123 Sentences With "neo fascism" | Random Sentence Generator

Again, there's really no other word for this style of intimidation but neo-fascism.

This year, Italy has seen a resurgence in neo-fascism and far-right ideology.

It was a burning point that the social democracy had let the neo-fascism grow.

Given the rise of neo-fascism in the United States, I guess it's the small victories, huh?

Bezos owns the Washington Post, which has been critical of Trump's special brand of neo-fascism in countless ways.

And it must be said: today's interest in Ryggen's work aligns quite well with society's renewed fight against neo-fascism.

In my estimate, Donald Trump, Jeff Sessions, and Steve Bannon represent a schizophrenic version of neo-fascism hidden behind the mask of populism.

If you're renting in a Trump building or playing a round of golf at a Trump resort, you are supporting racism and neo-fascism.

We are instead in the midst of a dangerous form of idolatry that praises unmitigated power, valorizes American nativism and borders on neo-fascism.

Amidst public fears of neo-fascism and hyper-conservatism in the United States government, the removal of these statues seems more significant than ever before.

But it's also a metaphor for US militarism and the kind of bombastic neo-fascism that Trump is selling to millions of angry, disaffect Americans.

We are watching, in real time, the President of the United States using his power and platform to mainstream the vile ideologies of racist neo-fascism.

You can call it neo-fascism, or post-fascism, or even proto-fascism, and there is a valuable debate to hold about splitting these semantic hairs.

His partners on the right would be Silvio Berlusconi's drastically weakened Forza Italia and the Brothers of Italy, who are the spiritual heirs of Italian neo-fascism.

"We forget at what cost liberation came and what heroism it took," Mr. Libeskind said, noting the rise of neo-fascism, anti-Semitism and nationalism in Europe.

A high-intensity type of pollen that is worsened by global warming and the resurgence of authoritarian neo-fascism will be noticeable today, and for all foreseeable days.

But we have to remember, when we say never again, that neo-fascism and neo-fascist groups are a real danger to the very existence of the free world.

In 1979, amidst the troubling rise of neo-fascism in Hamburg, the City initiated a public dialogue about the construction of a monument to remember the victims of Nazi crimes.

Last May, the Council of Europe issued a report warning that neo-fascism is on the rise in Croatia, with similar rhetoric coming from Bosnia's nationalist Croat party, the HDZ.

She accompanies this with a flirty lament about The Golden One, a Swedish YouTube personality who mixes bodybuilding with neo-fascism and looks exactly like the 'roided-out Aryan slab you'd expect.

WARSAW (Reuters) - Poland's right-wing government said on Thursday it had no tolerance for neo-fascism, after opposition lawmakers charged that its nationalist, eurosceptic focus was helping to reinvigorate the far right.

The most likely alternative on current poll showings is a conservative minority coalition including Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia party, the protectionist Northern League and a smaller party with its roots in neo-fascism.

" In an interview, Mr. Lévy called populism "a smoke screen for neo-fascism" and said that the signatories were "united by love of Europe and a sense of emergency — the 30 are afraid.

Trump is widely disliked by liberals and Sanders has a huge advantage over Trump with libertarians because of Trump's overbearing and hostile style that some conservatives and liberals have compared to neo-fascism.

During the debate on Wednesday, a member of Poland's chief opposition party criticized the country right-wing government for allowing "racism, xenophobia and neo-fascism on Poland's streets," a reference to some of the placards carried during Saturday's march.

Short of an outright victory in the streets, then, Mr. Macron's opponents will have to use this strike to create a political alternative to the binary choice between Mr. Macron's market austerity and Ms. Le Pen's xenophobic neo-fascism.

By listening to internal xenophobic voices over the voices of human compassion and experience from a not-so-distant history, the EU is contributing to a move toward a neo-fascism that seems cast an ever-longer dark shadow over the West.

Today, 73 years after the end of World War II, with most of their Nazi targets dead or imprisoned, the Klarsfelds have turned their attention to the rise of neo-fascism and, inevitably, the comfort and support the far right is feeling from Donald Trump.

Lilia Shevtsova, a political analyst in Moscow, said neo-fascism in liberal societies in the West stems from crisis or dysfunction while in illiberal countries like Russia and Turkey it reflects an attempt to fill the void left by the failure of Western notions to catch on.

For example, we might be wondering what the exact timeline for world destruction due to climate change is going to be, whether we'll be able to afford an apartment bigger than an outhouse one day, and at what point neo-fascism will spin itself into a completely totalitarian regime requiring citizens to uniform themselves in barf-green jumpsuits and style their hair like Donald Trump.

After the Second World War he became involved with neo-fascism.

Gods of the Blood: The Pagan Revival and White Separatism is a book by Swedish scholar Mattias Gardell discussing neopaganism (in particular Germanic) and white separatism, neo-fascism, and antisemitism. It was published by Duke University Press in June 2003.

With Mongolia located between the larger nations Russia and China, ethnic insecurities have driven many Mongolians to neo-fascism, expressing nationalism centered around Genghis Khan and Adolf Hitler. Groups advocating these ideologies include Blue Mongolia, Dayar Mongol, and Mongolian National Union.

Duncan Campbell, 'Andrew Brons, the genteel face of neo-fascism', The Guardian 8 June 2009 Other candidates to appear on the ballot were leftists Brian Heron of the International Marxist Group and journalist Paul Foot for the Socialist Workers Party.

Neo-fascism is a post-World War II ideology that includes significant elements of fascism. Neo-fascism usually includes ultranationalism, racial supremacy, populism, authoritarianism, nativism, xenophobia and opposition to immigration as well as opposition to liberal democracy, parliamentarianism, free-market capitalism/neoliberalism, liberalism, Marxism, communism and socialism. Allegations that a group is neo-fascist may be hotly contested, especially when the term is used as a political epithet. Some post–World War II regimes have been described as neo-fascist due to their authoritarian nature, and sometimes due to their fascination with and sympathy towards fascist ideology and rituals.

The song was used in Italy in support of neo-fascism because of the association of "black shirt" with the Fascist Blackshirts of Benito Mussolini,Martínez, Daniel. "Juanes en medio de polémica italiana". BBC Mundo. September 3, 2005. Retrieved January 25, 2007.

Duncan Campnell, 'Andrew Brons, the genteel face of neo-fascism', The Guardian 8 June 2009 Another group bearing the NSM name was set up in the late 1990s by David Myatt and other Combat 18 dissidents but it is not directly related to either the original NSM or the British Movement.

Gercke identifies with the political left and is connected with pacifism and the struggle against neo-fascism and communism. She takes part in political marches and demonstrations. She also participates in the UZ-Pressefesten (loosely, "Media Festivals") of the German Communist Party.Unsere Zeit, 2 February 2007, S. 13 Doris Gercke lives in Hamburg.

Searching for a new purpose, the international icon sets on a delirious odyssey where he confronts neo-fascism, the refugee crisis, genetic modification and the hunt for the source of genius. It was screened in the International Critics' Week section at the 2018 Cannes Film Festival, where it won the Grand Prize.

Schiff has made public statements about politics in Austria and Hungary. He has also become an outspoken critic of the Hungarian government of Viktor Orbán, whom he has publicly accused of racism, anti- Semitism, and neo-fascism, stating in January 2012 that he would never again set foot in his native country.

