55 Sentences With "disfranchise" | Random Sentence Generator

Trump and his Republican allies are the latest in a long line of politicians who have used law and direct action to disfranchise minority voters.

Virginia was hardly alone; in state after state, such laws were enacted after Reconstruction to target "minor violations of the law that could be invoked to disfranchise African-Americans," as the Harvard historian Alexander Keyssar explains in "The Right to Vote," his definitive account of voting rights.

Yet despite the fact that virtually none of the state's 907,000 black residents were registered voters, and state officials had publicly announced their intention to disfranchise them, the court ruled that the burden was on Williams to prove, on a case-by-case basis, that registrars had rejected African-American applicants strictly because of race.

Nadarajah, Johore and the Origins of British Control, pg 44 He was the first person from the Temenggong family to become the sultan in Johor's history. His father, Temenggong Daeng Ibrahim managed to consolidate enough power to disfranchise Sultan Ali who died in 1877.

Haskell tried to gain the support of black voters, but they rebuffed his advances because of his harsh methods he used against the blacks in the 1876 campaign. The state Republican party decided to endorse Haskell because Tillman wanted to disfranchise the black voters of the state.

The campaign was said to have been "remarkably quiet", partly because the polling day (11 August) clashed with the harvest in a rural constituency. Beattie appealed to voters not to disfranchise themselves by returning an abstentionist representative."Quiet campaign in Mid-Ulster", The Times, 11 August 1955, p. 4.

1212, accessed 21 March 2008"Historical Barriers to Voting", in Texas Politics, University of Texas, accessed 4 November 2012 From 1890 to 1910 all states of the former Confederacy passed measures to disfranchise blacks and exclude them from the political process. He was succeeded by the Democrat George Farmer Burgess.

The Most Cruel and Inhuman Verdict Against a Loyal People > in the History of the World. Also the Powerful Speeches of Hon. Frederick > Douglass and Col. Robert G. Ingersoll, Jurist and Famous Orator. p3 In the late nineteenth century, he witnessed state legislatures in Georgia and across the South passing measures to disfranchise blacks.

Smalls was active into the twentieth century. He was a delegate to the 1895 South Carolina constitutional convention. Together with five other black politicians, he strongly opposed white Democratic efforts that year to disfranchise black citizens. They wrote an article for the New York World to publicize the issues, but the state constitution was ratified.

In one of several challenges to Southern states' grandfather clauses, used to disfranchise African-American voters at the turn of the century, he wrote for a unanimous court in Guinn v. United States, which struck down many Southern states' grandfather clauses. He also wrote the opinion in the Selective Draft Law Cases, which upheld the constitutionality of conscription.

The Democrat-dominated Texas state legislature was following those of other states of the former Confederacy in working to disfranchise blacks; from 1890 to 1910, southern states passed constitutional amendments, new constitutions and laws that achieved this.Michael Perman.Struggle for Mastery: Disenfranchisement (sic) in the South, 1888–1908. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001, Introduction The Democrats essentially established a one-party state.

After the war, Cooper moved to Knox County and engaged in politics. When a rift developed between Governor William "Parson" Brownlow and President Andrew Johnson over how to deal with freedmen and former Confederates, Cooper supported Brownlow, who sought to extend civil rights to former slaves and disfranchise ex-Confederates. Cooper publicly denounced Johnson, and was described by one newspaper as Johnson's "most violent enemy."Severance, p. 57.

By this time, southern states were passing new laws and constitutions to disfranchise most African Americans, an exclusion from the political system that lasted into the 1960s. At the conclusion of the conference, delegates unanimously adopted the "Address to the Nations of the World", and sent it to various heads of state where people of African descent were living and suffering oppression.Sivagurunathan, Shivani, "Pan-Africanism", in David Dabydeen.

From his arrival in London, Morrison was associated with the Whig Party in the city. In 1830, he entered Parliament as member for St Ives Cornwall, which he helped to partially disfranchise by voting for the Great Reform Bill. In 1831, he secured a seat at Ipswich, for which he was again elected in December 1832. He was, however, defeated there on the 'Peel Dissolution' in January 1835.

