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309 Sentences With "anti fascism"

How to use anti fascism in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "anti fascism" and check conjugation/comparative form for "anti fascism". Mastering all the usages of "anti fascism" from sentence examples published by news publications.

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Vicky: Anti-fascism is the fight against any kind of oppression.
This is what it looks like when effective anti-fascism is applied.
He could have added that every age also has its own anti-fascism.
ONR members have been convicted under Poland's anti-fascism law for making Hitler salutes.
The German Democratic Republic always portrayed itself as the embodiment of German anti-fascism.
Do you see any danger of American anti-fascism heading down its own "slippery slope"?
She spoke to Broadly about fascism, anti-fascism, and the future we can create together.
In interviews, meanwhile, García Lorca had begun to give clear vent to his anti-fascism.
Anti-fascism is a specific strand or tendency that opposes fascism from a pan-radical position.
To some she was an anti-fascist; to others, her anti-fascism did not go far enough.
In an interview with the Washington Post, Bill Schultz said that his child was interested in anti-fascism.
I never tried to hide my support for anti-fascism and my opposition to fascism and white supremacist politics.
"We're involved in many movements including anti-capitalism and anti-fascism so it's important to be here to show that."
That is to say, if fascism is colonialism coming home after its long journey abroad, all anti-fascism is decolonial.
Spain in Our Hearts allows its reader to relive, from multiple angles, the emotional and intellectual logic of anti-fascism.
In a tweet, the president wrote that he was still considering declaring antifa, an anti-fascism group, a terrorist organization.
Isaacson, who is an anarchist, argues that in order to be successful, anti-fascism has to operate outside of government.
In both cases, members of the media identified those involved as members of Antifa, a self-espoused anti-fascism activist group.
Well, I've been engaged in anti-fascism work for a long while and in a lot of different ways, mostly in Sweden.
A popular British makeup brand is taking a stand against Donald Trump by forcing all customers to take an "anti-fascism pledge".
In Scotland, overt displays of anti-fascism are usually associated with punk—artists like Oi Polloi and The Wakes have international followings.
The sort of girl who used to show up to anti-fascism rallies, back when isms besides fatalism still stood a fighting chance.
Anti-fascism, Bray writes, is ideologically diverse; antifa activists can be Marxists, or socialists, or anarchists, or some other left-wing philosophical amalgam.
Secondly, there's a difference of opinion within anti-fascism about how important public opinion is and what role it plays in the struggle.
Soon after, one person was killed and 19 were injured after a man plowed his car into a group of anti-fascism protestors.
The sort of militant anti-fascism that antifa represents reemerged in postwar Europe in Britain, where fascists had broad rights to organize and demonstrate.
Which is to say that the violence of fascism and the violence of anti-fascism are only identical if you ignore what fascism means.
These demonstrators belonged to the Antifa (short for anti-fascism) movement and clashed with Trump supporters in the middle of the park's green lawn that day.
After the album got a few reviews, I noticed that a lot of people were against the idea of anti-fascism and I wasn't sure why.
By coincidence, clenched fists were historically linked to anti-fascism, but any sense of historical context was quickly lost as everyone got angry at everyone else.
When we talk about anti-fascism we need to see it as a tradition of pan-left politics that is not reducible simply to opposition to fascism.
And she fell out with the Mann family, who thought her anti-fascism efforts were inadequate because she refused to cut ties with her Nazi-supporting relatives.
Polacchi, who earlier this week said Italy's real problem was "anti-fascism", denounced the decision and protested outside the conference center holding the fair in the northern city of Turin.
Heather Heyer, 32, was killed when a man with reported white supremacist ties drove his car into a crowd of anti-fascism protesters at the white nationalist rally on Saturday.
" Yet she sums up what seems to be the prevailing ethos of the project better than anyone: "Anti-fascism is not just people walking around with banners—that's not doing anything.
And they've been treated with a confusing mixture of sympathy and hostility for their stated mission of "anti-fascism" by a mainstream media at odds with itself over how to describe them.
Anti-fascism originated in response to early European fascism, and when Mussolini's Blackshirts and Hitler's Brownshirts were ascendant in Europe, various socialist, communist, and anarchist parties and groups emerged to confront them.
Representatives of the small Jewish community, minority Serb population and a leading anti-fascism group have said they will not attend an April 22 ceremony in Jasenovac, site of a former concentration camp.