In the Russian media often consumed by Russia Germans, a mood was set against Chancellor Merkel and neo-fascism was presented as Germany's main characteristic.Boris Reitschuster: Wie eine Kreml-Retorten-Partei und die AfD mit perfiden Methoden um die Stimmen von Russlanddeutschen werben. In: Huffingtonpost.de. 26 July 2017, consulted on 7 November 2017.

2-6 While certainly Fascistic in nature, it is claimed by some that there are differences between neo- Fascism and what can be called "historical Fascism", or the kind of neo- Fascism which came about in the immediate aftermath of World War II. Some historians claim that contemporary neo-Fascist parties are not anti- democratic, because they operate within their country's political system. Whether that is a significant difference between neo-Fascism and historical Fascism is doubted by other scholars, who point out that Hitler worked within the existing political system of the Weimar Republic to obtain power, although it took an anti-democratic but constitutional process - presidential appointment rather than election through the Reichstag. Others point to the current neo-Fascists not being totalitarian in nature, but the organization of their parties along the lines of the Führerprinzip would seem to indicate otherwise. Historian Stanley G. Payne claims that the differences in current circumstance to that of the interwar years, and the strengthening of democracy in European countries since the end of the war prevents a general return of historical Fascism, and causes true neo-Fascist groups to be small and remain on the fringe.

Michelini emerged as a leading figure in the neo-fascism strain of Italian politics that emerged immediately after the war and was a prominent figure in the foundation of the MSI. He was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for Rome at the 1948 election as one of the new party's six representatives. He emerged as leader of the MSI in 1954 in succession to Augusto De Marsanich and sought to moderate the party's neo-fascism in an attempt to bring it more into the political mainstream, an endeavour in which he largely failed. He was linked to financial powers in Rome as well as the Vatican City who sought to move the MSI away from its third position rhetoric into more conservative ideals.

Indeed, Professor Piero Ignazi has defined the group as an heir to Thiriart's early influential organisation Jeune Europe.Piero Ignazi, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe, Oxford University Press, 2006, p. 126. Its founding membership included both those whose background was neo-fascism and former Maoists.Martin A. Lee, The Beast Reawakens, Routledge, 1999, p. 319.

Retrieved January 28, 2007. The album produced three consecutive number one singles, which held the top chart position for a combined 6 months. The album's third single, "La Camisa Negra" ("The Black Shirt"), was used in Italy in support of neo-fascism by relating it to the uniform used under the regime of Benito Mussolini.Martínez, Daniel.

According to Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, the neo-fascist ideology emerged in 1942, after the Third Reich launched the invasion of the USSR and decided to reorient its propaganda on a Europeanist ground. Europe then became both the myth and the utopia of the neo-fascists, who abandoned previous theories of racial inequalities within the white race to share a common euro-nationalist stance after World War II, embodied in Oswald Mosley's Europe a Nation policy. The following chronology can therefore be delineated: an ideological gestation before 1919; the historical experience of Fascism between 1919 and 1942, unfolded in several phases; and finally neo-Fascism from 1942 onward. Drawing inspiration from the Italian Social Republic (1943–1945), institutional neo-fascism took the form of the Italian Social Movement (1946–1995; MSI).

Luciano Cheles, Ronnie Ferguson & Michalina Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, Longman, 1991, p. 255 Like most of his fellow members of the tendency Williamson had begun as a member of the Young National Front.Nigel Copsey, Contemporary British Fascism: The British National Party and the Quest for Legitimacy, Palgrave Macmillan, 2004, p. 33 Williamson's membership of the NF dated back to 1975.

Bologna bombing by Nuclei Armati Rivoluzionari, 1980 Right-wing terrorism is terrorism motivated by a variety of far right ideologies and beliefs, including anti-communism, neo-fascism, neo-Nazism, racism, xenophobia and opposition to immigration. This type of terrorism has been sporadic, with little or no international cooperation.Aubrey, Stefan M. The New Dimension of International Terrorism. p. 45. Zurich: vdf Hochschulverlag AG, 2004.

D. Childs, 'The Far-Right in Germany since 1945', L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, Harlow: Longman, 1992, p. 73 In this capacity he merged his party into the newly formed NPD and became the first leader of the party. Replaced by Adolf von Thadden in 1967 he left the NPD and reactivated the German Party locally, with little success.

Individuals and groups in Croatia that employ far-right politics are most often associated with the historical Ustaše movement, hence they have connections to neo-Nazism and neo-fascism. That World War II political movement was an extremist organization at the time supported by the German Nazis and the Italian Fascists. The association with the Ustaše has been called neo-Ustashism by Slavko Goldstein.

38-9 He also sought to 'historicise' fascism and dropped the more overt references to the ideology from MSI propaganda and rhetoric, notably shelving the black shirt and the Roman salute.Cheles, Ferguson, and Vaughan, Neo- Fascism in Europe, p. 44 His new policy, known as the strategia del doppio binario (double track strategy), was not aimed at making the MSI more palatable to the Christian Democrats, as had been the plan of his predecessor, but rather to move the MSI into that party's ideological space and so challenge them directly for the leadership of the right.Luciano Cheles, Ronnie Ferguson, and Michalina Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, 1991, pp. 34-5 Almirante felt that by placing anti-communism at the heart of the MSI's appeal the party could attract both its existing followers and more moderate conservatives and could in time rival Christian Democrats as the main party of the right.

581 The party took its name from an earlier group of the same name that had existed during the German Empire period.Luciano Cheles, Ronnie Ferguson & Michalina Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, Longman, 1991, p. 71 The initial three deputy chairmen, Wilhelm Meinberg, Otto Hess and Heinrich Kunstmann, had all been members of the Nazi Party. From 1951 the group published its own newspaper Reichsruf ("Call of the Reich").

A number of historians and political scientists have pointed out that the situations in a number of European countries in the 1980s and 1990s - in particular France, Germany and Italy - were in some significant ways analogous to the conditions in Europe in the period between World War I and World War II that gave rise to Fascism in its many national guises. Constant economic crises including high unemployment, a resurgence of nationalism, an increase in ethnic conflicts, and the geo-political weakness of national regimes were all present, and while not an exact one-to-one correspondence, circumstances were similar enough to promote the beginning of a new Fascist movement, "neo- Fascism." Because intense nationalism is almost always a part of neo-Fascism, the parties which make up this movement are not pan-European, but are specific to each country they arise in; other than this, though, the neo-Fascist parties and other groups have many ideological traits in common.Golsan, Richard J. "Introduction" in Golsan (1998), pp.

Paul Hainsworth, The Extreme Right in Europe and the USA, Pinter, 1992, p. 157 As part of this policy he brought in a number of disparate rightist groups, merging the MSI with the Italian Democratic Party of Monarchist Unity, readmitting the hard-line splinter group Ordine Nuovo (New Order), and adding establishment figures such as Admiral Gino Birindelli and General Giovanni de Lorenzo as members.Cheles, Ferguson, and Vaughan, Neo- Fascism in Europe, p.

