self- organization into labor unions. Railway workers were in the front ranks of this effort, rapidly unionizing themselves as the All-Russian Union of Railwaymen at a convention held in Moscow on April 6, 1917 (O.S.). The 200 delegates to this gathering decided to establish themselves as a single industry-wide industrial union rather than as an alliance of specialized craft unions organizing workers based upon their specific tasks. A decentralized structure was agreed upon, which had the benefit of fostering local initiative but at the expense of united national action. The organizational conference set July 15, 1917 (O.
In the United States shortly after 1900, there were few effective employers' organizations that opposed the union movement. By 1903, these organizations started to coalesce, and a national employers' movement began to exert a powerful influence on industrial relations and public affairs.Colorado's War on Militant Unionism, James H. Peabody and the Western Federation of Miners, George G. Suggs, Jr., 1972, page 65-66. For nearly a decade prior to 1903, an industrial union called the Western Federation of Miners (WFM) had been increasing in power, militancy, and radicalism as a response to dangerous working conditions, employer-employee inequality, the imposition of long hours of work, and what members perceived as an imperious attitude on the part of employers.
In NSW the Printing Trade Women and Girls' Union was absorbed in May 1917 (on the proviso that they would not 'accept employment in the sections of the Industry now covered by male labor'), while members of the moribund Cardboard Boxmakers' Union voted to merge with the PIEUA in 1919. In 1888 the Western Australian Typographical Society formed. This union changed its name in 1900 to the Western Australian Typographical Industrial Union of Workers and became the Western Australian branch of the Printing Industries Employees Union of Australia in 1916. The formation of the Victorian branch of the PIEUA only occurred in 1921 due to disputes between the small craft unions in the printing trade.
The National Labor Relations Act was signed into law by President Franklin D. Roosevelt on July 5, 1935. The Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) formed as a caucus within the American Federation of Labor on November 8, 1935. The CIO was intent on organizing all workers in a plant (a philosophy known as industrial unionism), while the AFL supported organizing only highly skilled workers along job lines (known as craft unionism). In order to avoid antagonizing the AFL but eager to begin an organizing drive in steel along industrial union lines, the CIO resolved to work through the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers ("the AA"), a nearly defunct steel union organized along craft lines.
Alan R. Griffin, A History of the Nottinghamshire Miners, Part I, p.64 In 1926, at the height of the General Strike, General Secretary George Alfred Spencer on behalf of the Nottinghamshire Miners Association, negotiated a deal with the local mine owners at the request of miners from the Digby pit near Eastwood, Nottinghamshire in Nottinghamshire. However, this brought him into conflict with the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, who wished to see the strike continue. Unhappy with the influence of the MFGB, Spencer led a breakaway from the NMA, supported by moderates such as John Hancock, setting up the Nottinghamshire and District Miners' Industrial Union (NMIU) based mostly in The Dukeries.
Guide to the Brice P. Disque Papers 1899-1957 The Four L was organized after opposition to the Spruce Production Division by the IWW's Lumber Workers Industrial Union, which had declared an industry-wide strike in the summer of 1917, latching onto the momentum of the many spontaneous strikes that were occurring. The goal of the Four L was to counter the IWW as the union of lumber workers by fostering a spirit of patriotism. The Four L required its members to sign a loyalty oath to the United States and no-strike agreements. The Four L was headed, at first, by army officers, and all 28,000 soldiers of the Spruce Production Division became members.
The Industrial Union of Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of America (IUMSWA) was an American labor union which existed between 1933 and 1988. The IUMSWA was first organised at the New York Shipbuilding Corporation shipyard in Camden, New Jersey. From here it slowly spread to a number of other private shipyards in the Northeast, gaining representation at the Staten Island shipyard in 1936 and the Federal Shipyard in 1937, as well as a range of other smaller ship repair yards in the New York area. The IUMSWA's industrial coverage of all production workers in the shipbuilding industry brought it into conflict with established craft unions, such as the boilermakers, leading the IUMSWA to be refused an AFL charter in 1933.
The board quickly cleared away its business: Maurer was reelected president, and Fannia Cohn was elected vice president. The board and Muste then spent several days discussing the future of Brookwood Labor College, the CPLA, the economic situation, and the best political response to take to the depression. Mark Starr led the group criticizing Muste. Many board members also expressed criticism of Tippett, who like Muste had moved away from a commitment to broad educational goals and toward a concept of Brookwood as a strike organizer training center for a nascent labor party and industrial union center. Muste offered a resolution to have Brookwood begin training a "revolutionary vanguard", but the board rejected the measure 15 to 4.
Working conditions in tobacco factories of Richmond, Virginia were very poor in the 1920s and 1930s, with two writers stating that conditions had "changed very little since the days of slavery."Fletcher, Bill, Jr., and Peter Agard. The Indispensable Ally: Black Workers and the Formation of the CIO. The Dispatcher, February 2000 These writers also claimed that Tobacco Workers International Union (TWIU) in Richmond at that time was "entirely ineffective and openly collaborated with the employers." Eventually, in 1937, the “Southern Negro Youth Congress”, a wing of the CIO's National Negro Congress, established the Tobacco Stemmers' and Laborers' Industrial Union (TSLIU) in Richmond, and these unionization efforts spread to other local workplaces.
He became one of its most prominent speakers, travelling the country to address meetings, in particular during the London building workers' strike of 1914. Later that year, he was a founder of the Building Workers' Industrial Union (BWIU), and was elected as its first general secretary. He was also elected as co-president of the First International Syndicalist Congress, held in London in 1913, but his position as a councillor proved controversial, and he agreed to resign in order that the congress could move to discuss other matters. Wills remained on the local council, where he became a leader of the left-wing of the Labour group, often coming into conflict with Alfred Salter, the Labour group's overall leader.
That was the fate of an IWW branch in Great Falls, Montana, in 1912. Other local organizations were forced to disaffiliate from the IWW, as did the Metal and Machinery Workers Industrial Union No. 440 in Cleveland, Ohio during the 1930s, when they elected to sign a contract with an employer. During the 1927 coal strike in Colorado, a challenge to the policy of refusing union recognition came from within the IWW, when IWW organizer Tom Conners replaced A. S. Embree, who had been jailed for violating the state's anti-picketing policy. After a very successful strike that depleted the state's coal reserves, Conners foresaw the possibility of the State Industrial Commission recognizing the IWW.
The Construction and General Division was formed in the early 1990s with the creation of the national CFMEU. The creation of a single building union had been a policy objective of various building unions for decades with records showing the Queensland Branch of the Operative Painters and Decorators Union (OPDU) carried resolutions calling for a single industry union to be created as early as the 1920s. The rationale behind this policy position was the logical view that members would be better represented by a larger industry- based union rather than the traditional craft unions. The largest amalgamating union, the Building Workers' Industrial Union (BWIU) was itself the result of numerous amalgamations over several decades between 1946 and 1992.
180px The CFMMEU Forestry and Furnishing Products Division was first registered as a Federal Organisation 21 August 1907, as the Federated Sawmill, Timber-yard and Woodworkers Employees Association of Australasia. The Union's name was changed in 1913 to the Amalgamated Timber Workers Union of Australia, and again in 1918 to the Australian Timber Workers Union. In late 1990 a ballot was conducted by members of the Australian Timber Workers Union and the Pulp and Paper Workers Federation of Australia endorsing the amalgamation of both Unions to form the Australian Timber and Allied Industries Union. Another ballot was conducted in mid-1991 on the amalgamation between the Australian Timber and Allied Industries Union and the Building Workers Industrial Union.
Volition for a formation of an industrial union uniting all branches of the railroad industry began in the early 1890s with the failure of an attempt at loose federation of several railway brotherhoods by Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen Secretary- Treasurer and Locomotive Firemen's Magazine editor Eugene V. Debs. A new union bringing together all railway workers, regardless of craft or service, was constructed in a series of meetings held in Chicago, Illinois,Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, p. 277. beginning with a four- hour session held at the Leland Hotel on February 9 and 10, 1893."Call It the American Railway Union: The New Organization Will Endeavor to Abandon Strike Methods," Chicago Daily Tribune, vol.