Laughing at Juggalos feels too easy; they're a largely harmless group of adults who like horrorcore, and many of them are vehemently anti-fascism and anti-racism and find the Confederate flag deeply offensive.
Obama's message was in response to a violent white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Va. A car plowed into a crowd of anti-fascism protestors, killing one person and leaving more than a dozen others injured.
In a viral video posted to YouTube this week, a man tried to show he was a big boy by ripping an anti-fascism poster in half during a May Day protest in Seattle on Tuesday.
At the same time, we should recognize that the far right poses a unique threat on its own terms; the usual clichés about countering this with grassroots organizing and anti-fascism remain as true as ever.
LONDON (Reuters) - Hundreds of police officers lined the streets of London and Birmingham on Saturday to prevent far-right demonstrators from clashing with rival anti-fascism groups on a day of protest following deadly attacks in Britain.
ATHENS (Reuters) - Greek police fired tear gas at protesters who hurled petrol bombs in Athens on Saturday during a rally marking four years since the killing of an anti-fascism rapper by an ultranationalist Golden Dawn supporter.
Rezdôra, his début as head chef, pays homage to this training by showcasing the cuisine of Emilia-Romagna, a region known for its wealth, its legacy of anti-Fascism, and its cheese, cured meats, and balsamic vinegar.
To those who wanted him to take a more public stand against Hitler, Hesse replied that anti-fascism was as much a betrayal of the self as fascism: "What's it got to do with me?" he asked.
"Unfortunately our partner stores are likely to deny the content in certain regions whether it be about punching a Nazi or being punched by a Nazi," they said, citing the German criminal code relating to anti-fascism.
After meeting with a professor to plan a spring course on fascism and anti-fascism, "we decided it was probably not worth it," said Lori Poloni-Staudinger, head of the department of politics and international affairs, who has also received threats.
They all dislike President Trump, but everyone's focused on a different issue: police brutality, LGBTQA rights, the environment, health care, food stamps, education, lobbying, anti-racism, anti-Islamophobia, anti-fascism, or some combination of any or all of those options.
Though issues such as homophobia, anti-fascism, transphobia and sexism are regularly discussed in punk spaces, little thought is given to racism and how individuals might play a part in it (let alone to ableism, which warrants its own piece altogether).
Italy's right-wing parties did not back her proposal and the resulting controversy has only added to the abuse, with a neo-Nazi group this week hanging up a banner to denounce anti-fascism close to where she was making a public appearance.
Italy's right-wing parties did not back her proposal and the resulting controversy has only added to the abuse, with a neo-Nazi group this week hanging up a banner to denounce anti-fascism close to where she was making a public appearance.
When I talk about anti-fascism in the book and when we talk about it today, it's really a matter of tracing the sort of historical lineage of revolutionary anti-fascist movements that came from below, from the people, and not from the state.
There were multiple creative counterprotests planned for the day, including a gathering of anti-fascism clowns, a moving dance party, a costume party and protest for kids in Golden Gate Park, and a plan to spread dog feces at the site of the rally.
Nevertheless, the whole idea of academic freedom is that academics have the right to espouse a wide range of views, including my support for anti-fascism, yet I was abused by people who didn't even take the time to contact me to clarify my views.
It's always important to clarify that anti-fascism is not just against textbook fascism, but against the far-right, and is undergirded by a social revolutionary politics that isn't just interested in drawing arbitrary distinctions between right-wing positions, but also wants to create a new world.
The Soviet Union's anti-fascism meant that it would need Britain and France as allies against Germany, and many of its anti-revolutionary actions seem calculated to make sure that they could be convinced to somehow end their neutrality and change the course of the war.
When we told the world that America is the country that believes Nazis are the ultimate bad guys and made a million mediocre action movies saying as much, that said something about us — both good (we're committed to anti-fascism!) and bad (also we believe ourselves to be beyond moral reproach!).
"We have watched with gratitude as our junior colleague Mark Bray, on the strength of his historical scholarship, has become the national expert on a subject that is suddenly terribly urgent: the 20th-century history of fascism and anti-fascism, in Europe and, more recently, the United States," the letter stated.
"Contrary to popular perceptions of anti-fascist organizing as consisting solely of direct, street-level confrontation, anti-fascism also has room for a variety of other strategies and tactics: research and monitoring of neo-Nazi groups, call-in campaigns, education about movements and groups, and building coalitions with other organizers," MACC said.