The legislature had difficulty devising requirements against blacks that did not also disadvantage immigrants. In 1910 the legislature proposed the Digges Amendment to the state constitution. It would have used property requirements to effectively disfranchise many African Americans as well as many poor whites (including new immigrants), a technique used by other southern states from 1890 to 1910, beginning with Mississippi's new constitution. The Maryland General Assembly passed the bill, which Governor Austin Lane Crothers supported.

The moderate element had national support and called itself "True Republicans." The more radical element set out to disfranchise whites—such as not allowing a man to hold office if he was a private in the Confederate army, or had sold food to the Confederate government, plus land reform. About 20,000 former Confederates were denied the right to vote in the 1867 election.Heinemann, et al. Old Dominion, New Commonwealth: A History of Virginia, 1607–2007 (2007) p 248.

After Democrats regained power in the state legislature, they passed laws making voter registration more difficult, such as requiring payment of poll taxes, which worked to disfranchise blacks, Mexican Americans and poor whites. They also instituted a white primary. In the 1890s more than 100,000 blacks were voting, but by 1906 only 5,000 managed to get through these barriers. As Texas became essentially a one-party state, the white primary excluded minorities from the political competitive process.

Hodges noted that the Democrats in the South had worked against African Americans to deprive them of suffrage and other rights. At the time, southern legislatures dominated by white Democrats were passing new constitutions and laws to disfranchise blacks throughout the South and prevent them from voting. Blacks were essentially shut out of the official political system in the South from the turn of the century until after passage of federal civil rights legislation in the 1960s.

During his tenure in the House, Dawson was a vocal opponent of the poll tax, which in practice was discriminatory against poorer voters.Richard H. Pildes, "Democracy, Anti- Democracy, and the Canon", Constitutional Commentary, Vol.17, 2000, pp. 12-13 Accessed 10 Mar 2008 Since the end of the nineteenth century, poll taxes were among a variety of measures passed by southern states to disfranchise most black voters and tens of thousands of poor whites as well, particularly in Alabama through the 1940s.

The election of 1900 was a special election because there was one held in August and another held in November. The white supremacy theme was repeated, with sayings such as "White Rule for TarHeels," "White Supremacy", and "No Negro Rule". The Red Shirts and Democrats would ensure their win during the August special election, which was a Democratic ploy to disfranchise the black vote. The Democrat and Red Shirts felt that if they could "demoralize black leaders", the black vote would decrease.

By the late 19th century, the Eastern Band of Cherokees were laboring under the constraints of a segregated society in the South. In the aftermath of Reconstruction, conservative white Democrats regained power in North Carolina and other southern states. They proceeded to effectively disfranchise all blacks and many poor whites by new constitutions and laws related to voter registration and elections. They passed Jim Crow laws that divided society into "white" and "colored", mostly to control freedmen, but the Native Americans were included on the colored side.

At the "Model Parliament" of 1295, representatives of the boroughs (including towns and cities) were admitted. Thus, it became settled practice that each county send two knights of the shire, and that each borough send two burgesses. At first the burgesses were almost entirely powerless, and while the right to representation of each English county quickly became indisputable, the monarch could enfranchise or disfranchise boroughs at pleasure. Any show of independence by burgesses would thus be likely to lead to the exclusion of their towns from Parliament.

You had set us an impossible task. > > We did not disfranchise the negroes until 1895. Then we had a constitutional > convention convened which took the matter up calmly, deliberately, and > avowedly with the purpose of disfranchising as many of them as we could > under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. We adopted the educational > qualification as the only means left to us, and the negro is as contented > and as prosperous and as well protected in South Carolina to-day as in any > State of the Union south of the Potomac.

