We're not fighting over data, or even one specific issue with corporatism, but against American corporatism itself as it colonizes the growing web.
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Corporatism has only existed for 200 years, give or take.
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When I graduated college, corporatism was supposed to protect me.
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" CII's approach, Lipton warned, "would lead to state corporatism or socialism.
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Corporatism, which is different from capitalism, wants to appease shareholders, not employees.
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We are worried about today's mix of nationalism, corporatism and popular discontent.
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There is also still evidence of the same old cronyism and corporatism.
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He was a baseball pinup, a dashing crosstown counterpoint to the Yankees' corporatism.
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There is evidence of the same old cronyism and corporatism along the way, too.
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Why has economic performance been dismal in many European countries that stuck with corporatism?
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Pinochet sensed, rightly, that corporatism would require him to share power with his military colleagues.
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"Trump's populism and Obama's corporatism broke Republicans of that reflexive pro-business stance," he said.
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But, I think Trump is an example of a certain kind of corporatism that's dangerous.
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And we quit the factories to join the cubicle army of Corporatism of the 2100th Century.
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The exception to military corporatism was General Augusto Pinochet's personal dictatorship in Chile from 1973 to 1990.
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To see these issues as separate is to ignore the imperialistic, and even colonial, nature of modern corporatism.
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His ultimate goal: Destroy the pillars of corporatism so men will once again regain their importance and purpose.
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"Wishy-washy corporatism doesn't sell," said Jeff Cohen, co-founder of the pro-Sanders online activist group RootsAction.org.
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The age of entrepreneurialism that started in the early 1980s is giving way to a new age of corporatism.
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Corporatism, with the power it awarded to state functionaries of all kinds, appealed to many of the region's military men.
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It has landed as the full legitimization of cultural homogenization, techno-militarism and life inside the atomized logic of corporatism.
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It's a place heavy with history and politics, still haunted by the effects of colonization and corporatism on indigenous land.
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He matches his critique of their corporatism and business-as-usual approach with an unmatched grassroots army and fundraising base.
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If "corporatism" is truly the slur worthy of constant hurling, what does a world without large institutions and their advocates look like?
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The idea of government control of private industry is after all among the textbook definitions of fascism and its concept of corporatism.
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Scripted comedy, corporatism, and the highest court in the land are squarely at the opposite end of the table from good memes.
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They will trash free trade, cut legal skilled immigration, attack modern finance and choose state-run corporatism over dynamic free market capitalism.
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Keeping a tight rein on the country through a mix of corporatism, political patronage and corruption, the party initially had notable successes.
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He expects Ofwat's interventions to end badly, describing its approach as "regulatory corporatism" that may lead down a slippery slope towards state control.
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What it never does is question the system and in that way the internet reflects the corporatism of the people who invented it.
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People talk about cronyism, corporatism, the division between the 1 percent and the 99 percent and the threats of the military-industrial complex.
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The tune we're premiering here, "End of Corporatism"—a searing, abstract funk showcasing both you and Thundercat—seems to have a political message.
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The real enemy may have been the rampant corporatism that seeped into the US in the '70s and took over in the '80s.
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It is a soft corporatism, dreamed up after a long boom, by powerful people who think the problem is that they are not powerful enough.
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The populists say that politics is rigged, elections are bought by those with enough money to spend, modern liberalism is mere lipstick on perpetual corporatism.
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Bannon is a fierce believer in the importance of the nation-state, in part as a bulwark against the dark forces of corporatism and globalism.
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And you had this kind of corporatism where large corporations working together with a powerful labor movement and a powerful government seemed to be managing things.
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For what these people have trained to do, for what they want to do with their talents, the current model is difficult to square with traditional corporatism.
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As Mr. Chávez showered Venezuelans with the proceeds of the oil boom to build what he called "21st century socialism," Polar's old-fashioned corporatism offered an alternative.
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He'd use government to force or bribe corporations to locate plants here — the guarded order of national corporatism over the wide-open riskiness of free-market capitalism.
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Read today, the book's intellectually slapstick vision of corporatism run amok embeds it within the early to mid-0003s as firmly and emblematically as "The Simpsons" and grunge music.
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Youtube's success is at odds with its soul The founding spirit of YouTube, in other words, is increasingly at odds with its own success and professionalism, its creeping corporatism.
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" South Dakota's Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, Clarissa Wei writes, is a place "heavy with history and politics, still haunted by the effects of colonization and corporatism on indigenous land.
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There is a massive group of Americans who's first commitment is to ending the disgusting bipartisan consensus of corruption, corporatism, and war profiteering that has so damaged our nation.
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Cleveland-based artists Laura and Gary Dumm, who have addressed consumerism and corporatism in their work since 2012, are currently creating art with an environmental focus for The Artful Activist.
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Joseph Schumpeter feared that as firms grew more powerful, they might push a country towards corporatism and clientelism, winning monopoly rights that would generate profits they could share with politicians.
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She gave a forceful, riveting address in which she correctly said that Donald Trump had "fulfilled the campaign promises of a campaign organized and built upon racism, corporatism and militarism".
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Workers in traditional industries, who blame depressed wages and increasing rents on a glut of foreign labor, see the EU as just another agent in the machinery of corporatism and globalization.
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Ultimately, Romero used the Living Dead films to showcase his brilliance as a genre auteur, while darkly skewering the blind corporatism that was so indifferent to society (and his films) at large.
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In fact, proposals to step up economic corporatism and socialism, to institute a universal basic income and enact huge increases in the national minimum wage, would have devastating effects on the country.
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To win over enough swing voters, they have to re-jigger the message to make it more of an attack on corporatism and crony capitalism than the rich or upper middle class.
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And at worst, trying to maximize his Treasury Secretary's flexibility in bailing out vulnerable industries while declining to press other businesses into the nation's cause is opening him up to charges of corporatism.
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One could make the argument that for all of YouTube's ads and general corporatism, at least a video with no views will still load just as quickly as the video for the latest pop banger.
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The danger with a conceptual work that concerns itself with the perversity of corporatism and late-late capitalism is that at some point you actually do need to engage with those things in order to eat.
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How do we reconcile the strange novelty of what this series has become with the crass corporatism that allows it to exist as a massively profitable venture of one of the biggest entertainment conglomerates on the planet?
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Where we once might have read that vampiric corporatism as a metaphor for natural resources like oil, it's hard today to see it as anything other than the radical changes that we are seeing in the global climate.
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With industrialisation and the influence of European fascism, positivism morphed into corporatism, in which economic freedom yielded to the state's organisation of the economy, as well as society, in non-competing functional units (unions and bosses' organisations, for example).
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Celebrated by its supporters as a synonym for peace, prosperity and a common-sense centrism, Clintonism was — and is still — derided by its detractors on the left as corporatism and on the right as a shorthand for scandal and impeachable offenses.
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In Europe, the anger and despair was ultimately harnessed by authoritarian demagogues who fused corporatism, nationalism, racism and xenophobia into a political movement that amassed totalitarian power, destroyed democracy, and ultimately murdering millions of people — including members of my own family.
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This looks like the opposite of alienated labor, not just because it seems like fun — it's not called "playing" for nothing — but because it transcends both the narrow individualism and the impersonal corporatism that defines so much of our working lives.
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So, the companies decide, we have to then cozy up to the federal government, and you do go towards a kind of Third World-type system, a kind of crony corporatism, as opposed to free markets with the emphasis on free.
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Through the development of a crypto-fascist ideology that combines ferocious ethnic chauvinism and revanchism, economic corporatism, a dash of religious traditionalism, and a personality cult, he is the model for aspiring autocrats everywhere, from Hungary to Turkey to the Philippines.
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Richard NealRichard Edmund NealSaagar Enjeti: Corporatism does not know any party US Supreme Court readies for Trump Democrats' clashes with Trump must not imperil trade with Mexico and Canada MORE (D-Mass.) for the Internal Revenue Service to give him Trump's tax returns.
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Today, America and the world are once again moving towards authoritarianism — and the same right-wing forces of oligarchy, corporatism, nationalism, racism and xenophobia are on the march, pushing us to make the apocalyptically wrong choice that Europe made in the last century.
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From Biden and his bridge to back toward a dire economy, to Warren and her grating corporatism, to Sanders and his refusal to admit the Soviet Union experiment did not work, each sorely lack the private sector experience to run the nation.
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It holds that there's a vast working-class majority out there for any candidate willing to slough off the Democratic Party's turn to corporatism, free trade, and identity politics and recapture the economic populism that made the New Deal Democrats dominant for a generation.
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These are people who not only nominated Barack ObamaBarack Hussein ObamaSaagar Enjeti: Corporatism does not know any party Saagar Enjeti: Harris campaign 'is failing because she doesn't stand for anything' Business owner says his Halloween display of Trump holding Obama's head went 'too far' MORE but also one Hillary Rodham Clinton.
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President Lopez Obrador sent a letter to House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Richard NealRichard Edmund NealSaagar Enjeti: Corporatism does not know any party US Supreme Court readies for Trump Democrats' clashes with Trump must not imperil trade with Mexico and Canada MORE (D-Mass.) last week promising such action.
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To counter that dynamic, the political arms of groups including the League of Conservation Voters (LCV), the Sierra Club and the Environmental Defense Fund are spending millions this fall to link climate change to the economy, corporatism and health care — the number one issue Democrats are running on this year.
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To counter that dynamic, the political arms of groups including the League of Conservation Voters (LCV), the Sierra Club and the Environmental Defense Fund are spending millions this fall to link climate change to the economy, corporatism and health care -- the number one issue Democrats are running on this year.
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And on the eve of Sanders' endorsement of Clinton, whether his army of millennial voters — who've expressed a strong dislike for Clinton politically and personally throughout my reporting on the trail — bring themselves to vote for who they deem a symbol of political corruption and corporatism is a total crapshoot.
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One of the simple truths about the election of President Trump to be the 85033th president of the United States is a fact he exposed, for the first time in a generation, that millions of Americans that live in the heartland have been sacrificed on the altar of internationalism, cronyism and corporatism.
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No matter how big the "blue wave" turns out to be this November, one thing is clear: Democrats in Congress will lack the votes to overcome presidential vetoes, and an extremist conservative Supreme Court majority, unbound by precedent, will set about erasing decades of settled law — on choice, corporatism, civil rights, federalism, and more.
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A third group of (mostly younger) Tories is trying to produce a more sophisticated message: one that recognises that, after several decades of pro-market policies, Britain still suffers from low productivity and social exclusion, but also grasps that the solution to these problems does not lie in going back to the big-government corporatism of the 1970s.
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So we learn that the zombies are not really zombies, but humans undergoing a process of mutation and psychic enslavement to a collective will called "the Many" (in retrospect, it's not hard to see writer / designer Ken Levine working on the themes of collectivism, individualism, and corporatism that would become over-familiar across the Bioshock franchise).
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While his death had been incorrectly reported more than once before during President Barack ObamaBarack Hussein ObamaSaagar Enjeti: Corporatism does not know any party Saagar Enjeti: Harris campaign 'is failing because she doesn't stand for anything' Business owner says his Halloween display of Trump holding Obama's head went 'too far' MORE's tenure, this time his death is certain, according to DNA tests.
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Beto O'Rourke have floated increasing the corporate tax rate to 22019 percent — the rate that former President Barack ObamaBarack Hussein ObamaSaagar Enjeti: Corporatism does not know any party Saagar Enjeti: Harris campaign 'is failing because she doesn't stand for anything' Business owner says his Halloween display of Trump holding Obama's head went 'too far' MORE backed during his time in office. Sen.
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This is now most apparent among Republicans, who are split more and more clearly between an increasingly empowered anti-establishment wing opposed to immigration and trade and the Chamber of Commerce agenda of globalist corporatism and "political correctness," and an increasingly uncertain establishment wing that still believes Republicans should reach out to minorities, support immigration, engage with the world, and support big business.
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Mr. Washington plays in Mr. Graves's band, and occasionally the dissonance between their styles pushes Mr. Washington into fruitful new territory: On "Corporatism," before his solo peaks into its characteristic bluster, Mr. Washington plays some delicate games with his notes, making them into small droplets, nudging at Graves's hard rhythm until it gets the best of him, and he's aloft. G.R.
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The better explanations are: (a) the president is infatuated with authoritarians, at least those who flatter him; (b) he's neurotically neuralgic when it comes to the subject of his election; (c) he's ideologically sympathetic to Putinism, with its combination of economic corporatism, foreign-policy cynicism, and violent hostility to critics; (d) he's stupid; or (e) he's vulnerable to Russian blackmail.
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Richard NealRichard Edmund NealSaagar Enjeti: Corporatism does not know any party US Supreme Court readies for Trump Democrats' clashes with Trump must not imperil trade with Mexico and Canada MORE (D-Mass.), the chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, told Bloomberg Law on Tuesday that negotiators could wrap up the labor issues as soon as this week, a major step toward finalizing the agreement.
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Being "for the people", she argued, means standing against "predators", "big banks" and "transnational gangs,"—a careful bit of positioning that tries to cut into the anti-corporatism of Senator Elizabeth Warren, a rival for the Democratic nomination, and President Donald Trump's law-and-order claims ("on the subject of transnational gangs, let's be perfectly clear: the president's medieval vanity project isn't going to stop them").
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J.P. Earlier this month Cameron Graves, the pianist in Kamasi Washington's West Coast Get-Down, released "Planetary Prince: The Eternal Survival EP," a follow-up to his fine debut album, and on Monday he unveiled a video for "The End of Corporatism," featuring the live performance caught on the EP. Mr. Graves's pianism is equal parts classical rigor, metal thrash and hip-hop syncopation.
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Biden is simply the vehicle thrust upon all us in order for the army of K street lobbyists and consultants to restore the cash cow that was the presidency under Barack ObamaBarack Hussein ObamaSaagar Enjeti: Corporatism does not know any party Saagar Enjeti: Harris campaign 'is failing because she doesn't stand for anything' Business owner says his Halloween display of Trump holding Obama's head went 'too far' MORE.
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The uncomfortable truth about the Trump campaign is that, like the Brexit campaign, it is perfectly timed to ride a mood of popular revolt — against neoliberal economics, against the bankers who emerged with impunity from the 2008 financial meltdown, against what Farage called "global corporatism," against seemingly uncontrolled immigration, and against the politicians behind growing workplace precariousness and a pervasive sense of personal control lost to impersonal forces.
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Eric Schultz, a senior adviser to the former president, tweeted a photo of Barack ObamaBarack Hussein ObamaSaagar Enjeti: Corporatism does not know any party Saagar Enjeti: Harris campaign 'is failing because she doesn't stand for anything' Business owner says his Halloween display of Trump holding Obama's head went 'too far' MORE sitting in the back row as his wife spoke alongside her brother, Craig Robinson, for a wide-ranging discussion with author Isabel Wilkerson. .
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Isn't there a risk that if your modus operandi is constantly trying to make sure that all these different interest groups are appeased, then it becomes a kind of form of corporatism, where actually, you're not really making any proper reforms, you're just kind of giving a little bit to all these interest groups and South Africa remains sluggish... In the end, I mean, it is also those people who are not at the table that I'm also most concerned about.
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The group of former officials include dormer Defense Secretaries Leon Panetta and Chuck HagelCharles (Chuck) Timothy HagelAlmost 22019 former officials, members of Congress urge Senate action on election security GOP Senate candidate said Republicans have 'dual loyalties' to Israel White House aide moves to lobbying firm MORE, both of whom served under President Barack ObamaBarack Hussein ObamaSaagar Enjeti: Corporatism does not know any party Saagar Enjeti: Harris campaign 'is failing because she doesn't stand for anything' Business owner says his Halloween display of Trump holding Obama's head went 'too far' MORE, and former Homeland Security Secretary James Loy, who served under President George W. Bush.
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In response to the rise in popularity of Roman Catholic corporatism in the 1890s, Protestant corporatism arose, especially in Germany, the Netherlands, and Scandinavia. However, Protestant corporatism has been far less successful in being supported by governments than its Roman Catholic counterpart.Wiarda, Howard J., pp. 41.
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McGill-Queens University Press, 1995. P94. Though, some critics of Christian corporatism will look to certain sections in Quadragesimo anno like section 95 in order to refute the idea of corporatism.
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When consociationalism is organised along religious confessional lines, as in Lebanon, it is known as confessionalism. Consociationalism is sometimes seen as analogous to corporatism. Some scholars consider consociationalism a form of corporatism. Others claim that economic corporatism was designed to regulate class conflict, while consociationalism developed on the basis of reconciling societal fragmentation along ethnic and religious lines.
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Liberal corporatism was an influential component of the progressivism in the United States that has been referred to as "interest group liberalism".Wiarda, Howard J. Corporatism and comparative politics. M.E. Sharpe, 1996. Pp. 134.
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In the 1970s, social corporatism evolved into neo-corporatism which essentially replaced it. Neo-corporatism has represented an important concept of Third Way social democracy. Social- democratic theorist Robin Archer wrote about the importance of social corporatism to social democracy in his work Economic Democracy: The Politics of a Feasible Socialism (1995). As a welfare state, social democracy is a specific type of welfare state and policy regime described as being universalist, supportive of collective bargaining and more supportive of public provision of welfare.
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"For a Corporatism of the Universal." Pp. 331–37 in The Rules of Art Polity.
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Social corporatism, also called social democratic corporatism, is a form of economic tripartite corporatism based upon a social partnership between the interests of capital and labour, involving collective bargaining between representatives of employers and of labour mediated by the government at the national level. Social corporatism is a major component of the Nordic model and to a lesser degree the West European social market economies. It is considered a compromise to regulate the conflict between capital and labour by mandating them to engage in mutual consultations that are mediated by the government. Generally supported by nationalist and/or social-democratic political parties, social corporatism developed in the post-World War II period, influenced by Christian democrats and social democrats in European countries such as Austria, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden.
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Spirito's particular interest in fascism was corporatism and he came to discuss the subject in depth through the journal Nuovi Studi di Diritto, Economica e Politica. He wrote extensively on his favoured topic of 'integral corporatism', a system where ownership would be concentrated in the hands of workers rather than shareholders.Roger Griffin, Fascism, Oxford University Press, 1995, p. 68 This belief in integral corporatism was sometimes equated with a commitment to common ownership.
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The Ideology of the SSNP is a mixture of pan-Syrian nationalism, secularism and economic corporatism.
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Taylor & Frances, 2001. Pp. 243. Liberal corporatism is commonly supported by proponents in Austria, Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden.
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Gambling: Hazard and Reward (1972). London: University of London Press. The Challenge of Corporatism(1981). New Studies in Sociology.
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Corporate statism, state corporatism, or simply corporatism is a political culture and a form of corporatism - closely related to fascism - whose adherents hold that the corporate group which forms the basis of society is the state. The state requires all members of a particular economic sector to join an officially designated interest group. Such interest groups thus attain public status, and they participate in national policymaking. As a result, the state has great control over the groups, and groups have great control over their members.
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This section constructs a view of capitalism which ultimately tends toward corporatism which, he suggests, will be its own undoing.
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How grassroots innovation created jobs, challenge, and change (1st edition). Princeton: Princeton University Press. Chapter 6, section 4: The New Corporatism.
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Organizing Interests in Western Europe: Pluralism, Corporatism, and the Transformation of Politics. Cambridge [Eng.]: Cambridge University Press, 1981. p. 397El País.
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Economically, High Tories generally tend to prefer paternalistic Tory corporatism and protectionism over the neo-liberalism that emerged in the 1970s.
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Eisenhower the President, Volume Two (1984). New York. Simon & Schuster. p. 250. . Early in Roosevelt's first term, supporters and critics alike found similarities between the National Recovery Administration (NRA) and Italian corporatism. In 1935 and 1936, after Italy invaded Ethiopia and the Supreme Court struck down the NRA, contemporaries stopped comparing the NRA to Italian corporatism.
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The Immigration History Research Center Archives, University of Minnesota Libraries, houses Max Ascoli's papers. His books include criticism of Italian fascist Corporatism.
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Wiarda, Howard J., pp. 39. Economic application of Christian corporatism has promoted consultations between employers and workers and has sponsored Christian trade unionism.
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The idea of corporatism, which had already been part of Fascist rhetoric for some time, rose to prominence as a solution that would preserve private enterprise and property while allowing the state to intervene in the economy when private enterprise failed. Corporatism was promoted as reconciling the interests of capital and labour. Mussolini argued that this fascist corporatism would preserve those elements of capitalism that were deemed beneficial, such as private enterprise, and combine them with state supervision. At this time he also said that he rejected the typical capitalist elements of economic individualism and laissez-faire.
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Liberal corporatism is the application of economic corporatism by liberal political parties and organizations, that recognizes the bargaining interests of multiple groups within society, such as in the business, labour, and agricultural sectors and licenses them to engage in bargaining over economic policy with the state.Frank Bealey, Richard A. Chapman, Michael Sheehan. Elements in political science. Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press, 1999. P36.
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Lanham,USA; Plymouth, UK: Lexington Books, 2007. Pp. 109. Unlike a number of other forms of corporatism, liberal corporatism does not reject capitalism or individualism, but believes that a business is a social institution that requires its managers to go beyond achieving the bottom line, by recognizing the needs of their members.Waring, Stephen P. Taylorism Transformed: Scientific Management Theory Since 1945.