The Golden Dawn rally included many senior officials of the organization, such as Ilias Kasidiaris (obviously), senior Golden Dawn deputy Yiannis Lagos and others, while the anti-fascist gathering was organized by the United Movement Against Racism and the Fascist Threat (KEERFA), Pireaus' local anti-fascists and a militant anti-fascism organization.
Clinton's comments were made following the news that one person was left dead after a car plowed through a crowd of anti-fascism protestors at a white supremacy rally in Charlottesville, Va. White nationalists had gathered in the town over the weekend for a "Unite the Right" rally to protest the removal of a Confederate statue.
READ: White Lives Matter march thwarted by heavy security Joining VICE News via Facebook Live is Mark Bray, a visiting professor at Dartmouth College's Gender Research Institute, and the author of "Antifa: The Anti-fascist Handbook," which explores the roots of anti-fascism, starting in Europe in the 1920s, and offers helpful tips for organizers hoping to put anti-fascist ideas into practice.
It offers a platform to all political views, including Zionism and anti-fascism.
Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 2005. Ideologies: Pacifism, democratic socialism, communism, anti-fascism, anti-authoritarianism.
Ghosts and goblins of the past will cause a permanent rift and endless debate. Anti-fascism is not the foundation of Croatia, but a platitude that has no basis in the constitutional text, not being mentioned anywhere." Deputy Parliament Speaker and professor of constitutional law Robert Podolnjak from the governing Bridge of Independent Lists party, among many others, posited that anti-fascism is founded in the Croatian Constitution. Hasanbegović said that his remarks about anti-fascism were related to the Yugoslav totalitarian legacy and Titoism: "All who abuse the notion of anti-fascism, which can be fluid, as is well-known to historians, know that various meanings can be attributed to that notion.
Renton, Dave. (1998) The Attempted Revival Of British Fascism: Fascism And Anti-Fascism 1945–51. PhD thesis. University of Sheffield. pp.
Renton received his PhD from the University of Sheffield for a thesis on fascism and anti-fascism. Renton was an academic historian and sociologist, teaching at universities including Nottingham Trent, Edge Hill and Rhodes University in South Africa.'About the author', David Renton , 'Dissident Marxism'. His 2000 book Fascism, Anti-Fascism and the 1940s was reviewed.
Soboczynski explained that Die Zeit had offered publication opportunities to the "pedophile-friendly scientist" at the end of the 1960s with a lack of sensitivity based on the connection between anti-fascism and sexual liberation, as Kentler had claimed in reference to Wilhelm Reich.Adam Soboczynski: Pedophile anti-fascism. In: The Time of 10 October 2013, p. 49 f.
Folk punk possesses a rich history of progressive and leftist political views, involving topics like race, class, feminism, anti fascism, animal rights, queerness and anarchism.
When he first volunteered for overseas service in the cause of anti-fascism, he was declared as 'too important to lose' to the UK communists.
For instance, during the 1930s in Britain, "Christians – especially the Church of England – provided both a language of opposition to fascism and inspired anti-fascist action". Michael Seidman argues that traditionally anti-fascism was seen as the purview of the political left but that in recent years this has been questioned. Seidman identifies two types of anti-fascism - revolutionary and counterrevolutionary (Seidman uses counterrevolutionary in a neutral sense, noting it is generally thought of as a pejorative). Revolutionary anti-fascism was expressed amongst communists and anarchists, where it identified fascism and capitalism as its enemies and made little distinction between fascism and other forms of authoritarianism.
Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present. Oxford, England, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2004. pp. 42–43.
The album focuses on themes of anti-fascism and political optimism in the face of distressing circumstances, and encourages its audience to organize and work towards a better future.
About, ELPSN. It includes; earth liberationists, animal liberationists, those fighting on anti-war, anti- nuclear and peace issues, indigenous struggles, anti-fascism, land rights, ploughshares and more.Prisoner List, ELPSN.
Seidman argues that despite the differences between these two strands of anti-fascism, there were similarities. They would both come to regard violent expansion as intrinsic to the fascist project. They both rejected any claim that the Versailles Treaty was responsible for the rise of Nazism and instead viewed fascist dynamism as the cause of conflict. Unlike fascism, these two types of anti-fascism did not promise a quick victory but an extended struggle against a powerful enemy.