There is a contemporary loose network of small musical groups that combine neo-fascism and satanism. These groups can be found in Britain, France, and New Zealand, under names such as "Black Order" or "Infernal Alliance", and draw their inspiration from the Esoteric Hitlerism of Miguel Serrano.Goodrick-Clarke 2002: 106, 213–231. These groups advocate the anti-modern neo-tribalism and "Traditionalism" found in the "pagan" mysticist ideals of Alain de Benoist's Nouvelle Droite inspired by Julius Evola.

Schaut auf diese Stadt (Look at This City) is an East German film directed by Karl Gass in 1962. It is a subtle propaganda film in which peaceful East Germany depicts West Germany as the forefront to neo-fascism, terrorism, and neo-colonialism. East Germany requires an "anti-fascist defense" against the West Germans. It depicts the city of Berlin following the end of World War II and the struggle between the split between democracy and communism.

M. Durham, 'Women and the National Front', L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan (eds.), Neo-Fascism in Europe, London: Longman, 1991, pp. 265-6 Initially an enthusiastic supporter of the Political Soldier tendency, Pearce adopted their support for ethnopluralism and on this basis contacted the Iranian Embassy in London in 1984 to try to secure funding for the NF, although it came to nothing.Ray Hill with Andrew Bell, The Other Face of Terror, London: Grafton, 1988, p.

G. Gable, 'The Far Right in the United Kingdom', L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan (eds.), Neo-Fascism in Europe, London: Longman, 1991, p. 262 Earlier in his career, Pearce had even contacted John Tyndall to suggest the possibility of an alliance with the British National Party. The idea was considered by Tyndall but was ultimately rejected on the advice of Ray Hill and Charles Parker.R. Hill with A. Bell, The Other Face of Terror, London: Grafton, 1988, pp.

The far-right has maintained a continuous political presence in Italy since the fall of Mussolini. The neo-fascist party Italian Social Movement (1946–1995), influenced by the previous Italian Social Republic (1943–1945), became one of the chief reference points for the European far-right from the end of World War II until the late 1980s. Silvio Berlusconi and his Forza Italia party dominated politics from 1994. According to some scholars, it gave neo-fascism a new respectability.

The Belgrade-based media sometimes reported about the alleged conspiracy of ‘foreign forces’ to destroy Yugoslavia. In one instance, TV Belgrade showed Tuđman shaking hands with German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, accusing them of plotting to impose 'a Fourth Reich', whereas even the Vatican was blamed for 'supporting secessionists'. As a consequence, in September 1991, the German and Vatican Embassy were even targets of Serbian protesters, who shouted that ‘Pope John Paul II supports neo-fascism in Croatia’.

Lee, The Beast Reawakens, p. 173. Although Thiriart publicly disavowed fascism and branded Nazism obsolete the movement was still accused of having a fascist basis, be it through adopting the Celtic cross, a symbol widely used in neo-fascism, as its emblem or advertising the activities of neo-Nazi leader Hans-Ulrich Rudel in its eponymous weekly magazine.Lee, The Beast Reawakens, p. 172. The group also maintained links with the network of former SS officers that organised through the magazine Nation Europa.

Far-right politics in Croatia refers to any manifestation of far-right politics in the Republic of Croatia. Individuals and groups in Croatia that employ far-right politics are most often associated with the historical Ustaše movement, hence they have connections to Neo-Nazism and neo-fascism. That World War II political movement was an extremist organization at the time supported by the German Nazis and the Italian Fascists. The association with the Ustaše has been called "Neo-Ustashism" by Slavko Goldstein.

They even produced songs against their government ("They Don't Give a Fuck"), their justice ("Gerechtigkeit" - "Justice"), their police and their politicians ("Sand im Getriebe"). The song "Yankees Raus" (Yankees out) is against imperialism. The following years, neo-fascism in Germany was rising more and more, so they felt dutybound to sing against them. While their 1992 comeback album "Viva La Muerte" was a rather sketchy affair, their 1994 album "Schweineherbst" (Autumn Of Swines) is by many seen as their masterpiece, musically as well as lyrically.

The Serbian Radical Party was founded in 1991 with Vojislav Šešelj as president and Tomislav Nikolić as vice president. It was sometimes described as a Chetnik party oriented towards neo- fascism and striving for the territorial expansion of Serbia. Chetniks was a World War II movement in Yugoslavia led by Draža Mihailović, who was accused of collaboration with the occupying forces and war crimes. In 1993, during Bosnian War, Nikolić was proclaimed as Chetnik voivode (vojvoda, duke) by Šešelj in a ceremony at Romanija mountain.

A 2015 demonstration of German radical right group Pegida In political science, the terms radical right and populist right have been used to refer to the range of European far-right parties that have grown in support since the late 1970s. Populist right wing groups have shared a number of causes, which typically include opposition to globalisation, criticism of immigration and multiculturalism, and opposition to the European Union. The ideological spectrum of the radical right extends from right-wing populism to white nationalism and neo-fascism.

He served as chair of the Scotland Office Select committee from 2010 to 2015. In June 2011, he accused the Scottish National Party of "narrow neo-fascism". The choice of language resulted in the Labour Party distancing itself from Davidson's comments, saying the use of the word "neo-fascist" was unacceptable, even in the heat of debate, and Angus Robertson to call on him to resign as chair of the Scottish Affairs Select Committee. In May 2015 he lost his seat to Chris Stephens of the SNP.

Initially taking a leading role in the group, Pirie's involvement was curtailed when the press leaked the story of his membership of the group while working in a potentially sensitive role as a civil servant in Whitehall.G. Gable "The Far Right in the United Kingdom" in L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan (eds.), Neo-Fascism in Europe, London: Longman, 1991, p. 252 With Our Nation holding only a few meetings and Pirie's involvement compromised by the press leak, he retired from active politics after this incident.

"La Camisa Negra" () is a Spanish rock song written by Juanes, inspired by Colombian singer-songwriter Octavio Mesa and recorded by Juanes for his third studio album Mi Sangre. In Latin America, the track was released in 2005 as the third single from Mi Sangre, and in Europe, it was released in 2006 as the album's lead single. It was the summer hit of 2005 in Spain. The song received mixed reviews from critics and generated controversy when it was used to support neo-fascism in Italy.

Margolis identifies his politics as "Eisenhower Republican". Though his domestic political persuasion is moderately conservative (he is an anti-communist and a supporter of capitalism), Margolis' views on the Middle East are sharply at odds with those of the neoconservatives. Margolis wrote this about Barack Obama's election: > Americans did not "liberate" Iraq, but they certainly liberated their own > nation last week by sweeping the Republican Party from power. One prays > America's long nightmare of foreign aggressions, fear, religious extremism, > and flirting with neo-fascism is finally at an end.

His younger brother David Seawright was an active member of the NF.Luciano Cheles, Ronnie Ferguson & Michalin Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, London: Longman, 1991, p. 260 Whiterock leisure centre, the scene of Seawright's flag raid In 1984, following the erection of an Irish tricolour on Whiterock leisure centre, Seawright, along with UVF men John Bingham and William 'Frenchie' Marchant, wielded handguns to physically remove it.J. Holland & H. McDonald, INLA - Deadly Divisions, Dublin: Torc, 1994, p. 306Picture of the incident Despite their efforts two flags were put up to replace it soon afterwards.