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29 Mihail Manoilescu, together with the French economist François Perroux, prepared the way for the reception of corporatism in Brazil during the 1930s.Love, p. 221 Establishing corporatism in Brazil was partly achieved by translating and publishing into Portuguese some of Manoilescu's works.Elizabeth McQuerry, University of Texas at Austin, 1995, Economic liberalization in Brazil: business responses & changing patterns of behavior, p.
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Tripartism is economic corporatism based on tripartite contracts between employers' organizations, trade unions, and the government of a country. Each is to act as a social partner to create economic policy through cooperation, consultation, negotiation, and compromise. Tripartism is a common form of and favored by neo-corporatism. Tripartism became a popular form of economic policy during the economic crisis of the 1930s.
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Neumayer, Eric (2003). "Are left-wing party strength and corporatism good for the environment? Evidence from panel analysis of air pollution in OECD countries".
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The development of social corporatism began in Norway and Sweden in the 1930s and was consolidated in the 1960s and 1970s. The system was based upon the dual compromise of capital and the labour as one component and the market and the state as the other component. Social corporatism developed in Austria under the post-World War II coalition government of the Social Democratic Party of Austria and the Austrian People's Party. Social corporatism in Austria protects private property in exchange for allowing the labour movement to have political recognition and influence in the economy—to avoid the sharp class conflict that plagued Austria in the 1930s.
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Welfare corporatism in the United States developed during the intense industrial development of 1880 to 1900 which was marked by labor disputes and strikes, many violent.
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Based upon the normative value of conservatism and the structural layout of corporatism, conservative corporatism arose as a response to liberal pluralism and Marxist radicalism by rejecting the pluralism of liberalism, the dialectical materialism of Marxism and the mutually held secular attitudes of both liberalism and Marxism.Emile F. Sahliyeh (1990). Religious Resurgence and Politics in the Contemporary World. Albany, USA: State University of New York Press. p. 184.
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In effect, Rerum Novarum proposed a kind of corporatism, the organisation of political power along industrial lines, similar to the mediaeval guild system. Under corporatism, the individual's place in society is determined by the ethnic, work, and social groups which one was born into or joined. Leo rejected one-person, one-vote democracy in favour of representation by interest groups. A strong government should serve as arbiter among the competing factions.
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Introduction to Econometrics. 4th edition, Pearson Addison Wesley, 2018. In this case, the government should intervene. Corporatism keeps insiders from tightly regulating the wage, which creates an inefficiency.
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Tory corporatismWilliam Stewart (1988). Understanding Politics: The Cultures of Societies and the Structures of Governments."Corporatism: A Daring Dream, Part I". is a corporatist political culture that is distinct from fascist corporatism in that rather than having a dictatorship impose order through force, the Tory corporatist culture is organic, already settled and ongoing. The Tory corporatist culture relies on existing shared values of its members and therefore does not feature a large police force.
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Christian corporatism is a societal, economic, or a modern political application of the Christian doctrine of Paul of Tarsus in I Corinthians 12:12-31 where Paul speaks of an organic form of politics and society where all people and components are functionally united, like the human body.Wiarda, Howard J., pp. 28. Christian corporatism has been supported by the Roman Catholic Church, Protestants, Christian democrats, and others.Gehler, Michael and Kaiser, Wolfram, pp. 76.
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"Welfare capitalism" or "welfare corporatism" is somewhat neutral language for what, in other contexts, might be framed as "industrial paternalism", "industrial village", "company town", "representative plan", "industrial betterment", or "company union".
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The support by labour leaders' advocacy of liberal corporatism of the U.S. progressives is believed to have been influenced by an attraction to the syndicalism and particularly the anarcho-syndicalism at the time in Europe. In the United States, economic corporatism involving capital-labour cooperation was influential in the New Deal economic program of the United States in the 1930s as well as in Fordism and Keynesianism.R. J. Barry Jones. Routledge Encyclopedia of International Political Economy: Entries A-F.
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Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. p. 364. Conservative corporatism is also a corporatist political culture that is distinct from fascist corporatism in that rather than having a dictatorship impose order through force, the conservative corporatist culture is already settled and ongoing. The conservative corporatist culture relies on existing shared values of its members and therefore does not feature a large police force. The theoretical source of legitimacy of a conservative corporatist culture is tradition and hierarchy of birth.
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Although many of the labor law are claimed to be amended, the social norm of Japan, including strong corporatism, are preventing these laws to be no more than self-imposed control and effort obligation.
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Furthermore, Onganía was attempting to impose corporatism in Argentina. In this context, the important industrial hub of Córdoba was one of the experimental place of corporatinist policies, implemented by the appointed governor Carlos Caballero.
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Carlo Costamagna (21 September 1881, in Quiliano – 1 March 1965, in Pietra Ligure) was an Italian lawyer and academic noted as a theorist of corporatism. He worked closely with Benito Mussolini and his fascist movement.
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To revolutionaries, universities embodied bastions of corporatism and established interests. Moreover, lands owned by the universities and utilized for their support represented a source of wealth and therefore were confiscated, just as property possessed by the Church.
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As the thirteenth point of the JAP put it: 'Anti-parliamentarianism. Anti- dictatorship. The people participating in Government in an organic manner, not by degenerate democracy.' The line between Christian corporatism and fascist statism became very thin indeed.
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As the thirteenth point of the JAP put it: 'Anti-parliamentarianism. Anti- dictatorship. The people participating in Government in an organic manner, not by degenerate democracy.' The line between Christian corporatism and fascist statism became very thin indeed.
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Jeune Nation defended anti-parliamentarianism, corporatism, the French army and the colonial empire, racism, antisemitism, as well as violent actions to overthrow the regime. They also dismissed political parties, communism, liberal democracy and its embodiment: the United States.
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Goodbye Ted. Melbourne: Yackandandah, 1983. , p. iii The Club was written by David Williamson in 1977. Williamson revisited football with the 2012 play Managing Carmen. Themes of football under threat from corporatism are explored in Barry Dickins' Royboys (1987).
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Their ideas unmistakably resembled those > of Italian fascism and Portuguese and Austrian corporatism. NTS supporters believe the organization always defended democratic participation in government (even in the case of a monarch), championed individual liberties, supported individualism, and rejected chauvinism.
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"Of Corporatism, Fascism, and the First New Deal". The American Journal of Comparative Law (1991). 39#4. pp. 747–778. Similarities are in anti-depression policies as in totality the New Deal and fascism were very different.John A. Garraty.
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F. M. Leventhal, ed. Twentieth-Century Britain: An Encyclopedia (1995) p 78-80.Beckett (2007), p 369Gerry R. Rubin, "Law, War and Economy: The Munitions Acts 1915–17 and Corporatism in Context." Journal of Law and Society 11.3 (1984): 317–333.
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Joining the government-sanctioned corporations, he supported at times ideas contradictory to his former socialist positions, but ultimately he rejected corporatism as a form of labour organisation. Despite some attempts at collaboration, he would never reintegrate in the mainstream socialist movement.
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Collective Bargaining in Europe: Towards an Endgame. Brussels: European Trade Union Institute. III. pp. 583–604. . based on the economic foundations of social corporatism,Rosser, J. Barkley; Rosser, Marina V. (2003). Comparative Economics in a Transforming World Economy (2nd ed.).
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F. M. Leventhal, ed. Twentieth-Century Britain: An Encyclopedia (1995) p 78–80.Beckett (2007), p 369Gerry R. Rubin, "Law, War and Economy: The Munitions Acts 1915–17 and Corporatism in Context". Journal of Law and Society 11.3 (1984): 317–333.
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Luis Suarez- Villa, in his 2009 book Technocapitalism: A Critical Perspective on Technological Innovation and Corporatism argues that it is a new version of capitalism that generates new forms of corporate organization designed to exploit intangibles such as creativity and new knowledge.Luis Suarez-Villa, Technocapitalism: A Critical Perspective on Technological Innovation and Corporatism (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009). The new organizations, which he refers to as experimentalist organizations are deeply grounded in technological research, as opposed to manufacturing and services production. They are also heavily dependent on the corporate appropriation of research outcomes as intellectual property.
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Some controversy has existed in the political left over social corporatism, where it has been criticized for abandoning the concept of class struggle in favour of class collaboration and compromise, legitimizing privately owned enterprise and for lending credence to a form of regulated capitalism. Others on the left counter these criticisms by claiming that social corporatism has been progressive in providing institutional legitimacy to the labour movement that recognizes the existence of ongoing class conflict between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, but they seek to provide peaceful resolutions to disputes arising from the conflict based on moderation rather than revolution. Proponents of social corporatism consider it a class compromise within the context of existing class conflict. In the 1930s, social democracy was labeled social fascism by the Communist International which maintained that social democracy was a variant of fascism because in addition to their shared corporatist economic model they stood in the way of transitioning to communism and socialism.
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345 As ORT moved ahead towards a merger with the Party of Labour of Spain (PTE), SU and CSUT (the PTE labour wing) entered into a unification process.Berger, Suzanne. Organizing Interests in Western Europe: Pluralism, Corporatism, and the Transformation of Politics. Cambridge [Eng.
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The conservative Iorga was however inclined to sympathize with other forms of totalitarianism or corporatism, and, since the 1920s, viewed Italian Fascism with some respect.Boia (2000), p. 116; Santoro, pp. 115–116, 226–228, 231, 233, 333, 359-364; Stanomir, Spiritul, pp.
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Economic systems of conservative corporatism are identified as involving a status-related welfare state, pronounced but not extreme income differentials, moderately hierarchical status rankings, moderate social rights and some social exclusion.Mike Maguire, Rodney Morgan, Robert Reiner (2007). The Oxford handbook of criminology. 4th edition.
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"Politiques industrielles et dynamique du marché du travail en Belgique" with Jonathan Leonard. Reflets et Perspectives de la Vie Economique. Vol. XXXIII, February 1994, pp. 73–86 "Corporatism Run Amok: Job Stability and Industrial Policy in Belgium and the United States" with Jonathan Leonard.
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Exhumed's lyrics focus on gore themes. However, the band uses this thematic lens in an allegorical fashion. Lyricist Matt Harvey said: On Necrocracy, Harvey wrote lyrics that applied the gore theme to political subject matter, such as a critique of American corporatism and consumerism.
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In the early 1970s, left-wing Peronism rejected liberal democracy and political pluralism as the mask of bourgeois domination. The anti-communist right-wing Peronism also rejected it in the name of corporatism, claiming to return to a "Christian and humanist, popular, national socialism".
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Works, such as Karl Polanyi's The Great Transformation, Theda Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions, Philippe Schmitter's Still a Century of Corporatism?, Barrington Moore's Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, and Evans, Ruschemeyer and Skocpol's Bringing the State Back In have been characterized as precursors to Historical Institutionalism.
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Biétry envisioned workers organizing unions which would operate in parallel with groups of businesses (a structure similar to corporatism). Workers would get a greater share of company profits through negotiation between each union and the corresponding business group. Above this would be a strong authoritarian State.
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The dominant faction, Jones believed, acted as a "coalition" government of several social forces. This development led some to believe that the Soviet Union had evolved into neo-corporatism. Some believed Soviet factionalism to be "feudal in character". Personal relationship were created to ensure service and support.
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Carmen Brăgaru, "Iconarii pe înțelesul tuturor", in România Literară, Nr. 10/2005 While he had a degree of sympathy for Italian fascism and corporatism,Boia, p.116; Stanomir, pp.225, 233; Veiga, pp.130, 134, 149, 250, 253, 263 Iorga viewed the Iron Guard as dangerous for Romania.
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Pp. 32. Nacionalismo was typically centred upon the support of order, hierarchy, corporatism, militant Catholicism, support of the landed estates, combined with the hatred of liberalism, leftism, Freemasonry, feminism, Jews and foreigners.Sandra McGee Deutsch, Ronald H. Dolkart. The Argentine right: its history and intellectual origins, 1910 to the present.
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Chirot, p.250; Gallagher, p.33 At the same time, his magazine supported a nationalist and racist approach, viewing corporatism as "the guarantee of Romanianization",Victor Munteanu, 1936, in Ornea, p.273 and proclaiming that "the racial basis of Romania is the same as that of Aryan Europe".
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This has been accepted or adopted across the political spectrum, including conservatives (Christian democrats), liberals (social liberals) and socialists (social democrats). However, socialists see the welfare state "not merely to provide benefits but to build the foundation for emancipation and self-determination". Social democracy influenced the development of social corporatism, a form of economic tripartite corporatism based upon a social partnership between the interests of capital and labour, involving collective bargaining between representatives of employers and of labour mediated by the government at the national level. During the post-war consensus, this form of social democracy has been a major component of the Nordic model and to a lesser degree the West European social market economies.
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After the French Revolution they gradually fell in most European nations over the course of the 19th century, as the guild system was disbanded and replaced by laws that promoted free trade. As a consequence of the decline of guilds, many former handicraft workers were forced to seek employment in the emerging manufacturing industries, using not closely guarded techniques formerly protected by guilds, but rather the standardized methods controlled by corporations. Interest in the medieval guild system was revived during the late 19th century, among far right circles. Fascism in Italy (among other countries) implemented corporatism, operating at the national rather than city level, to try to imitate the corporatism of the Middle Ages.
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Michael Bravo & Sverker Sörlin, Narrating the Arctic, 2002, p. 90 Ideologically he was highly conservative socially but also anti-capitalist.Bravo & Sörlin, Narrating the Arctic, p. 91 Molin flirted with corporatism by supporting an occupational franchise as well as some state intervention designed to bring the working class into a national consensus.
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Panu, p. 75 Demanding Jewish quotas and nationalization, it allowed non-Romanian Christians their civil rights, except for holding political office, and proposed corporatism instead of the parliamentary regime.Panu, pp. 75–76 The leaflet was headlined by the Nazi flag, defaced with the slogan România Românilor ("Romania for the Romanians").
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READ BOOKS, 2006. pp. 134. Private enterprise would control production, but it would be supervised by the state.Salvemini. p. 134. Italian Fascism presented the economic system of corporatism as the solution that would preserve private enterprise and property while allowing the state to intervene in the economy when private enterprise failed.
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Vargas with members of his cabinet on inauguration day, 3 November 1930. The man with glasses (center) is Lindolfo Collor, maternal grandfather of Fernando Collor de Mello, the future President of Brazil. Vargas and his cabinet in 1931. Vargas was a wealthy pro-industrial nationalist and anti-communist who favoured corporatism.
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Louis Salleron was born on 15 August 1905. He was the brother of the journalist and writer Paul Sérant (Paul Salleron). He was close to the Henri, Count of Paris. From the mid 1930s he was a theoretician of agricultural corporatism, looking for a "third way" between Liberalism and Socialism.
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Maurrassisme is a political doctrine originated by Charles Maurras (1868–1952), most closely associated with the Action française movement. Maurassisme advocates absolute integral nationalism, monarchism, corporatism, alliance with revolutionary syndicalism, and opposition to democracy, liberalism, and capitalism.David Miller, Janet Coleman, William Connolly, Alan Ryan. The Blackwell encyclopaedia of political thought.
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However, Lindblom soon began to see the shortcomings of Polyarchy with regard to democratic governance. When certain groups of elites gain crucial advantages, become too successful and begin to collude with one another instead of compete, Polyarchy can easily turn into Corporatism. Lindblom died on January 30, 2018 at the age of 100.
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Together with fellow officers he committed a coup d'état in May 1934 and became prime minister. He was also justice minister and for a short time minister of war and foreign affairs. He abolished all political parties and trade unions. Influenced by the Italian dictator Benito Mussolini, he introduced a corporative economic system (corporatism).
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The Redressement Français (French Resurgence) was a French anti- parliamentarian movement founded in 1926 by the electricity magnate Ernest Mercier. It advocated technocratic corporatism - a "government of authority" - instead of a government of politicians.Richard F. Kuisel (1967), Ernest Mercier: French Technocrat, p. 49, University of California Press Among its newspapers was the Revue Hebdomadaire.
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532 shifted toward developing a Romanian "elite theory" and the role of state pedagogy in cultivating a fresh political establishment. His idea of corporatism differed from that espoused by Mihail Manoilescu, arguing a strong dictatorship by an "ascetic elite", with a charismatic leader, could set up the Romanian corporations, but never the other way around.Heinen, pp.
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' The JAP's distaste for the principles of universal suffrage was such that internal decisions were never voted upon. As the thirteenth point of the JAP put it: "Anti-parliamentarianism. Anti-dictatorship. The people participating in Government in an organic manner, not by degenerate democracy." The line between Christian corporatism and fascist statism became very thin indeed.
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Harold Elsdale Goad (4 October 1878 – 26 May 1956) was a British writer, journalist and poet. He was an early sympathiser with fascism, publishing the pamphlet What is Fascism?, followed by two books on corporatism. He was one of those in the British Fascists interested in Fascist ideology, with James Strachey Barnes,Stephen Dorril, Blackshirt (2006), p. 199.
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The party aimed to protect the ethnic identity of the Icelanders and believed in the supremacy of the Aryan race and anti-Semitism. They supported agricultural reform and were sympathetic to corporatism, whilst looking for the government to invest in industrialization.Gudmundsson, p. 746 They also sought to abolish the Althing and replace it with a corporate parliament.
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Il centrosinistra Critics condemn his centralized and often authoritarian political style, which was probably the main reason of his decline.Estendere l'azione contro il regime autoritario di Fanfani. He had always believed in the corporate state, considering Fascism only as a "temporary aberration" of corporatism. He never tried to hide his fascist past, but unlike many Italians, he freely admitted that he was wrong.
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The Maoist economic model of China was designed after the Stalinist principles of a centrally administrated command economy based on the Soviet model.Marangos, John (2004). Alternative Economic Models of Transition. Aldershot; Burlington: Ashgate. . In the common program set up by the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in 1949, in effect the country’s interim constitution, state capitalism meant an economic system of corporatism.
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The merger of the social liberalism of the DDP with the nationalist corporatism of the Young German Order did not prove a successful one: the party lost seats drastically in the 1930 election from its showing in 1928, and the People's National Reich Association's Reichstag delegates soon seceded from the party, leaving it essentially the DDP under a new name.
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Ideologically the party tended towards the neo-fascist or neo-NaziCarter, The Extreme Right in Western Europe, p. 59 end of the far-right and sought early contact with the MSI. It celebrated the heritage of Rexism and shared with it contempt for parliamentary democracy and support for corporatism in economics. The group also adopted a strongly anti-American strain to its discourse.
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The Institute was founded as the German Institute for Psychiatric Research () by King Ludwig III of Bavaria in Munich on February 13, 1917. The main force behind the institute was the psychiatrist Emil Kraepelin.Engstrom, Eric J., Wolfgang Burgmair, and Matthias M. Weber. "Psychiatric Governance, Völkisch Corporatism, and the German Research Institute of Psychiatry in Munich (1912–26)." History of Psychiatry 27, no.
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Metzler, The Lever of Empire, page 239 He formed a new political party, the Kokumin Dōmei in December 1932, together with Nakano Seigō. The new party advocated a form of state socialism or corporatism with government control of strategic industries and financial institutions, and the creation of a Japan-Manchukuo economic union. The party was absorbed into the Taisei Yokusankai in 1940.
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He has dedicated himself most recently to the issues of media literacy, participatory government, and the development of local and complementary currencies. He wrote a book and film called Life Inc., which traces the development of corporatism and centralized currency from the Renaissance to today, and hosts a radio show called MediaSquat on WFMU, concerned with reclaiming commerce and culture from corporate domination.
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In his book, Life, Inc. and his dissertation "Monopoly Moneys," Rushkoff takes a look at physical currency and the history of corporatism. Beginning with an overview of how money has been gradually centralized throughout time, and pondering the reasons and consequences of such a fact, he goes on to demonstrate how our society has become defined by and controlled by corporate culture.
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Additionally, there is a separation of power between legislative and executive. The third dimension is the distinction between individual and organized pluralismcf. Hallin & Mancini (2004), p. 53-55. resp. liberalism and corporatism. Individual pluralism is defined as the organization of the political representation “in terms of the relation between governing institutions and individual citizens, along with a multiplicity of competing ‘special interests’”.
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Hallin & Mancini (2004), p. 53. On the other hand, the focus on organized social groups is more important within organized pluralism systems. Thus, corporatism includes the “formal integration of social groups into the political process”.Hallin & Mancini (2004), p. 53. Hallin and Mancini identify the distinction between rational- legal authority and clientelismcf. Hallin & Mancini (2004), p. 55-59. as another crucial dimension.
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Ilincioiu, p. 32 This was contrasted by the behavior other PNȚ leaders, four of whom were stockholders in multinational companies by 1937.Mezarescu, pp. 38–39 As "Third Way" advocates, some PNȚ ideologues often veered into explicit support for social corporatism. This built on ideas first circulated by Stere in 1908, and, with Madgearu, became a more complex program for corporate representation.
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Jewish capitalists (especially bankers) were considered to be mortal enemies of Germany and part of a global conspiracy that also included Jewish communists. On the other hand, ethnic German capitalists were regarded as potential allies by the Nazis. From the beginning of the Nazi movement, and especially from the late 1920s onward, the Nazi Party took the stance that it was not opposed to private property or capitalism as such, but only to its excesses and the domination of the German economy by "foreign" capitalists (including German Jews). There were a range of economic views within the early Nazi Party, ranging from the Strasserite wing which championed extensive state intervention, to the Völkisch conservatives who promoted a program of conservative corporatism, to the economic right-wing within Nazism, who hoped to avoid corporatism because it was viewed as too restrictive for big business.