The New York chapter also published a local newsletter called Up South. In 1991 the JBAKC released a video about fascism and anti-fascism in the US entitled Behind the Burning Cross: Racism USA.
Crohmălniceanu, p.161 Sanielevici's novel ideas on politics made it into his other essays. Besides its overall anti-fascism, În slujba Satanei?!... features his criticism of other public figures, mainly agrarian and Poporanist politicians.
Jones, pp. 48-49 Under Postgate's editorship, Tribune would express "critical support" for the Churchill government and condemn the Communist Party.Calder, p. 79 Postgate's anti-fascism led him to move away from his earlier pacifism.
Buitenhof itself made news in 2000, when visiting Vlaams Belang politician Filip Dewinter was smeared with chocolate, on camera, by anti- fascism activists. The programme is also broadcast each Sunday on the international television station BVN.
Pp. 791. Fascism was opposed to socialism because of the latter's frequent opposition to nationalism,Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, anti- fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present. Oxford, England, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
Un giorno da leoni (internationally released as A Day for Lionhearts) is a 1961 Italian war - drama film directed by Nanni Loy. The film describes the gradual evolution towards anti-fascism of Italian people during the Second World War.
Following his death and despite his relatively few writings, Gobetti became a symbol of liberal anti-fascism, inspiring intellectuals such as Carlo Levi and Norberto Bobbio. In the Florestano Vancini's film The Assassination of Matteotti (1973), Gobetti is played by Stefano Oppedisano.
In 1923, his sisters Angela and Marina were born. In 1924 he attended a Montessori kindergarten run by nuns. In 1925, his sister Maria was born. In the meantime, his father, who had openly espoused support for Giacomo Matteotti, was accused of anti-fascism.
The National Union of Students Black Students' Campaign sets it policy at its annual democratic event, the Black Students' Campaign Summer Conference. The four priority areas for the Campaign are Black Representation, Anti-Racism and Anti-Fascism, Equality in Education and International Peace and Justice.
Nigel Copsey and Andrzej Olechnowicz, Varieties of Anti-Fascism: Britain in the Inter-War Period Palgrave Macmillan 2010. (p. 108). The movement also received messages of support from several international figures, including Albert Einstein.Otto Nathan, Heinz Norden, Einstein on Peace. Simon and Schuster, 1960. (p. 91).
Intellectuals strongly favoured the Republicans. Many visited Spain, hoping to find authentic anti-fascism. They had little impact on the government, and could not shake the strong public mood for peace.Richard Overy, The Twilight Years: The Paradox of Britain Between the Wars (2009) pp. 319–340.
Ali was community affairs co-ordinator for the Islamic Forum of Europe, an offshoot of the Islamist group Jamaat-e-Islami. According to fascism and anti-fascism specialist Nigel Copsey of Teesside University, this brought Unite Against Fascism into disrepute as a group unconcerned with Islamic extremism.
From 1934 until the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, the Communists pursued a Popular Front approach, of building broad-based coalitions with liberal and even conservative anti-fascists. As fascism consolidated its power, and especially during World War II, anti-fascism largely took the form of Partisan or Resistance movements.
Dutch resistance members with US 101st Airborne troops in Eindhoven, September 1944 Anti-fascism is a political movement in opposition to fascist ideologies, groups and individuals. It began in a few European countries in the 1920s and eventually spread around the world. It was at its most significant shortly before and during World War II, where the Axis powers were opposed by many countries forming the Allies of World War II and dozens of resistance movements worldwide. Anti-fascism has been an element of movements across the political spectrum and holding many different political positions such as anarchism, communism, pacifism, republicanism, social democracy, socialism and syndicalism, also including some centrist, conservative, liberal and nationalist viewpoints.
Eckhard Jesse notes that anti-fascism was ubiquitous in the language of the SED and used to justify repression such as the crackdown on the East German uprising of 1953. Anti-fascism generally meant the struggle against the Western world and NATO in general and against the western-backed West Germany and its main ally the United States in particular which were seen as the main fascist forces in the world by the SED. From 1961 to 1989, the SED used Anti-Fascist Protection Wall () as the official name for the Berlin Wall. This was in sharp contrast to the West Berlin city government which would sometimes refer to the same structure as the Wall of Shame.