1999-2003 was his first term as a deputy in the National Assembly (electoral district # 63) where he served first on the NA Standing Committee on Social, Health Care and Environmental Protection Affairs and later on the National Assembly Standing Committee on Foreign Relations. He was first a member of the Stability Deputy Group and later People's Agricultural and Industrial Union. From 2003-2007 he was a deputy in the NA (electoral district #49). He was a member of the NA Standing Committee on Financial-Credit, Budgetary and Economic Affairs. Head of the Ad-hoc Committee on Determining the Options for the Savings Deposits of Citizens of the Republic of Armenia in “Armsberbank.” He was the head of the Rule of Law Faction.
Despite the name of the organization, membership was not exclusively limited to brakemen but rather was more akin in nature to that of an industrial union, including among its ranks locomotive engineers, as well as thousands of trackmen and shop workers. The organization seems to have been strongest in the Midwest, with a presence on virtually every railroad in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Its extreme secrecy makes total membership numbers of the Brakemen's Brotherhood unknown, but observers believed the organization had an extensive presence, with the Hornellsville Lodge No. 1 alone including approximately 150 members.Shelton Stromquist, "'Our Rights as Workingmen': Class Traditions and Collective Action in a Nineteenth-Century Railroad Town, Hornellsville, New York, 1869-82," in David O. Stowell (ed.), The Great Strikes of 1877.
When it is economically so far advanced that it can manufacture for itself, then protection should be used to allow the home industries to develop, and save them from being overpowered by the competition of stronger foreign industries in the home market. When the national industries have grown strong enough that this competition is not a threat, then the highest stage of progress has been reached; free trade should again become the rule, and the nation be thus thoroughly incorporated with the universal industrial union. What a nation loses in exchange during the protective period, it more than gains in the long run in productive power. The temporary expenditure is analogous to the cost of the industrial education of the individual.
The Lovestoneites were also active in the International Fur & Leather Workers Union. During most of their history in that union they were the major opposition element, first against the Old Guard socialist leadership under Samuel Schorr, and then the Communists under Ben Gold. During all their early campaigning within the American labor movements, the Lovestoneites had pushed for the abolition of the TUUL dual unions, such as the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union, and for those members to join the already established AFL groups. In 1935 the NTWIU was disbanded and the Lovestoneite group within the IFWU – the Furriers Progressive League—pushed for a resolution urging for the NTWIU members to be allowed into the union and new elections to take place.
The latter organized the Cantaloupe strike of 1928, in which workers demanded better working conditions and higher wages, but "the growers refused to budge and, as became a pattern, local authorities sided with the farmers and through harassment broke the strike." Communist-led organizations such as the Cannery and Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union (CAWIU) supported Mexican workers, renting spaces for cotton pickers during the cotton strikes of 1933 after they were thrown out of company housing by growers. Capitalist owners used "red-baiting" techniques to discredit the strikes through associating them with communists. Chicana and Mexican working women showed the greatest tendency to organize, particularly in the Los Angeles garment industry with the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, led by anarchist Rose Pesotta.
On the same day that the Crimea voted in a referendum to re-join Russia, pro-Russian demonstrations occurred in Donetsk, Kharkiv, Luhansk, Dnipropetrovsk, Odessa, and Mykolaiv. In Donetsk, protesters stormed the local SBU headquarters for the second day in a row, in addition to the local prosecutor's office and the headquarters of the Industrial Union of Donbass, owned by magnate and local Kyiv-appointed governor Serhiy Taruta. In Kharkiv, protesters marched through the city centre carrying a long Russian tricolor and demonstrated in front of the Consulate General of Poland, protesting against Western interference into Ukrainian affairs. Pro-Russian protesters in Kharkiv later broke into a Prosvita office stole Ukrainian- language books and then set them alight in small bonfires in the street.
He played with rugby league with the junior Balmain Tigers in 1936 and was also an amateur boxer. In 1937, he won 22s 6d in a professional fight at Leichhardt, which allowed him to afford a fare to Port Kembla where he was apprenticed as a bricklayer. The 1938-39 dispute over exporting pig-iron to Japan, and the 1940 strike, raised his political awareness. On 10 August 1940, he married machinist Alma May Thomas at St Francis Xavier's Catholic Church in Wollongong. Clancy joined the United Operative Bricklayers' Trade Union Society in 1941 and was elected to the committee in 1942. He became secretary of the South Coast district council of the Building Workers' Industrial Union (BWIU) in February 1943.
She began her career as a trade unionist as a teenager, initially as a member of the National Union of Printing, Bookbinding and Paper Workers. In 1972 she became assistant secretary of the Manchester branch of the print union SOGAT (Society of Graphical and Allied Trades), and became involved in negotiations over the introduction of new technology to the printing industry. Rising through the union hierarchy, she became President of SOGAT in 1983, and was elected as its General Secretary in 1985, becoming "the first woman elected to lead a major industrial union". She recognised the threats to her members' jobs of impending changes in the print industry, and, it later became clear, held private meetings with Rupert Murdoch in secret to discuss his plans.
In 1905 in the United States there was established the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), a revolutionary industrial union which sought to organize workers across all industries as a prelude for the socialist transformation of the economy. American Socialist Labor Party theoretician Daniel DeLeon was among the radical leaders who joined together to establish the new organisation—a group which included Eugene V. Debs of the Socialist Party of America and William "Big Bill" Haywood of the Western Federation of Miners. Parallel attempts to establish the IWW organisation were made in Canada, Australia, Great Britain, and elsewhere. The leadership of the Glasgow-based Socialist Labour Party was quick to follow the lead of DeLeon and the American SLP, giving hearty endorsement of the new IWW organisation.
On leaving the New Haven, Bardo accepted a position as vice president of the newly organized American Brown Boveri Electric Corporation, which had just acquired ownership of one of the largest American shipyards, the New York Shipbuilding Corporation of Camden, NJ. Bardo would serve as president of New York Shipbuilding until 1934, a period during which the company was challenged by the Depression, a shipbuilding drought, and labor unrest, That unrest led to a 47-day strike in the spring of 1934 and the founding of the Industrial Union of Marine and Shipbuilding Workers of America (IUMSWA). In 1929, he was the first witness called to testify before the Senate Naval Affairs Committee in an investigation into collusion in the awarding of Navy shipbuilding contracts.
This was a bitter loss for the workers and led to a three-week strike in which vigilante squads, the police and the Ku Klux Klan clashed with affiliates of the Trade Union Unity League of the Communist Party, a branch of the Tobacco Workers Industrial Union. The strike finally ended on December 15, 1931. The Lector, replaced by a radio, was never returned to the workplace. The significance of the 1931 Tampa Cigar Makers Strike is that despite a highly unionized workforce, and despite a constitutionally backed argument for the right to free speech, it spelled the end of an age-old, artisan privilege for the cigar workers who were falling prey to the new, industrial age setting in on the United States.
He married Eleanor Kearney, the youngest daughter of William Kinchen Kearney and Benjamin Hardee James Marie Alston Kearney, in 1860 and was the father of six children: Dr. William Kearney Carr, John Buxton Carr, Mary Elizabeth Carr, Elias Carr, Eleanor Kearney Carr, and Annie Bruce Carr. Carr was a member of the board of directors of Rocky Mount Mills, trustee of N.C. College of Agriculture and Mechanical Arts (today known as North Carolina State University), commissioner of the N.C. Geological Survey, agriculturist, and businessman. Carr became prominent as head of the state Farmers Alliance and Industrial Union (1889–1892). He was part of a more moderate or conservative faction of the Alliance that opposed splitting from Democrats to form a third party.
In the fall of 1945, Millis returned to the University of Chicago. He became senior adviser to the newly formed Industrial Relations Center, and (with former student Emily Clark Brown) began a major analysis of federal labor policy. Their co-authored work, From Wagner Act to Taft-Hartley: A Study of National Labor Policy and Labor Relations, had just been completed when he died. Millis was critical of the Board in his last years. The Madden Board had held in American Can Co., 13 NLRB 1252 (1939) that a smaller craft union should not be created if there was any history of industrial union bargaining with the employer.Gross, The Reshaping of the National Labor Relations Board: National Labor Policy in Transition, 1937-1947, 1981, p. 250.