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NZZ Mediengruppe was established in 1780 with the start of its flagship paper Neue Zürcher Zeitung. Veit Dengler is the chief executive officer of the group of which the headquarters is in Zurich. The company has a liberal stance and does not support collectivism or corporatism. The group has business activities in the fields of newspaper publishing, magazine and book publishing, and regional radio and television broadcasting.
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Liberal corporatism is often in conflict from proponents of liberal pluralism that opposes the granting of power to organized interest groups. English liberal philosopher John Stuart Mill supported corporatist- like economic associations as needing to predominate in society to create equality for labourers and give them a voice in management through democratic economic rights.Gregg, Samuel. The commercial society: foundations and challenges in a global age.
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Politics and Political Parties..., p. 185 The process of instituting ethnic protectionism would contribute to the emergence of a "really (biologically) national state", the "national organic State" (which "must be a Constitutional Monarchy"), with "the abolition of all class war".Politics and Political Parties..., p. 184 One variant sketched out in FR circles was social corporatism, as popularized by Ioanițescu through his own magazine, Drum Nou.
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248–249 Although Crainic offered praise to the National Renaissance Front, its authoritarian Constitution, and Carol's fascist-themed corporatism, Sfarmă-Piatră was abruptly shut down on March 5, 1939.Ornea, p. 249 Baciu published more of his Cronici germane in the literary supplement of Universul. He was also recovered by Gândirea, before revelations that he was secretly a member of the anti-fascist Social Democratic Party.
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Vargas' first ouster from 1945–1951 and his suicide demonstrated that Brazilian populism had been deteriorating for some time. Brazilian populism lingered for another decade but in new forms. If corporatism was the hallmark of the 1930s and 1940s, nationalism, and developmentalism characterized the 1950s and early 1960s. Each of these contributed to the crisis that gripped Brazil and resulted in the authoritarian regime after 1964.
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It was first published in 1932, in the Italian Encyclopedia, wherein he described the traits characteristic of Italian Fascism at the time: compulsory state corporatism, Philosopher Kings, the abolition of the parliamentary system, and autarky. He also wrote the Manifesto of the Fascist Intellectuals which was signed by a number of writers and intellectuals, including Luigi Pirandello, Gabriele D'Annunzio, Filippo Tommaso Marinetti and Giuseppe Ungaretti.
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On a wider scale, the Fascist economic policy pushed the country towards the corporative state, an effort that lasted well into the war. The idea was to create a national community where the interests of all parts of the economy were integrated into a class-transcending unity. Some see the move to corporatism in two phases. First, the workers were brought to heel over 1925–1927.
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He decreased the hours of work and increased salaries and fringe benefits. By 1957 Olivetti workers were the best paid of all in the metallurgical industry and Olivetti workers showed the highest productivity. His corporatism also succeeded in having his workers accept a company union not tied to the powerful national metallurgical trade unions. During the 1950s, in a limited way, the community movement succeeded politically in Ivrea.
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Cárdenas further consolidated power by dissolving the PNR and creating a new party with a completely different kind of organization. The PRM was organized in four sectors, industrial labor, peasants, a middle class sector (composed largely of government workers), and the military. This organization was a resurrection of corporatism, essentially organization by estates or interest groups.Charles H. Weston, Jr. "The Political Legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas", The Americas vol.
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O'Duffy established a weekly newspaper, the Blueshirt, and published a new constitution that promoted corporatism, Irish unification and opposition to "alien" control and influence.McGarry (2005), p. 210 In August 1933 a parade was planned by the Blueshirts in Dublin to commemorate Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith, both of whom had died 11 years earlier. This was an imitation of Mussolini's March on Rome and was perceived as such despite contrary claims.
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R. J. B. Bosworth, The Oxford Handbook of Fascism, Oxford University Press, 2009, p. 471 These groups were associated with anti-Semitism and have been seen as early fascist movements.Roots of the Holocaust He expressed some enthusiasm for corporatism, although by this time he had also become a staunch monarchist alongside this.Quest for the Catholic State Part II Nothomb now came to recognise Enrico Corradini as his ideological model.
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Anarcho-punk bands often disassociated themselves from established anarchist currents like collectivist anarchism, anarcho syndicalism or anarcho communism. Because of this, as well as their emphasis on pacifism, the scene was generally independent of the wider anarchist movement at the time. Bands generally supported animal rights, anti-corporatism, labor rights and the anti-war movement. Anarcho-punks have criticized the flaws of the punk movement and the wider youth culture.
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The Movimiento Nacional (English: National Movement) was the name given to a governing institution established by General Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil war in 1937. During Francoist rule in Spain, it purported to be the only channel of participation in Spanish public life. It responded to a doctrine of corporatism in which only so-called "natural entities" could express themselves: families, municipalities and unions. It was abolished in 1977.
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Results were less than expected (e.g. there were food shortages and mass starvation) and the program was abandoned after three years. In the common program set up by the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in 1949, in effect the country's interim constitution, state capitalism meant an economic system of corporatism. It provided as follows: "Whenever necessary and possible, private capital shall be encouraged to develop in the direction of state capitalism".
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Wiarda, Howard J., pp.38. Some argue that on the fortieth anniversary of the publishing of Rerum novarum, Pope Pius XI in Quadragesimo anno (1931) advocated Christian corporatism as an alternative to capitalist individualism and socialist totalitarianism whereby people would be organized into workers' guilds or vocational groups that would cooperate under the supervision of a neutral state.Peter Travis Kroeker. Christian ethics and political economy in North America: a critical analysis.
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American acceptance of a role for government in economic planning reflected their New Deal reformist orientation. The opportunities for mediation between conservative Norwegian business interests and the government that arose in the course of administering the Marshall Plan helped establish a base for the emergence of Norwegian corporatism in the 1950s.Kai R. Pedersen, "Norwegian Business and the Marshall Plan, 1947-1952." Scandinavian Journal of History 1996 21(4): 285-301.
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Boia, pp. 141–143, 146 Ralea's mandate was also a crossover of left-wing corporatism and fascism. In June 1938, he even visited Nazi Germany and had a formal meeting with his counterpart, Robert Ley. Florin Manolescu, "Scriitori români în exil. Vintilă Horia față cu Premiul Goncourt", in Viața Românească, Nr. 5-6/2013 His Muncă și Voe Bună was directly inspired by Strength Through Joy and the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro.
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Thurlow, p. 246 Effectively though the vision he presented was one that was highly steeped in corporatism and elitism.Macklin, p. 82 Elections were to be corporatist in nature with an occupation-based franchise (previously a British Union of Fascists policy) whilst "European Socialism" was to include an effective free hand for business leaders but the co-ordination of workers in bodies called "labour Charters", a policy borrowed from the Fascist Italy.
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The wage is typically set by only two economic agents, the firm and the insiders. However, with corporatism the national wage negotiation includes the government as the third party at the table, like in Sweden. But this is not the case for countries like Spain, so the insiders set the wage without the goal of decreasing unemployment, keeping the outsiders from getting in.Stock, James H., and Mark W. Watson.
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45 RE espoused a kind of authoritarian statist corporatism, particularly marked after Calvo Sotelo took control of the party. The group was one of the first amongst those involved in conspiracy against the Popular Front government to endorse Franco as overall leader.Paul Preston, Franco, London: Fontana, 1995, p. 125 RE was also closely linked to the military group Unión Militar Española which played an important role in bringing about civil war.
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Nonetheless, the strategy was continued. Indeed, the Wall Street Crash of 1929 and the Great Depression, which affected France beginning in 1931, caused much anxiety and disturbance, as in other countries. As economic liberalism failed, many were eagerly looking for new solutions. Technocratic ideas were born during this time (Groupe X-Crise), as well as autarky and corporatism in the fascist movement, which advocated union of workers and employers.
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Due to the inability of businesses to operate properly when facing economic difficulties, Mussolini claimed that this proved that state intervention into the economy was necessary to stabilize the economy. Statements from Italian Fascist leaders in the 1930s tended to be critical of economic liberalism and laissez-faire, while promoting corporatism as the basis for a new economic model. Mussolini said in an interview in October 1933 that he "want[ed] to establish the corporative regime," and in a speech on 14 November 1933 he declared: A year later, in 1934, Italian Agriculture Minister Giacomo Acerbo claimed that Fascist corporatism was the best way to defend private property in the context of the Great Depression: In the late 1930s, Fascist Italy tried to achieve autarky (national economic self-sufficiency), and for this purpose the government promoted manufacturing cartels and introduced significant tariff barriers, currency restrictions and regulations of the economy in order to attempt to balance payments with Italy's trade partners.
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The BNP maintains a policy of protectionism and economic nationalism, although in comparison with other far-right nationalist parties, the BNP focuses less on corporatism. It has called for British ownership of its own industries and resources and the "subordination of the power of the City to the power of the government". It has promoted the regeneration of farming in the United Kingdom, with the object of achieving maximum self-sufficiency in food production. In 2002, the party criticised corporatism as a "mixture of big capitalism and state control", saying it favoured a "distributionist tradition established by home-grown thinkers" favouring small business.. The BNP has also called for the nationalisation of the railway When it comes to environmentalism, the BNP refers to itself as the "real green party", claiming that the Green Party of England and Wales engages in "watermelon" politics by being green (environmentalist) on the outside but red (leftist) on the inside.
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By May 1973, Weinstock was thought by Cecil King to have a very low opinion of Heseltine, but this later improved and they became friends. Heseltine had started almost from nothing, but Haymarket had only succeeded when bought out by the big conglomerate BPC. This may explain his corporatism, in Crick's view, although unlike Jim Prior or Heath, Heseltine had never shown much interest in involving trade unions.Crick 1997, pp. 171–2.
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240 Politically Ibarguren grew interested in using the masses as a bulwark of reactionary activity and as such moved close to the ideas of fascism.David Rock, Authoritarian Argentina, 1995, p. 107 Following the 1930 coup of Gen. José Félix Uriburu, Ibarguren petitioned the new president to switch to corporatism and this economic model came to dominate his thinking until, under Ibarguren's advice, Juan Perón allowed the corporations to be represented in parliament in 1948.
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Italian Fascism presented the economic system of corporatism as the solution that would preserve private initiatives and property while allowing the state and the syndicalist movement to intervene in the economy in the matters where private initiative intervenes in public affairs.Salvemini. Pp. 134. This system would lead also to some nationalizations when necessary and the greatest participation of the employees in all the aspects of the company and in the utility given by the company.
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The one exception to this neutrality occurs very briefly in "The National Education Service", when Sir Humphrey explains to Bernard how the policy of comprehensive education is retained through successive governments, using different arguments according to which party is in power. Even there, Humphrey does not reveal which party Jim Hacker represents. Despite this, the overall thrust was towards government reduction rather than expansion. The episode "Jobs for the Boys", for example, rejected corporatism.
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There is no consensus about the exact historical background of the polder model. In general there are three views on this subject. One explanation points to the rebuilding of the Netherlands after World War II. Corporatism was an important feature of Christian Democratic, and particularly Catholic, political thought. During the postwar period, the Catholic, Protestant, Christian, social-democratic, and liberal parties decided to work together to reconstruct the Netherlands, as did unions and employers' organizations.
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Günter Bischof & Anton Pelinka, Austro- Corporatism: Past, Present, Future, 1996, p. 183 His position as an extremist who supported independence meant that he clashed with the pro-Greater Germany wing of Theodor Habicht and the constitutional pro-independence wing under Anton Reinthaller.Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right, p. 317 Following the banning of the Nazi Party in Austria in 1933 the fanatical Leopold was the only Gauleiter who refused to flee Austria.
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The fascist styles of architecture reflect the values of Fascism as a political ideology that developed in the early 20th century after World War I. The philosophy is defined by a strong nationalist people governed by a totalitarian government. The vision of a strong, unified, and economically stable nation seemed appealing to western Europe after the physical and economic destruction after World War I, which contributed to the rise of fascism and corporatism.
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Caziot promulgated the law of 2 December 1940 that organized the Peasant Corporation. Although he was in favor of a national peasant organization, he accepted the word "corporation" only at Pétain's insistence. The concept was that each community would have a "corporative syndicate" of all peasant families, grouped into regional "corporative unions" which would meet periodically in a National Corporative Council. Caziot lacked enthusiasm for corporatism and delayed implementation of the Peasant Corporation.
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La Conquista del Estado was launched in 1931 by Ramiro Ledesma Ramos. The first issue, issued on 14 March 1931, contained a manifesto in which National Syndicalism was elaborated. Ledesma's idea was to win over the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), the then dominant trade union movement in the country, to a form of national corporatism. The ideas in the essay were discussed during the CNT congress in the summer of 1931 without being approved.
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The Italian People's Party (, PPI), also translated as Italian Popular Party, was a Christian-democratic political party in Italy inspired by Catholic social teaching. It was active in the 1920s, but fell apart because it was deeply split between the pro- and anti-fascist elements. Its platform called for an elective Senate, proportional representation, corporatism, agrarian reform, women's suffrage, political decentralization, independence of the Catholic Church, and social legislation.Frank J. Coppa, ed.
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In 1931, Pope Pius XI had put forward a vague plan for a sort of moderate corporatism. However, he also pushed for both Catholic and secular labor unions. Though these unions were likely more akin to medieval guilds in the Pope's vision, unions at this time were beginning to be associated with workers' rights and class struggles. By the 1950s and 1960s, Christian Democratic parties and Catholic labor associations were on the rise.
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The story was designed to be casual, but compelling. The game's setting is inspired by both I Am Legend and imagining Iggy Pop as the last person surviving in a post-apocalyptic world. The team also wanted to create a satirical story, and explore the theme of anti- corporatism. The punk rock style was implemented in the game because the game's directors thought that it reflected a sense of "aggression", which suited the gameplay.
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These references helped him build a critique of innate "class solidarity" as presumed by early corporatism, and also of Proudhon's mutualist economics.Ghiață, pp. 27, 101–102, 144, 147, 149, 152, 162 Despite this collectivist-functionalist outlook, and although he spoke out against art for art's sake, Ralea was adamant that strictly sociological explanations of creativity were doomed to fail. As he put it, all attributes of a writer were "subsidiary to [his] creative originality".
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Roger Griffin & Matthew Feldman, Fascism: The "Fascist Epoch", 2004, p. 353 The aim of LNR was to take the ruling classes away from the prevailing liberalism of the time to more counterrevolutionary, Maurrasian ideals.Sandra McGee Deutsch, Las Derechas, 1999, p. 197 LNR endorsed corporatism and represented a move away from the traditionalism that had tended to be the hallmark of right wing critics of the system in Argentina to a new, hard-line nationalism.
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CapX is broadly on the centre-right of the political spectrum. In 2015, the then editor Iain Martin stated that CapX is "for competition because it drives innovation, creates wealth and increases prosperity." CapX supports innovation, competition, free trade, facilitative government and liberty, and is opposed to cronyism, corporatism and restrictive markets. Conservative politician Paul Goodman wrote on the political website ConservativeHome in October 2014, recommending that readers should add CapX to their reading list.
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The Labor Union Laws, legislated by the Kuomintang (KMT) on the mainland, gave Taiwan workers the right to unionize. However, prior to the democratization of Taiwan, the functions of unions were limited under strict regulation and state corporatism. Under the Labor Union Laws, workers were only allowed to be organized at the companies, which means industry level unions were forbidden. Also, only one union can exist within each company or geographical area.
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After the war these influences were purged and the NVV cooperated tightly with the centre left government to create a welfare state based on the principles of corporatism. In the 1970s NVV membership began to decline due to depillarization. Under the leadership of Wim Kok the NVV attempted to form a federation with the Protestant CNV and the Catholic NKV which could strengthen all three. The CNV, however, left the talks in 1973.
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Social corporatism has also been adopted in different configurations and to varying degrees in various European countries. The Nordic countries have the most comprehensive form of collective bargaining, where trade unions are represented at the national level by official organizations alongside employers' associations. Together with the welfare state policies of these countries, this forms what is termed the Nordic model. Less extensive models exist in Austria and Germany which are components of Rhine capitalism.
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This economic model based on a partnership between government and business was soon extended to the political sphere, in what came to be known as corporatism. At the same time, the aggressive foreign policy of Mussolini led to an increasing military expenditure. After the invasion of Ethiopia, Italy intervened to support Franco's nationalists in the Spanish Civil War. By 1939, Italy had the highest percentage of state-owned enterprises after the Soviet Union.
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Adriano shared his time between business pursuits and attempts to practice and spread the utopian ideal of community life. His belief was that people who respect each other and their environment can avoid war and poverty. His utopian idea was similar to that preached by Charles Fourier and Robert Owen during the previous century. In his enterprises, Adriano Olivetti's attempts at utopia may be translated in practice as actions of an enlightened boss or a form of corporatism.
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This crisis of democratic systems was seen throughout all of Latin America. Furthermore, the social teachings of the Catholic Church at the time were based in the 1891 encyclical Rerum novarum, which dealt with the conditions of the working class, made clear the church's support for workers' unions, reaffirmed its support for the right to private property, and discussed relations between the government, corporations, workers, and the Church, proposing a socioeconomic relationship which later became known as corporatism.
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The French Revolution, with its focus on the individual and an end to inherited privilege, saw the suppression of the universities. To the revolutionaries, universities embodied bastions of corporatism and established interests. Moreover, lands owned by the universities and utilized for their support, represented a source of wealth to be tapped by the revolutionary government, just as property possessed by the Church had been confiscated. In 1792, the University of Provence, along with twenty-one other universities, was dissolved.
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The New Swedish Movement () was a far-right political movement in Sweden that emphasized strong Swedish nationalism, corporatism and anti-communism as well as a cult of personality around Per Engdahl. Engdahl founded the organization in 1941 under the name "Swedish opposition" (Svensk Opposition) after Engdahl and his supporters broke away from the National League of Sweden. He designated the group's ideology as nysvenskhet (roughly, New Swedishness). During World War II the party supported the Third Reich.
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TEK is providing a critical approach to the economical theories that Corvinus University has in its educational program– among others, focusing on the social inequalities human resources, structuralism, neoliberalism, functionalism, corporatism inherently bares -. TEK is also involved in highly regarded green activism, such as critical mass, gay pride, many flashmobs, that are held in support of promoting a livable environment. Among the members of TEK are also permanent supporters of the anti-g8 anti-g20 demonstrations.
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The National Synarchist Union was founded in 1937 by José Antonio Urquiza. The group demonstrated some of the palingenetic ultranationalism at the core of fascism because it sought a rebirth of society away from the anarchism, communism, socialism, liberalism, Freemasonry, secularism and Americanism which it saw as dominating Mexico. It differed from European fascism however by being very Roman Catholic in nature. Although supportive of corporatism the National Synarchist Union was arguably too counterrevolutionary to be considered truly fascist.
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Otto Newman (born Otto Neumann 2 July 1922 – 29 November 2015) was an Austrian-born sociologist who was adjunct professor of Sociology at San Diego State University, as of 1987. His extensive writings have been published on four continents. His main works include: Gambling: Hazard and Reward (London University Press) and The Challenge of Corporatism (Macmillan). He also authored extensive research reports leading to policy implementation, and books and papers on globalism including, "The Third Way" and "American Declinism".
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On 19 January 2017 (one day before Donald Trump's inauguration as the 45th President of the United States) Banks launched Westmonster alongside Michael Heaver, former press adviser to Nigel Farage. It is modelled on the right-wing US websites Breitbart News and the Drudge Report and claims to be "pro-Brexit, pro-Farage, pro-Trump, anti-establishment, anti- open borders, anti-corporatism". In the morning of 19 January, Westmonster's Twitter account had gained more than 2,500 followers.
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Mihai Dumitru Ralea (also known as Mihail Ralea, Michel Raléa, or Mihai Rale;Straje, p. 586 May 1, 1896 – August 17, 1964) was a Romanian social scientist, cultural journalist, and political figure. He debuted as an affiliate of Poporanism, the left-wing agrarian movement, which he infused with influences from corporatism and Marxism. A distinguished product of French academia, Ralea rejected traditionalism and welcomed cultural modernization, outlining the program for a secular and democratic "peasant state".
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In 1773, Necker won the prize of the Académie Française for a defense of state corporatism framed as an eulogy in honor of Louis XIV's minister Jean-Baptiste Colbert. Necker was envied by his contemporaries for his fabulous wealth.Craiutu, Aurelian. A Voice of Moderation in the Age of Revolutions: Jacques Necker's Reflections on Executive Power in Modern Society His capital amounted to six or eight million livres, and he used Château de Madrid as a summer house.
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Born on 1 November 1849 in Allex, Gailhard-Bancel was grandson of . Gailhard-Bancel was a Christian socialist in his politics. He is also credited by historian Kevin Passmore as a "pioneer of agrarian corporatism", dreaming of the day that French peasants would "look upon the château and say 'there's our star'". He has been named as a pioneer of agricultural syndicalism, believing syndicates would form a link between the nation's political system and its peasantry.
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Classical pluralism was criticized as it did not seem to apply to Westminster- style democracies or the European context. This led to the development of corporatist theories. Corporatism is the idea that a few select interest groups are actually (often formally) involved in the policy formulation process, to the exclusion of the myriad other 'interest groups'. For example, trade unions and major sectoral business associations are often consulted about (if not the drivers of) specific policies.