590 Five other districts all had white majorities. Claiborne County is within the black- majority 2nd congressional district, as may be seen on the map to the right. The state has three other congressional districts, all white majority. Democrats passed Jim Crow laws and in 1890 a new constitution including requirements for poll taxes; these and later literacy tests were used in practice to disfranchise most blacks and many poor whites, preventing them from registering to vote.Michael Perman, Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888-1908 (2000), ch 4.

This omission of law strategy to disfranchise is contained in the Congressional debates in Annals of Congress in 1800 and 1801. In 1986, the US Congress voted to restore voting rights on U.S. Military bases for all state and federal elections. D.C. citizens were granted the right to vote in Presidential elections in 1961 after ratification of the Twenty-third Amendment. The citizens and territory converted in 1801 were represented by John Chew Thomas from Maryland's 2nd, and William Craik from Maryland's 3rd Congressional Districts, which were redrawn and removed from the city.

After U.S. Senator William Mahone and the Readjuster Party lost control of Virginia politics around 1883, Democrats regained the state legislature. They proceeded to use statute and a new constitution in 1901, with provisions such as a poll tax, residency requirements, and literacy test to disfranchise most African Americans and many poor whites. Their disfranchisement lasted until after passage of civil rights legislation in the mid-1960s. White Democrats created a one-party state, with a nearly unchallenged majority of state and most federal offices through the middle of the 20th century.

Rankin introduced a bill in 1920 to prohibit interracial marriage. During that decade, he opposed bills to make lynching a federal crime; although such a bill overwhelmingly passed the House, it was not approved by the Senate. In these positions, he was similar to other southern Democrats: he opposed other bills to support African-American civil rights, such as any efforts toward desegregation and the elimination of poll taxes for federal elections. Poll taxes had been used by southern states to disfranchise most blacks and many poor whites since the turn of the century.

The historian Michael Perman notes that "in no other state was a single public figure identified so vividly and indisputably with disfranchisement."Michael Perman, Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888-1908, University of North Carolina Press, 2001, p. 93 Tillman and other Democratic leaders intended to go beyond the statutes to eliminate black voting. The new constitution was one of a number passed in southern states at the turn of the century that were designed to effectively disfranchise African-American citizens by changes to voter registration rules.

Watson campaigned for re- election but was defeated, leaving office in March 1893. In this period, regular Democrats worked to reduce the voting power of blacks and poor whites to prevent such coalitions as the Populists, or alliances with Republicans. Democrats controlled the state legislature: they passed laws to disfranchise blacks and were successful in pushing them off the voter rolls by such requirements as cumulative poll taxes (1877), literacy tests, and residency requirements. In 1908, Georgia also instituted white primaries,Julien C. Monnet, "The Latest Phase of Negro Disenfranchisement", Harvard Law Review, Vol.

Such devices as poll taxes and subjective literacy tests sharply reduced the number of blacks in voting rolls. By the late nineteenth century, Southern white Democrats defeated some biracial Populist-Republican coalitions and regained power in the state legislatures of the former Confederacy; they passed laws establishing racial segregation and Jim Crow. In the border states and North, blacks continued to exercise the vote; the well-established Maryland African- American community defeated attempts there to disfranchise them. Washington worked and socialized with many national white politicians and industry leaders.

Blacks defeated three efforts to disfranchise them, making alliances with immigrants to resist various Democratic campaigns. Disfranchising bills in 1905, 1907, and 1911 were rebuffed, in large part because of black opposition. Blacks comprised 20% of the electorate and immigrants comprised 15%, and the legislature had difficulty devising requirements against blacks that did not also disadvantage immigrants. The Progressive Era also brought reforms in working conditions for Maryland's labor force. In 1902 the state regulated conditions in mines; outlawed child laborers under the age of 12; mandated compulsory school attendance; and enacted the nation's first workers' compensation law.