He was sporting editor for the Geelong-based Industrial Advocate and wrote book reviews for the Socialist, both of which were edited by his father. By 1925 he was a subeditor with the Barrier Daily Truth, the newspaper of the Workers Industrial Union of Australia. Around this time he joined the Australian Labor Party and developed a close, sometimes prickly rapport with Ernest Wetherell, editor of the Truth. In the late 1920s he supported Wetherell and union leader Dick Quintrell against an attempted coup by racial exclusionist Richard Gully. Ross was soon president of the local Militant Minority Movement, and he joined the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) in 1933, which brought with it active membership in the Movement Against War and Fascism.
Thomas Wright (25 February 1902 - 10 January 1981) was a Scottish-born Australian trade unionist. He was born at Bridgend in Kinross, Scotland, to coalminer John Easton Wright and Kathleen Florence, née Jessop. The family moved to Sydney in 1911, living in Redfern and Hurstville. Tom left school at the age of thirteen and became a sheet-metal worker at Wunderlich Ltd, coming under the influence of socialist Paddy Drew, later a founder of the Communist Party of Australia. He joined the Sheet Metal Working Industrial Union of Australia in 1921 and in 1924 became a member of the state management committee, treasurer of the New South Wales branch, and a delegate to the Labor Council of New South Wales (1924-73).
Her poem "Together" was set to music by Richard Stahl. She wrote prose articles for the Pioneer Press, Church Work and other papers, and was one of the contributing editors of the Woman's Record, at one time the organ of the Woman's Educational and Industrial Union of St. Paul. Furber was identified with WCTU work for years as an officer in local, county and district organizations. She wrote the Union-Signal suggesting that the motto of the WCTU be changed from "For God and Home and Native Land" to "For God and Home and Land we Lore," alleging as a reason that foreign-born citizens were sensitive in regard to the wording of the motto at it stood, and saying that it made them feel like aliens.
After graduating from MSU, from 1964 - 1973 he worked at the Research Institute of the Central Department of Statistics as head of department and later head of laboratory. From 1973 - 1989 he headed a laboratory at the Central Institute of Economics and Mathematics, USSR Academy of Sciences. In 1978 Evgeniy Yasin led a Department on Economic Reform in the State Commission of the USSR Council of Ministers. He was one of the key authors of a number of programmes of the transition to a market economy, including the well-known programme ‘500 days'. In 1991 he went from the USSR Government Office to the Scientific and Industrial Union of the USSR - today called the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs (Employers) (RSPP) - as Director for Economic Policy.
This included the creation of the ILGWU's Professional and Clerical Employees (PACE) Division and the Metro Organizing Department, the expansion of the Immigration Project to be national in scope, and the establishment of workers centers in major metropolitan centers. Mazur served on the Executive Councils of the AFL-CIO, and the AFL-CIO's Industrial Union Department of the AFL-CIO; in addition to his work in domestic and international labor federations, he has also served on numerous foundation boards and government commissions. Under Mazur's leadership, the ILGWU merged with the Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers of America to form the Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE) in 1995. He served as the first president of UNITE, from 1995 until his retirement in 2001.
An Industrial Workers of the World stickerette or silent agitator The black cat, also called the "wild cat" or "sabot-cat", usually with an arched back and with claws and teeth bared, is closely associated with anarchism, especially with anarcho-syndicalism. It was designed by Ralph Chaplin, who was a prominent figure in the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). As its stance suggests, the cat is meant to suggest wildcat strikes and radical unionism. The IWW was an important industrial union and was the first American labor union to recruit and organize women and people of color, playing a critical role in the fight for the eight-hour day and in free speech fights all over the country in the early 20th century.
In 1911 he was on the first executive of the Federated Gas Employees' Industrial Union and in 1914 was elected to the SMWU's national executive. He defied his employer, the Metropolitan Gas Company, to attend a union meeting in Sydney in 1914 and was subsequently dismissed, but soon after won the position of secretary to the Gas Employees' Union, a paid position, winning the national secretaryship two months later. Crofts, an activist president, served on the Melbourne Trades Hall Council's executive and was its president from 1924 to 1925. He was secretary of the Commonwealth Council of Federated Unions from 1923 to 1927 and was first secretary of the Australian Council of Trade Unions in 1927, a position he held until 1943.
The union was established in 1912 by a small group of pharmacists, as the Retail Chemists' Association. Most of its members were also members of the Pharmaceutical Society, and it focused on improving standards in the trade and limiting the number of apprentices. By 1918, it had only 447 members, and so it decided to become an industrial union, accepting all workers involved in producing and distributing drugs and chemicals. It changed its named to the Amalgamated Society of Pharmacists, Drug and Chemical Workers, and for the first time registered as a trade union. In December 1918, the London wholesale drug workers' branch of the National Amalgamated Union of Shop Assistants, Warehousemen and Clerks, decided to dissolve and encourage its members to join the Chemical Workers.
Writing of the IWW's history through 1917, Foner (who, as a Marxist historian favored political action) noted that while most Wobblies disdained the ballot, several IWW leaders, individual members, and even entire locals did not necessarily reject politics, and some even participated in election campaigns. While offering skepticism about their accomplishing anything worthwhile, Solidarity nonetheless commented that there was room for such members in the industrial union movement, since individual members had a right to differing views. Elaborating on this circumstance, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn wrote in the Industrial Worker, > A working man may be an anarchist or a socialist, a Catholic or a > Protestant, a republican or a democrat, but subscribing to the Preamble of > the I.W.W. he is eligible for membership.
As early as 1922 the moulders' union had participated in discussions with a view to forming one single union in the metal trade, without success. In September 1944 the federal council of the FMMUA announced its preparedness to "federated or amalgamate with any union or unions in the metal trades industry" and endorsed a proposal for amalgamation with the FIA; however, the proposal was rejected by a ballot of the moulders' union membership by 2,173 to 1,533. In the late 1960s the FMMUA participated in discussions with the AEU, the Boilermakers and Blacksmiths Society of Australia and the Sheet Metal Working Industrial Union regarding amalgamation. While the other three unions eventually merged in 1972 to form the Amalgamated Metal Workers Union, the moulders elected to remain independent.
With the passing of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947, the MMWIU was faced with a dilemma. The Act contained explicit anti-communist provisions (later found to be unconstitutional) and banned many of the IWW's key tactics, such as secondary strikes. Unions which refused to abide by these provisions were threatened with having all legal recognition for them vanish, and shops they had organized be brought under the legal jurisdiction of unions which did sign the anti-communist pledge. The international leadership of the IWW decisively refused to sign the pledge, which meant that all subsidiary unions, including the MMWIU (then the largest industrial union in the IWW) would face the serious threat of raiding from AFL and CIO unions.
However, other unions, such as UE and Mine-Mill (the latter a former IWW affiliate), whose leadership did sign the pledge, would face raiding after their expulsion from the CIO, making the pledge questionable insurance at best. Frank Cedervall, a proponent of signing the pledge for tactical reasons, then advocated that the MMWIU should disaffiliate from the IWW, as the Lumber Workers Industrial Union had as a result of the E-P split in 1924. He succeeded in leading the 1500-member Cleveland local out of the IWW, to found an independent, single-local MMWIU. This move would tear the IWW-affiliated MMWIU apart and lead to it quickly going defunct, due to the inability of its remaining membership to sustain it.
An Education Workers Industrial Union branch was established at the University of Waterloo in 1968, but failed to achieve success and dissolved. As well, in 1970 La Presse Populaire du Montréal, an IWW-run print shop, was shut down under the War Measures Act due to its support for the FLQ during the October Crisis. As a sign of the times, the old Canadian Administration in Port Arthur was dissolved in 1973 and replaced by a Canadian Regional Organizing Committee, meaning that Canadian branches would be administrated by the General Administration in the United States. IWW activity in Canada began to shift largely toward strike support and labour activism, such as support for the Artistic Woodwork strike in Toronto in 1974.
British investors poured wealth into Charters Towers during this period providing the capital which gave rise to the substantial nature of the city and the continued large scale mining. By 1886, thirty-three shafts had been sunk to below the level and gold production had doubled since 1883. In 1889 the famous Brilliant Reef, the richest on the field, was discovered and Charters Towers continued to prosper throughout the depressed economy of the 1890s with its peak production of of gold in 1899, and the population peaking to approximately 27,000 in 1900. The great numbers of wage-earning miners employed by the mining companies in Charters Towers also created an environment conducive to the growth of an industrial union which made a vital contribution to the Queensland labour movement.