The Free German Workers' Party also moved towards these ideas under the leadership of Friedhelm Busse in the late 1980s.C. T. Husbands, "Militant Neo-Nazism in the Federal Republic of Germany" in L. Cheles, R. Ferguson, M. Vaughan, Neo- Fascism in Europe, 1992, p. 97. The flag of the Strasserite movement Black Front and its symbol a crossed hammer and a sword has been used by German and other European neo-Nazis abroad as a substitute for the more infamous Nazi flag which is banned in some countries such as Germany.

Besides political parties, there are a few militant neo-Nazi organizations in Serbia, such as Blood & Honour Serbia and Combat 18. Earlier, on 18 June 1990, Vojislav Šešelj organized the Serbian Chetnik Movement (SČP) though it wasn't permitted official registration due to its obvious Chetnik identification. On 23 February 1991, it merged with the National Radical Party (NRS), establishing the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) with Šešelj as president and Tomislav Nikolić as vice president. It was a Chetnik party, oriented towards neo-fascism with a striving for the territorial expansion of Serbia.

The group emerged after the dissolution of special police force "Berkut" that which had become notorious for its violent repression used during the EuroMaidan demonstrations.Head of Ukrainian Interior Ministry signs order to dissolve "Berkut", Voice of Russia (25 February 2014) Ukraine's Berkut police: What makes them special?, BBC News (25 February 2014) Composition is not known, for obvious reasons members of the community tend to remain anonymous, one of many groups visible only in social networks. Their proclaimed goals are fighting against neo-fascism, neo-nationalism and arbitrary power in Ukraine.

Busse then became associated with the Free German Workers' Party (FAP), becoming leader of the party in November 1988 when Michael Kühnen was forced from that position due to his homosexuality.C.T. Husbands, 'Militant Neo-Nazism in the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1980s', L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, Harlow: Longman, 1992, p. 97 Kühnen had been opposed by Jürgen Mosler, the fiercely homophobic leader of the party's North Rhine-Westphalia group and Busse had thrown his lot in with him in order to emerge as leader.McGowan, The Radical Right in Germany, p.

This organisation was the basis for a merger with a number of smaller groups to form a new NF.C.T. Husbands, 'Militant Neo- Nazism in the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1980', L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan (eds.), Neo-Fascism in Europe, London: Longman, 1991, p. 99 In early 1986, the Nationalist Front experienced an internal power struggle, which ended up with a former German soldier and expelled member of the National Democratic Party of Germany, Meinolf Schönborn, replacing Pauli as head of the party.Wolfgang Purtscheller, Aufbruch der Völkischen: das braune Netzwerk, Picus Verlag 1993, p.

Then are called to bear witness to the death of the poet his sister and his mother, destroyed by grief. As the process unfolds, the film examines the personality of Pasolini, and his works and, above all explains what people think of him in Italy. Pasolini according to some Italians was a provocative man: he deserved what he suffered, having been a Communist and a homosexual. Instead, his friends and intellectuals remember him as a very good and sensible man, who sought only to fight against neo- fascism and the cruel and bigoted mentality of middle-class society.

The notion of "Udbo- Mafija", a term coined by the architect Edo RavnikarEdo Ravnikar, Udbomafija: priročnik za razumevanje tranzicije (Ljubljana: Slon – Embea, 1995) to denote the illegitimate structural connections between the Post-Communist elites, is particularly prevalent in Janša's thought. Most critics agree that Janša is similar to other European radical right-wing populist leaders. Janša's rhetoric is nationalist and xenophobic, including verbal attacks against foreigners, especially from the other former-Yugoslav states, and "communists". Hribar considers these elements a form of extreme nationalism and chauvinism; to her, his irredentist claims towards Croatia seem obvious neo-fascism.

N. Copsey, Contemporary British Fascism: The British National Party and the Quest for Legitimacy, 2004, pp. 33–34. However, Strasserism was soon to become the province of the radicals in the Official National Front, with Richard Lawson brought in a behind-the-scenes role to help direct policy.G. Gable, 'The Far Right in Contemporary Britain' in L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, 1992, p. 97. This Political Soldier wing ultimately opted for the indigenous alternative of distributism, but their strong anti-capitalist rhetoric as well as that of their International Third Position successor demonstrated influences from Strasserism.

42–43 Researchers Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg conclude that Clémenti fitted well with the Europeanist trend of neo-fascism: "Immediately after the collapse of the Axis powers, Fascist militants saw a united Europe as the justification for their previous positions and as the horizon of expectation that could legitimize their continued political struggle. In particular, [their] pro-Russian leanings [...] allowed them to claim that their plans for Europe could be a solution to the Cold War." Clémenti was tried in absentia and sentenced to death, but was pardoned and allowed to return in the 1950s.Horváth, p. 53; Lanneau, p. 181.

In 2004, Antun Augustinčić's statue of Broz in his birthplace of Kumrovec was decapitated in an explosion. It was subsequently repaired. Twice in 2008, protests took place in what was then Zagreb's Marshal Tito Square (today the Republic of Croatia Square), organised by a group called Circle for the Square (Krug za Trg), with an aim to force the city government to rename it to its previous name, while a counter-protest by Citizens' Initiative Against Ustašism (Građanska inicijativa protiv ustaštva) accused the "Circle for the Square" of historical revisionism and neo-fascism. Croatian president Stjepan Mesić criticised the demonstration to change the name.

The Catholic Church in Croatia is criticised by some for promoting and tolerating neo-fascism among its ranks: Each year in December, the Catholic church in Croatia holds the annual memorial mass dedicated to Ustasha fascist dictator Ante Pavelić in Zagreb and Split. These mass are known to attract groups of Pavelić's supporters dressed in clothes with ustasha insignia. During the funeral of convicted ustasha WWII concentration camp commander Dinko Šakić, priest Vjekoslav Lasić said that "every honest Croat should be proud of Šakić's name" and that "court which convicted Šakić, also convicted Croatia its people". These statements were strongly condemned by Simon Wiesenthal Center and Croatian Helsinki Committee.

The warrior does not recognize Croatia as the land for which he died, and the song is a call to make sovereign Croatia a nation of which to be proud. It continues with "Diva Grabovčeva", a song about a legendary Croatian maiden from Rama, Bosnia and Herzegovina who refused to marry a Turkish bey during the region's Ottoman occupation and was killed. This is followed by "Moj dida i ja", a tribute to Perković's grandfather. The first side of the album ends with "Neko ni'ko ne dira u moj mali dio svemira", a reply to the accusations about the band's alleged sympathies with neo-fascism.

" In a Critic's Pick article for the New York Times written by Glenn Kenny, he writes that the film, "feels like an early Adam Sandler comedy remixed by Pier Paolo Pasolini." In an article written for Cinemascope, author Josh Cabrita praises Daniel Schmidt and Gabriel Abrantes' directing abilities saying, "Abrantes and Schmidt broach issues such as the refugee crisis, neo-fascism, and surveillance technology with a camp concoction that effortlessly flattens this tapestry of topicalities." The Guardian gave Diamantino three out of five stars saying that, "The film is fun, but, for all its inventiveness, it’s a bit tame, with its nice-but-dim hero. But Diamantino is never dull.