Murphy James Foster (January 12, 1849June 12, 1921) was the 31st Governor of the U.S. state of Louisiana, an office he held for two terms from 1892 to 1900. Foster supported the Louisiana Constitution of 1898, which effectively disfranchised the black majority, who were mostly Republicans. This led to Louisiana becoming a one-party Democratic state for several generations and excluding African Americans from the political system. Louisiana followed Mississippi (1890) and other southern states in adopting a new constitution with devices to disfranchise blacks, then a majority in the state, chiefly by making voter registration more difficult.

Black U.S. Representatives were elected from the South as late as the 1890s, usually from overwhelmingly black areas. Also in the 1890s, the Populists developed a following in the South, among poor whites resentful of the Democratic party establishment. Populists formed alliances with Republicans (including blacks) and challenged the Democratic bosses, even defeating them in some cases.C. Van Woodward, The Origins of the New South, 1877–1913 (1951) pp 235–90 To prevent such coalitions in the future and to end the violence associated with suppressing the black vote during elections, Southern Democrats acted to disfranchise both blacks and poor whites.

Goldwater did support civil rights in general and universal suffrage, and voted for the 1957 and 1960 Civil Rights Acts as well as the 24th Amendment, which banned poll taxes as a requirement for voting. This was one of the devices that states used to disfranchise African Americans and the poor. That November, Johnson won a landslide electoral victory, and the Republicans suffered significant losses in Congress. Goldwater, however, besides carrying his home state of Arizona, carried the Deep South: voters in Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, and South Carolina had switched parties for the first time since Reconstruction.

Their descendants became assimilated into the majority culture from the 19th to the 20th centuries. Pursuant to Reconstruction later in the 19th century, southern states acted to impose racial segregation by law and restrict the liberties of blacks, specifically passing laws to exclude them from politics and voting. From 1890 to 1908, all of the former Confederate states passed such laws, and most preserved disfranchisement until after passage of federal civil rights laws in the 1960s. At the South Carolina constitutional convention in 1895, an anti-miscegenation law and changes that would disfranchise blacks were proposed.

From 1890 to 1908 all states of the former Confederacy passed similar constitutions to disfranchise blacks and many poor whites; the Democrats ruled a one-party region and gained great power in the US Congress by controlling all the region's apportionment although many of its citizens had been excluded from politics. The one-party state was dominated for decades by Democrats, so the important contests took place in the primaries. Elliott was elected to the Fifty-fifth, Fifty-sixth and Fifty-seventh Congresses (March 4, 1897 – March 3, 1903). He was not a candidate for renomination in 1902.

According to this view, if elections were by popular vote, then states would be motivated to include more citizens in elections since the state would then have more political clout nationally. Critics contend the electoral college system insulates states from negative publicity as well as possible federal penalties for disenfranching subgroups of citizens. Legal scholars Akhil Amar and Vikram Amar have argued that the original Electoral College compromise was enacted partially because it enabled Southern states to disenfranchise their slave populations. It permitted Southern states to disfranchise large numbers of slaves while allowing these states to maintain political clout within the federation by using the Three- Fifths Compromise.

He believed this failure enabled the white Democrats to regain control of state legislatures, pass Jim Crow laws, and disfranchise most blacks and many poor whites in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Du Bois' extensive use of data and primary source material on the postwar political economy of the former Confederate States is notable, as is the literary style of this 750-page essay. He notes major achievements, such as establishing public education in the South for the first time, the founding of charitable institutions to care for all citizens, the extension of the vote to the landless whites, and investment in public infrastructure.

Their aggregated choices enable the will of the people to control the extent of power and perpetuity of governments, thus protecting society's rights and interests.; also published in . Thomas Paine, one of the Founding Fathers of the United States, said that the right to vote is critical in the protection of individual freedoms. He called it one of an individual's personal rights, which are "a species of property of the most sacred kind", and expressed the view that "[t]o take away this right is to reduce a man to slavery, ... subject to the will of another ... [T]o disfranchise any class of men is as criminal as the proposal to take away property".