Many of the institutions that Szekeres could have placed Tibor in were merely there to keep the patients out of trouble, and did not take anything beyond their barest needs into account; she wanted to change that. Szerkeres created her own place for the mentally and physically disabled to live and work, called the Alliance Industrial Union, or Alliance for short. While in state-run institutions the residents were often locked up and/or tranquilized, the higher-functioning residents of Alliance lived in their own apartments with little supervision, those who could not live on their own share a house with other residents and staff members, called helpers. Residents at Alliance were also given jobs that they were paid for, many of which were in manufacturing, according to their abilities.
They would joke that IRT stood for "Irish Republican Transit" on account of how many of their peers were also Irish Republicanism. It was during this time that Quill used the quiet of the late hours to read labor history and, in particular, the works of James Connolly. Connolly had been a revolutionary and high profile labor activist in Ireland until his death in 1916 following the Easter Rising, an event that eventually sparked the two wars in which Quill had participated. Two of Connolly's thought came to guide Quill's political philosophy; the ideas that that economic power precedes and conditions political power, and that the only effective and satisfactory expression of the workers’ demands is to be found politically in a separate and independent labor party, and economically in the industrial union.
The Socialist Union Party was a small De Leonist group that was active in the United States in the late 1930s and early 1940s. The group was founded by Abraham Ziegler, who had been expelled from the Socialist Labor Party in the mid-1930s and joined the Industrial Union Party, the only other De Leonist group. While the IUP once had a small following among independent unions such as the Sailors Union of the Pacific and the United Furniture Workers of America in the early 1930s, by the end of the decade this support had dried up, with those groups joining more traditional labor federations like the American Federation of Labor. With their base in the labor movement gone, the IUP was reduced to a propagandist/ educational society.
Ralph Durst and his brother, owners of a large farm and ranch, refused to address the complaints of their agricultural workers who presented a list of demands to them. In response to their refusal and firing of the leading IWW members, Wobblies met that same night and included speakers who spoke in German, Greek, Italian, Arabic, and Spanish to the crowd in order to gain the most supporters among the group of workers.Greg Hall, Harvest Wobblies: The Industrial Workers of the World and Agricultural Laborers in the American West, 1905–1930, (Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 2001), 51. The decline of the Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union (AWIU) the mid 1920s was also influenced by the inability to adapt to the rapidly changing demographics of farmworkers in the West Coast.
Factional hostilities emerged as soon as American settlers began arriving in southern Arizona in large numbers in the 1860s and 1870s. The Gadsden Purchase of 1853 had opened the territory to Americans, and the sudden growth of settlement and investment proved a source of great enmity between local Apaches and the American newcomers. Pima County and later Cochise County were the primary battleground for most of the resulting quarter-century of warfare, which was almost constant in the region until the late 1880s. In addition to the Native American conflicts, there was also considerable tension between rural residents of Cochise County, who were for the most part Democrats from the agrarian Confederate States, and more urban residents living within the region's few developed towns, who were largely Republican business owners from the industrial Union States.
The Forum opened with a rally in Southwark Cathedral. Unlike the Paris forum, in London there was initially no money provided to pay for events. Funding eventually came from the Greater London Authority and the Mayor's office (Ken Livingstone and his officers, many of whom are in Socialist Action), several Trade Unions such as NATFHE (the college lecturer's union), AMICUS (a largely technical and industrial union), the Transport and General Workers Union (T&G;) and UNISON (the UK's largest public sector union), which provided funds, office space, subsidised tickets for unemployed and asylum seeker attendees and paid for some of the meeting space at Alexandra Palace. The British Socialist Workers Party, Globalise Resistance, the Tobin Tax Network and the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament were central to bringing the event to London.
It used to be released as a newspaper. Famous 1911 Industrial Worker illustration, "Pyramid of Capitalist System" The newspaper was first printed in journal format in Joliet, Illinois, beginning in January 1906, incorporating "The Voice of Labor," the newspaper from the former American Labor Union which had joined the IWW, and "International Metal Worker." It was edited by A. S. Edwards, and early contributors include Eugene V. Debs, Jack London, Daniel DeLeon, Bill Haywood, and James H. Walsh, along with poetry by Covington Hall. When the group led by ousted President Charles O. Sherman retained physical control over the paper after the union's 1906 Convention, and continued publication under that name for a few months (before giving up the ghost), the IWW instead issued the Industrial Union Bulletin for several years.
Between 1915 and 1917, the IWW's Agricultural Workers Organization (AWO) organized more than a hundred thousand migratory farm workers throughout the Midwest and western United States, often signing up and organizing members in the field, in rail yards and in hobo jungles. During this time, the IWW member became synonymous with the hobo riding the rails; migratory farmworkers could scarcely afford any other means of transportation to get to the next jobsite. Railroad boxcars, called "side door coaches" by the hobos, were frequently plastered with silent agitators from the IWW. Building on the success of the AWO, the IWW's Lumber Workers Industrial Union (LWIU) used similar tactics to organize lumberjacks and other timber workers, both in the deep South and the Pacific Northwest of the United States and Canada, between 1917 and 1924.
Peirano was born in Buenos Aires. He graduated from the University of Buenos Aires with a degree in Economics, and began his career in 1989 as a market risk analyst at the Banco Sudameris. Peirano has worked both in the public and the private sector. Between 1990 and 1992 he worked in the multinational Techint group. He later taught Economics at the Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires, and served as adviser for the City of Buenos Aires General Directorate of Industry, for the Board of the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires, and as president of the Economics department of the Buenos Aires chapter of the Argentine Industrial Union (UIA), the nation's leading manufacturing lobby; Peirano occupied various posts in the UIA itself from 1993 to 2004.
Otto Brenner (8 November 1907 - 15 April 1972) was a German trades unionist and politician. Between 1956 and 1972 he was the leader of the powerful IG Metall (Industrial Union of Metalworkers). In a tribute published in 1967 to celebrate Brenner's sixtieth birthday the politician-commentator Peter von Oertzen wrote that "Otto Brenner ... embodies more than any other German trades union leader that generation - a link between the older generation of the Weimar years [before 1933] and the younger generation that grew to maturity after 1945 - which rescued the best traditions of the German labour movement to the present day, bridging the intervening abyss of the Fascist rule". The Otto-Brenner Foundation for the promotion of scientific research and knowledge is named after him, as is the annually awarded Otto-Brenner (journalism) prize.
Reuther was spurred toward merger by the threats from David J. McDonald, Murray's successor as President of the Steelworkers, who disliked Reuther intensely, insulted him publicly and flirted with disaffiliation from the CIO. While Reuther set out a number of conditions for merger with the AFL, such as constitutional provisions supporting industrial unionism, guarantees against racial discrimination, and internal procedures to clean up corrupt unions, his weak bargaining position forced him to compromise most of these demands. Although the unions that made up the CIO survived, and in some cases thrived, as members of the newly created AFL-CIO, the CIO as an organization was folded into the AFL-CIO's Industrial Union Department. Now, the AFL-CIO is made up of 56 national and international labor unions with 12.5 million members.
During the "March Inland" organizing drive the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) backed the Cannery and Agricultural Workers' Industrial Union (CAWIU), a Communist-controlled union headquartered in San Jose, which had considerable success organizing farm and cannery workers in the Santa Clara Valley and elsewhere in California until it was suppressed and its leaders jailed in 1934 by the State of California following sustained attacks by business, political and reactionary forces which, in San Jose, resulted in an atmosphere of terror (the low point of which was a public lynching tacitly supported by James Rolph, the Governor of California). The canneries, with a segregated seasonal work force of white women, were eventually organized, at first by an AFL-affiliated company union, but one which gradually evolved, thanks to rank and file efforts, into a union which genuinely represented cannery workers.
Although she was expected to lead the Bureau permanently, van Kleeck was called away to help care for her dying mother and resigned after a few weeks. Mary Anderson, her close friend and colleague, became its first long-term director instead. The Bureau was established by Congress on June 5, 1920, just two months before women achieved the right to vote, and continues its responsibility to carry out Public Law 66-259; 29 U.S.C. 11–16.29 (1920) Their enabling legislation gives them the duty to formulate policies and standards to promote the welfare of wage-earning women, improve their working conditions, increase their efficiency, and advance their opportunities for profitable employment. The Women's Bureau's collaboration with the National Consumers League and the Women's Educational and Industrial Union allowed the Bureau to effectively research and advocate for women workers.