The Volkssozialistische Bewegung Deutschlands/Partei der Arbeit (VSBD/PdA) or People's Socialist Movement of Germany/Labour Party was a German neo-Nazi organization led by Friedhelm Busse. Founded in 1971 and banned in 1982, it used a stylized eagle on a shield bearing a stylized Celtic cross and the Wolfsangel as its party emblems. At a time when the far-right in Germany was distancing itself from mainstream Nazism, the VSBD/PdA took the lead by supporting Strasserism, the more socialist-leaning version of Nazism.C.T. Husbands, 'Militant Neo-Nazism in the Federal Republic of Germany' in L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, 1992, pp. 99–100.

The name Strasserism came to be applied to the form of Nazism that developed around the Strasser brothers. Although they had been involved in the creation of the National Socialist Program of 1920, both called on the party to commit to "breaking the shackles of finance capital".C. T. Husbands, 'Militant Neo- Nazism in the Federal Republic of Germany' in L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, 1992, p. 98. This opposition to what Nazis termed Jewish finance capitalism, a form of economic antisemitism which they contrasted to producerism or what was termed "productive capitalism", was shared by Adolf Hitler, who borrowed it from Gottfried Feder.

He subsequently won the elections, with Forza Italia garnering 21% of the popular vote, the highest percentage of any single party. One of the most significant promises that he made in order to secure victory was that his government would create "one million more jobs". He was appointed Prime Minister in 1994, but his term in office was short because of the inherent contradictions in his coalition: the League, a regional party with a strong electoral base in northern Italy, was at that time fluctuating between federalist and separatist positions, and the National Alliance was a nationalist party that had yet to renounce neo- fascism at the time.

Webster briefly attempted to lead his own group, Our Nation, although this was to prove unsuccessful.Peter Barberis, John McHugh, Mike Tyldesley, Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations, Pinter (2000) p 192 He viewed his new movement as being along the lines of the NF before the resignation of Tyndall; however, they had clashed before the expulsion, and so Webster was not invited to join Tyndall's British National Party (BNP). Webster sought out Françoise Dior, who had by then split from Colin Jordan and returned to France, as a source of funding.G. Gable, "The Far Right in the United Kingdom", L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan (eds.), Neo-Fascism in Europe, London: Longman, 1991, p.

Although initially adopted by the NPD, Strasserism soon became associated with more peripheral extremist figures, notably Michael Kühnen, who produced a 1982 pamphlet Farewell to Hitler which included a strong endorsement of the idea. The People's Socialist Movement of Germany/Labour Party, a minor extremist movement that was outlawed in 1982, adopted the policy. Its successor movement, the Nationalist Front, did likewise, with its ten-point programme calling for an "anti-materialist cultural revolution" and an "anti- capitalist social revolution" to underline its support for the idea.C. T. Husbands, "Militant Neo-Nazism in the Federal Republic of Germany" in L. Cheles, R. Ferguson, M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, 1992, pp. 99–100.

Right-wing terrorism or far-right terrorism is terrorism that is motivated by a variety of different right-wing and far-right ideologies, most prominently by neo-Nazism, neo-fascism, ecofascism, white nationalism, white separatism, ethnonationalism, religious nationalism, and anti-government patriot/sovereign citizen beliefs and occasionally by anti-abortion and tax resistance. Modern right-wing terrorism largely emerged in Western Europe in the 1970s, and following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, it emerged in Eastern Europe. Right-wing terrorists aim to overthrow governments and replace them with nationalist and/or fascist regimes. They believe their actions will set in motion events that will ultimately create these authoritarian governments.

McMillan-Scott has long studied totalitarianism; his opposition to the Soviet system was shared by many Conservatives. However, with the transition to democracy he found that increasingly the Conservative Party saw European Union enlargement as a means to dismembering the EU. It began to make common cause with what McMillan-Scott saw as rightist groups and factions in the new democracies. Through his family's background, McMillan-Scott was alarmed at what he saw as the rise of disguised extremism and forms of neo- Fascism. TIME magazine's cover story after the European elections of 2009 reported that Europe had made a far right turn, covering the rise of the right in ten EU countries.

35 However, the policy floundered as the MSI made few inroads into Christian Democrat support and instead pushed the mainstream right towards an accommodation with the Italian Communist Party. As a consequence some of the moderate faction split off to form the National Democracy in 1977.Cheles, Ferguson, and Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, p. 36 Despite the policy's failure to deliver at the ballot box, under Almirante's leadership the MSI did emerge to an extent from the political ghetto, a shift demonstrated in 1984 when Almirante was allowed to enter the headquarters of the Communist Party in order to pay respects to their dead leader Enrico Berlinguer, a gesture that had been unimaginable for an MSI leader.

Founder and chairman Boris Spiegel World Without Nazism (WWN) (), or Mir Bez Natsizma (MBN), is a Russian political organization with ties to Vladimir Putin's government, which claims to campaign against "neo-fascism." The group has also been described, by security agencies from the Baltic republics, as a Russian propaganda organization, and as a Kremlin-sponsored GONGO, which aims to advance Russian foreign policies against formerly Soviet-occupied countries and to promote "a Soviet-era approach to World War II". The organization was founded and is led by Boris Spiegel, a Russian oligarch with close ties to Putin. It was founded in Kyiv, Ukraine, on 22 June 2010, and is registered in Strasbourg, France.Constituent Declaration “World without Nazism” Movement.

A secret Nazi underground group, the origins of Column 88 have been given as early as 1945.Peter Barberis, John McHugh, Mike Tyldesley, Encyclopedia of British and Irish political organisations: parties, groups and movements of the 20th century, Continuum International Publishing Group, 2000, p. 181 Indeed, Gerry Gable has claimed that Colin Jordan was sworn in as a member of this secret society as a nineteen-year-old.Gerry Gable, 'The Far Right in Contemporary Britain', Luciano Cheles, Ronnie Ferguson, Michalina Ferguson, Neo-Fascism in Europe, Longman, 1991, p. 247 According to historian Richard Thurlow, Column 88 took their name from a group of Austrians who set up an underground group of this name in 1934 when the Austrian government banned the Nazi Party.

Monticchiello, a tiny hill town in Tuscany, has found a unique way to confront its problemsthe people turn their lives into a play. Every summer for 50 years, their piazza becomes their stage and villagers play themselves. Every problem the town has faced since World War IItheir near annihilation by Nazis, the disappearance of their farming heritage, the commercialization of their landevery major event has been dramatized and debated by the villagers in the center of town. The film tells the story of Teatro Povero ("Poor Theatre"), interweaving episodes from its past with footage from the present as the villagers turn a series of devastating blowsfinancial ruin, rising neo-fascism, a dwindling future generationinto a play about the end of their world.

Maurice Bardèche (1 October 1907 – 30 July 1998) was a French art critic and journalist, better known as one of the leading exponents of neo-fascism in post–World War II Europe. Bardèche was also the brother-in-law of the collaborationist novelist, poet and journalist Robert Brasillach, executed after the liberation of France in 1945. His main works include History of the Film (1935), a review on the nascent art of cinema co-written with Brasillach; literary studies on French writer Honoré de Balzac; and various political works advocating fascism and "revisionism" (i.e. Holocaust denial), in the footsteps of his brother-in-law's "poetic fascism" and inspired by fascists figures like Pierre Drieu La Rochelle and Antonio Primo de Rivera.

