Johnson played a major role in the New Deal. In 1933 Roosevelt appointed Johnson to administer the National Recovery Administration (NRA). Some claim Johnson looked on Italian Fascist corporativism as a kind of model.Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945, 1996, p. 230.
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18 the Carlists tried to find a workaround by creating Obra Nacional Corporativa in November,Canal i Morell 2006, p. 334 an attempt to build own labor structure to be headed by Araúz, and defended its integrity against the Falangist CONS unions.Cenarro Lagunas, p. 20 At that time he emerged as "chief theorist of corporativism" within the Traditionalist realm.
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Panunzio became the head of the Fascist Faculty of Political Sciences at Perugia University in 1928. Panunzio said that syndicalism is the historical development of Marxism. He pointed to George Sorel and Francesco Saverio Merlino as revising Karl Marx to fit the times and emboldening it. He is said to have spearheaded the revisionism that led many syndicalists through interventionism to corporativism and he ostensibly "gave Mussolini’s dictatorship a veneer of revolutionary legitimacy".
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At the end of World War I, Fr Minzoni returned to Argenta, where he joined the Popular Party (Partito Popolare Italiano) the fore-runner of the Christian Democrats. Although this was a rather centrist party, he became friends with the socialist labor union leader Natale Gaiba, who was assassinated by the blackshirts in 1923. This and many other episodes turned him against Fascism. In addition to ideas about social rights, he became increasingly convinced of the need for cooperation, thus becoming an open enemy of the fascist regime that strongly favored corporativism.
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The Canadian Fascist Party was a fascist political party based in the city of Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada in the 1930s. The formative core of the party was a splinter group from the Canadian Nationalist Party that found the principles of corporativism to be more important than the largely racial motivations of the Nationalist Party. This disposition is highlighted in one official statement that "anti-semitism was a symptom of Germany not of Fascism". The party was founded as the British Empire Union of Fascists and was affiliated with the British Union of Fascists.
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He espoused an elitist understanding of politics, influenced by the ideas of Ortega y Gasset. His political thought fascistised as he progressively radicalised in an anti- conservative direction. Primo de Rivera put much faith on corporativism, one of the few early Falangist tenets framed in positive terms, adopted from Italian Fascism. Regarding political violence, he early alluded to what he famously termed as the "dialectics of fists and guns", already stating during the Falange foundation event at the Teatro de la Comedia, that in order to fulfill the desired cultural and historical regeneration of Spain, "if this has to be achieved through violence, we shall not be stopped by violence".
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Since the crisis of the dynastic conservatism in the 1910s, the authoritarian accents within the former political camp had increased, with a new generation of Maurist politicians bringing ideas of corporativism, integral nationalism, economic interventionism and political catholicism. After 1923, the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera espoused as ideology a mix of authoritarian and bureaucratic conservatism with some traditionalist trappings. As the very same Alfonso XIII began to identify with the new regime, the remains of the liberal-conservative tradition largely distanced from the figure of the King or even from the monarchy altogether. After the forced resignation of Primo de Rivera in 1930, the authoritarian wing largely gathered into the National Monarchist Union.
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The vision was based on Christian social theory, laid out in Spain by Severino Aznar Embid and developed ideas drafted in Araúz's earlier pamphlet La nueva politica: ideas sobre el futuro de España (1929). The works proposed to defuse social conflict by political representation of labor, wage control, pension schemes, unemployment and sick plans, arbitration boards, cooperatives, anti-speculation laws etc. They endorsed a regulated state, though fell short of syndicalism schemes and vehemently criticized fascism;Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis], Valencia 2009, p. 256 some scholars view it as a hybrid of Christian-social and Traditionalist patterns,Carlos Ibáñez, Política social y económica del carlismo, referred after Foro Alfonso Carlos 2011, available here ; Luis Infante, Economía, Tradición available here though some classify it as corporativism.
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David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of Northern Carolina Press, 1979, p. 256 Through this “fascos corporativism,” the true economic nation would have the means to govern itself as economics and politics grew closer towards a convergence.David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of Northern Carolina Press, 1979, pp. 256-257 This unification of politics and economics was the “core of the left-fascist conception” for most fascist syndicalists, who upheld fascism as a political idea and principle, but not as an economic system.David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of Northern Carolina Press, 1979, p. 257 The Fascist state's duty was to discipline production and economic activities, organized under economic groupings and collective interest, while no longer allowing the economy to operate on its own.
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One of the more radical fascist syndicalist was the philosopher Ugo Spirito. Considered as a “left fascist,” Spirito supported the struggle for a populist type of “corporativism”, a sort of proprietary corporation that provided the features of “collective ownership without undesirable economic centralization.”David D. Roberts, The Syndicalist Tradition and Italian Fascism, University of North Carolina Press, 1979 p. 294 Besides Rossoni, Sergio Panunzio and A. O. Olivetti were considered the “most coherent” Italian syndicalists who have been classified as the “Fascist left” by historians.Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945, Oxon, England: Routledge, 2001, pp. 111- 112 They identified Fascism and syndicalist ideology as a replacement for parliamentary liberalism so as to advance the interests of workers and common people as well as “modernize the economy.”Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914–1945, Oxon, England: Routledge, 2001, p. 112 To Rossoni, corporations were viewed as the best institutions to promote “economic justice and social solidarity” among producers.
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Canal 2005, p. 60, Canal 2006, p. 212 Vayreda's Catalan identity was heavily entrenched in conservative, Traditionalist, Catholic and anti-modern sense of regional self.in political terms related to corporativism, limited suffrage and organic representation, Josep Termes, Augustí Colomines, Patriotes i resistents. Història del primer catalanisme, Barcelona, 2003, , Illas 2004, p. 95 It did not stretch to embrace any sense of ethnic or national community.though his work is classified as contributing – unintentionally or possibly even against Vayreda’s intentions - to the Catalan national cause, Illas 2004, pp. 95-96 This identity was expressed almost exclusively in cultural terms and nothing is known of his support for Catalan political ambitions, autonomy-centered or otherwise; he was also cautious to distance himself from Catalanism flavored by federal or republican ideas.Vayreda underlined that he was attached to the region because of tradition, while the federalists opted for the region as the best rational choice, Canal 2005, p. 60, Canal 2006, p. 212 His vision of Catalonia was that of a spiritual entity epitomized by muntanya,characteristically, he made no note about maritime Catalonia, possibly considered the heartland of mercantile and modernist spirit the vision coined by Balmes, rejuvenated by Torres i Bages and sang in poetry by Verdaguer.Requesens i Pique 1988, p.
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