The Workers' Unity League (WUL) was established in January 1930 as a militant industrial union labour central closely related to the Communist Party of Canada on the instructions of the Communist International. This was reflective of the shift in Communist theory during the Communist International's "Third Period". Rather than "boring from within"—the policy of the "Second Period" that encouraged Communists to join mainstream labour unions and progressive organizations in order to move them to the revolutionary left—this new philosophy emphasized creating Communist groups to popularly defend the Soviet way. The WUL paralleled similar alternative trade union structures elsewhere: the Trade Union Unity League in the US, the National Minority Movement in the UK. Unlike both the TLC (Trades and Labor Congress of Canada) and the ACCL (All Canadian Congress of Labour), the WUL organized the unemployed as well.
1955: Construction of the Alas Tower and the demolition of warehouses initiated development in the Catalinas Norte area The Sheraton Hotel was the first high rise in Catalinas Norte proper Northern section Southern section The coup d'état that toppled President Arturo Illia in 1966 led to the dissolution of OPRBA. Mayor Eugenio Schettini instructed the Municipal Department of Architecture and Urbanism (MCBA) to design a new, simpler plan that would limit permits for office high rises. A municipal ordinance in 1967 parceled the land in accordance with the 1958 master plan, and lots were sold to Aerolíneas Argentinas, Conurban S.A, IBM, Sideco, Kokourek S.A, SEGBA (the state-owned city electric utility), Sheraton, and the Argentine Industrial Union (UIA). Retiro Park was bulldozed, and the Buenos Aires Japanese Gardens therein were relocated to their present, Palermo Woods location.
While Bridges, who had preached solidarity among all maritime workers and scorned arbitration, apologized to the seamen for the longshoremen's vote, the President of the ISU urged them to hold out and to burn their "fink books", the membership records of the company union to which they had been forced to pay dues. On July 17, 1934, the California National Guard blocked both ends of Jackson Street from Drumm to Front with machine gun mounted trucks to assist vigilante raids, protected by SFPD, on the headquarters of the Marine Workers' Industrial Union and the ILA soup kitchen at 84 Embarcadero. Moving on, the Workers' Ex-Servicemen's League's headquarters on Howard between Third and Fourth was raided, leading to 150 arrests and the complete destruction of the facilities. The employer's group, the Industrial Association, had agents riding with the police.
The 1960s began with a five-month strike by workers over either wages and benefits (according to local newspapers), or unilateral work rules (according to the Industrial Union of Marine and Ship-building Workers). In the midst of the strike, the Navy towed , which was under conversion at the time, to the nearby Boston Navy Yard for completion, an action which prompted both laborers and management to negotiate a three-year contract and helped to nullify unpopular work rules. Later that year, the Long Beach was launched, which was a major achievement for the yard. SS Manhattan in 1969 1962 brought about the construction of , which was the largest commercial vessel built in the United States at the time, and became the first ship to transit the Northwest Passage to the Alaska North Slope oil fields.
Despite its purple prose, however, the paper steered far away from the anti- political industrial union the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), explicitly disavowing that organization's commitment to the use of the tactics of sabotage and direct action. Rather than holding to an apocalyptic view of attaining socialism through armed revolution, editor Mengshoel was influenced by the ideas of writers Laurence Gronlund and Edward Bellamy, emphasizing the functional superiority of the economic form of state ownership and the implication that evolution to socialist production and distribution would be a protracted, inevitable, evolutionary process. In other words, the Mengshoels believed that by educating workers about the benefits of capitalism, socialism would prevail by peaceful means - at the ballot box. Gaa Paa attained a circulation of 5,000 in 1912Lovoll, "Gaa Paa: A Scandinavian Voice of Dissent," pg. 87.
Observing that the ARU was defenseless, AFL officials viewed the plight of the rival organization as an opportunity to bolster the railway brotherhoods, which the AFL was courting, and instructed all AFL affiliates to withhold help. In spite of what Haywood perceived as "treachery" and "double-cross" by the AFL leadership — the ARU members had put their own organization at risk for others, but the AFL refused to even help them try to end the strike in a draw — the power of workers crossing their trade lines and jurisdictional boundaries to join together in a fight against capital greatly impressed him. He described the revelation of such power as "a great rift of light." For Haywood, industrial union principles were later confirmed by the defeat of the WFM in the 1903–05 Cripple Creek strike due — he believed — to insufficient labor solidarity.
The Bermuda Industrial Union was founded by Edgar Fitzgerald Gordon to facilitate collective bargaining of working class Bermudians at a time when the work force was predominantly composed of black Bermudians who were disenfranchised because of property requirements that controlled the right to vote. Gordon served as its president until his 1955 death, and one of BIU's most influential leaders was Dr. Barbara Ball, who became the General Secretary of the organization in 1962. As a white woman, she spoke out against unequal labor and pay practices based on race, earning the respect of black Bermudians, and disdain from other whites. BIU became the largest and most influential trade union in the country, by centralizing its organization and branching to address the needs of various industry segments, like electricians, hospital staff, hotel workers, and street maintenance personnel.
Lewis' successor as CIO President, Philip Murray, named Brophy the Director of Industrial Union Councils. That position proved to be an important one in the expulsion of CP-led unions from the CIO following World War II. He was one of the strongest advocates for centralized control of the CIO's political action committees and the industrial councils, which were made up from delegates from the more or less autonomous unions affiliated with the CIO but which were themselves creations of the CIO, obliged to follow CIO policy imposed from above. In November–December 1942, he led a team whose report led to formation of the CIO-PAC in July 1943. In 1948 he led the crackdown on local labor councils and state bodies within the CIO that had endorsed Henry Wallace or opposed the Marshall Plan in contravention of national CIO policy.
After the previous season the president of FC Stal Dniprodzerzhynsk announced that the club will be merged with FC Metalurh Donetsk and replace them in the Premier League for the 2015–16 season due to the fact that both clubs are owned by the Industrial Union of Donbas (ISD). On 11 July 2015, the owners of FC Metalurh Donetsk have sent a letter to the Football Federation of Ukraine announcing their withdrawal from the competitions. Металлург Д объявляет о банкротстве Right before the start of competitions it was uncertain which club will replace Metalurh either FC Stal Dniprodzerzhynsk or FC Illichivets Mariupol. Говерла остается в УПЛ; идет борьба между Ильичевцем и Сталью Кочетов: "Можем говорить, что Сталь является участником УПЛ" On 14 July 2015, the administration of Illichivets released a letter explaining its reason why the club should remain in the league.
Statue of James Connolly in Dublin Connolly's legacy in Ireland is mainly due to his contribution to the republican cause; his legacy as a socialist has been claimed by a variety of left-wing and left-republican groups, and he is also associated with the Labour Party which he founded. Connolly was among the few European members of the Second International who opposed, outright, World War I. This put him at odds with most of the socialist leaders of Europe. He was influenced by and heavily involved with the radical Industrial Workers of the World labour union, and envisaged socialism as Industrial Union control of production. Also he envisioned the IWW forming their own political party that would bring together the feuding socialist groups such as the Socialist Labor Party of America and the Socialist Party of America.
Hammersmark's interest in the radical labor movement moved him into a participatory role in 1905 when he attended in Chicago the founding convention of a new revolutionary industrial union, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). At the convention Hammersmark came into contact with a number of leading American labor radicals, including former American Railroad Union head and Socialist Party of America founder Eugene V. Debs, mining union organizer Mother Mary Jones, Western Federation of Miners secretary "Big Bill" Haywood, and radical journalist and socialist theoretician Daniel DeLeon. Hammersmark became a convinced supporter of the IWW's strategy of competition with the established "conservative" unions of the American Federation of Labor — a policy known as dual unionism. Towards the end of the first decade of the 20th Century Hammersmark moved to Washington state, where he was active in the working class anarchist movement.
An injury to one is an injury to all. After the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1946 by Congress, which called for the removal of Communist union leadership, the IWW experienced a loss of membership as differences of opinion occurred over how to respond to the challenge. In 1949, US Attorney General Tom C. Clark placed the IWW on the Attorney General's List of Subversive Organizations in the category of "organizations seeking to change the government by unconstitutional means" under Executive Order 9835, which offered no means of appeal, and which excluded all IWW members from Federal employment and federally subsidized housing programs (this order was revoked by Executive Order 10450 in 1953). At this time, the Cleveland local of the Metal and Machinery Workers Industrial Union (MMWIU) was the strongest IWW branch in the United States.