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Louis Salleron (15 August 1905 – 20 January 1992) was a French author, journalist and Catholic theoretician. He was right-wing, with monarchist sympathies, and an advocate of agricultural corporatism. During the early years of the Vichy Regime in World War II (1939–45) he played a leading role in establishing the Peasant Corporation. He continued to publish books and articles after the war, and was an outspoken opponent of the Vatican II reforms to the Catholic church.
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An American scholar names El Estado Nuevo a lecture of corporative neotraditionalist monarchism, Stanley G. Payne, Fascism. Comparisons and Definitions, Madison 1980, , p. 143; in another of his works, Payne applies a more typical description of "societal corporatism", see his The Franco Regime, Madison 1987, , pp. 53–54. Rather unusual qualification is "traditionalist fascism" and "fascist project turned firmly towards the past", Dylan Riley, The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945, Baltimore 2010, , pp.
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Born in Mikkeli in Eastern Finland, Rehn studied economics, international relations, and journalism at Macalester College in Saint Paul, Minnesota, in the United States. He gained a master's degree in political science from the University of Helsinki in 1989, and a D.Phil. from St. Antony's College, Oxford in 1996 on the subject of "Corporatism and Industrial Competitiveness in Small European States". In addition to his native Finnish and German he speaks English, French, Swedish, and some Russian, Polish and Hungarian.
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The theory was developed from about 1930 to 1950 by German economists and legal scholars from the Freiburg School, such as Walter Eucken, , , and . Ordoliberal ideals (with modifications) drove the creation of the post-World War II German social market economy. They were especially influential on forming a firm competition law in Germany. However the social market economy was implemented in economies where corporatism was already well established, so ordoliberal ideals were not as far reaching as the theory's economic founders had intended.
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On 24 June 1932, the OPN merged with the Union de défense économique, a political party of industry owners, creating the Union nationale. The new party promoted a fascistic programme of a strong State, economic corporatism and persecution of Marxists and Jews. It had a paramilitary structure, with fascist-style ceremonial and discipline: its members would wear a uniform (comprising berets and grey shirts) and parade with music. The Party had one member at the Conseil d'État, seating alongside Radicals and Democrats.
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7, No. 3/4 (Jul. - Oct., 1972), pp. 185-208. According to Zeev Sternhell, the yellow union of Biétry had a membership of about a third of that of the Confédération Générale du Travail, and was funded by corporate interests.Zeev Sternhell a Droite révolutionnaire: Les Origines françaises du fascisme, 1885-1914 (Paris, 1978) Moreover, also according to Sternhell, there were close relationships between Pierre Biétry and Maurice Barrès and the Action Française, making the yellow union of Biétry a precursor of fascist corporatism.
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In Perret's concept of corporatism, both workers and managers would belong to mixed unions, learning to understand each other, as opposed to the confrontational approach promoted by revolutionary trade unions. Perret was in favor of compulsory membership in corporatist groups to prevent big business from dominating industries. Perret saw the masses as being vulnerable to demagogues unless they were given guidance from the elite. Perret believed in strong top-down leadership, and set an example through his unquestioning belief in Marin.
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The reactionary and feudalistic thought in Müller's writings, which agreed so little with the spirit of the times, prevented his political ideas from exerting a more notable and lasting influence on his age, while their religious character prevented them from being justly appreciated. However, Müller's teachings had long-term effects in that they were taken up again by 20th century theorists of corporatism and the corporate state, for example Othmar Spann (Der wahre Staat. Vorlesungen über Abbruch und Neubau der Gesellschaft, Vienna, 1921).
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The first and > most fundamental principle, therefore, if one would undertake to alleviate > the condition of the masses, must be the inviolability of private property." > Rerum novarum, paragraph 16. The encyclical promotes a kind of corporatism based on social solidarity among the classes with respects for the needs and rights of all. In the November 1914 issue of The Christian Socialist, Episcopal bishop Franklin Spencer Spalding of Utah, U.S.A. stated: > "The Christian Church exists for the sole purpose of saving the human race.
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Neo-feudalism or new feudalism is a theorized contemporary rebirth of policies of governance, economy, and public life reminiscent of those present in many feudal societies, such as unequal rights and legal protections for common people and for nobility. The concept of "neofeudalism" may focus on economics. Among the issues claimed to be associated with the idea of neofeudalism in contemporary society are class stratification, globalization, neoconservative foreign policy, mass immigration/illegal immigration, open borders policies, multinational corporations, and "neo-corporatism"..
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He understood the workings of capital and labour. Keenly sensitive to the nuances of public policy, he was a workaholic with a shrewd and penetrating intelligence and a profound understanding of the complexities of Canadian society. A modernizing technocrat who regarded managerial mediation as essential to an industrial society, he wanted his Liberal Party to represent liberal corporatism to create social harmony. King worked to bring compromise and harmony to many competing and feuding elements, using politics and government action as his instrument.
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He wrote that Trudeau "embraced the fashionable causes of his time, with variable enthusiasm and differing results", but "took a pass" on the issues that "truly defined his century".Stephen Harper, "On second thought", National Post, October 5, 2000, pg. A18 Harper subsequently accused Trudeau of promoting "unabashed socialism", and argued that Canadian governments between 1972 and 2002 had restricted economic growth through "state corporatism".Stephen Harper, "Get the state out of the economy", National Post, February 8, 2002, pg.
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Ramiro de Maeztu y Whitney (May 4, 1875 – October 29, 1936) was a prolific Spanish essayist, journalist and publicist. His early literary work adscribes him to the Generation of '98. Adept to nietzschean and social darwinist ideas in his youth, he became close to Fabian Socialism and, later, to Distributism and Social corporatism during his spell as correspondent in London, from where he chronicled the Great War. During the years of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship he served as Ambassador to Argentina.
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Social right is a left-wing political theory present in the European political spectrum, but mainly present in Italy. The main tenets of the social right thought are corporatism, social market economics, as well as nationalism. According to Italian right-wing writer Marcello Veneziani, the political concept of social right rotates around the main tenets State interventism, where the State's action is aimed to the protection of weaker social sectors. At the same time, the Social right sees the State as promoting meritocracy and private initiative.
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In 1938 there was a minor revision, introducing some elements of the then fashionable corporatism by giving a constitutional base to public bodies regulating sectors of the economy. A proposal to make it possible to impeach "revolutionary" members of representative bodies, directed against communists and fascists, failed to get a two-thirds majority. After the Second World War in 1946 a revision failed attempting to simplify the revisional procedure. However, a change was accepted allowing to send conscripts to the colonial war in the Dutch East Indies.
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After studying law, Costamagna joined the fascist movement in 1920 and in 1924 was appointed National Secretary of Technical Councils.Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, 1990, p. 68 Politically Costamagna was highly conservative and saw fascism as a transitory phase that existed only for the imposition of corporatism. On this point he had a long-running intellectual debate with Sergio Panunzio who was a strong supporter of the fascist state as an end in itself rather than just a means to economic change.
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Brongersma was born in Haarlem as the son of an ophthalmologist. He studied law at the University of Amsterdam (1931–1935) and obtained his degree in 1935. From 1935 to 1937 he was associated with a law firm in Haarlem while working on his doctoral dissertation on the Portuguese constitution of 1933 and Portuguese corporatism of Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, whom he much admired at the time. In 1940 he received his Doctor of Law degree cum laude from the Catholic University of Nijmegen.
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National syndicalism in the Iberian Peninsula is a political theory very different from the fascist idea of corporatism, inspired by Integralism and the Action Française (for a French parallel, see Cercle Proudhon). It was formulated in Spain by Ramiro Ledesma Ramos in a manifesto published in his periodical La Conquista del Estado on 14 March 1931. National syndicalism was intended to win over the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) to a corporatist nationalism. Ledesma's manifesto was discussed in the CNT congress of 1931.
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P. Davies & D. Lynch, Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right, 2002, p. 241 Effectively therefore he represented the left-wing of fascism by supporting corporatism as a means of mass nationalisation and was the butt of criticism from other fascists who accused him of Bolshevism.Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-45, Routledge, 1995, p. 220 Spirito's economically left-wing ideals did not come to fruition in Fascist Italy and in the later years of fascism Spirito fell out of favour with Benito Mussolini.
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The results of the 1937 Romanian general election by county The logo of the National Christian Party A bust of Octavian Goga in Sighetu Marmației The National Christian Party was created in 1935, from the merger between Octavian Goga's National Agrarian Party and Alexandru C. Cuza's National Christian Defense League. This new party had a strong Fascist tinge, particularly in trying to emulate Italian corporatism. Following the 1937 Romanian general election, Goga was appointed Prime Minister on 28 December 1937. His term ended on 10 February 1938.
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This system was equally anti- capitalist and anti-socialist. The corporatisation of the working class was accompanied by strict legislation regulating business. Workers' organisations were subordinated to state control, but granted a legitimacy that they had never before enjoyed and were made beneficiaries of a variety of new social programs. Nevertheless, it is important to note that even in the enthusiastic early years, corporatist agencies were not at the centre of power and therefore corporatism was not the true base of the whole system.
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It advocated policies of uncompromising monarchism, corporatism and opposition to the Versailles settlement. However, it lacked internal unity and money and so never managed to unite the right. It had faded away by the late 1920s, as the NSDAP (Nazi party) emerged.James M. Diehl, "Von Der 'Vaterlandspartei' zur 'Nationalen Revolution': Die 'Vereinigten Vaterländischen Verbände Deutschlands (VVVD)' 1922–1932," [From "party for the fatherland" to "national revolution": the United Fatherland Associations of Germany (VVVD), 1922–32] Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte (October 1985) 33 No. 4 pp. 617–639.
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Mitterrand, une histoire de Français (Le Seuil, 1998), p. 55. and the PSF was renamed Progrès Social Français (French Social Progress) and took on the form of a social aid organization because of the occupation authorities' prohibition of organized political activities. La Rocque's attitude towards the Vichy government was initially ambiguous. As stated, he continued to affirm his loyalty to Pétain and was amenable to certain of the more moderate aspects of Vichy's reactionary program, the Révolution Nationale, notably its corporatism and social policies.
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The Citizens Party platform was very progressive, pro-science, and environmentalist. Some have claimed that it was possibly socialist as well, but this claim arose from a misunderstanding of the economic democracy platform of the party, which appears to be a form of corporatism. Commoner repeatedly espoused opposition to socialism for parts of the economy other than essential infrastructure. His economic democracy idea stated that the business of business is to do business, but that the business of government is to regulate business to prevent abuses.
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The Herd released their third album The Sun Never Sets in 2005, featuring the single "We Can't Hear You". Their subjects ranged from their well-known anti-war stance and anti-corporatism to more personal topics like divorce and the slow death of the Australian outback/country. In October 2005, The Herd featured live on Triple J's 'Like a Version' (acoustic covers) segment. They performed their own version of the famous Australian 1983 song "I Was Only Nineteen (A Walk in the Light Green)" by Redgum.
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87 His work with LNR was pivotal to the development of Argentina's anti-establishment far right as it represented a break from the old traditionalism and a new endorsement of corporatism and a fascist-inspired nationalism.Michael A. Burdick, For God and the Fatherland, 1995, p. 30 In his work for the magazine Carulla emphasised anti-Semitism and wrote of perceived Jewish conspiracies to take over Argentina.F. Finchelstein, The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War: Fascism, Populism, and Dictatorship in Twentieth Century Argentina, Oxford University Press, 2014, p.
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Caziot lacked enthusiasm for corporatism and delayed implementation of the Peasant Corporation. The Commission d'Organization Corporative (COC) was established on 21 January 1941 as an agency to construct the Peasant Corporation. The commission, headed by Count Hervé Budes de Guébriant, was mostly made up of leading conservative landowners and took nearly two years to develop the legislation that became effective on 16 December 1942. De Guébriant and his main associate Rémy Goussault identified "corporatist" local agrarian organizations, which would become the departmental branches of the corporation.
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Schumpeter's most popular book in English is probably Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy. While he agrees with Karl Marx that capitalism will collapse and be replaced by socialism, Schumpeter predicts a different way this will come about. While Marx predicted that capitalism would be overthrown by a violent proletarian revolution, which actually occurred in the least capitalist countries, Schumpeter believed that capitalism would gradually weaken by itself and eventually collapse. Specifically, the success of capitalism would lead to corporatism and to values hostile to capitalism, especially among intellectuals.
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On 19 November 1990, Carmen Lawrence, the then Labor premier, announced her government's intention to hold a royal commission to "inquire into certain matters". This decision followed more than a year of strong public advocacy by the activist group, People for Fair and Open Government headed by the premier's brother, barrister Bevan Lawrence, Professor Emeritus Martyn Webb and prominent political scientist Paddy O'Brien. O'Brien edited The Burke Ambush, subtitled Corporatism and Society in Western Australia, which was the first substantial exposé of Burke's pro-corporate government—a collection of articles by himself and other Western Australian writers, including Hal Colebatch, Robert Bennett, Joseph Poprzeczny, John Hyde, Paul Nichols, Michael McKinley, Anthony Dale and Tom Herzfeld.O'Brien, P (ed.) The Burke Ambush: Corporatism and Society in WA Apollo Press, Nedlands 1986) The commission of three was headed by Geoffrey Kennedy and joined by Sir Ronald Wilson and Peter Brinsden, with a brief "To inquire into and report" whether there had been "corruption, illegal conduct, improper conduct, or bribery" on the part of any person or corporation in the "affairs, investment decisions and business dealings of the Government of Western Australia or its agencies".
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The latter support a small government and a laissez-faire capitalist market economy while opposing economic interventionism, government regulations and social-democratic policies. They see actually existing capitalism as corporatism, corporatocracy, or crony capitalism. This has resulted in socialism and by extension social democracy being defined in countries such as Norway and the United Kingdom as "what a Labour government does". With the rise of neoliberalism in the late 1970s and early 1980s and the Third Way between the 1990s and 2000s, social democracy became synonymous with it.
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The development of social corporatism began in Norway and Sweden in the 1930s and was consolidated in the 1960s and 1970s. The system was based upon the dual compromise of capital and the labour as one component and the market and the state as the other component. From the 1940s through the 1970s, defining features of social democracy as a policy regime included Keynesian economic policies and industrial agreements to balance the power of capital and labor as well as the welfare state. This is especially associated with the Swedish Social Democrats.
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At the time of the German invasion in May 1940, Belgium had several political parties that were broadly sympathetic to the authoritarian and anti-democratic ideals represented by Nazi Germany. In Wallonia and Brussels, the largest of these groups was the Rexist Party, led by Léon Degrelle. This had originated as a faction of the mainstream Catholic Block, but split in 1935 to form an independent populist party. Ideologically, Rex supported Belgian nationalism, but its support for corporatism and anti- communism made it sympathetic towards aspects of Nazi ideology.
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Countering the Counterculture: Rereading Postwar American Dissent from Jack Kerouac to Tomas Rivera Martinez explores the theme of "movement" and "mobility" in defining the American counterculture. He argues that Mexican and Chicano migrant writers practice a form of dissent that emphasizes the role of forced movement that underscores the limitations of democratic discourse. His central critique of the "American counterculture" centers on the work of several Beat writers whom Martinez claims ignore the political limits of individualism thus subverting their own social criticism of American corporatism and conformity.
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Together with Coen Teulings, Hartog has leveraged his research on wage behaviour to develop a theory why non-competitive wage differentials are smaller in a corporatist system than in a decentralized system, arguing that corporatist institutions provide a solutions to the hold-up problem of investments by specifying ex ante contracts that remove the need for labour market parties to bargain ex post over the use of the employment relationship's economic surplus.Teulings, C., Hartog, J. (1998). Corporatism or competition? Labour contracts, institutions and wage structures in international comparison.
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Knickerbocker Holiday is both a romantic comedy and a thinly veiled allegory equating the New Deal of Franklin D. Roosevelt with fascism. (A Roosevelt ancestor is one of the characters on the corrupt New Amsterdam council in the play.) Playwright Anderson believed that government was necessary in society, but that it must always be watched because it is swayed by the self-interests of those in power. He saw FDR's New Deal as an American version of the corporatism and concentration of political power which had given rise to Nazism and Stalinism.
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At the time of the German invasion in May 1940, Belgium had several political parties that were broadly sympathetic to the authoritarian and anti-democratic ideals represented by Nazi Germany. In Wallonia and Brussels, the largest of these groups was the Rexist Party, led by Léon Degrelle. This had originated as a faction of the mainstream Catholic Block, but split in 1935 to form an independent populist party. Ideologically, Rex supported Belgian nationalism, but its support for corporatism and anti-communism made it sympathetic towards aspects of Nazi ideology.
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Leese had originally been a member of the British Fascists and indeed had been one of only two members ever to hold elected office for them (as a councillor in Stamford). However he split from the BF around 1927 and decamped to London where in 1929 he established both the IFL and its organ The Fascist. The Fascists Legions, a blackshirted paramilitary arm, was soon added under the command of Leslie H. Sherrard. The group initially advocated such policies as corporatism, monetary reform and the removal of citizenship from Jews.
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Swastika-and-letter-F symbol of the National Romanian Fascio The National Romanian Fascio () was a small fascist group that was active in Romania for a short time during the 1920s. Led by Titus Panaitescu Vifor, the group emerged from the short-lived National Fascist Party in 1921 and, at its peak, had around 1,500 members. It defined itself as national socialist, although generally it pursued a policy of corporatism, land reform and support for the creation of agricultural cooperatives.Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-45, Routledge, 2001, p.
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128 This economic model based on a partnership between government and business was soon extended to the political sphere in what came to be known as corporatism. From 1934 onwards, believing that Italy could have avoided the Great Depression if it had not been linked to international markets, Mussolini insisted that autarky should be one of the primary goals of his government's economic policy. To this end, the Fascists began to impose significant tariffs and other trade barriers.William G. Welk, "Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment", Harvard University Press, 1938. pp.
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The movement was formed in April 1930 by General Diaz Valderrama, Carlos Keller (the main ideologue of the group) and Jorge González von Marées, who became leader. The party initially followed the ideas of Nazism closely, stressing anti-Semitism. It received financial support from the German population of Chile and soon built up a membership of 20,000 people. The movement stressed what it saw as the need for one party rule, corporatism and solidarity between classes, and soon set up its own paramilitary wing, the Tropas Nacistas de Asalto.
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He was the founder of Integralismo Lusitano in 1913 along with José Hipólito Raposo and Alberto de Monsaraz.Anna Klobucka, The Portuguese Nun: Formation of a National Myth, 2000, p. 83 He would serve as a deputy for a time under the Presidency of Sidónio Pais, who was vaguely sympathetic towards Integralism. Sardinha was this group's foremost ideologue and his programme was outlined in his 1925 work, A Aliança Peninsular, which called for a regression in Iberia and a new Catholic corporatism that recalled the work of Charles Maurras.
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Craig L. Arceneaux, Bounded Missions: Military Regimes and Democratization in the Southern Cone and Brazil, 2002, p. 51 A founder of the Argentine Catholic Action in 1931, as well as the later rightist journal El Baluarte, Amadeo was influenced in his political ideas by Ramiro de Maeztu and Hispanidad and advocated an anti-democratic traditionalism that also looked to corporatism and an economic nationalism that sought to curtail the influence of foreign capital in Argentine life. He was an enthusiastic supporter of the regime of Francisco Franco in Spain.
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Roger Girffin, The Nature of Fascism, 1993, p. 149 They did however work closely with the regime of José Félix Uriburu, which initially attempted to introduce corporatism inspired by Benito Mussolini before giving way to the Infamous Decade. This group however despite openly expressing their enthusiasm for fascism, retained links to the established conservative political elements with organised fascism being led by Thomist writer Nimio de Anquín, whose Union National Fascista was active in various forms from the late 1920s until 1939.Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, 1990, pp.
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Blue Labour is an advocacy group associated with the British Labour Party that promotes conservative ideas on social and international issues, including immigration, crime, and the European Union, rejecting neoliberal economics in favour of guild socialism and corporatism. Blue Labour advocates a switch to local and democratic community management and provision of services, rather than relying on a traditional welfare state that it sees as excessively bureaucratic. The position has been articulated in books such as Tangled Up in Blue, by Rowenna Davis, and Blue Labour, edited by Ian Geary and Adrian Pabst.
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In the 1940s the Office of Corporate Heraldry was established within the FNAT (the workers' leisure organization during the Corporatist Estado Novo). This office became the authority for corporate heraldry, including the heraldry used by labor groups such as trade unions, guilds, and professional orders. Besides the corporate heraldry, this office was also required by the Ministry of the Overseas to serve as the authority for the Overseas municipalities heraldry. The Office of Corporate Heraldry was disbanded in 1974, following the overthrow of the Estado Novo and the end of Portuguese corporatism.
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The National Union ideology was corporatism, and it took as many inspirations from Catholic encyclicals such as Rerum novarum and Quadragesimo anno as well as from Mussolini's corporate state. Compared to other ruling Fascist parties, the National Union played a much smaller role in its regime. The National Union was set up to control and restrain public opinion rather than to mobilize it, and ministers, diplomats and civil servants were never compelled to join the party. Scholarly opinion varies on whether the Estado Novo and the National Union should be considered fascist or not.