Jones graduated from St. John's University and from St. John's University School of Law. He was admitted to the bar in 1938. He worked as an activist in anti-fascism, and in 1941 enlisted in the U.S. Army. As a first lieutenant he participated in the Normandy invasion in 1944.
The Draft Manifesto of the Organization declares: > Union “Borotba” stands for Revolutionary Marxism, and its most important > task – to extend Left ideology implementing Marxist methodology in the > political discourse of Ukraine. The Manifest also states that the organization will support principles of anti-capitalism, internationalism, anti-fascism, political radicalism and gender equality.
Nathan Gray on stage. BoySetsFire is an American post-hardcore band from Newark, Delaware that formed in October 1994. BoySetsFire is composed of guitarists Chad Istvan and Josh Latshaw, vocalist Nathan Gray, and bassists Chris Rakus and Robert Ehrenbrand. Lyrical themes are often of an anti- capitalism and anti-fascism political perspective.
Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst (5 May 1882 – 27 September 1960) was an English campaigner for the suffrage and suffragette movement, a socialist and later a prominent left communist and later an activist in the cause of anti-fascism. She spent much of her later life campaigning on behalf of Ethiopia, where she eventually moved.
On 6 June 2017 Bolt was assaulted in Lygon Street, Melbourne by two masked men, while a third apparently filmed the attack. Melbourne Antifa, an anti- fascism group, appeared to claim a connection in the incident on Facebook, posting that Bolt attacked "some of our family in solidarity ... while they were protesting today".
Anarchists in Barcelona, Spain. The civil war was fought between the anarchist territories, stateless lands that achieved workers' self-management, and capitalist areas of Spain controlled by the autocratic Nationalist faction The historian Eric Hobsbawm wrote: "The Spanish civil war was both at the centre and on the margin of the era of anti- fascism. It was central, since it was immediately seen as a European war between fascism and anti-fascism, almost as the first battle in the coming world war, some of the characteristic aspects of which - for example, air raids against civilian populations - it anticipated." In Spain, there were histories of popular uprisings in the late 19th century through to the 1930s against the deep-seated military dictatorships.
Feuchtwanger's praise of Stalin triggered outrage from Arnold Zweig and Franz Werfel. The book has been criticized by Trotskyites as a work of naive apologism.H. Wagner, Lion Feuchtwanger, p.57f. See also Jonathan Skolnik, "Class War, Anti-Fascism, and Anti-Semitism: Grigori Roshal's 1939 Film Sem'ia Oppengeim in Context," Feuchtwanger and Film, Ian Wallace, ed.
Leon Greenman OBE (18 December 1910 – 7 March 2008) was a British anti-fascism campaigner and survivor of the Auschwitz concentration camp. He gave regular talks to school children about his experience at Auschwitz, and also wrote a book, An Englishman in Auschwitz. The Holocaust gallery of the Jewish Museum London is dedicated to Greenman's story.
One of their album, Veto, entered the German Album Charts at #2 in 2013., with their latest, Of Truth and Sacrifice reaching number 1. Heaven Shall Burn's musical style has been described as metalcore,Heaven Shall Burn biography @ MusicMight melodic death metal and deathcore. Their lyrics often express heavy support for anti-racism and anti- fascism.
A product of the Popular Front era, YASK was set up as an open sports organization for the Jewish population at large. The club emphasized anti-fascism, whilst maintaining a neutral stand on Zionism. YASK sent a troupe to the 1937 People's Olympics in Barcelona. YASK members were active in the United Jewish Help Committee for Spain in Antwerp.
During his editorship FORVM retained its high profile through intellectual and social criticism, avid anti-fascism and its fight for human rights. Oberschlick became well known for his judicial controversies with right wing FPÖ politicians like Jörg Haider - mainly because of their racismEGMR: Case of Oberschlick v. Austria (I), Application no. 11662/85, May 23, 1991, echr.coe.
These quiet studies were interrupted by a sudden arrest and imprisonment in Turin in May 1935"Registro matricole 1935, n. 1559)", Piero Martinetti, Lettere (1919-1942), Firenze, 2011, p. 142, nota 285. accused by Pitigrilli, (an agent of the Organisation for the Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism) of conniving with the antifascist group G. The accusation was unfounded.
A work by Juan de Ávalos, it was unveiled on 17 March 1966. The vandalised monument in 2020 The monument was vandalised in November 2016, covered in red paint and tagged with a graffiti reading ("anti- fascism"). There is an ongoing effort to remove the monument, based on the enforcing of the Law of Historical Memory.