Brody, "Origins...," 1987, p. 16. Although most historians claim AA membership was only 50,000 in February 1934, Brody points out that record-keeping in the AA headquarters had broken down due to lack of funds and that the 150,000 number is a better estimate. In 1934, an opposition group known as the Rank and File Movement formed within the AA. A number of militant local affiliates had sprung up across the nation or had joined existing lodges in large enough numbers to elect their own, militant leaders. The locals coalesced into the Rank and File Movement and challenged the conservative leadership to act, demanding that the AA reorganize along industrial union lines.Brody, "Origins...," 1987, p. 16; Phelan, p. 100; Rose, 2001; Staughton Lynd, "The Possibility of Radicalism in the Early 1930s: The Case of Steel," Radical America 6 (Nov.-Dec. 1972), p. 36-35.
The ASRS was an industrial union founded in 1871 with the support of the Liberal MP Michael Thomas Bass.Raynes, 1921, pages 23–24 Its early years were difficult. In 1872 the ASRS reported having 17,247 members but by 1882 this had declined to only 6,321.Raynes, 1921, page 24 In 1880 the ASRS's growth was challenged by the foundation of two railway craft unions: the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers and Firemen and the United Pointsmen and Signalmen's Society. A fourth union, the General Railway Workers' Union, was founded in 1889. In 1900 the ASRS proposed amalgamation with ASLEFRaynes, 1921, page 124 but ASLEF proposed federation with the drivers and firemen of the ASRS.Raynes, 1921, page 110 A Scheme of Federation was drafted and ASLEF's triennial conference adopted it in 1903. There were joint meetings of the Executive Committees of the two unions until 1906 when relations broke down.
The ILA renewed its efforts to reestablish itself on the West Coast, chartering a new local in San Francisco in 1933. With the passage that year of the National Industrial Recovery Act, which contained some encouraging but unenforceable provisions declaring that workers had the right to organize unions of their own choice, thousands of longshoremen joined the new ILA local. At the time Bridges was a member of a circle of longshoremen that came to be known as the "Albion Hall Group", after their meeting place. It attracted members from a variety of backgrounds: members of the Communist Party, which was then trying to organize all longshoremen, sailors and other maritime workers into the Maritime Workers Industrial Union (MWIU), as a revolutionary, industry-wide alternative to the ILA and other American Federation of Labor (AFL) unions; former IWW members, and others with no clearly defined politics.
In 1925, he gave up his local posts to become full-time financial secretary of the YMA, and from 1930 also served on the executive of the Miners Federation of Great Britain, where he was known for occupying a middle position between communists and right-wingers. He served on the enquiry into the Gresford disaster, and was involved in rescue attempts in several other mine accidents. Hall was appointed by the Trades Union Congress as its delegate to the American Federation of Labour for 1932/33, and he took advantage of the opportunity to tour the United States; among other engagements, he spoke alongside F. D. Roosevelt. Back in the UK, he was one of the strongest opponents of George Alfred Spencer's Nottinghamshire Miners' Industrial Union, and his increased prominent led him to election as president of the YMA in 1939, following the death of Herbert Smith.
Melbourne Trades Hall in Victoria is the "birthplace" of the ACTU In Australia, agitation for One Big Union took place from 1911 from two different sectors: from the revolutionary Australian section of the IWW and from the pro-arbitration Australian Workers Union (AWU). At that time the AWU was the largest single Australian union. In 1918 after the collapse of the Australian IWW, a group of militant trade unions (which were opposed to the AWU) attempted to form One Big Union under the name Workers Industrial Union of Australia (WIUA). The hostility between the WIUA and the AWU prevented the formation of One Big Union in Australia. The ACTU was formed in 1927 and was one of the earliest attempts by trade unions to apply the principles of One Big Union earlier explored by more radical syndicalist unions like the CNT or revolutionary industrial unions like the IWW.
But rather than take such justification at face value, a court is > entitled to examine whether the particular decision has been taken in a > manner which is also fair to the affected party, namely the employees to be > retrenched. To this extent the court is entitled to enquire as whether a > reasonable basis exists on which the decision, including the proposed > manner, to dismiss for operational requirements is predicated. Viewed > accordingly, the test becomes less deferential and the court is entitled to > examine the content of the reasons given by the employer, albeit that the > enquiry is not directed to whether the reason offered is the one which would > have been chosen by the court. Fairness, not correctness is the mandated > test. In Chemical Workers Industrial Union v Algorax, the court considered itself to be entitled to scrutinize the employer’s business reasoning and decision- making in considerable detail.
In the United States, anarchists had been almost alone in the labor movement in explicitly opposing racism against Asian and Mexican workers, and when Emma Goldman came to speak in San Francisco in the 1890s there were several thousand Chinese workers in attendance. Additionally, from 1908 on, many thousands of Chinese workers in North America - particularly those working in California and the Pacific North-West - became members of the Industrial Union, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). The Wobblies (as IWW members were called) were the first American labor union to oppose the institution of White supremacy in an organized and deliberate fashion and to actively recruit Asians, Blacks, Latinos, and migratory workers. Their defense of Chinese immigrants who were being subjected to systematic harassment and discrimination won them a large base of membership among Chinese workers, and widespread support among the Chinese community in North America.
When the WIIU reported its routine labor statistics to The American Labor Year Book for 1916 (shortly after changing its name), it included — along with its declaration of principles and its membership stats — an editorial comment on the perceived practices of the "Chicago IWW", > The Workers' International Industrial Union is the new name adopted in 1915 > to designate the socialist industrial class union, which was organized in > 1905 under the name of the Industrial Workers of the World. The change of > name was deemed advantageous to distinguish the Socialist organization from > the one which follows the tenets of anarchy, advocates "sabotage," and so- > called "direct action," usually denoting non-political action. The career of > the so-called Industrial Workers of the World was started at the fourth > convention of the I. W. W. in 1908 with the slogan: "Strike at the ballot > box with an ax."The American labor year book, Volume 1, Rand School of > Social Science. Dept.
Loyal to the Socialist Party of America throughout the entire course of its existence, the International Socialist Review after 1908 was recognized as one of the primary voices of the party's left wing. It defended the concept of revolutionary socialism against those who would reduce the Socialist Party to a party of ameliorative reform, expounded upon the syndicalist ideas of the revolutionary industrial union known as the Industrial Workers of the World, consistently fought against the expansion of militarism being pushed forward by the so- called "Preparedness" movement, and provided a vehicle for the leaders of the Zimmerwald Left to relay their ideas to an American audience. After American intervention in the European World War in 1917, the International Socialist Review came under increasing pressure from the U.S. Post Office Department and United States Department of Justice. Its loss of mailing privileges at the hands of the Wilson administration's Postmaster General, Albert S. Burleson in 1917 sounded the death knell for the publication.
The NMU also took on the leadership of a strike that the UMW had called in Harlan County, Kentucky in 1931 with even more disastrous results, since the union was not prepared to provide the relief necessary to permit strikers to remain out for any length of time, particularly in the face of attacks by "gun thugs." The NMU's strong opposition to racial discrimination and wholehearted support for the Soviet Union also served to alienate it from the mostly fundamentalist and predominantly white miners in Harlan County. While the strike publicized the horrific conditions in one of the most isolated parts of Appalachia, it did not produce any concrete benefits for striking miners. There were, however, some bright spots for the CP: their Food Workers Industrial Union successfully organized cafeteria and restaurant workers, particularly in New York, where many of the restaurant workers unions had been taken over by Dutch Schultz as part of his labor rackets.
He was considered a "model of non-violent African advancement" by the colonial authorities during the mission's early years. He established a chain of independent black African schools, with over 900 pupils in total and founded the Natives' Industrial Union, a form of cooperative union that has been described as an "embryo chamber of commerce". Nevertheless, Chilembwe's activities led to friction with the managers of the local Alexander Livingstone Bruce Plantation, who feared Chilembwe's influence over their workers. In November 1913, employees of the local A. L. Bruce Estates burnt down churches that Chilembwe or his followers had built on estate land. Information about Chilembwe’s Church before the rebellion is scant, but his ideology proved popular and he developed a strong local following. For at least the first 12 years of his ministry, he preached ideas of African self-respect and advancement through education, hard work and personal responsibility, as advocated by Booker T. Washington,G. Shepperson and T. Price, (1958).