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As the name of his trilogy suggests, his works glorified a humanistic love of the self and he also flirted with occult mysticisms in his youth. The Dreyfus affair saw an ideological shift from a liberal individualism rooted in the French Revolution to a more collectivist and organic concept of the nation, advocating for corporatism and an organic society, he also became a leading anti-Dreyfusard"Maurice Barres and His Books," The Living Age, 25 November 1922. popularising the term nationalisme to describe his views. He stood on a platform of "Nationalism and Protectionism.".
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Elayi who had had a rocky relationship with the CNRS launched an attack against what she described as the CNRS of corporatism, ambiguity, and bias under the guise of scientific democracy when evaluating French research. She accused the CNRS of making errors of judgment in the recruitment and promotion of researchers and scientific teams, leading to the deterioration of the quality of French research. This crisis was particularly marked after the 2002 and 2003 CNRS budget cuts causing worsening researcher working conditions and the decline of their financial resources. Elayi committed to system reform.
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Singapore has attracted some of the world's most powerful corporations through business friendly legislation and through the encouragement of Western style corporatism, with close cooperation between the state and corporations. Singapore's large holdings of government-linked companies and the state's close cooperation with business are defining aspects of the economy of Singapore. Singapore's government owns controlling shares in many government-linked companies and directs investment through sovereign wealth funds, an arrangement commonly cited as state capitalism."The True Meaning of the 'Singapore Model': State Capitalism and Urban Planning", by Shatkin, Gavin.
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Before the removal of Stefani, Mussolini's administration pushed the modern capitalistic sector in the service of the state, intervening directly as needed to create a collaboration between the industrialists, the workers and the state. The government moved toward resolving class conflicts in favour of corporatism. In the short term, the government worked to reform the widely abused tax system, dispose of inefficient state-owned industry, cut government costs and introduce tariffs to protect the new industries. However, these policies ended after Mussolini took dictatorial controls and terminated the coalition.
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As the editor of the union newspaper Der Deutsche (The German), he advocated a "social popular state" and "Christian democracy," based on the ideas of Christian corporatism. In 1923 Brüning was actively involved in organizing the passive resistance in the "Ruhrkampf". Brüning joined the Centre Party and in 1924 was elected to the Reichstag, representing Breslau. In parliament, he quickly made a name for himself as a financial expert and managed to push through the so-called Brüning Law, which restricted the workers' share of income taxes to no more than 1.2 billion Reichsmarks.
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He was active in the National Union of Agricultural Unions (UNSA), and from 1935 worked with the L'Institut d'études corporatives et sociales (IECS). His thesis in law, sustained in 1937, was entitled L'évolution de l'agriculture française, du régime foncier au régime corporatif. He was a professor of political economics at the Catholic Institute of Paris from 1937 to 1957. At the Peasant Congress at Caen on 5–7 May 1937 Jacques Le Roy Ladurie, influenced by Rémy Goussault and Louis Salleron, invited the leading conservative agrarians to declare their support for corporatism.
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Ending up as a translator in Vienna, he fought for Austria during World War I. At the conclusion of hostilities, returned to the renamed Cernăuți, now part of Greater Romania. There, he soon became a professor of sociology, leading a "Cernăuți School" of academics during the interwar period. Meanwhile, he was involved in nationalist politics, supporting Alexandru Averescu, Nicolae Iorga and, ultimately, the extremist Iron Guard, of which he was among the most prominent intellectual backers. A theoretician of organicism, corporatism, and antisemitism, he inspired the creation of Iconar, a literary society, and founded the review Însemnări Sociologice.
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Its program, which was modeled on the program of the German Nazi Party, lacked reference to anti-semitic or racist ideology of the Nazi Party. After 1936, under the influence of Meinoud Rost van Tonningen, the party became more oriented towards the Nazi Party and took over its anti- semitic and racist ideas. It also began to sympathize with the aggressive foreign policy of Italy and Germany. Practical demands of the NSB were: abolition of individual voting rights, corporatism, a duty to work and serve in the army, limits on the freedom of the press, laws against strikes.
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Baxter's dynamic, if authoritarian, management was central to the university's first 20 years. His visionary, but at times controversial, energies saw the university grow from a handful to 15,000 students by 1968. The new vice- chancellor, Rupert Myers (1969–1981), brought consolidation and an urbane management style to a period of expanding student numbers, demand for change in university style, and challenges of student unrest. The stabilising techniques of the 1980s managed by the vice-chancellor, Michael Birt (1981–1992), provided a firm base for the energetic corporatism and campus enhancements pursued by the subsequent vice-chancellor, John Niland (1992–2002).
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Alexander M. Hicks (born 1946 in Jersey City, New Jersey) is a sociologist who principally studies the causes and consequences of social democracy, corporatism, and the welfare state. He is Emeritus Professor of Sociology at Emory University, where he has been since 1986 (as Chair of Sociology 1988‑91, as Full Professor 1993-2017, as Winship Distinguished Research Professor of Sociology 2007-10).[1] He has been married to Nancy Ellen Traynor Hicks (in corporate communications 1975-2015) since 1971; they have a son, Ryan, working in New York City in the nonprofit promotion of affordable housing.
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The National Front (Fronte Nazionale, FN) was a neo-fascist political party in Italy. The party was founded in 1967 by Junio Valerio Borghese who was dissatisfied by the political activities of the Italian Social Movement, of which he had held the largely ceremonial post of party President.Franco Ferraresi, Threats to Democracy: The Radical Right in Italy After the War, Princeton University Press, 1995p. 117 The new party aimed to abolish political parties and trade unions and instead to build an Italy based on corporatism, class co-operation and strong government in opposition to what they called "red terror".
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Zbor never had more than 10,000 active members at any given time, with most of its support coming from Smederevo and from the ethnic German (Volksdeutsche) minority in Vojvodina that had been exposed to Nazi propaganda since 1933. During Milan Stojadinović's premiership, many members of Zbor left the party and joined Stojadinović's Yugoslav Radical Union (, JRZ). Nevertheless, the movement continued to advocate the abandonment of individualism and parliamentary democracy. Ljotić called for Yugoslavia to unite around a single ruler and return to its religious and cultural traditions, embracing the teachings of Christianity, traditional values and corporatism.
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Those economic liberals support a small government, laissez-faire capitalist market economy while opposing democratic socialist policies as well as economic interventionism and government regulations. According to them, actually existing capitalism is corporatism, corporatocracy or crony capitalism. Socialism has often been conflated with an administrative command economy, authoritarian socialism, a big government, Marxist–Leninist states, Soviet-type economic planning, state interventionism and state socialism. Austrian School economists such as Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises continually used socialism as a synonym for central planning and state socialism, conflating it with fascism and opposing democratic socialist policies, including the welfare state.
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They favored corporatism and class collaboration, believing that the existence of inequality and social hierarchy was beneficial (contrary to the views of socialists) "[Fascism] affirms the irremediable, fruitful and beneficent inequality of men"John Weiss, "The Fascist Tradition", Harper & Row, New York, 1967. pp. 14 while also arguing that the state had a role in mediating relations between classes (contrary to the views of economic liberals).Calvin B. Hoover, The Paths of Economic Change: Contrasting Tendencies in the Modern World, The American Economic Review, Vol. 25, No. 1, Supplement, Papers and Proceedings of the Forty-seventh Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association.
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He was an affable clown who gave away prizes and preceded Ronald McDonald. In the spring of 1970, the chain found itself at the center of controversy when a franchisee wanted to erect a store in Dinkytown, a neighborhood adjacent to the University of Minnesota-East Bank campus in Minneapolis MN. Protestors, who were already riding a wave of anti-corporatism, as well as an anti-Vietnam war sentiment, occupied a vacant building on the property in which the Red Barn franchisee owned. The franchisee eventually demolished the building. However, the restaurant was never built, and the property was later sold off.
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The concept of the social market economy received fundamental impulses from reflection and critique of historical economic and social orders, namely Smithian laissez-faire liberalism on the one hand and Marxian socialism on the other. Furthermore, various Third Way conceptions prepared the ground for the socio-economic concept. Already in the late 19th century, the Kathedersozialisten ("Catheder Socialists") engaged in social reforms in the Verein für Socialpolitik, turning away from pure liberalism to demand a purposive state policy designed to regulate economic life and advocating a middle course between anarchic individualism, traditionalistic corporatism and bureaucratic etatism.Nipperdey, Th., Deutsche Geschichte 1866–1918.
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This economic model based on a partnership between government and business was soon extended to the political sphere, in what came to be known as corporatism. Throughout the 1930s, the Italian economy maintained the corporatist and autarchic model that had been established during the Great Depression. At the same time, however, Mussolini had growing ambitions of extending Italy's foreign influence through both diplomacy and military intervention. After the invasion of Ethiopia, Italy began supplying troops and equipment to the Spanish nationalists under General Francisco Franco, who were fighting in the Spanish Civil War against a leftist government.
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After the bloody debacle of Olympia, Joyce spearheaded the BUF's policy shift from campaigning for economic revival through corporatism to a focus on antisemitism. He was instrumental in changing the name of the BUF to "British Union of Fascists and National Socialists" in 1936 and stood as a party candidate in the 1937 elections to the London County Council. In 1936 Joyce lived for a year in Whitstable, where he owned a radio and electrical shop. Between April 1934 and 1937, when Mosley sacked him, Joyce also served as Area Administrative Officer for the BUF West Sussex division.
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Marcel Déat published in 1930 Perspectives socialistes (Socialist Perspectives), a revisionist work closely influenced by Henri de Man's planisme. Along with over a hundred articles written in La Vie Socialiste, the review of the SFIO's right-wing, Perspective socialistes marked the shift of Déat from classical Socialism to Neosocialism. Déat replaced class struggle by collaboration of classes and national solidarity, advocated corporatism as a social organization model, replaced the notion of "Socialism" by "Anti-capitalism" and supported an authoritarian state which would plan the economy and from which parliamentarism would be repealed.Zeev Sternhell, "Les convergences fascistes", pp.
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Inspired by the writings of ultranationalist philosopher Kita Ikki, Nakano advocated national reform through parliamentary means rather than through a military coup d'état. Nakano turned to the Nazi movement of Adolf Hitler and the fascist movement of Benito Mussolini as examples of how radical right-wing political movements advocating corporatism could successfully take over a parliamentary democracy. The Tōhōkai used many of the trappings of the European movements it emulated, including the wearing of black shirts with armbands (bearing the Japanese character for 'East') and holding of mass rallies.Roger Griffin, The Nature of Fascism, Routledge, 2003, p.
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I would like to see us focus on the root cause, which is in my estimation politicians that are getting paid off. That's the corporatism and the outrage." Speaking at a rally which had been disrupted by shouting Occupy Wall Street protestors, Republican presidential candidate Rick Santorum responded, "People are allowed to protest and we respect their opinion. We just happen to believe that folks who are at public rallies should let both sides to be heard," and later commented, "Something that maybe these folks over here could ... maybe working a little bit instead of coming to these events and screaming at people.
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In 1933 he was a founder of the Union of Young National Legions and became part of the triumvirate that officially led this movement. The group was initially anti- communist and nationalist but it soon came under the influence of Italian fascism and Nazism and added corporatism and anti-Semitism to its platform. In 1934 Dochev went to Nazi Germany with Nikola Zhekov and met both Adolf Hitler and Alfred Rosenberg. Dochev failed to come fully to terms with Hitler however as he would not support the Nazi demand for the Legions to overthrow King Boris.
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The National Union ideology was corporatism, and it took as many inspirations from Catholic encyclicals such as Rerum novarum and Quadragesimo anno as well as from Mussolini's corporate state. Compared to other ruling Fascist parties, the National Union played a much smaller role in its regime. The National Union was set up to control and restrain public opinion rather than to mobilize it, and ministers, diplomats and civil servants were never compelled to join the party. According to historian António Costa Pinto, the National Union is an example of extreme weakness among dictatorships with weak single parties.
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Alfredo Rocco (born 9 September 1875 in Naples – died 28 August 1935) was an Italian politician and jurist. He was Professor of Commercial Law at the University of Urbino (1899–1902) and in Macerata (1902–1905), then Professor of Civil Procedure in Parma, of Business Law in Padua, and later of Economic Legislation at La Sapienza University of Rome, of which he was rector from 1932 to 1935. Rocco, as an economics-minded politician, developed the early concept of the economic and political theory of corporatism,Payne, Stanley G. 1996. A History of Fascism, 1914–1945. Routledge.
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Born in Sarzana, Province of La Spezia, he joined the Blackshirts in 1920, and co-signed the Fascist Intellectuals' Manifesto in 1925. He earned a bachelor's degree in law and political science in 1928, and subsequently taught law at the University of Sassari, and then at the University of Pisa (where he became the rector in 1941). Biggini asserted himself through his strong belief in corporatism. Despite a brief collaboration with Anti-fascists, he joined the National Fascist Party (PNF) in 1928, and became party secretary for the Fascio in La Spezia, being elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1934.
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170 Himself a conservative, Zarifopol expressed his nostalgia for old-regime social differentiation and division of labor, against "the political type", and for the nuclear family of patriarchy, against the "neutralization" of fathers in modern society. He criticizes both Francophilia and Germanophilia, noting that, although competing, they each supported deindividuation: the former, through corporatism; the latter, through militarism. While targeting philistinism, Din registrul... is itself an antiintellectualist manifesto. Zarifopol contended that intellectuals were an illusory social class (no economic interest bound together "a lawyer with a novelist"), but still collectively responsible for the failures of a society such as Romania's.
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The MNS emerged amongst a group of students who were associated with the Liga Nacional 28 de maio but had grown disillusioned with its right-wing economic platform.Payne, p. 314 Under the leadership of Francisco Rolão Preto, the National Syndicalists emerged in 1932 from a tradition of Monarchism and Integralismo Lusitano ("Lusitanic Integralism") to offer a platform that they hoped would lead to full corporatism of association or unionism in opposition to capitalism and communism. They called for a totalitarian state to rule Portugal, although they placed central importance on the Catholic Church and made Catholic identity an important part of their appeal.
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Under Lieutenant colonel François de La Rocque, who took over in 1930, the Croix-de- Feu took their independence from François Coty, leaving the Figaro's building for the rue de Milan (Milan Street) in Paris. It organized popular demonstrations in reaction to the Stavisky Affair, hoping to overthrow the Second Left-wing Coalition government. De la Rocque quickly became a hero of the far right, opposed to the influences of Socialism and "hidden Communism", but skeptical about becoming counterrevolutionary. Under de la Rocque, the movement advocated a military effort against the "German danger," supporting corporatism and an alliance between Capital and Labour.
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Flag of Spanish Republic In the late 1920s Hidalgo de Cisneros grew increasingly skeptical about Spanish politics. Though far from militancy, he was irritated by adulation of Primo, incompetence and corporatism of the military, omnipresence of the Church, señoritismo culture among the upper strata and, last but not least, by social abyss diving the poor and the rich, especially in the South of Spain.he was shocked by quasi- feudal Andalusian landowners, Hidalgo de Cisneros 1961, p. 188 Having befriended a number of opposition-minded individuals, especially other aviators Ramón Franco, Jose Legorburu and Miguel Nuñez de Prado,Hidalgo de Cisneros 1961, p.
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With the regime established in Portugal under António de Oliveira Salazar in the 1930s, many key ideas from the encyclical were incorporated into Portuguese law. The Estado Novo promulgated by Salazar accepted the idea of corporatism as an economic model, especially in labor relations. According to historian Howard J. Wiarda, its basic policies were deeply rooted in European Catholic social thought, especially those deriving from Rerum Novarum. Portuguese intellectuals, workers organizations and trade unions and other study groups were everywhere present after 1890 in many Portuguese Republican circles, as well as the conservative circles that produced Salazar.
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The Estado Novo regime economic policy encouraged and created conditions for the formation of large business conglomerates. The regime maintained a policy of corporatism that resulted in the placement of a large part of the Portuguese economy in the hands of a number of strong conglomerates, of which, the most important were known as the "seven magnificent". These Portuguese conglomerates had a business model with similarities to South Korean chaebols and Japanese keiretsus and zaibatsus. Among the seven magnificent were the conglomerates founded and held by the families Champalimaud, Mello (CUF group), Amorim and Santos (Jerónimo Martins group).
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Based on increased labor rights and social investment, Brazilian corporatism was actually a strategy to increase industrial output utilizing a strong nationalist appeal. Vargas, and later Juan Perón in neighboring Argentina, emulated some of Mussolini's strategy of mediating class disputes and co- opting workers' demands under the banner of nationalism. Under the increase of workers' rights also, Vargas greatly expanded labor regulations with the consent of industry, pacified by strong industrial growth. The working day was set at eight hours in commerce and industry, minimum wages were established nationwide, and benefits programs such as pensions and paid vacations were guaranteed.
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Ljotić called for Yugoslavia to unite around a single ruler and return to its religious and cultural traditions, embracing the teachings of Christianity, traditional values and corporatism. He advocated a centrally organized state, stating that the unification of South Slavs was a historical and political inevitability and that Serbs, Croats and Slovenes shared "blood kinship and feeling of common fate." At the same time, the Yugoslavia that Ljotić envisioned was one that was to be dominated by Serbia. Zbor openly promoted antisemitism, being the only party in Yugoslavia to openly do so, as well as xenophobia.
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Peasants were seen as the first defense of Romanian nationalism and of the country's monarchic system, sometimes within a system of social corporatism. Regionally, the party expressed sympathy for Balkan federalism and rallied with the International Agrarian Bureau; internally, it championed administrative decentralization and respect for minority rights, as well as, briefly, republicanism. It remained factionalized on mainly ideological grounds, leading to a series of defections. With its attacks on the PNL establishment, the PNȚ came to endorse an authoritarian monarchy, mounting no resistance to a conspiracy which brought Carol II on the Romanian throne in 1930.
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The economic agents at play are the employed, the unemployed, firms, often unions (referred to by collective bargaining), and sometimes the government. The insider-outsider model explains why nations with high collective bargaining experience the most severe persistence in the natural rate of unemployment. For example, Spain has a high percentage of workers covered by collective bargaining compared to its global counterparts, indicating that the insiders of their labor market harness most of the power when it comes to wage bargaining and wage-setting (see Figure below) and hence experiences high and persistent unemployment. This changes when there is corporatism.
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In 1991, Tsakalotos published Alternative Economic Strategies: The Case of Greece, in which he defends Andreas Papandreou and his attempts to craft a progressive economic policy in the face of the new orthodoxy of supply-side economics then gaining currency in many countries.Tsakalotos, Euclid, Heather Gibson, ed., Alternative Economic Strategies: The Case of Greece (Aldershot, Avebury Publishers: 1991), The work discusses supply-side economics, neo-corporatism and indicative planning in relation to the Greek experience. He discusses the idea of incomes policy and what he perceives as the Left's growing hostility to incomes policy in the latter half of the 20th century.
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Criticisms of the Accord would come from both the right and the left of politics. Left-wing critics claimed that it kept real wages stagnant, and that the Accord was a policy of class collaboration and corporatism. By contrast, right-wing critics claimed that the Accord reduced the flexibility of the wages system. Supporters of the Accord, however, pointed to the improvements in the social security system that occurred, including the introduction of rental assistance for social security recipients, the creation of labour market schemes such as NewStart, and the introduction of the Family Income Supplement.
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The DNSAP was banned in June 1933. Dollfuss was also aware of the Soviet Union's increasing influence in Europe throughout the 1920s and early 1930s, and also banned the communists, establishing a one-party Austrofascist dictatorship largely modeled after Italian fascism, tied to Catholic corporatism and anti-secularism. He dropped all pretence of Austrian reunification with Germany so long as the Nazi Party remained in power there. Although all Austrian parties, including the Social Democratic Labour Party (SDAPÖ) were banned, Social Democrats continued to exist as an independent organization, including its paramilitary Republikaner Schutzbund, which could muster tens of thousands against Dollfuss' government.
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The genre often explores the essential themes related to economics such as money, wealth, materialism, greed, profiteering, power, corporatism, economic inequality, corporate criticism, anti-corporate activism, corporate corruption, and dishonesty. The genre is also characterized by references to famous real life and fictional businesspeople such as William Randolph Hearst (Citizen Kane), Howard Hughes (The Aviator), and Gordon Gekko (Wall Street). Though economic films are socially conscious and focused on many aspects related to the business world, many other films are focused on extreme wealth, lavishness, self-indulgence, materialistic, and luxurious subject matter such as having braggadocios about high-end luxury goods, cars, wine, houses, and expensive champagne.
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Pivaro is a regular contributor to the Salford Star magazine. In 2008 along with Salford Star editor and founder Stephen Kingston, Pivaro received the "How Do" award for best investigative journalism. In 2009 the pair received an award "for clear and accessible language in journalism", from the Plain English Campaign. In 2010, Pivaro presented a lecture at the University of Wolverhampton on his experiences while reporting on regeneration and participated in a special Radio 4 Today programme with Evan Davis where he criticised the Media City development at Salford Quays, calling it a "Cathedral of Corporatism" with few opportunities for locals and small business.