Starting 10 years after the end of the war, Democrats regained political power in every state of the former Confederacy and began to reassert white supremacy. They enforced this by a combination of violence, late 19th-century laws imposing segregation and a concerted effort to disfranchise African Americans. New labor and criminal laws also limited their freedom.Richard H. Pildes, "Democracy, Anti-Democracy, and the Canon", Constitutional Commentary, Vol. 17, 2000, pp. 12–13. Retrieved March 10, 2008. In an effort to combat these efforts, Douglass supported the presidential campaign of Ulysses S. Grant in 1868. In 1870, Douglass started his last newspaper, the New National Era, attempting to hold his country to its commitment to equality.

He also sought to disfranchise former communists and BZNS members trough a process of "criminal lustration", as well as those with lower education qualifications by one of his proposals to ban people that have not attained a certain level of academic education from voting in elections or referendums. The party failed to register according to Bulgarian election law and declared that it was not ready to take part in the 2019 European Parliament election in Bulgaria. Meanwhile, both it and its former coalition partners all failed to obtain any seats in the country's parliamentary elections. The party again failed to register for the 2019 Bulgarian local elections and as such did not appear on the ballot at all.

In 1896 RDO lent its support to the reelection of Governor Murphy J. Foster in order to stop a biracial alliance between the Republican Party and the Populists behind the candidacy of John N. Pharr. After an election characterized by fraud so widespread that the actual results may never be known, Foster maneuvered to rewrite the state constitution so as to disfranchise most black voters, related to similar actions by Mississippi and other former Confederate states through 1910. This resulted in several decades in which Louisiana and other states were effectively controlled by one political party, and blacks were closed out of the political process. Nomination by the white-controlled Democratic Party of the state or winning its primary was all that was tantamount to election.

He did not receive compensation for these pieces. He wrote a strong essay protesting the southern states' successful actions to disfranchise Black people at the turn of the 20th century. To his dismay, their new constitutions and laws survived several appeals to the United States Supreme Court, which held that the conditions imposed (by new electoral registration requirements, poll taxes, literacy tests and similar conditions) applied to all residents and were therefore constitutional. (While this was literally true, in practice these rules were applied by white registrars to discriminate against Black people, resulting in a steep drop in the number of Black voters across the South.) Although a couple of rulings went against the states, they devised new means to keep Black people from voting.

The opinion of the court, delivered by Justice William O. Douglas, held that provided the tests were applied equally to all races, were not "merely a device to make racial discrimination easy," and did not "contravene any restriction that Congress, acting pursuant to its constitutional powers, has imposed," the literacy test could be an allowable use of the state's power to "determine the conditions under which the right of suffrage may be exercised." In practice, such tests were administered by white voting officials in a discriminatory manner to disfranchise minorities. Given the results from states' using such devices for decades, Congress subsequently prohibited the use of such tests under the Voting Rights Act of 1965, drafted to protect citizens' constitutional rights to vote and provide federal oversight.

The asylum was put in Phoenix, a normal school (teachers college) went to Tempe (near Phoenix), the territorial prison was kept in Yuma, and a bridge was built across the Gila River in Florence. While the Tucson delegation had been working to move the capital to Tucson, near the end of the session the Tucson Arizona Weekly Citizen said Tucson should have the territory university instead of the capital. A vote to move the capital to Tucson failed with all but one of the alliance members voting "nay" as pledged. The alliance also succeeded in all their other objectives (preventing a new Sierra Bonita County to be split from Cochise County, keeping the prison in Yuma, not regulating railroad fares) except one, a bill to disfranchise Mormons.

From 1890 to 1910, all the states of the former Confederacy passed new constitutions and other laws that incorporated methods to disfranchise blacks, such as poll taxes, residency rules, and literacy tests administered by white staff, sometimes with exemptions for whites via grandfather clauses. When challenges reached the Supreme Court, it interpreted the amendment narrowly, ruling based on the stated intent of the laws rather than their practical effect. The results in voter suppression were dramatic, as voter rolls fell: nearly all blacks, as well as tens of thousands of poor whites in Alabama and other states, were forced off the voter registration rolls and out of the political system, effectively excluding millions of people from representation. Democratic state legislatures passed racial segregation laws for public facilities and other types of Jim Crow restrictions.