The Labor Union of National Taiwan University (LUNTU; ), proposed by full-time research assistants, contract staffs, and school-time workers, was a labor union that organized the workers at the National Taiwan University. And on 9 December 2012, it convened the inaugural meeting at Taipei Taiwan. Then, according to the "Trade Union Law" of Taiwan, on 1 April 2013, the Taipei City Government approved the establishment of the LUNTU, as an enterprise union to tertiary institutions."National Chengchi University Industrial Union", in Taiwan, which was the first university institution to set up trade union, but the composition of the main elements is the basic level workers.Ceng, Xiang (曾翔),"Facing the impoverishment of the youth: Some ideas for the establishment of labor union at NTU (面對青年貧窮化:對台大工會成立的一些心得)", Lihpao Daily (立報), Taipei Taiwan, 2012-2-23 22:21 [2012-11-12] .
Prime Minister John Howard's IR reforms The Amalgamated Metal Workers Union (AMWU) was formed in 1972 with the amalgamation of three metal trade unions - the Boilermakers and Blacksmiths Society of Australia (BBS), the Sheet Metal Working Industrial Union of Australia (SMWU) and the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU). In 1937, BBS was the Boilermakers' Society of Australia, and following the merger with the Blacksmiths' Society of Australia in 1965, the union was renamed the Boilermakers' and Blacksmiths' Society of Australia.Trade Union entry - Boilermakers Society of Australia (1937 - 1965) At its formation the AMWU had a membership of 171,000, making it the largest organisation in Australia by membership. In 1979, the Federated Shipwrights and Ship Constructors Union of Australia amalgamated with the AMWU, which changed its name to the Amalgamated Metal Workers and Shipwrights Union (AMWSU). When the Federated Moulders’ (Metals) Union amalgamated in 1983, the union's name changed slightly to the Amalgamated Metals Foundry & Shipwrights’ Union, but in 1985 reverted to be the Amalgamated Metal Workers’ Union.
The American Federation of Labor (AFL) was a national federation of labor unions in the United States founded in Columbus, Ohio, in December 1886 by an alliance of craft unions disaffected from the Knights of Labor, a national labor union. Samuel Gompers of the Cigar Makers' International Union was elected president at its founding convention and reelected every year, except one, until his death in 1924. The AFL was the largest union grouping in the United States for the first half of the 20th century, even after the creation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) by unions which were expelled by the AFL in 1935 over its opposition to industrial unionism. The Federation was founded and dominated by craft unions throughout its first fifty years, after which many craft union affiliates turned to organizing on an industrial union basis to meet the challenge from the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in the 1940s.
The Industrial Union News also criticized the Canadian OBU for not providing for elections of officials by the entire membership. The OBU was described as "not red but pale pink", and in league with the "reactionary Socialist Party of Canada". The IWW publication Solidarity of 10 July 1920 stated that labour fakirs had seized control of the OBU, and had organized new branches of the OBU in the United States in opposition to the IWW. Marian Dutton Savage, who published a book on industrial unionism in 1922, saw problems with the organizational structure of the Canadian OBU: > In neglecting to give adequate recognition to the ties binding workers of > the same industry together and in seeking to rely instead on the general > feeling of solidarity in the working class, the O. B. U., like the Knights > of Labor, has failed to understand the psychology of those it has sought to > win and hold.
The IWW has a rich and complex history in South Africa, with an original South African IWW organization being founded in 1910 and existing through most of the 1910s until disintegrating by around 1916. The union's insistence on multiracial unionism set it at odds with the white trade union movement and brought severe political repression from the apartheid-era South African government. The major South African port of Durban was an important link in the IWW's international network which was largely maintained by its Marine Transport Workers Industrial Union, that connected the mainline North American IWW to ports in Africa, India, South America, and Australasia. After the collapse of the formal IWW organization in South Africa, it would be succeeded by an Industrial Socialist League, the Industrial Workers of Africa, and finally the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (ICU), which would become the major black union in South Africa in the 1920s and 30s.
Riding on this high, the decision in 1967 to allow college and university students to join the Education Workers Industrial Union (IU 620) as full members spurred campaigns in 1968 at the University of Waterloo in Ontario, the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee, and the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. The IWW would send representatives to Students for a Democratic Society conventions in 1967, 1968, and 1969, and as the SDS collapsed into infighting, the IWW would gain members who were fleeing this discord. These changes would have a profound effect on the union, which by 1972 would have sixty-seven percent of members under the age of thirty, with a total of nearly five hundred members. The IWW's links to the 60s counterculture led to organizing campaigns at counterculture businesses, as well as a wave of over two dozen co-ops affiliating with the IWW under its Wobbly Shop model in the 1960s to 1980s.
Memorial service Elsewhere in California, the IWW was active in Long Beach in 1972, where it organized workers at International Wood Products and Park International Corporation (a manufacturer of plastic swimming pool filters) and went on strike after the firing of one worker for union-related activities. Finally, in San Francisco, the IWW ran campaigns for radio station and food service workers. In Chicago, the IWW was an early opponent of so-called urban renewal programs, and supported the creation of the "Chicago People's Park" in 1969. The Chicago branch also ran citywide campaigns for healthcare, food service, entertainment, construction, and metal workers, and its success with the latter led to an attempt to revive the national Metal and Machinery Workers Industrial Union, which twenty years earlier had been a major component of the union. Metalworker organizing would largely end in 1978 after a failed strike at Mid-American Metal in Virden, Illinois.
Support for EERC has also been provided by the Citigroup Foundation, ING Bank Ukraine, Industrial Union of Donbas, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Kraft Foods Ukraina, the Kytasty Foundation, National Bank of Ukraine, Tetra Pak Ukraine, the Pew Charitable Trusts, Slavutich, Soyuz-Victan, and Swedbank (previously TAS-Kommerzbank). The EERC's mission is also supported by a range of corporate sponsors, such as AcadEx Ltd., Coca-Cola Beverages Ukraine, Eastern Economist, Kraft Foods Ukraina, JSC Obolon, Orfey Publications, Oriflame Ukraine, Robert Bosch Ukraine, Sun Interbrew, System Integration (SI) IBM partner, US Embassy to Ukraine. The Consortium has two distinct programs - one in Ukraine and the other in Russia. In Ukraine at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, the EERC has established the two-year English-language master’s program in economics that produces Ukrainian economist trained in modern market economics. The intent is to position these economists as future leaders in Ukraine’s economic policy circles through post-MA careers in public service, research institute, or private sector positions, or through completing PhDs abroad and returning to Ukraine to teach.
The Detroit IWW (which became the WIIU) created an industrial union structure that was similar to that of the IWW.Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 173. The split between the Chicago IWW and the Detroit IWW was replicated in Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Britain.Verity Burgmann, The IWW in International Perspective: comparing the North American and Australasian Wobblies, Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, 2007, retrieved March 22, 2009. In 1909, the Detroit IWW reported 23 local organizations.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 231 In the United States, the areas represented were mostly in the East, including Philadelphia, Boston, Bridgeport, Brooklyn, and Paterson.Paul Frederick Brissenden, The I.W.W. A Study of American Syndicalism, Columbia University, 1919, page 229 Unlike the IWW, which from 1908 onwards constitutionally restricted itself from political alliances, the WIIU advocated political associations, and maintained its close association with the SLP, although (as of 1922) it declined to openly affirm this association.Marion Dutton Savage, Industrial Unionism in America, 1922, page 175.
Dr. Charles W. Macune, a top leader of the Southern Farmers' Alliance. The roots of the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union, commonly known as the "Southern Alliance," dated back to approximately 1875, when a group of ranchers in Lampasas County, Texas organized as a Texas Alliance as a means of cooperating to apprehend horse thieves, round up stray animals, and cooperatively purchase large stores of supplies.Hicks, The Populist Revolt, pg. 104. This group gradually moved into more extensive action in response to the perceived abuses towards smaller operators engaged in by land speculators and massive cattle operations. The organization grew and was organized on a statewide basis in 1878 but was almost immediately killed when it attempted to enter the political field and was torn asunder by antagonistic factions favoring the Democratic and Greenback parties. In 1879 the influence of the Northern Alliance made itself felt in Parker County, Texas when a new group was established there by a former member of the Lampasas County Alliance group.