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In practice, this meant decimating independent organized labor and attracting the "working class" to the corporative state. Of course, the advance of industry and urbanization enlarged and strengthened the ranks of urban laborers, presenting the need to draw them into some sort of alliance committed to the modernization of Brazil. Vargas, and later Juan Perón in neighboring Argentina, emulated Mussolini's strategy of consolidating power by means of mediating class disputes under the banner of nationalism. The constitution established a new Chamber of Deputies that placed government authority over the private economy and established a system of corporatism aimed at industrialization and reducing foreign dependency.
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The Austrian and Chicagoan concept of authoritarian socialism has been criticised. In particular, it has been criticised for conflating social democracy and other forms of reformist and democratic socialism with authoritarian and state socialism. In the United Kingdom, British Conservative politicians such as Margaret Thatcher "loosely labelled socialism" and conflated what "others would call social democracy, corporatism, Keynesianism or the mixed economy" with authoritarian socialism, defined as "[g]overnment support for inefficient industries, punitive taxation, regulation of the labour market, price controls – everything that interfered with the functioning of the free economy".Campbell, John (2012) [2009]. The Iron Lady: Margaret Thatcher: From Grocer’s Daughter to Iron Lady.
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The nationalist ideologies that arose from the rise to power of Italy's Benito Mussolini, who supported the introduction of corporatism, created a division within the People's Party and its eventual dissolution. It was then that the Catholic nationalists supported the publication La Nueva República, a newspaper opposed to the radical government of Hipólito Yrigoyen, who was harshly criticized for a series of federal interventions and for his government's ties to assassinating opposition leaders, such as Senator Lencinas, which produced a weakening of the democracyRicardo Falcón (2014). Democracia, conflicto social y renovador de ideas 1916–1930: tomo VI de la Colección Nueva Historia Argentina. Penguin Random House Grupo Editorial Argentina.
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At the time many ideas of the far right, especially corporatism, were fashionable in Ireland, even with ministers of the democratically elected Irish government, and seemed to chime well with Catholic social teaching. These ideas were mixed with more traditional Irish nationalism and especially a hostility to the partition of Ireland. By March 1942, though, Ó Cuinneagáin wished for a wider and more explicitly political organisation, motivated by his failure to be elected president of Conradh na Gaelige and conflicts with other members of its executive.That Neutral Island: A Cultural History of Ireland During the Second World War, Clair Willis, Faber and Faber, London 2007, , pp.
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Israel's history, and its changes from corporatist to pluralist exhibit its position as a unique type of economy. Coordination between the government, labor, and employers in regard to how wages are set show its distinction from liberal economies like the United States. The massive influence of the Histadrut in the mid to late 20th century shows a very centralized government who allowed high levels of corporatism with the state's largest labor union in administering public health care and public pension funds. With the state- owned military equipment industry replacing more traditional job sectors like agriculture in the 1980s, Israel progressed into a more industrial economy.
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The OUN was formed from a number of radical nationalist and extreme right-wing organizations including the Union of Ukrainian Fascists. Initially, it was led by war veterans who failed to establish a Ukrainian state in 1917–1920. The ideology of the organization was heavily influenced by the philosophy of Nietzsche, German National Socialism and Italian Fascism; combining extreme nationalism with terrorism, corporatism, and anti-Semitism, as well as totalitarianism and anti-democracy. In order to create an illusion that the Ukrainian brand of nationalism was a product of domestic development, most early OUN writers denied their ideological connection to fascism in a self-deceptive manner, contradicting generally known facts.
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Salazar based his political philosophy on a close interpretation of the Catholic social doctrine, much like the contemporary regime of Engelbert Dollfuss in Austria. The economic system, known as corporatism, was based on similar interpretations of the papal encyclicals Rerum novarum (Leo XIII, 1891) and Quadragesimo anno (Pius XI, 1931), which were meant to prevent class struggle and transform economic concerns secondary to social values. Rerum novarum argued that labor associations were part of the natural order, like the family. The right of men to organise into trade unions and to engage in labor activities was thus inherent and could not be denied by employers or the state.
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P. 465. As Päts believed that a nation should be organized not by political views into parties, but by vocation into respective chambers, a series of state corporative institutions were introduced, based on corporatism in Fascist Italy. Päts had promoted the idea of corporate chambers already in 1918, but the idea did not gain support from strong left-wing parties at the time. Päts was the main proponent of the formation of the chambers and the first two were founded while his government cabinets were in office in 1924 and 1931. Fifteen more chambers were established between 1934 and 1936, bringing the total number to 17.
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It was led by Colonel Ștefan Tătărescu, the brother of Gheorghe Tătărescu (twice Prime Minister of Romania during that interval), and existed around the newspaper Crez Nou. One of several far-right factions competing unsuccessfully against the Iron Guard for support, the group made little headway, and existed at times as a satellite of the National-Christian Defense League. The PNSR proposed a program of corporatism and statism, promising a basic income, full employment, and limits on capitalist profits. It was anticommunist generally, and in particular anti-Soviet, circulating the theory of Jewish Bolshevism while describing its own program as the alternative, "positive", socialism.
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In the episode, Harbucks plans to enter the South Park coffee market, posing a threat to the local coffee business owners, the Tweek Parents. Mr. Tweek, scheming to use the boys’ school report as a platform to fight Harbucks, convinces the boys to deliver their school report on the supposed threat corporatism poses to small businesses, moving the South Park community to take action against Harbucks. "Gnomes" satirizes the common complaint that large corporations lack consciences and drive seemingly wholesome smaller independent companies out of business. Paul Cantor described the episode as "the most fully developed defense of capitalism" ever produced by the show, because of various themes in the episode.
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In some forms of corporatism extol the moral position that the corporate group, usually the state, is greater than the sum of its parts and that individuals have a moral obligation to serve the state. While political theory has long questioned the nature and rights of the state, skepticism towards statism in Western cultures is largely rooted in Enlightenment philosophy. John Locke notably influenced modern thinking in his writings published before and after the English Revolution of 1688, especially A Letter Concerning Toleration (1667), Two Treatises of Government (1689) and An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690). In the text of 1689, he established the basis of liberal political theory, i.e.
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Corporatization is the process of transforming state assets, government agencies, or municipal organizations into corporations. It refers to a restructuring of government and public organizations into their administration. The result of corporatization is the creation of state-owned corporations (or corporations at other government levels, such as municipally owned corporations) where the government retains a majority ownership of the corporation's stock. In contrast, the term may also refer to the construction of state corporatism, where state-owned corporations are created and delegated public joint-stock, publicly listed companies, in order to introduce corporate and business management techniques to social tasks resembling corporate nationalism as an alternative to privatization.
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Codreanu and the two leaders did not get along, and the Legion started competing with the authorities by adopting corporatism. In parallel, he was urging his followers to set up private businesses, claiming to follow the advice of Nicolae Iorga, after the latter claimed that a Romanian-run commerce could prove a solution to what he deemed the "Jewish Question". The government alliance, unified as the National Christian Party, gave itself a blue-shirted paramilitary corps that borrowed heavily from the Legion — the LăncieriVeiga, p.224 — and initiated an official campaign of persecution of Jews, attempting to win back the interest the public had in the Iron Guard.
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Under the influence of Maurras, Action française became royalist, counter-revolutionary (objecting to the legacy of the French Revolution), anti-parliamentary and pro- decentralization, and supported corporatism, Integralism and Catholicism. Shortly after it was created, Action française tried to influence public opinion by turning its journal into a daily newspaper and by setting up various organizations. It was at its most prominent during the 1899-1914 period. In the inter-war period, the movement still enjoyed some prestige from support among conservative elites, but its popularity gradually declined as a result of the rise of fascism and of a rupture in the relations with the Catholic Church.
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It refuses agreements and / or alliances with other neo-fascist parties, stressing categorically not to be classified as a right- wing party, and that similar parties do not sufficiently adhere to Fascist ideology. The party makes explicit reference to the ideals of the Italian Social Republic as corporatism and the nationalization of the economy. Their ideology is based on the thought of fascist leader Benito Mussolini, and has as its main objective the realization of Mussolini's strongly hierarchical corporate democracy based on social credit. The party is also in favor of a presidential republic, and expresses a strong sense of anti-Americanism and anti-Zionism.
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He was an outspoken supporter of corporatism. He was terribly critical of the leading financial and economic policies toward the Third World during the half-century of his career. He said that they took insufficient account of the originality, culture, and concrete situations of the countries concerned, and were too quantitative, too Western in concept, and too centered on the interests of the rich industrialised countries. He counselled the peoples of the Third World to build upon their cultures, their social organisations, and their resources, so as to better the internal coherence of their economies and reduce the effects of domination by the exterior.
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The most important Canadian theorist was an American immigrant, Henry Wise Wood, president of the United Farmers of Alberta (UFA) during that movement's time as the governing party of the province (1921–1935). He, as did many Canadian farmers of the era, conceived of farmers as a distinct social class in the midst of a class struggle against capitalists who owned the Canada's banks, railways, and grain trading companies. His solution was a kind of corporatism called "group government". In this scheme, people would be represented in government by a party or organization that defended the interests of their particular occupation or industry, not a particular ideology.
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J. Barkley Rosser and Marina V. Rosser wrote: > Liberal corporatism is largely self-organized between labor and management, > with only a supporting role for government. Leading examples of such systems > are found in small, ethnically homogeneous countries with strong traditions > of social democratic or labor party rule, such as Sweden's Nordic neighbors. > Using a scale of 0.0 to 2.0 and subjectively assigning values based on six > previous studies, Frederic Pryor in 1988 found Norway and Sweden the most > corporatist at 2.0 each, followed by Austria at 1.8, the Netherlands at 1.5, > Finland, Denmark, and Belgium at 1.3 each, and Switzerland and West Germany > at 1.0 each.
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Second, while some Finiani (Bocchino, Granata, etc.) see FLI as the embryo of a modern and innovative right-wing, others (Menia, Urso, etc.) have joined FLI in order to re-create the political community of the late MSI. In this sense the word "future" in the party's name was a reference to futurism, which was a cultural inspiration for Italian Fascism. Both progressive and reactionary forces thus hail from FLI, but almost none identifies with the political centre. Third, on the economy, the predominant strain in FLI was highly influenced by dirigisme, statism, corporatism and centralism (all well represented in the ideology of the former MSI).
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Even in dystopias where the economic system is not the source of the society's flaws, as in Brave New World, the state often controls the economy; a character, reacting with horror to the suggestion of not being part of the social body, cites as a reason that everyone works for everyone else.William Matter, "On Brave New World" 98, in Eric S. Rabkin, Martin H. Greenberg, and Joseph D. Olander, eds., No Place Else: Explorations in Utopian and Dystopian Fiction. . Other works feature extensive privatization and corporatism; both consequences of capitalism, where privately owned and unaccountable large corporations have replaced the government in setting policy and making decisions.
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Emblem of Philippe Pétain, chief of state of the French State, featuring the motto Travail, Famille, Patrie (Work, Family, Fatherland). The Francisque was only Pétain's personal emblem but was also gradually used as the regime's informal emblem on official documents. The Révolution nationale (, National Revolution) was the official ideological program promoted by the Vichy regime (the “French State”) which had been established in July 1940 and led by Marshal Philippe Pétain. Pétain's regime was characterized by anti- parliamentarism, rejection of the constitutional separation of powers, personality cultism, xenophobia, state-sponsored anti-Semitism, promotion of traditional values, rejection of modernity, corporatism and opposition to the theory of class conflict.
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When Harold Wilson returned to 10 Downing Street as Prime Minister in 1974, Dell became Paymaster General, then Secretary of State for Trade and President of the Board of Trade between 1976 and 1978 in James Callaghan's government. He was tipped to become Chancellor of the Exchequer but resigned his seat, increasingly disillusioned by Labour's drift to the Left as he moved sharply to the Right. He had always been much more oriented toward free-market capitalism than his comrades in the Labour Party, and grew increasingly uncomfortable in a party that was growing increasingly dominated by advocates of a planned economy and corporatism.
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Iron Council (2004) is a weird fantasy novel by the British writer China Miéville, his third set in the Bas-Lag universe, following Perdido Street Station (2000) and The Scar (2002). In addition to the steampunk influences shared by its predecessors, Iron Council draws several elements from the western genre. Iron Council is one of China Miéville's most overtly political novels, being strongly inspired by the anti-globalization movement, and tackling issues such as imperialism, corporatism, terrorism, racial hatred, homosexuality, culture shock, labour rights and war. The novel won the Arthur C. Clarke and Locus Awards in 2005, and was also nominated for the Hugo and World Fantasy Awards the same year.
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It paints an admiring picture of a primitive society that will not repeat the mistakes of civilization. It won the Janet Heidinger Kafka Prize and was a runner-up for a National Book Award. Palladium Books' Rifts roleplaying game (1990) features an apocalypse caused by various natural disasters including the eruption of the Yellowstone supervolcano which releases a large amount of magical energy that is amplified by deaths of millions occurring during a solstice, at midnight, during a planetary alignment, creating the titular rifts that bring forth various beings and monstrosities from throughout the Megaverse. In Octavia Butler's 1993 novel Parable of the Sower, climate change and corporatism are the human-caused reasons for societal collapse.
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A veteran of the nationalist political scene, he was first associated with the National Socialist Movement of Chile or Nacistas, albeit as a low level member. In 1941 he also acted as president of the Conservative Youth of Chile although he split from its parent group, the Conservative Party, in 1947. During the late 1940s he led his own group, the Estanqueros, based around corporatism and strong support for the regimes of Francisco Franco and António de Oliveira Salazar as well as militant anti-communism. It sought the creation of a highly disciplined hierarchy in society and government with a strong charismatic leader and an elite ruling class in an ideology that Prat called current portalismo after Diego Portales.
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It was primarily concerned with concepts such as mutual aid, against selling out, egalitarianism, humanitarianism, anti- authoritarianism, anti-consumerism, anti-corporatism, anti-war, decolonization, anti-conservatism, anti-globalization, anti-gentrification, anti-racism, anti-sexism, gender equality, racial equality, health rights, civil rights, animal rights, disability rights, free-thought and non- conformity. One of its main tenets was a rejection of mainstream, corporate mass culture and its values. It continued to evolve its ideology as the movement spread throughout North America from its origins in England and New York and embrace a range of anti-racist and anti-sexist belief systems. Punk ideologies are often left-wing and go against right-wing authoritarian ideology.
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Germany has the world's oldest national social health insurance system, with origins dating back to Otto von Bismarck's social legislation, which included the Health Insurance Bill of 1883, Accident Insurance Bill of 1884, and Old Age and Disability Insurance Bill of 1889. Bismarck stressed the importance of three key principles; solidarity, the government is responsible for ensuring access by those who need it, subsidiarity, policies are implemented with the smallest political and administrative influence, and corporatism, the government representative bodies in health care professions set out procedures they deem feasible. Mandatory health insurance originally applied only to low-income workers and certain government employees, but has gradually expanded to cover the great majority of the population.
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Until then, entering the school was managed by the church and it was carried out in specific particular buildings hired with that goal. Municipal elections in 1931 were won by the anti-monarchy party formed by different left political parties with numerous affiliated people in the municipality because of its industrial and mining condition, with hundreds of workers. The corporatism in the region took place before war with the creation of many different associations of every kind, political and social. The war had as main stage mount Malmasín nearby, that hold many fights between gudaris brigades or soldiers led by the Basque Government and Franco's armies, these entered in the location 16 June 1937.
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The governments of David Toro and Germán Busch were vaguely committed to corporatism, ultra-nationalism and national syndicalism but they suffered from a lack of coherence in their ideas. The ideas were taken up by the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR), which was open about its ideological debt to fascism and which joined the military in a pro-Axis powers government under Gualberto Villarroel in 1943.Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-45, 2001, pp. 343-4 After the war the MNR largely turned away from its fascist roots and when Víctor Paz Estenssoro came to power as MNR leader in a 1952 coup any vestiges of fascism had been abandoned.
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A punk faces a line of riot police at a 1984 protest in Germany Punks burning a U.S. flag in the early 1980s Punk protesting against III%ers regarding refugee policy in Boise, Idaho in November 2015 Punk political ideologies are mostly concerned with individual freedom and anti-establishment views. Common punk viewpoints include individual liberty, anti-authoritarianism, a DIY ethic, non-conformity, anti- collectivism, anti-corporatism, anti-government, direct action and not "selling out". Early British punks expressed nihilistic and anarchist views with the slogan No Future, which came from the Sex Pistols song "God Save the Queen". In the United States, punks had a different approach to nihilism which was less anarchistic than the British punks.
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Salazar himself criticized the "exaltation of youth, the cult of force through direct action, the principle of the superiority of state political power in social life, [and] the propensity for organising masses behind a single leader" as fundamental differences between fascism and the Catholic corporatism of the Estado Novo. Scholars such as Stanley G. Payne, Thomas Gerard Gallagher, Juan José Linz, António Costa Pinto, Roger Griffin, Robert Paxton and Howard J. Wiarda, prefer to consider the Portuguese Estado Novo (Portugal) as conservative authoritarian rather than fascist. On the other hand Portuguese scholars like Fernando Rosas, Manuel Villaverde Cabral, Manuel de Lucena and Manuel Loff think that the Estado Novo should be considered fascist.
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Faber described the polytheism of ancient Greece as a self-destructive "oligotheism" that was destined to fail, and wrote that "pluralism has long become integralism (or rather: corporatism)". In 2016, Stefanie von Schnurbein grouped Marquard's essay with texts written by Botho Strauß and Martin Walser in the 1990s. She wrote that the three authors share a "post-modern, post-structuralist and post-colonial impulse, which posits a logic of difference against a unifying, colonializing logic of sameness". Due to the nationalist implications of Strauß' and Walser's texts, Schnurbein wrote that "Taubes' early critique of Marquard is not as far-fetched or one-sided as it might have seemed at the moment of its publication in 1983".
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Subsidiaries of the RFP were set up - the Russian Women's Fascist Movement (RGFD), the Fascist Union of Youth, the Union of Young Fascists – Vanguard (boys), the Union of Young Fascists – Vanguard (girls), and the Union of Fascist Little Ones. Rodzaevsky's book, The Russian National State, outlined the programme of the party to establish fascism in Russia by May 1, 1938, including a desire to get rid of the Jews, indicating a strong break from the Vonsyatsky-wing. The party had a strong commitment to the Russian Orthodox Church, promising a special relationship between the Church and the state in Rodzaevsky's projected fascist Russia. The group also promised to respect the traditions of Russia's nationalities and to instigate corporatism.
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In her article "Diary: Why I Quit" in the London Review of Books, the novelist and the chair of judges for the 2015 Man Booker International Prize Dame Marina Warner compared the University of Essex to "the world of Chinese communist corporatism where enforcers rush to carry out the latest orders from their chiefs in an ecstasy of obedience to ideological principles which they do not seem to have examined, let alone discussed with the people they order to follow them, whom they cashier when they won’t knuckle under." And in "The Strange Death of the Liberal University", Michael Bailey describes the university as a place that promotes "divisive competition, false economies and philistine instrumentality".
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"Remembering Corporate Liberalism", Austro-Athenian Empire: Roderick's blog, posted February 6 2007, accessed January 12 2013. Weinstein's idea of corporate liberalism should not be confused with Ellis W. Hawley's use of the term (Daniel T. Rodgers noted that Hawley's use of "corporate liberalism" was more a description of liberal corporatism than anything else). It should not also be confused with the concepts developed by Martin J. Sklar, who invented the term "corporate liberalism" in an article on Woodrow Wilson first published in 1960 when he was in graduate school in history at the University of Wisconsin. Sklar published the essay in Studies on the Left, where he and James Weinstein were co-editors.
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The Parti Social Français (PSF) of François de La Rocque was the first major conservative party in France (1936–1940). He advocated a presidential regime to end the instability of the parliamentary regime, an economic system founded upon "organised professions" (corporatism), and a social legislation inspired by Social Christianity. Historians now consider that he paved the way to the French Christian democratic parties: the post-war Popular Republican Movement (MRP) and the Gaullist Rally for France. Historian William D. Irvine states: :One of the very few things historians of fascism in France can agree upon is that the Croix de Feu and its successor the Parti Social Francais (PSF) are irrelevant to their subject.
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Paint of Vargas The parallels between Vargas and the European police states began to appear by 1934, when a new constitution was enacted with some direct almost-fascist influences. Brazil's 1934 constitution, passed on 16 July, contained provisions that resembled Italian and Spanish corporatism, which had the enthusiastic support of the pro-fascist wing of the disparate tenente movement and industrialists, who were attracted to Mussolini's co-optation of unions through state-run, sham syndicates. As in Italy, and later Spain and Germany, Fascist-style programs would serve two important aims, stimulating industrial growth and suppressing the communist influence in the country. Its stated purpose, however, was uniting all classes in mutual interests.
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Originally, it referred to a totalitarian political movement linked with corporatism which existed in Italy from 1922 to 1943 under the leadership of Benito Mussolini. Many scholars use the word "fascism" without capitalization in a more general sense, to refer to an ideology (or group of ideologies) which was influential in many countries at many different times. For this purpose, they have sought to identify what Roger Griffin calls a "fascist minimum"—that is, the minimum conditions that a certain political movement must meet in order to be considered "fascist". Scholars have inspected the apocalyptic and millenarian aspects of fascism.D. Redles, Hitler’s Millennial Reich: Apocalyptic Belief and the Search for Salvation, New York Univ.