In July 1863, after a flag earlier planted on Mt. Davidson by Union supporters (to overlook Virginia City and mock its Southern sympathizers) survived an intense electrical storm, Clemens, now writing under his penname Mark Twain, presented its survival through the lightning strikes as a mystical omen of Union victory. With this, Twain publicly had shown his newly undivided devotion to the Union. He also portrayed an incident in San Francisco as an omen for the fall of the Confederate cause when all the lights suddenly went out at a meeting of Copperheads (Northern Democrats calling for immediate peace). Twain would go on to protest a clause in a proposed Nevada constitution to disfranchise any that voluntarily bore arms for the Confederacy, claiming that, even in his Missouri days, he always had an underlying affection for the Union.

Clayton worked on the Soul City community development project in Warren County, North Carolina. In 1977, she was appointed Assistant Secretary for Community Development for the North Carolina State Department of Natural Resources and Community Development and served from 1977 to 1981. From 1982 to 1992, Clayton served as an elected member and chair of the Warren County Board of Commissioners. In 1992, she was elected from the 1st congressional district in North Carolina to the United States House of Representatives as a Democrat; at the same time she won a special election to finish the remaining months in 1992 of the term of Congressman Walter B. Jones Sr.. North Carolina had amended its constitution in 1899 to disfranchise Blacks, as did most southern states from 1890-1908, and no Black candidates were elected to Congress in the succeeding 92 years.

In November 1634 he was on a committee to assess various rates for Boston, and he carried the title of Sergeant by 1637. As a young adult, Edward became caught up in the events of the Antinomian Controversy from 1636 to 1638, in which his sister-in-law, Anne Hutchinson, and his brother-in-law, John Wheelwright, were centrally involved. On 2 November 1637, following Anne's sentence of banishment, and while she was awaiting her church trial, Edward was "convented for having his hand to the seditious libel, justifying the same, & using contemptuous speeches, the Court did disfranchise him, fine him in £40, put him from office, & commit him during the pleasure of the Court." On 20 November he was on a list of those who were disarmed as a result of the controversy, and the following March he and William Baulston were given license to depart out of the jurisdiction.

The name change may have sounded better in real estate advertisements, but it initially caused problems; in the New Zealand Herald, Volume X, Issue 3608, 4 June 1873, Page 2 it is mentioned that the change caused problems with the area's membership of both the Harbour Board and the Domain Board as their legal documents specified the Dedwood Road Board and Dedwood District Boards. (The) Superintendent, should have intimated to the rate-payers of the Dedwood district, that by their adopting a less funereal name they would disfranchise themselves. This problem was eventually sorted out and in any case in 1882 Ponsonby, along with Karangahape and Grafton was amalgamated with Auckland City. In the 1950s and 1960s a combination of people moving to new outer suburbs, Auckland City Council policy of "slum" clearances and the construction of the motorway through Freemans Bay, led to plummeting rents and a drastic downturn in the economic fortunes of the area directly west of the CBD.

From December 1863 to March 1865 Davis served as chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. In 1864, unwilling to leave the delicate questions concerning the French intervention in Mexico entirely in the hands of President Lincoln and Secretary of State William H. Seward, Davis brought in a report very hostile to France, which was adopted by the House but not by the Senate. With other Radical Republicans, Davis was a bitter opponent of Lincoln's plan for the Reconstruction of the Southern states, which he thought too lenient. Oration on the life and character of Henry Winter Davis book of 1866 On February 15, 1864, he reported from committee a bill placing the process of Reconstruction under the control of Congress, and stipulating that the Confederate states, as a condition of being re-admitted to the Union would disfranchise all important civil and military officers of the Confederacy, abolish slavery, and repudiate all debts incurred by or with the sanction of the Confederate government.