First banner of the Southern Farmers' Alliance, organized on a statewide basis in Texas in 1878 The Farmers Alliance was an organized agrarian economic movement among American farmers that developed and flourished ca. 1875. The movement included several parallel but independent political organizations — the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union among the white farmers of the South, the National Farmers' Alliance among the white and black farmers of the Midwest and High Plains, where the Granger movement had been strong, and the Colored Farmers' National Alliance and Cooperative Union, consisting of the African American farmers of the South. One of the goals of the organization was to end the adverse effects of the crop-lien system on farmers in the period following the American Civil War. The Alliance also generally supported the government regulation of the transportation industry, establishment of an income tax in order to restrict speculative profits, and the adoption of an inflationary relaxation of the nation's money supply as a means of easing the burden of repayment of loans by debtors.
The Federation of University Employees was formed in 1951 when Local 142 of the United Construction Workers-CIO, representing custodial and maintenance workers at Yale University, disaffiliated with its international union in favor of fiscal and strategic independence. In 1955, the union organized food service workers in Yale's residential college dining halls and, a year later, affiliated with the Hotel and Restaurant Employees and Bartenders International Union, which later changed its name to the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees International Union (HERE) and merged with a union of textile and laundry workers in 2004 to become UNITE HERE. The service and maintenance and physical plant workers who comprised the federation's membership were at this time all grouped into Local 35. The union's origins thus lie in the wave of militant and ambitious organizing precipitated by the CIO in the 1930s and 1940s, as the immigrant workers who had built and staffed Yale's new residential colleges began to organize themselves into an industrial union with the aid of CIO organizer John Clark and several sympathetic professors in Yale's Divinity School.
Hicks was a charter member of the Massachusetts Floral Emblem Society. She was president of the society in 1898 and 1900. She advocated for the adoption of a floral emblem for the State of Massachusetts. Hicks was a member of the Anti-Imperialist League, the Wintergreen Club, the New England Women's Club, the Boston Equal Suffrage Association for Good Government, the Twentieth Century Club, Women's Educational and Industrial Union, the Boston Business League, the Woman's Alliance, the Eastern Kindergarten Association, the Walt Whitman Fellowship, the Copley Society, the Unity Art Club, the Public School Art League, the Harvard Teachers' Association (of Cambridge, Massachusetts), the Massachusetts Forestry Association, the Massachusetts Industrial Art Teachers' Association, the Social Service League (of New York City), the Onondaga County Historical Association and the Social Art Club (both of Syracuse), the Eastern Art Teachers' Association, the Western Drawing Teachers' Association, the National Educational Association, the American Association for Physical Training, the Massachusetts Prison Association, the Massachusetts Society for Aiding Discharged Convicts, the American Park and Outdoor Association, and the Appalachian Mountain Club.
He affirmed so during an encounter of the J-6, the version for youngsters of the G-6 Group, which unites the main Argentine business entities such as the Argentine Industrial Union, the Buenos Aires Stock Exchange, the Argentine Construction Chamber, the Argentine Chamber of Commerce, and the Argentine Rural Society. Cwaik was considered in 2017 by Forbes magazine one of the young people under 30 years of greatest impact in Argentina for his work in exponential and disruptive technologies. As speaker and lecturer, between 2016 and 2018 he has participated in a festival about technology called Campus Party Argentina, Red Innova Buenos Aires (which gathers entrepreneurs from the technological industries in Argentina), eMerge Americas (one of the most important technology events in America organized at Miami), Sinergia Latin America (a forum of young Latin American leaders from different disciplines that takes place in Mexico), The World of Ideas, PechaKucha Night Buenos Aires and TEDx, the local edition of the TED talks.[18] In 2015 he was appointed Ambassador of Social Media Day Argentina, an event on social networks and digital communications.
That was true despite their justifiable skepticism of unionism based on the unions' history of discrimination against and outright exclusion of blacks. Ultimately, blacks and whites alike recognized that an integrated union was an imperative, black steelworkers deserved to be part of the union, and an industrial union that excluded them did not warrant the name. Many unions made a point of reaching out to black-dominated institutions, recruiting blacks to their cause, and insuring that they had blacks in leadership positions within their organizations. With that backdrop, black union supporters, including Ben Careathers, a veteran organizer who had agitated on behalf of the "Scottsboro Boys," Hosea Hudson, an Alabama steelworker later renowned as a civil rights pioneer, Henry Johnson, the college-educated son of a union man, George Kimbley, the first full-time black person on staff with SWOC, Leondies McDonald, an organizer in the steel and meatpacking industries who had the ability to recruit people of all races to the union, Jesse Reese,Ahmed White, THE LAST GREAT STRIKE: Little Steel, the CIO, and the Struggle for Labor Rights in New Deal America, p.
After 1900, successive and nearly annual attempts to reform the organization, to extend its jurisdiction, and in 1905 to merge with the UGWA and form a Garment Workers' and Tailors' International Union, all failed by membership vote. At its convention in Buffalo in 1909, the JTU recognized the rise in custom factory tailoring at the expense of old-style merchant tailoring, and as a result it claimed jurisdiction over all custom tailoring, which was ineffectually enforced and never fully backed by the AFL. As a result, the JTU began to engage in "raiding" by attempting to organize workers claimed under the jurisdiction of the UGWA. With Lennon's attempts to amalgamate the organization with the UGWA and ILGWU failed and Eugene Brais elected as secretary, the direction of the organization changed drastically, with the rising socialist wing taking de facto control and renaming the organization to the International Tailors' Industrial Union (TIUI), articulating their preference for industrial unionism over craft unionism and putting it at odds Samuel Gompers, the president of the AFL and a personal friend of John Brown Lennon, who accused the JTU/TIUI of violating AFL bylaws by changing its name without permission.
The group was founded by Edith Willis Forbes, who was also active in the Women's Education and Industrial Union, the Daughters of the American Revolution, and the Door of Hope; its first president was Carl Lamson Carmer. Past and current members of note include Al Poulin, Jr. (1938–1996), Patricia Janus (1932–2006), Dale Davis, Leah Zazulyer, Cornelius Eady, Dane Gordon, Jordan Smith, James Lavilla-Havelin, Etta Ruth Weigl, Israel Emiot (1909–1978), Gary Lehmann, John Roche, Vincent Golphin, Anne Coon, Carol Oliver, Gerald Clarke, Robert Koch, Wynne McClure, Ruth Kennedy, Francesca Gulì (ca 1921–2009), Paul Humphrey (1915–2001), Eleanor McQuilken (1908–2004), George Monagan (1925–2005), David Michael Nixon, W. E. Butts (1944–2013), Linda Allardt, Patricia Roth Schwartz, John Cieslinski, Beatrice O'Brien, Judith Kitchen (1941-2014), Stanley Rubin, and Frank Judge, the organization's president since 2003. Other Rochester area poets of note affiliated with the group include Adelaide Crapsey (1878–1914), who knew many of the founders of the group, Anthony Hecht (1923-2004), William Heyen, and Anthony Piccione (1939–2001), who were honored by the Society, and John Ashbery (1927–2017), who was raised in the area and knew and remained friends with many of the group's members and officers.
Kavanagh's fall in 1929 saw him lose this position, although he escaped expulsion. He recanted his previous loyalties and was restored to the central committee in 1931, remaining a member until 1970. He met Mary Margaret Lamm, née McAdam, at the Unemployed Workers' Movement in Glebe; she was widowed in 1931 and she lived with Wright for a decade before they were married on 23 January 1941 at Five Dock. He increasingly worked as a communist organiser with the unemployed and stood several times as a Communist candidate for state and federal parliament. In 1936 Wright was elected state secretary of the sheet-metal workers' union, and in 1937 became vice-president of the Labor Council of New South Wales. In 1940 he became federal president of the sheet-metal workers' union, and played a leading role in the amalgamation with the Sheet Metal Working Agricultural Implement and Stove Making Industrial Union, serving as federal president of that body. From 1973 it became known as the Amalgamated Metal Workers' Union; Wright was again state president from 1972 to 1973 and commonwealth vice- president from 1972 to 1974. He was a long-term delegate to the Australian Council of Trade Unions, having been involved in its foundation, and sat on the executive from 1939 to 1941 and from 1961 to 1965.

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