In Italy, the Third Position was developed by Roberto Fiore, along with Gabriele Adinolfi and Peppe Dimitri, in the tradition of Italian neo-fascism. Third Position's ideology is characterized by a militarist formulation, a palingenetic ultranationalism looking favourably to national liberation movements, support for racial separatism and the adherence to a soldier lifestyle. In order to construct a cultural background for the ideology, Fiore looked to the ruralism of Julius Evola and sought to combine it with the desire for a cultural-spiritual revolution. He adopted some of the positions of the contemporary far-right, notably the ethnopluralism of Alain de Benoist and the Europe-wide appeal associated with such views as the Europe a Nation campaign of Oswald Mosley (amongst others).

In 1965, Brons joined John Bean's British National Party (not the same as the current incarnation), which later merged with the League of Empire Loyalists to form the National Front (NF) in 1967.S. Taylor, The National Front in English Politics, London: Macmillan, 1982, p. 62. Brons was voted onto the National Front's national directorate in 1974, and "as the NF's education officer, he hosted seminars on racial nationalism and tried to give its racism a more "scientific" basis."Duncan Campbell, 'Andrew Brons, the genteel face of neo- fascism', The Guardian 8 June 2009 Brons contested Harrogate for the National Front in both February and October 1974 general elections, polling 1,186 votes (2.3%) in February and 1,030 (2.3%) in October.

Most of the events were held at the Université des sciences et de la technologie Houari- Boumediene. Political themes of the conferences included peace, security, international co-operation; self-determination, sovereignty, national liberation, solidarity; democracy; development and the environment; employment; education, science, and technology; childhood; women; health; communication and culture; racism, neo-fascism and discrimination; youth's movements; the students' movement; human and peoples' rights. The Festival aimed to be an open forum for young people to exchange experiences, work together for alternative solutions, and establish joint programs of action on a wide range issues. Topics of discussion and themes of debates included disarmament and building a nuclear-free world, the "New World Order" and NATO, as well as neo-liberal globalisation.

On 18 June 1990, Šešelj organized the Serbian Chetnik Movement (SČP) though it wasn't permitted official registration due to its obvious Chetnik identification. On 23 February 1991, it merged with the National Radical Party (NRS), establishing the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) with Šešelj as president and Tomislav Nikolić as vice president. It was a Chetnik party, oriented towards neo-fascism with a striving for the territorial expansion of Serbia. In July 1991, Serb-Croat clashes broke out in Croatia and rallies were held in the Ravna Gora mountains with chants in favor of war and recollected "glories" of Chetnik massacres of Croats and Muslims during World War II. The SPO held many rallies at Ravna Gora SDG member patrolling Erdut, Croatia in 1991.

M. Walker, The National Front, Glasgow: Fontana, 1977, p. 176 Kingsley Read came under bitter attack from the hardliners who regained control of the party in 1976. "Kingsley Read, Roy Painter and other ex-Conservative populists"Bean, John Many Shades of Black New Millennium 1999 p217 left to form the short-lived National Party and Painter was appointed its Directorate.M. Walker, The National Front, Glasgow: Fontana, 1977, p. 193 Painter rejoined the Conservatives in 1978, although his role with them was confined to local politics.G. Gable, "The Far Right in the United Kingdom" in L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan (eds.), Neo-Fascism in Europe, London: Longman, 1991, p. 249 Painter continues to be involved on the fringe of the far right.

It was the 1960s, during the Fifth French Republic, that a considerable upturn in French neo-fascism occurred; some of it in response to the Protests of 1968. The most explicitly pro-Nazi of these was the FANE of Mark Fredriksen. Neo-fascist groups included Pierre Sidos' Occident, the Ordre Nouveau (which was banned after violent clashes with the Trotskyist LCR) and the student-based Groupe Union Défense. A number of these activists such as François Duprat were instrumental in founding the Front National under Jean-Marie Le Pen; but the FN also included a broader selection from the French hard-right, including not only these neo-fascist elements, but also Catholic integrists, monarchists, Algerian War veterans, Poujadists and national-conservatives.

Propaganda claimed rich people from the US derived their income from weapons manufacturing, and claimed that there was substantial racism or neo-fascism in the US. When describing life in Communist countries, western propaganda sought to depict an image of a citizenry held captive by governments that brainwash them. The West also created a fear of the East, by depicting an aggressive Soviet Union. In the Americas, Cuba served as a major source and a target of propaganda from both black and white stations operated by the CIA and Cuban exile groups. Radio Habana Cuba, in turn, broadcast original programming, relayed Radio Moscow, and broadcast The Voice of Vietnam as well as alleged confessions from the crew of the USS Pueblo.

Since Kekkonen's extremely narrow victory in the 1956 Finnish presidential elections, his political opponents had planned to defeat him in the election of 1962. In the spring of 1961, the Social Democrats, National Coalition Party and Swedish People's Party and People's Party , Small Farmers' Party and Liberal League nominated former Chancellor of Justice Olavi Honka as their presidential candidate. The Honka League's goal was to receive a majority of the 300 presidential electors, and thus defeat President Kekkonen. At the end of October 1961, the Soviet government sent a diplomatic note to the Finnish Government, claiming that neo-fascism and militarism were growing so much in West Germany that Finland and the Soviet Union were in danger of being attacked by that country or by some other NATO members states.

The Deport Racism Organization (, sometimes referred to as KAR - by its Greek initials), founded in 2007, is an organization of immigrants and Greek citizens against racism and neo-fascism. Their aims include the legalization of immigrants, asylum for refugees, citizenship for the children of immigrants, equal political and social rights for all, allowing migrant workers into trade unions and the dissolution of fascist organizations. In April 2010, the organization protested about police raids in Athens. During the prefectural pre-election period (October 2010), KAR presented evidence "Deport Racism organization presented photografic and film material from the attack on A. Alavanos" of fascist organization "Hrysi Avgi" (Golden Dawn) participating and organising the attacks against Alekos Alavanos - candidate for Attika prefecture - and Eleni Portaliou - candidate for the municipality of Athens, both SYRIZA members.

The German Right Party (, DRP) was a far-right political party that emerged in the British zone of Allied-occupied Germany after the Second World War. Also known as the Deutsche Konservative Partei - Deutsche Rechtspartei (the party used both names, varying the name used between different Länder, but had no direct links to the pre-World War I German Conservative Party), the initially national conservative party was formed in June 1946 by a merger of three smaller groups - the Deutsche Konservative Partei, the Deutsche Aufbaupartei of the Völkisch politician Reinhold Wulle and the Deutsche Bauern- und Landvolk Partei.D. Childs, 'The Far-Right in Germany since 1945', L. Cheles, R. Ferguson & M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, Harlow: Longman, 1992, p. 70 Its manifesto was in large parts authored by Hans Zehrer.