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Bourassa's political thought, according to Michael C. Macmillan, was largely a combination of Whig liberalism, Catholic social thought, and traditional Quebec political thought. He was distinctly liberal in his anti-imperialism and general support for civil liberties for French Canadians, and his approach to economic questions was essentially Catholic. While Bourassa embraced the ultramontane idea that the Church was responsible for faith, morals, discipline, and administration, he resisted Church involvement in the political sphere and rejected the corporatism espoused by the Church. Bourassa opposed state intervention wherever possible and increasingly throughout his career emphasized the need for moral reform.MacMillan, Michael C., "The Character of Henri Bourassa's Political Philosophy", American Review of Canadian Studies, 1982b 12(1): 10-29.
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As President of Yugoslavia, Josip Broz Tito prided himself on Yugoslavia's independence from the Soviet Union, with Yugoslavia never accepting full membership in Comecon and Tito's open rejection of many aspects of Stalinism as the most obvious manifestations of this. The Soviets and their satellite states often accused Yugoslavia of Trotskyism and social democracy, charges loosely based on Tito's form of workers' self-management and the theory of associated labor (profit sharing policies and worker-owned industries initiated by him, Milovan Đilas and Edvard Kardelj in 1950). It was in these things that the Soviet leadership accused of harboring the seeds of council communism or even corporatism. In 1948, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia held its Fifth Congress.
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Dollfuss addressing the League of Nations in 1933 Austrian soldiers during the brief civil war of 1934 Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss of the Christian Social Party took power in Austria on 20 May 1932, and moved the party and Austria towards dictatorship, centralisation and fascism, in part because the fascist Italy was its strongest international ally against Germany. In March 1933, Dollfuss took advantage of an error in a bill in parliament, and his cabinet voted to dissolve the National Council and declared that parliament had ceased to function. In May 1933 he created the Fatherland Front. While outwardly fascist, it was mostly Catholic and influenced by the papal encyclical Quadragesimo anno of 1931 which refuted liberalism and socialism in favour of corporatism.
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In the first quarter of the 20th century, the company developed a social action plan dedicated to its employees, with, in 1904, the launch of an insurance fund, the creation of a health service in 1905, benefits for large families and a birth premium in 1910 or even child benefits and profit sharing for all employees as from 1916. In 1912, Casino created the Sports branch Casino employees’ Social Club, a sports organization in accordance with its sports corporatism policy. The Social club opened its football section in July 1919 alongside other disciplines such as athletics or basketball. More commonly referred to as AS Casino, the Social club became "l’Association Sportive Stéphanoise" in 1927 then "l’Association Sportive de Saint-Étienne" in 1933.
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These strategies brought the competitive challenge of private commercial banks to markets being serviced by savings banks. Individual savings banks enhanced their profile within their local communities as greater asset size allowed them to increase the funding of social welfare- and agricultural projects (Obra Social, a practice that is nowadays part of their corporate social responsibility). However, a new approach to how people saved and to the working environment of savings banks came about as a result of legislation enacted in 1926, 1929, and 1933 during the dictatorship of General Primo de Rivera, a period in which the economic policy was marked by an authoritarian corporatism, and the Spanish Republic brought. These regulatory changes brought to an end the savings banks' charitable nature.
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Collier’s early work includes quantitative cross-national research on political regimes, corporatism, and social policy, as well as an exploration of the links between regime change and public policy toward squatter settlements in Peru, which was published as Squatters and Oligarchs: Authoritarian Rule and Policy Change in Peru (1976).David Collier, Squatters and Oligarchs: Authoritarian Rule and Policy Change in Peru (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976). In his edited volume The New Authoritarianism in Latin America (1979),David Collier (ed.), The New Authoritarianism in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Collier and several leading scholars in the field, such as Guillermo O'Donnell, Albert O. Hirschman, and Fernando Henrique Cardoso, explore alternative explanations for the rise of authoritarianism in Latin America in the 1960s and 1970s.
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Two British punks in the early 1980s The punk subculture includes a diverse array of ideologies, fashion, and other forms of expression, visual art, dance, literature and film. It is largely characterised by anti-establishment views, the promotion of individual freedom, DIY ethics, and is centred on a loud, aggressive genre of rock music called punk rock. The punk ethos is primarily made up of beliefs such as non-conformity, anti-authoritarianism, anti-corporatism, a do-it-yourself ethic, anti-consumerist, anti-corporate greed, direct action and not "selling out". There is a wide range of punk fashion, including deliberately offensive T-shirts, leather jackets, Dr. Martens boots, hairstyles such as brightly coloured hair and spiked mohawks, cosmetics, tattoos, jewellery and body modification.
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The so- called neoliberal Right, popularised by US President Ronald Reagan and UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, combines support for free markets, privatisation and deregulation with traditional right-wing support for social conformity. Right-wing libertarianism (sometimes known as libertarian conservatism or conservative libertarianism) supports a decentralised economy based on economic freedom and holds property rights, free markets and free trade to be the most important kinds of freedom. Political theorist Russell Kirk believed that freedom and property rights were interlinked. Conservative authoritarians and those on the far-right have supported fascism and corporatism, a political ideology which advocates the organization of society by corporate groups, such as agricultural, labour, military, scientific, or guild associations on the basis of their common interests.
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La Rocque envisioned the PSF as the more explicitly political successor of the Croix-de-Feu, the World War I veterans' organization founded in 1927, which had by the early 1930s emerged as the largest P. Machefer. "Les Croix-de-Feu 1927-1936", Information historique, № 1 (1972), p. 28-33. and one of the most influential of interwar France's numerous far-right leagues. Though the Croix-de-Feu had adopted as its slogan "Social d'abord" ("Social First") as a counter to the "Politique d'abord" ("Politics First") of Action Française, it espoused the political goals elaborated by La Rocque in his tract Service Public — including social- Catholic corporatism, the institution of a minimum wage and paid vacations (congés payés), women's suffrage, and the reform of parliamentary procedure.
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Thomas J. McCormick (born March 6, 1933, died July 25, 2020) was an emeritus professor of history at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, the same place he got a Ph. D. where he succeeded William Appleman Williams and continued the groundbreaking work of the so-called Wisconsin School of diplomatic history. Indeed he is considered one of the core members of the Wisconsin School, along with Williams, Walter LaFeber, and Lloyd Gardner. He has used Immanuel Wallerstein's world-systems approach to describe the dynamics of hegemony in US diplomatic history and also studied US corporatism. McCormick taught at the Ohio University, University of Pittsburgh, and University of Wisconsin–Madison where he won the Wisconsin Student Association Award for Teaching Excellence (1992-1993).
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Born in Alfaraz de Sayago (province of Zamora), he was raised in , where his father worked as school teacher. After studying Arts and Sciences at the Central University of Madrid, where he was a disciple of José Ortega y Gasset, and contributing to La Gaceta Literaria and Revista de Occidente, Ledesma Ramos began studying the works of Martin Heidegger. He also wrote a novel for the youth, entitled El sello de la muerte ("The Seal of Death"). Attracted to both Benito Mussolini's Corporatism, and the developing Nazi movement of Adolf Hitler in Germany, he was troubled by his middle class roots, which he saw as an obstacle in reaching out to the revolutionary milieu of Spanish politics in the 1920s.
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The military coup initiated during the period known as the "Infamous Decade", characterized by electoral fraud, persecution of the political opposition (mainly against the UCR) and pervasive government corruption, against the background of the global depression. During his brief tenure as president, Uriburu cracked down heavily on anarchists and other far- left groups, resulting in 2,000 illegal executions of members of anarchist and communist groups. The most famous (and perhaps most symbolic of anarchism's decay in Argentina at the time) was the execution of Severino Di Giovanni, who was captured in late January 1931 and executed on the first of February of the same year. After becoming president through the coup, Uriburu attempted to create a constitutional reform that would include corporatism in the Argentine Constitution.
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Born in Lugos, Austria-Hungary (now Lugoj, Romania), Drăgan graduated from Law School at the University of Bucharest in 1938, and earned in 1940 a scholarship at the University of Rome, where he studied political science and economics, earning a Ph.D. in law. At the time, Drăgan was attracted to fascist ideals and the Iron Guard, representing a corporatist trend inside the latter.Francisco Veiga, Istoria Gărzii de Fier, 1919-1941: Mistica ultranaționalismului ("History of the Iron Guard, 1919-1941: The Mistque of Ultra-Nationalism"), Humanitas, Bucharest, 1993, p.287, 307 Drăgan explained his views on the Fascist Iron Guard in 1940 in the pro-Mussolini newspaper Conquiste d'Impero in two articles entitled "The Mystique of Codreanu's Legionnaires" and "Romanian Corporatism: Pieces of Legionnaire Doctrine".
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The assassination of Bronisław Pieracki, referred to as the Warsaw process in the Ukrainian historiography, was a well-orchestrated target killing of Poland's top politician of the interwar period, Minister of Interior Bronisław Pieracki (1895-1934) by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) as a retaliation for the government policy of Pacification which was carried out by the police. OUN was formed in Poland as an amalgamation between a number of extreme right-wing organizations including the Union of Ukrainian Fascists. From the moment of its founding in 1929, fascism played a central role in the organization, combining extreme ethno-nationalism with terrorism, corporatism, and anti-Semitism. The chosen assassin, Hryhorij Maciejko pseudonym "Gonta", was a trusted member of OUN.
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In The Servile State, written after his party-political career had come to an end, and other works, he criticised the modern economic order and parliamentary system, advocating distributism in opposition to both capitalism and socialism. Belloc made the historical argument that distributism was not a fresh perspective or program of economics but rather a proposed return to the economics that prevailed in Europe for the thousand years when it was Catholic. He called for the dissolution of Parliament and its replacement with committees of representatives for the various sectors of society, an idea that was also popular among Fascists, under the name of corporatism. He contributed an article on "Land-Tenure in the Christian Era" to the Catholic Encyclopedia.
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He suggested that it arose from four trends: weak national parties and strong political representation of individual districts, the large U.S. military establishment after World War II, large corporations using money to finance election campaigns, and globalization tilting the balance of power away from workers. In 2013, economist Edmund Phelps criticised the economic system of the U.S. and other western countries in recent decades as being what he calls "the new corporatism", which he characterises as a system in which the state is far too involved in the economy, tasked with "protecting everyone against everyone else", but in which at the same time big companies have a great deal of influence on the government, with lobbyists' suggestions being "welcome, especially if they come with bribes".Phelps, Edmund (2013). Mass Flourishing.
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Supporters of capitalism also generally oppose crony capitalism and supporters such as classical liberals, neoliberals and right- libertarians consider it an aberration brought on by governmental favors incompatible with free market. Such proponents of capitalism tend to regard the term as an oxymoron, arguing that crony capitalism is not capitalism at all. In the capitalist view, cronyism is the result of an excess of interference in the market which inherently will result in a toxic combination of corporations and government officials running the sector of the economy. Some advocates prefer to equate this problem with terms such as corporatocracy or corporatism, considered "a modern form of mercantilism", to emphasize that the only way to run a profitable business in such a system is to have help from corrupt government officials.
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Andrei Illarionov describes the emerging corporatism in Russia as power in hands of Silovik power structures, the current incarnation of Chekism, whose ideology he defines by the word "nashism" ("ours-ism") in its most general sense: preferential treatment of "ours". In an article initially printed in Kommersant and then reprinted several times in the West, he writes:Andrei Illarionov, "When the state means business", International Herald Tribune, January 25, 2006 > "Ours-ism" does not know national or ethnic boundaries. The former > chancellor of a foreign country [(Gerhard Schröder)] is made a member of the > corporation and becomes "our man in Europe." Meanwhile, a Russian > businessman [(Mikhail Khodorkovsky)] who created a company that brought > billions into the national treasury turns out to be an "other" and is exiled > to the depths of Siberia.
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Miliband also argued for greater regulation on banks and the energy companies. Blue Labour was a recent ideological tendency in the party that advocates the belief that working class voters will be won back to Labour through more conservative policies on certain social and international issues, such as immigration and crime, a rejection of neoliberal economics in favour of ideas from guild socialism and continental corporatism, and a switch to local and democratic community management and provision of services, rather than relying on a traditional welfare state that is seen as excessively 'bureaucratic'. These ideas have been given an endorsement by Ed Miliband who in 2011 wrote the preface to a book expounding Blue Labour's positions. However, it lost its influence after comments by Maurice Glasman in the Telegraph newspaper.
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It made a name for itself after giving full support to Italian imperialism and the Italo-Turkish War of 1911 - Corradini wrote two political essays on the matter (Il volere d'Italia - "Italy's Desire", and L'ora di Tripoli - "Tripoli's Moment"). He expanded such bellicose theories in the weekly L'Idea Nazionale, founded by him together with Alfredo Rocco and Luigi Federzoni. L'Idea Nazionale was turned into a daily with financing from natural advocates of militarism - military men and weapon manufacturers. Corradini and his paper created a generic nationalist theory after adopting Populism and Corporatism, while advocating Italy's entry into World War I - initially on the side of the Triple Alliance (the Central Powers, to which Italy had committed itself), then on that of the Triple Entente (the Allies - which promised to grant Italy all its territorial demands).
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The Faisceau ran into serious problems almost as soon as it was founded. Valois - a former anarcho-syndicalist who had converted to Orléanism and joined the Action Française (leaving the group after the World War I) - and the industrialists who financed the party, such as Eugène Mathon (the owner of a large textile firm) and the perfume manufacturer François Coty all claimed to favour Corporatism as the basis for economic organisation. Nonetheless, it soon became clear that they had rather different ideas about what the term meant. For Valois, it arguably meant a form of Producerism, with an economy to be run by the producers (everyone involved in manufacturing goods), whereas Mathon interpreted it as an amended laissez-faire Capitalism, where businessmen like himself should be in charge, with no interference by the state.
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In 1934, Salazar exiled Francisco Rolão Preto as a part of a purge of the leadership of the Portuguese National Syndicalists, also known as the camisas azuis ("Blue Shirts"). Salazar denounced the National Syndicalists as "inspired by certain foreign models" (meaning German Nazism) and condemned their "exaltation of youth, the cult of force through direct action, the principle of the superiority of state political power in social life, [and] the propensity for organising masses behind a single leader" as fundamental differences between fascism and the Catholic corporatism of the Estado Novo. Salazar's own party, the National Union, was formed as a subservient umbrella organisation to support the regime itself, and therefore did not have its own philosophy. At the time, many European countries feared the destructive potential of communism.
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The Volkswagen factory in Wolfsburg European welfare capitalism is typically endorsed by Christian democrats and social democrats. In contrast to social welfare provisions found in other industrialized countries (especially countries with the Anglo-Saxon model of capitalism), European welfare states provide universal services that benefit all citizens (social democratic welfare state) as opposed to a minimalist model that only caters to the needs of the poor. In Northern European countries, welfare capitalism is often combined with social corporatism and national-level collective bargaining arrangements aimed at balancing the power between labor and business. The most prominent example of this system is the Nordic model, which features free and open markets with limited regulation, high concentrations of private ownership in industry, and tax-funded universal welfare benefits for all citizens.
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Kokumin Dōmei meeting, 1933 was a Japanese fascist political party in Japan active in the 1930s. In 1931, Home Minister Adachi Kenzō spoke out strongly in support of the Imperial Japanese Army’s unauthorized incursions into Manchuria and against the diplomatic policies pursued by Kijūrō Shidehara, and was expelled from the ranks of the Rikken Minseitō. Joining together with Nakano Seigō, Akira Kazami, and others, Adachi formed the right-wing political organization Kokumin Dōmei in December 1932 The Kokumin Dōmei advocated a form of state socialism or corporatism with government control of strategic industries and financial institutions, and the creation of a Japan-Manchukuo economic union. The new party consisted mainly of defectors from the Minseitō, and had an original strength of 32 seats in the Diet of Japan.
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Throughout his time in office, Tito prided himself on Yugoslavia's independence from the Soviet Union, with Yugoslavia never accepting full membership in Comecon and Tito's open rejection of many aspects of Stalinism as the most obvious manifestations of this. The Soviets and their satellite states often accused Yugoslavia of Trotskyism and social democracy, charges loosely based on Tito's samoupravljanje (self-management) and the theory of associated labor (profit sharing policies and worker-owned industries initiated by him, Milovan Đilas and Edvard Kardelj in 1950). It was in these things that the Soviet leadership accused of harboring the seeds of council communism or even corporatism. The propaganda attacks centered on the caricature of "Tito the Butcher" of the working class, aimed to pinpoint him as a covert agent of Western imperialism.
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By 1921 Agresti's early anarchist leanings, further leavened by years of exposure to Lubin's theories concerning cooperative organization of society, had transformed her into an enthusiastic supporter of corporatism and, consequently, of Benito Mussolini's corporatist reorganization of the Italian economy. From 1921 to 1943 she edited the newsletter of the Associazione fra le Società per Azioni, a group then closely allied with the Fascists, and in 1938 co-authored the theoretical work The Organization of the Arts and Professions in the Fascist Guild State with the Fascist journalist Mario Missiroli. In 1937, Agresti's editorship of economic journals brought her into professional contact with Ezra Pound, then residing in Italy and writing articles in Italian on economic topics. Thus began a long correspondence between the two which lasted until 1959, the year before Agresti's death.
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32 Golkar won landslide majorities in the MPR at every election, ensuring that Suharto would be able to pass his agenda with virtually no opposition. Ultimately, he held all governing power in the country. Suharto proceeded with various social engineering projects designed to transform Indonesian society into a de-politicised "floating mass" supportive of the national mission of "development", a concept similar to corporatism. The government formed various civil society groups to unite the populace in support of government programs. For instance, the government created the Indonesian Civil Servants Corps (Korps Pegawai Republik Indonesia or KORPRI) in November 1971 as union of civil servants to ensure their loyalty, organised the FBSI (Federasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia) as the only legal labour union in February 1973, and established the MUI in 1975 to control Islamic clerics.
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The National Renaissance Front (, FRN; also translated as Front of National Regeneration, Front of National Rebirth, Front of National Resurrection, or Front of National Renaissance) was a Romanian political party created by King Carol II in 1938 as the single monopoly party of government following his decision to ban all other political parties and suspend the 1923 Constitution, and the passing of the 1938 Constitution of Romania. It was the party of Prime Ministers Armand Călinescu, Gheorghe Argeșanu, Constantin Argetoianu, Gheorghe Tătărescu and Ion Gigurtu, whose regimes were associated with corporatism and antisemitism. Largely reflecting Carol's own political choices, the FRN was the last of several attempts to counter the popularity of the fascist and antisemitic Iron Guard. In mid-1940, Carol reorganized the FRN into the more radical Party of the Nation ( or , PN), designed as a "totalitarian unity party".
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Salazar also viewed German Nazism as espousing pagan elements that he considered repugnant. Just before World War II, Salazar made this declaration: Scholars such as Stanley G. Payne, Thomas Gerard Gallagher, Juan José Linz, António Costa Pinto, Roger Griffin, Robert Paxton and Howard J. Wiarda, prefer to consider the Portuguese Estado Novo (Portugal) as conservative authoritarian rather than fascist. On the other hand some Portuguese scholars like Fernando Rosas, Manuel Villaverde Cabral, Manuel de Lucena and Manuel Loff think that the Estado Novo should be considered fascist. Stanley G. Payne wrote that, "Salazar's system might best be described as one of Authoritarian Corporatism or even authoritarian corporative liberalism," rather than fascism. Historian Juan José Linz says that fascism never took roots in Salazar' Portugal The Estado Novo of Portugal differed from fascism even more profoundly than Franco’s Spain.
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Lyrically, whereas the other band formed from The Broadways' break- up, The Lawrence Arms, favour more introspective lyrics, Dan Hanaway's lyrics for The Honor System retain his socio-political perspective: covering issues including, but not limited to, police corruption ("Nails", "The Blaming Game"), criticism of the media ("The Blaming Game", "Losing Connection", "Hz"), anti-capitalism/corporatism ("Fool's Gold", "Muffled By Concrete", "Replacement Parts", "Moving Day"), the encroachment of development over the natural environment and human life ("Muffled by Concrete", "Conquistadors"), war ("Clockwork"), prisons and the prison-industrial complex ("The Rise and Run"), etc. Musically, the band built upon The Broadways' melodic punk rock, dual guitars, and non-traditional song structures – incorporating better production, more developed instrumentation, and an increasingly heavy sound, the latter particularly after McGuire's replacement by Wiseman. Hanaway's vocals show a continued evolution from their rougher sound on his earlier works.
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Also, the parliamentarian socialism of the left wants economic nationalism, and huge tariff-barriers in order to protect their interior capitalists and this meshes with the cultural nationalism of the conservatives. Sorel warned about the creation of corporatism, where the workers movements and the employers organizations would merge, thus ending the class-struggle; because he felt that parliamentary democracy was moving in that direction at the beginning of the 19th century, Sorel said that the workers should stay away from the socialist parties, and use strikes and violence instead as their primary weapons against the middle and upper classes in parliament. That way, the workers would not only fight harder for their share of the values produced by capitalism, but also avoid the semi-feudal, corporative dystopia and oligarchy that the socialists and the conservatives were, supposedly, working towards.