On 4 February 2014, the Democrat Party forwarded a request to the Constitutional Court for the invalidation of the election, as well as the dissolution of the Puea Thai Party and the disfranchisement of its executives. As part of their request, the Democrats identified the election as an attempt by the government to acquire administrative power by unconstitutional means, in accordance with section 68 of the constitution, the same section the Democrats had successfully invoked to request the invalidation of the constitutional amendment in November 2013. Section 68 prohibits an attempt to undermine the "democratic regime of government with the King as Head of State", or to acquire administrative power by constitutional means, and empowers the Constitutional Court to stop such an attempt, to dissolve any political party guilty of it and to disfranchise the executives of the dissolved party for five years. The Puea Thai Party filed a counter-request in response to the Democrat Party on 5 February, seeking the dissolution and disfranchisement of the latter's executives on the grounds of section 68.

The reactions to his speech came almost immediately – his coalition partners from the VMRO demanded additional amendments that would disfranchise those not meeting specific education requirements by banning them from voting in elections or referendums, the introduction of compulsory voting (already present, though unenforced in Bulgaria), "protection for the rights of ethnic Bulgarians", a return of mandatory conscription for all males, prohibitions against a potential future legalization of same-sex marriage (already present in the constitution) and an increase in the powers of the Presidency. His other allies from the SDS enthusiastically supported Borisov's proposal, calling it "statesmanly and timely" and opining that only right-wing European People's Party members could "close the pages of the Lilovo-Lukanite constitution". Meanwhile, opposition leader Maya Manolova rejected the proposals, rhethorically asking the prime minister of his speech was written by gangsters or Delyan Peevski. The Bulgarian Socialist Party's parliamentary secretary stated that he viewed the amendments only as an attempt by Borisov to calm down the protesters and remarked that they contained "a fair dose of populism".

Finally, after the return of two members in the 1818 general election was overturned by a petition alleging gross bribery, Lord John Russell moved to disfranchise Grampound and to transfer the two members to a new Parliamentary Borough of Leeds. The usual treatment for a Borough which had perpetual bribery (as practiced in New Shoreham in 1770, Cricklade in 1782, Aylesbury in 1804 and East Retford in 1828) was to expand its boundaries and franchise into an area free of corruption but that was not possible in Grampound where the neighbouring towns were also Parliamentary boroughs and increasing the electorate would simply increase the pool of potential bribed voters. After a delay caused by the accession of King George IV and the scandal of Queen Caroline's return and the Pains and Penalties Bill, Russell introduced a Bill in January 1821. The suggestion of Leeds as a new borough met with resistance because of the large number of working class voters who would be enfranchised, and when an amendment to raise the qualification was passed, Russell withdrew his Bill; however, the mover of the amendment introduced his own.

Freedmen voting in New Orleans, 1867 Reconstruction lasted from Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863 to the Compromise of 1877.Allen C. Guelzo, Fateful Lightning: A New History of the Civil War and Reconstruction (2012) pp 445-513Eric Foner, A Short History of Reconstruction (1990)Mark Wahlgren Summers, The Ordeal of the Reunion: A New History of Reconstruction (2014) The major issues faced by President Abraham Lincoln were the status of the ex-slaves (called "Freedmen"), the loyalty and civil rights of ex-rebels, the status of the 11 ex-Confederate states, the powers of the federal government needed to prevent a future civil war, and the question of whether Congress or the President would make the major decisions. The severe threats of starvation and displacement of the unemployed Freedmen were met by the first major federal relief agency, the Freedmen's Bureau, operated by the Army.Paul A, Cimbala, The Freedmen's Bureau: Reconstructing the American South after the Civil War (2005) includes a brief history and primary documents Three "Reconstruction Amendments" were passed to expand civil rights for black Americans: the Thirteenth Amendment outlawed slavery; the Fourteenth Amendment guaranteed equal rights for all and citizenship for blacks; the Fifteenth Amendment prevented race from being used to disfranchise men.