The nearest Italy came to returning to fascism was the 1970 Golpe Borghese of commando veteran Junio Valerio Borghese. Following the last stand of Italian fascism with the German-supported Italian Social Republic towards the end of the Second World War, those elements within Italian society which remained loyal to the legacy of Benito Mussolini and fascism (especially veterans of the National Republican Army), rejecting both the Catholic and Communist alternatives prominent in mainstream Italian politics, founded the Italian Social Movement in 1946 under Giorgio Almirante. The MSI was regarded as the successor of the National Fascist Party and the Republican Fascist Party. The motto of the party was "not repudiate, not restore", indicating a more moderate parliamentary democratic neo-fascism, which did not heap scorn on the recent past.

The identity of the 1960s skinheads, however, was neither based on white power nor neo-Nazism or neo-fascism, although some skinheads had engaged in "Paki-bashing", i.e. violence against Pakistanis and other South Asian immigrants. Even so, Black West Indians ("Caribs") were also involved in skinhead gang attacks against South Asian immigrants, and the violence has been interpreted by Alexander Tarasov as a social conflict caused by the new presence of South Indian traders and shopkeepers within a community of white and West Indian poor factory workers. Clarke similarly notes that areas where skinheads became the most prominent were "typically either new council housing estates or old estates being either developed or experiencing an afflux of outsiders", either Commonwealth immigrants or middle-class whites in search of affordable housing.

The majority of political scientists locate the ND on the extreme-right or far-right of the political spectrum. A number of liberal and leftist critics have described it as a new or sanitized form of neo-fascism or as an ideology of the extreme right that significantly draws from fascism. The political scientist and specialist of fascism Roger Griffin agrees, arguing that the ND exhibits what he regards as the two defining aspects of fascism: a populist ultra-nationalism and a call for national rebirth (palingenesis). McCulloch believes that the ND had a "distinctly fascist–revivalist character" in part because of its constant reference to earlier right-wing ideologues like the German Conservative Revolutionaries and French figures the likes of Robert Brasillach, Georges Valois, Pierre Drieu La Rochelle, and Thierry Maulnier.

In Argentina, Peronism, associated with the regime of Juan Perón from 1946 to 1955 and 1973 to 1974, was influenced by fascism. Between 1939 and 1941, prior to his rise to power, Perón had developed a deep admiration of Italian Fascism and modelled his economic policies on Italian Fascist policies. The term neo-fascism refers to fascist movements after World War II. In Italy, the Italian Social Movement led by Giorgio Almirante was a major neo-fascist movement that transformed itself into a self-described "post-fascist" movement called the National Alliance (AN), which has been an ally of Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia for a decade. In 2008, AN joined Forza Italia in Berlusconi's new party The People of Freedom, but in 2012 a group of politicians split from The People of Freedom, refounding the party with the name Brothers of Italy.

Right- wing terrorism or far-right terrorism is motivated by a variety of different right-wing and far-right ideologies, most prominently by neo-Nazism, neo- fascism, white nationalism, white separatism, ethnonationalism, religious nationalism, and anti-government patriot/sovereign citizen beliefs. A June 2020 study by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) reported that over 25 years of domestic terrorism incidents, the majority of attacks and plots had come from far-right attackers. The trend had accelerated in recent years, with this sector responsible for about 66% of attacks and plots in 2019, and 90% of those in 2020. The next most potentially dangerous group was “religious extremists”, the majority “Salafi jihadists inspired by the Islamic State and al-Qaida”, while the number planned by the far left had reduced to a minute fraction since the mid 2000s.

During the early 1980s the Political Soldier wing of the NF held sway within the party and was on good terms with chairman Andrew Brons who, although a Strasserite by conviction rather than a disciple of Julius Evola and ruralism, largely supported the young radicals and co-operated with them to remove Martin Webster, the former ally of Brons' predecessor John Tyndall, from the party in 1984.Gerry Gable, 'The Far Right in Contemporary Britain', L. Cheles, R. Ferguson, and M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, London: Longman, 1992, p. 252 However cracks between the two factions soon began to show and a power struggle ensued. This culminated in 1986 when the two wings of the party split, with around 3000 of the 5000 registered NF members breaking away with Brons to form a new separate group.

In October 1983, Brons called upon the Principal of Harrogate College as a character witness, when Brons was convicted by magistrates of using insulting words and behaviour likely to cause a breach of the peace and fined £50.Duncan Campbell, "The genteel face of British neo-fascism", The Guardian, page 7, 9 June 2009 Brons had been leading a group leafleting in Leeds city centre. A shop assistant reported that the group had been shouting "National Front" and making clenched fist salutes, while an unnamed policeman is supposed to have heard "white power" and "death to Jews". When a police officer of Malaysian origin asked the group to disperse, the policeman said that Brons replied: "I am aware of my legal rights. Inferior beings like you probably do not appreciate the principle of free speech,"Private Eye #1238, 12 June 2009 \- an allegation which Brons has always denied.

The ONF emerged in the early 1980s when young radicals such as Nick Griffin, Derek Holland, Patrick Harrington and David Kerr became attracted to Third Position ideas and, eschewing the route of electoral politics favoured by the National Front up to that point, hoped to develop a cadre of devoted nationalist revolutionaries.Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of Identity, New York University Press, 2003, p. 68 Emphasising a strong anti-capitalist as well as anti-communist line, the ONF began to emerge as the most powerful group within the NF after the series of splits in late 1979 and early 1980 though they did not come to prominence within the NF until 1984 when Martin Webster was expelled from the Party.Gerry Gable, 'The Far Right in Contemporary Britain', L. Cheles, R. Ferguson, and M. Vaughan, Neo-Fascism in Europe, London: Longman, 1992, p.

In the words of Mudde, "the labels Neo-Nazi and to a lesser extent neo- Fascism are now used exclusively for parties and groups that explicitly state a desire to restore the Third Reich or quote historical National Socialism as their ideological influence". One issue is whether parties should be labelled radical or extreme, a distinction that is made by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany when determining whether or not a party should be banned. An extremist party opposes liberal democracy and the constitutional order while a radical one accepts free elections and the parliament as legitimate structures. After a survey of the academic literature, Mudde concluded in 2002 that the terms "right-wing extremism", "right-wing populism", "national populism", or "neo-populism" were often used as synonyms by scholars, in any case with "striking similarities", except notably among a few authors studying the extremist-theoretical tradition.

During World War II. Papadopoulos saw field action as an artillery second lieutenant against both Italian and Nazi German forces which attacked Greece on 6 April 1941. During the subsequent occupation of Greece by Nazi Germany, Italy and Bulgaria, he worked in the Greek administration's "Patras Food Supply Office" under the command of Colonel Kourkoulakos, who was responsible for the formation of the "Security Battalions" in Patras which "hunted down" Greek resistance fighters.Giannis Katris, The Birth of Neo-fascism in Greece, 1971 These were collaborationist military units created by the Greek puppet government of Ioannis Rallis in 1943 to support the German occupation troops. They were supported by the extreme right and pro-Nazi elements, but also by some centrist politicians who were concerned about the dominance of ELAS (the military arm of the communist-dominated National Liberation Front EAM) as the leading group in the Greek resistance.