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They claim that war drains those involved and leaves non-combatant parties as the most powerful, economically and militarily, ready to take over. Therefore, anarcho-capitalists claim that in practice, and in more advanced societies with large institutions that have a responsibility to protect their vested interests, disputes are most likely to be settled peacefully. Anarcho-capitalists also point out that a state monopoly of law enforcement does not necessarily make NAP present throughout society as corruption and corporatism, as well as lobby group clientelism in democracies, favor only certain people or organizations. Anarcho-capitalists aligned with the Rothbardian philosophy generally contend that the state violates the non- aggression principle by its very nature because, it is argued, governments necessarily use force against those who have not stolen private property, vandalized private property, assaulted anyone, or committed fraud.
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The next major revision of the theoretical basis of capitalism began in the late 19th century with the expansion of corporations and finance, the globalization of production and markets, and the increasing desire to tap the productive capacity of the capital sectors of economies in order to secure the markets and resources required to continue economic growth. Many, particularly the wealthy, came to view the state as a vehicle for improving business conditions, securing markets, and gaining access to scarce materials—even when such objectives could only be achieved through military force. In the 1920s this philosophy found its most publicly prominent voice in President Calvin Coolidge's assertion that "the business of America is business". Critics of this period label it "corporatism", while its adherents generally regard it as a logical extension of the "laissez-faire" principles of natural liberty.
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Conservative, centrist and nationalist movements (such as in the American system, mercantilism, the Meiji Restoration, social corporatism, and traditionalist conservatism) have also adopted autarky in temporary, limited ways - usually in an attempt to preserve part of an existing social order or to develop a particular industry. Some fascist and far-right movements occasionally espoused autarky as a goal in propaganda but in practice crushed existing movements towards self-sufficiency and established extensive capital connections to serve as a basis for war and genocide while allying with traditional business elites. Autarky may be a policy of a state or other entity when it seeks to be self-sufficient as a whole, but also can be limited to a narrow field such as possession of a key raw material. For example, many countries have a policy of autarky with respect to foodstuffs and water for national-security reasons.
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The party was the only party to expressly refer to fascism with the symbol itself, which included and highlighted in the center a beam of red, making explicit reference to the ideologies of the Italian Social Republic and the social right, such as corporatism, the socialization of the economy, monetary taxation and nationalism. Contemporary trials for violation of the 1952 Scelba law—which criminalized the defense of fascism—led to the acquittal of Pisanò and other members of the party since, contrary to the offense identified by law, the party has advocated for a bicameral Presidential Republic with President of the Republic enjoying full powers and elected by the people, instead of the re-establishment of the fascist dictatorship. The party elected some municipal councilors especially in Asti, on the occasion of the 1992 general election. In the 1990s Pisanò returned to publishing, writing several texts about the Italian Social Republic.
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In the common program set up by the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference in 1949, in effect the country's interim constitution, state capitalism meant an economic system of corporatism. It provided as follows: "Whenever necessary and possible, private capital shall be encouraged to develop in the direction of state capitalism". From 1956 to the late 1970s, the Communist Party of China and their Maoist or anti- revisionist adherents around the world often described the Soviet Union as state capitalist, essentially using the accepted Marxist definition, albeit on a different basis and in reference to a different span of time from either the Trotskyists or the left-communists. Specifically, the Maoists and their descendants use the term state capitalism as part of their description of the style and politics of Nikita Khrushchev and his successors as well as to similar leaders and policies in other self-styled "socialist" states.
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At the same time, the LVL adopted the anti-Semitism of the Nazi occupiers, and the Unio'n called for a Lebensraum (living space) for the Luxembourgish people in terms very similar to those found in Mein Kampf. For the organised Resistance, the prime motivating factor appears to have been not a desire for liberty or a democratic ideal, but nationalism, albeit influenced by socialism for those on the left, or by anti-parliamentary corporatism on the right. If there was one characteristic which was common to all Resistance movements, then, whether on the left or the right, it was this nationalism. This becomes apparent in the Resistance organisations' interpretation of history: an emphasis on the "Luxembourgish" emperors of the Holy Roman Empire, a glorification of John the Blind and the participants in the peasant war known as the Kleppelkrich, attacks on the "foreign domination" from 1443 to 1839.
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Salazar denounced the National Syndicalists as "inspired by certain foreign models" and their "exaltation of youth, and the cult of force through direct action, the principle of the superiority of state political power in social life, [and] the propensity for organizing masses behind a single leader" as fundamental differences between fascism and the Catholic corporatism of the New State. The British Embassy informed London with some satisfaction stating that the Portuguese National Syndicalist Movement took "its inspiration from the Italian Embassy" and described Preto as a "vain man with a strong sense of intrigue". Preto ended up opposing the Salazar's regime for being too moderate and due to Salazar's refusal to turn the emerging corporative state into a truly fascist regime. Preto resided, for a while, in Valencia de Alcántara, near the border with Castelo de Vide, and then in Madrid, as a guest in the house of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, with whom he collaborated in formulating a program for the Falange.
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The 8m x 12 m work towered over the two-storey height space that occupied the top of the pavilion's tower, making it the centre piece of the pavilion's decorative and propaganda program. The enthroned figure of Italy represented Corporatism – the successful economic policy that merged the best of Capitalism and the best of Communism – and that had, up until then proved a success. The room was a celebration of all those aspects of Fascist society that Pagano wholeheartedly believed in: social harmony, government input to generate industrial innovation and support for artists, professionals and craftsmen as well as workers. Here Pagano had the joy of working alongside five different artists and placing Italy's newest industrial material such as linoleum and Termolux (shatterproof plate glass) next to a sumptuous chandelier from Murano and amber marble.F. Marcello, "Italians do it Better: Fascist Italy’s New Brand of Nationalism in the Art and Architecture of the Italian Pavilion, Paris 1937" in Rika Devos, Alexander Ortenberg, Vladimir Paperny eds.
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Radical media contents rely largely on graphic design and artistic visual communication mechanisms that were used in 1960s underground publications, like, The Whole Earth Catalog, Black Panther Party Paper, and Oz. While there are a number of political art movements that were employed by radical media, many art historians and cultural analysts associate their artistic styles largely with expressionism, dadaism, surrealism, and the situationists détournement—culture jamming. The political agenda that the media hold is often seen to be rooted in the early 20th century anarchistic political art movement, Dadaism, which rejects logical reasoning, forces irrationality and intuition. While the early social movements focused on anti-war politics, the use of Dadaism in radical media is extended in order to critically illustrate opposing ideas of corporatism, institutionalism, and regulations. To criticize the mainstream culture and politics, radical media employs situationist detournement that remixes and alters the existing mainstream media contents such as political campaign, commercial entertainment, and popular culture.
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Saul's non-fiction began with the trilogy comprising the bestseller Voltaire's Bastards: The Dictatorship of Reason in the West (1992), the polemic philosophical dictionary The Doubter's Companion: A Dictionary of Aggressive Common Sense (1994), and the book that grew out of his 1995 Massey Lectures, The Unconscious Civilization (1995). The last won the 1996 Governor General's Award for Non-Fiction Literature. These books deal with themes such as the dictatorship of reason unbalanced by other human qualities, how it can be used for any ends especially in a directionless state that rewards the pursuit of power for power's sake. He argues that this leads to deformations of thought such as ideology promoted as truth; the rational but anti-democratic structures of corporatism, by which he means the worship of small groups; and the use of language and expertise to mask a practical understanding of the harm caused by this, and what else our society might do.
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The supposed relationship does not appear to be based on logical deducibility. That is, actual idealism does not entail a fascist ideology in any rigorous sense. Gentile enjoyed fruitful intellectual relations with Croce from 1899 – and particularly during their joint editorship of La Critica from 1903 to 1922 – but broke philosophically and politically from Croce in the early 1920s over Gentile's embrace of fascism. (Croce assesses their philosophical disagreement in Una discussione tra filosofi amici in Conversazioni Critiche, II.) Ultimately, Gentile foresaw a social order wherein opposites of all kinds weren't to be considered as existing independently from each other; that 'publicness' and 'privateness' as broad interpretations were currently false as imposed by all former kinds of government, including capitalism and communism; and that only the reciprocal totalitarian state of Corporatism, a fascist state, could defeat these problems which are made from reifying as an external reality that which is in fact, to Gentile, only a reality in thinking.
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According to Spengler, true socialism would be in the form of corporatism, stating that "local corporate bodies organised according to the importance of each occupation to the people as a whole; higher representation in stages up to a supreme council of the state; mandates revocable at any time; no organised parties, no professional politicians, no periodic elections". The book Das Dritte Reich (1923), translated as "The Third Reich", by Arthur Moeller van den Bruck Wilhelm Stapel, an antisemitic German intellectual, used Spengler's thesis on the cultural confrontation between Jews as whom Spengler described as a Magian people versus Europeans as a Faustian people. Stapel described Jews as a landless nomadic people in pursuit of an international culture whereby they can integrate into Western civilisation. As such, Stapel claims that Jews have been attracted to "international" versions of socialism, pacifism or capitalism because as a landless people the Jews have transgressed various national cultural boundaries.
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Dholakia has authored the following Cases and Technical Notes used in MBA programme as well as various Executive Development Programmes conducted by the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad. International cases # Management of Economic Policy Reforms in Kenya, 1995 # Tenaga Nasional Berhad (Malaysia), 1994 # Export Promotion Strategy and Trade Policy Reforms in Sri Lanka, 1993. # Economic Policy Reforms : Mauritian Experience, 1992 (Co author) # Role of Tourism Sector in Mauritian Economy, 1992 (Co author) # National Electricity Board of Malaysia (A), 1991. # Urban Development Through Corporatism: The Case of Toronto Harbourfront; 1991 (Co author). # Economic Planning in a Consistency Framework: The Malaysian Experience; 1991 (Co author). # Agricultural Development Corporation (Kenya); 1989 (Co author). # National Paper Corporation of Sri Lanka; 1989 (Co author). Cases on Indian Industries # Southern Sea Foods Private Limited (Case on Export Marketing); 1990. # SFP Fisheries Limited (Case on Project Rehabilitation); 1990. # Jaypee Rewa Cement Project (Case on Social Cost Benefit Analysis); 1989.
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In this vein, industrial relations scholarship intersects with scholarship in labour economics, industrial sociology, labour and social history, human resource management, political science, law, and other areas. Industrial relations scholarship assumes that labour markets are not perfectly competitive and thus, in contrast to mainstream economic theory, employers typically have greater bargaining power than employees. Industrial relations scholarship also assumes that there are at least some inherent conflicts of interest between employers and employees (for example, higher wages versus higher profits) and thus, in contrast to scholarship in human resource management and organizational behaviour, conflict is seen as a natural part of the employment relationship. Industrial relations scholars therefore frequently study the diverse institutional arrangements that characterize and shape the employment relationship—from norms and power structures on the shop floor, to employee voice mechanisms in the workplace, to collective bargaining arrangements at company, regional, or national level, to various levels of public policy and labour law regimes, to varieties of capitalism (such as corporatism, social democracy, and neoliberalism).
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It was during the university strikes of the 1960s when Jaime Guzmán, President of the Law Students Union at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile -who opposed the protests and strikes, led by the Christian-democrats and left-wing students- gathered a group of students and founded the Movimiento Gremial (Guildist Movement) and ran for the University's Student Union (Federación de Estudiantes) election. The movement quickly became one of the most important in the Catholic University, and later won the presidency of the University's Student Union. Jaime Guzmán criticized liberal democracy and sought inspiration in authoritarian corporatism, proposing the principle of subsidiarity and to invigorate intermediate social movements, by the way that these were independent to develop their own specific purposes. Well into the government of Salvador Allende, some young members of the National Party and the Christian Democrats became part of the Gremialismo Movement of Jaime Guzmán. Guzmán supported a military coup against Allende's government, which happened shortly thereafter on September 11, 1973 (see: Chilean coup of 1973).
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Suharto proceeded with social engineering projects designed to transform Indonesian society into a de- politicized "floating mass" supportive of the national mission of "development", a concept similar to corporatism. The government formed civil society groups to unite the populace in support of government programs. For instance, the government created and required all civil servants and employees of state- and local government-owned enterprises and those of Bank Indonesia to join KORPRI (the Employees' Corps of the Republic of Indonesia) in November 1971 to ensure their loyalty;KORPRI still exists today and all civil servants are still required to join the corps. organised the FBSI (Federasi Buruh Seluruh Indonesia) as the only legal labour union for workers not eligible for KORPRI membership in February 1973 (later renamed as SPSI/Serikat Pekerja Seluruh Indonesia in 1985), established under the pretext of tripartism, officially defined as Pancasilaist Industrial Relations () (while in fact it cements only business interests with the state); and established the MUI (Majelis Ulama Indonesia) in 1975 to control Islamic clerics.
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The PRI maintained absolute power over the country for most of the twentieth century: besides holding the Presidency of the Republic, until 1976 all members of the Senate belonged to the PRI, while all of the State Governors were also from the PRI until 1989. Throughout the seven decades that the PRI governed Mexico, the party used a combination of corporatism, co- option and (at many times, violent) repression to hold power, while usually resorting to electoral fraud when these measures were not enough. In particular, the presidential elections of 1940, 1952 and 1988 were characterized by massive irregularities and fraudulent practices denounced by both domestic and international observers. While during the early decades of PRI rule Mexico benefited from an economic boom which improved the quality of life of most people and guaranteed political and social stability, issues such as inequality, corruption and the lack of democracy and political freedoms cultivated growing resentment against the PRI, culminating in the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre in which the Army killed hundreds of unarmed student demonstrators.
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After 1934, Verdinaso shifted its focus towards a Belgian identity circa 1939, becoming a bilingual (French-Dutch) party, believing that the Belgian state should be founded on Roman Catholic corporatism – an economic model interpreted by Verdinaso from the Catholic social teaching, and akin to Integralism and the Action Française (an influence on Van Severen). The party virulently opposed Communism on the left and liberal capitalism on the right; it was also somewhat antisemitic, occasionally venting the opinion that Jews, as well as Freemasons constituted a hidden power working against the interests of Dietsland. In the elections of May 24, 1936, Verdinaso ran on a common list with other Flemish nationalists under the common denominator Vlaams Nationaal Block, gaining 13% of the vote and 16 deputy seats; in 1939, it peaked at 15% of the vote and 17 seats. The DINASO Militanten Orde had around 3,000 members, grouped under the leadership of François, and edited the newspapers Recht en Trouw and De Vlag (placed under the leadership of Moens).
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Mezarescu, pp. 57, 64; Minuț (2001), pp. 424–425 In 1935, Valjean similarly proclaimed that all classes were "subordinate to the plowmen".Dumitru Botar, "Din presa romanațeană de altădată (III)", in Memoria Oltului și Romanaților, Issue 4/2017, p. 32 His PNA intended to make the smallholders key players in Romania's economy, encouraging credit unions and land purchase, as well as describing a future in which labor and its product would be more expensive; it also promised to enact agricultural dirigisme, with tools such as a state plan for developing agriculture, pomology, sericulture, and handicrafts.Mezarescu, pp. 57–59; Minuț (1999), pp. 270–271 & (2001), pp. 425, 427 In parallel, Goga's intellectual debt to corporatism took form as promises to enact class collaboration, or "harmonious solidarity between workers, peasants and all other productive forces".Mezarescu, pp. 58, 61, 64 Historian Oltea Rășcanu Gramaticu, who focused on the politics of Tutova County, noted that the PNA enjoyed "some popularity", due to its "radical solutions for revitalizing small plots owned by the peasants".
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According to Vinson's biographer he may have been influential in persuading Joseph not to stand for the Tory party leadership because the latter was temperamentally unsuited to the role, thereby setting the stage for Thatcher to enter the leadership race in 1975. When he resigned as CPS treasurer in 1980, Thatcher acknowledged in a personal letter of thanks the part Vinson had played in changing the direction of British politics: "What has been achieved during the last six years by way of winning the intellectual argument in favour of free enterprise and against socialism and corporatism would never have been possible without your patient guidance and tireless ability to provide, and then maintain, the foundation stone on which we have built." According to a study of the part played by conservative and neo-liberal think tanks in reversing political trends during the 1970s and 80s, among the most influential of the CPS policy groups was its Personal Capital Foundation Group chaired by Vinson. This produced three proposals that became Government policy - Personal Pensions, Personal Equity Plans (now ISAs), and the Enterprise Allowance scheme.
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24, available here. Some scholars suggest that de Mella's version of corporatism might have influenced Primo when shaping his dictarorial regime, Krisztián Szigetvári, Primo de Rivera diktatúrájának oktatáspolitikája és a rendszer ideológiájának türköződése a tankönyvekben [PhD thesis University of Pecs], Pecs 2010, p. 175 Whatever his views were, in early 1925 he already had few doubts about la dictadura; he considered it a pocket version of a grand political shakeup needed by the country and in January 1925 ridiculed it as "golpe de escoba",ABC 03.01.25, available here though he also allegedly confirmed that directorio implemented some Traditionalist ideas.El Imparcial 06.01.25, available here. There are scholars who claim that "the ideas of Menéndez Pelayo, Vazquez de Mella, Donoso Cortés and Jaime Balmes are constantly found in the writings of UP essayists", see Alejandro Quiroga, Making Spaniards. National Catholicism and the nationalisation of the masses during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera [PhD thesis London School of Economics and Political Science], London 2004, p. 96 His last public appearance fell on early 1924; a diabetic, he suffered further health problems and in the summer of 1924 had his leg amputated.
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ITALY'S PRICE FOR NEUTRALITY (28 March 1915) – The New York Times Italy gained Trieste, Gorizia, Istria and the city of Zara. In Dalmatia, despite the Treaty of London, only territories with Italian majority as Zadar (Zara) with some Dalmatian islands, such as Cres (Cherso), Lošinj (Lussino) and Lastovo (Lagosta) were annexed by Italy because Woodrow Wilson, supporting Yugoslav claims and not recognizing the treaty, rejected Italian requests on other Dalmatian territories. The city of Rijeka (Fiume) in the Kvarner was the subject of claim and counter-claim because it had an Italian majority, but Fiume had not been promised to Italy in the London Pact, though it was to become Italian by 1924 (see Italian Regency of Carnaro, Treaty of Rapallo, 1920 and Treaty of Rome, 1924). The stand taken by the irredentist Gabriele D'Annunzio, which briefly led him to become an enemy of the Italian state,Stato Libero Di Fiume – (English: "Free State Of Fiume") was meant to provoke a nationalist revival through corporatism (first instituted during his rule over Fiume), in front of what was widely perceived as state corruption engineered by governments such as Giovanni Giolitti's.
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An original painting made as part of an early visualisation of Citizen Siege There were four projects being worked on in this phase of the Oddworld Inhabitants studio—the only three to become public knowledge were a CG feature film entitled "Citizen Siege", an online video game tied into the film, called "Wage Wars" and an HD machinima series. Citizen Siege was first announced by Lorne Lanning in his keynote speech at GameCity in Nottingham, UK. To be directed by Lanning, executive produced by Sherry McKenna and produced by Vanguard Films, it was to be a dark, political, action thriller with elements of sci-fi set in a universe entirely separate from Oddworld "where current global conditions are extrapolated into a frightening near future where democracy has all but disintegrated under the rule of global corporatism" categorised by nightmarish credit rackets responsible for the hero's predicament. It wasn't until many years later that Lanning would further explain the story of the film. In this dystopia, society has reduced humans to mere commodity, where healthy human tissue is used as collateral against financial debt, allowing corporations to literally re-possess people piece-by- piece.
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Salazar denounced the National Syndicalists as "inspired by certain foreign models" (meaning German Nazism) and condemned their "exaltation of youth, the cult of force through direct action, the principle of the superiority of state political power in social life, [and] the propensity for organising masses behind a single leader" as fundamental differences between fascism and the Catholic corporatism of the Estado Novo. The first leader of the National Union was the Interior Minister Colonel Lopes Mateus. The composition of the Central Commission indicated that the party was meant to support the regime rather than militate for it. Salazar became President and Albino dos Reis, a former member of the Cunha Leal ULR, was nominated Vice President. The first Central Commission was composed by Bissaia Barreto, João Amaral, a judge and an Integralist monarchist, and Nuno Mexia, who had been linked to the Union of Economic Interests (União dos Interesses Económicos) in the 1920s. Appointment to lead the party meant either ‘retirement’ or a prestigious pause from government duties. The absence of youth was a characteristic of the National Union, particularly in the 1930s. At the first Congress, 68% of the delegates were over 40 years old.
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Jean de Fabrègues described Bernard de Vésins as a "descendant of an old Rouergue family ..., prototype of a provincial gentleman full of honor and bravery, knowing only the duty to serve France, a passionate reader of Bonald, Blanc de Saint-Bonnet and La Tour du Pin, a fervent Catholic [...] who came to the Action Française with enthusiasm because he found in its doctrine the harmonious synthesis of his fidelity to the King, his taste for social justice and his beliefs." Bernard de Vésins became a theoretician of corporatism within the context of Social Catholicism and the work of René de La Tour du Pin. In his article La Noblesse et les Privileges (Revue de l'Action Française, 15 September 1909) Bernard de Vésins defended the aristocracy, whose privileges were no more than a reasonable compensation for the benefits they provided in protecting the people and serving the state. Bernard de Vésins was quoted in February 1927 as saying ""Integral nationalism means that the monarchical solution satisfies all the needs of the country in the same way as an integral in mathematics represents the sum of all the values of an algebraic function.
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