In Vienna alone 95 synagogues or houses of prayer were destroyed. The "Kristallnacht" pogrom is seen as the symbolic beginning of the systematic eradication of Jewish people which had started with the discrimination and exclusion of the German Jews since 1933 and which eventually led to the murder of millions Jewish people and so-called "enemies of the German state": homosexuals, criminals and "asocial" people, members of diverse religious communities, people with mental disabilities, political ‘offenders’ such as communists and socialists, Spanish republican refugees, and minorities like Roma and Sinti and others. Since 1995, UNITED coordinates an annual pan-European campaign on occasion of the 9 November, called International Day against Fascism and Antisemitism. Hereby, the approach is two-fold: while one part of the campaign aims to commemorate victims of the "Kristallnacht" pogrom and, more broadly, victims of the Holocaust and of fascism throughout history; another part focuses mostly on contemporary issues of racism, antisemitism, right-wing extremism and neo-fascism.

French radical right protesters in Calais hold banners saying "Reimmigrate" and "Diversity is a code word for white genocide", 8 November 2015 A number of radical right elements express a desire for fascist or neo-Nazi rule in Europe. Political scientist Michael Minkenberg stressed that the radical right was "a modern phenomenon", stating that it is only "vaguely connected" to previous right-wing movements because it has "undergone a phase of renewal, as a result of social and cultural modernisation shifts in post-war Europe." As such he opined that describing it using terms such as "fascism" or "neo- fascism", which were closely linked the right-wing movements of the early 20th century, was an "increasingly obsolete" approach. The Swedish Neo-Nazi Nordic Resistance Movement group marching through Stockholm, 2007 Minkenberg argued that the radical right groups in Eastern Europe, including in Eastern Germany, were distinct from their counterparts in Western Europe.

He subsequently won the elections, with Forza Italia garnering 21% of the popular vote, the highest percentage of any single party. One of the most significant promises that he made in order to secure victory was that his government would create "one million more jobs". He was appointed Prime Minister in 1994, but his term in office was short because of the inherent contradictions in his coalition: the League, a regional party with a strong electoral base in northern Italy, was at that time fluctuating between federalist and separatist positions, and National Alliance was a nationalist party that had yet to renounce neo-fascism at the time. In December 1994, following the communication of a new investigation from Milan magistrates that was leaked to the press, Umberto Bossi, leader of the Northern League, left the coalition claiming that the electoral pact had not been respected, forcing Berlusconi to resign from office and shifting the majority's weight to the centre-left side.

In 1987 a music festival was organized by National Front member Phil Andrewon on Nick Griffin's Suffolk property, attended by hundreds of racist skinheads from across Europe who gave the Nazi salute and sang along the chorus that demanded "white power for Britain". A split within White Noise Club led to the establishment of Blood & Honour in 1987, as Donaldson became involved with the West German label Rock-O-Rama and felt the need to create his own global neo- fascist skinhead movement without any political party affiliation. The music promotion network quickly turned into the "major reference point for young neo-fascists and neo-Nazis throughout Europe who came to Britain to attend the gigs of Skrewdriver and other bands." Even though skinhead violence helped damage the National Front's public image, the movement draw thousands of young people to neo-fascism and provided the party with a new medium to diffuse their message.

The NOP is stated to be an antisemitic organisation by a number of government bodies, nongovernmental organizations, academic institutions and individual experts worldwide, such as the United States Department of State,Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2006, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor US State Dept.International Religious Freedom Report 2007 US State Dept. and the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI).European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) Third report on Poland Adopted on 17 December 2004 According to The Stephen Roth Institute for the Study of Contemporary Antisemitism and Racism, the NOP is promoting violent forms of neo-fascism and antisemitism, including Holocaust denial.Poland 2006 , by Stephen Roth Institute According to the British historian, Dr John Pollard, neo-Nazi elements in the NOP and their racism and homophobia continue to give rise to concern in other member countries of the European Union.John Pollard ‘Clerical Fascism’: Context, Overview and Conclusion in: Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions, Vol. 8, No. 2, p. 11, June 2007 NOP actions were also condemned by the Anti-Defamation League, which claims that the NOP is an openly anti-Semitic extremist organization.

Judt (2005), pp.736-46 While both historical Fascism and contemporary neo-Fascism are xenophobic, nativist and anti-immigrant, neo-Fascist leaders are careful not to present these views in so strong a manner as to draw obvious parallels to historical events. Thus both Jean-Marie Le Pen of France's National Front and Jörg Haider's Freedom Party of Austria, in the words of historian Tony Judt, "revealed [their] prejudices only indirectly". Thus Jews would not be castigated as a group, but a person would be specifically named as danger who just happened to be a Jew.Judt (2005), pp.742-46 The public presentation of their leaders is one principle difference between the neo-Fascists and historical Fascists: their programs have been "finely honed and 'modernized'" to appeal to the electorate, a "'far-right ideology with a democratic veneer'". Modern neo-Fascists don't appear in "jackboots and brownshirts", but in suits and ties. The choice is deliberate, as the leaders of the various groups work to differentiate themselves from the brutish leaders of historical Fascism, and also to hide whatever bloodlines and connections tie the current leaders to the historical Fascist movements.

Radical right-wing terrorism is motivated by a variety of different right-wing/far-right ideologies, most prominently neo-fascism, neo-Nazism, white nationalism and to a lesser extant "Patriot"/Sovereign citizen beliefs and anti-abortion sentiment. Modern radical right-wing terrorism appeared in Western Europe, Central Europe and the United States in the 1970s, and Eastern Europe following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. Groups associated with right-wing radicals include white power skinhead gangs, right-wing/far-right hooligans, and sympathizers. Examples of right-wing/far-right radical organizations and individuals include Aryan Nations, Aryan Republican Army (ARA), Atomwaffen Division (AWD), Army of God (AOG), Anders Behring Breivik, Alexandre Bissonnette, Brenton Harrison Tarrant, Cesar Sayoc, Cliven Bundy, Dylann Roof, David Koresh, David Lane, Eric Robert Rudolph, Frazier Glenn Miller, James Mason, James Alex Fields, John T. Earnest, Jim David Adkisson, Ku Klux Klan (KKK), National Action (NA), National Socialist Underground (NSU), Timothy McVeigh, Robert Bowers, Thomas Mair, The Order and Wade Michael Page. From 2008 to 2016, there were more right-wing terror attacks both attempted and accomplished in the US than Islamist and left-wing attacks combined.

Salvatore Merlo writes that "though Fini would never admit it [...] many of the positions adopted by him today derive from a certain thread in fascist culture" and The Economist remarks that "many of Mr Fini's fellow-rebels originated in the social wing of neo-fascism, whose anti-capitalist adherents embraced such ideas as feminism and environmentalism as long ago as the 1970s", that was why FLI "has perhaps the oddest pedigree of any progressive group on the European right". However FLI includes also some uncompromising libertarians such as Benedetto Della Vedova, his fellow former Radicals and the Libertiamo faction and foundation. Moreover, some Finiani, notably including Mario Baldassarri, propose to lower taxes and to slow down the introduction of fiscal federalism instead. Fourth, on ethical issues, which caused some of the main strifes between Fini and the majority of the PdL and of the former AN, some FLI members such as Della Vedova are pushing for a progressive commitment aimed at the introduction of civil unions and the liberalisation of artificial insemination, while others do not consider those issues a priority or oppose any departure from the traditional social conservatism of MSI/AN.