In their music videos, the group often shows themselves spraying graffiti on trains or houses. The Russian and English lyrics deal with anti-fascism and are socio-critical. Topics include "police brutality, violence, mass media propaganda, social prejudice and conscription". The band sees itself as a collective to artist friends, including sprayer, concert organizers and political activists.
Moviment Graffitti is a left-wing radical environmentalist non governmental organisation and pressure group in Malta.Briguglio (2015) classifies Moviment Graffitti among the "radical" environmental NGOs, as opposed to conservationists, sustainable development, or local ones. CVS Malta Moviment Graffitti promotes an amalgamation of leftist sociopolitical ideas, mainly human rights, equality, environmentalism and anti-fascism. It was founded in 1994.
Everything changed with the start of World War II in July 1941. During its first year, more than a hundred of students, professors and other staff members went to the front. Nevertheless, the Institute continued working. In February 1942, it hosted an academic conference where 20 papers in the fields of mathematics, chemistry, geography, psychology, literature, Russian language and anti-fascism were presented.
It also organises a range of trips to Israel. It has been active within the National Union of Students, including its Anti-Racism and Anti-Fascism campaigns. It has supported the campaigns of Wes Streeting, Aaron Porter, and Shakira Martin for the role of NUS President in 2008, 2010, and 2017, respectively. UJS funds delegations of Students’ Union leaders to visit Israel. UJS.
Mackney has also vocally opposed the British National Party and other organised and unorganised forms of fascism in British society."The Politics of Anti-Fascism," Socialism Today, May 2004. The offices of the Unite Against Fascism Campaign, backed by over 20 trade unions, were located in the NATFHE building in Britannia Street, Kings Cross. He is also a strong supporter of Palestinian independence.
446; Klinger, p. 85 Like other Italian emigrants, among them Angelica Balabanoff, he managed to influence SDAPÖ doctrines, contributing to its strong show of anti-fascism. In the conflict between Italian resistance groups, Pittoni raised funds for Filippo Turati's United Socialists. Bianca Pittoni, who also left Italy in 1927, became Turati's secretary and confidante, and then worked with Giuseppe Saragat in Vienna.
Anson Rabinbach, "Paris, Capital of Anti-Fascism", in Warren Breckman, Peter E. Gordon, A. Dirk Moses, Samuel Moyn, Elliot Neaman (eds.), The Modernist Imagination:Essays in Intellectual History and Critical Theory in Honor of Martin Jay, pp. 190–191. New York & Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2009. He returned to the Soviet Union during the Moscow Trials, which prosecuted both Trotsky's partisans and the Right Opposition.
They thought that totalitarianism was connected to Western ideologies and associated with evaluation rather than analysis. The concept became prominent in Western anti-communist political discourse during the Cold War era as a tool to convert pre-war anti-fascism into postwar anti- communism.Siegel, Achim (1998). The Totalitarian Paradigm after the End of Communism: Towards a Theoretical Reassessment. Rodopi. p. 200. .
Member Saeed Hussain referred to its primary as anti-fascism, anti-imperialism and pro-immigration. The members also opposed ethnocracy of all kinds, with many of its Bengali members focusing on anti-Bengali nationalism and many of its Jewish members focusing on anti-Zionism. Although many members were religious, they promoted governmental secularity. Members were encouraged to join trade unions.
In the wake of the student protests of 1968 and the growth of the right-wing extremist National Democratic Party (NPD), many young people became interested in the debate over Germany's Nazi past. The organization was also faced with a graying and declining membership and needed to invigorate itself with newer, younger members. Key themes of the 1970s and 1980s were the peace movement and anti-fascism.
With 1993's anti-fascism tirade "Sufficient Is Sufficient", Chumbawamba scored their greatest indie hit to date, and 1994's "Anarchy" LP was moreover a victory. After the 1995 live LP "Showbusiness!", the gather returned the following year with "Swingin' with Raymond", a concept collection approximately a man with the word "Cherish" inked on the knuckles of one hand and "Despise" inked on the other.
The Analogs are a Polish street punk band. They originated in Szczecin, and are quite successful on the local and international punk rock scene. The band is widely regarded for making street punk music popular in Poland. Although they used to claim to be apolitical, The Analogs have always been completely committed to anti-fascism and eventually have started referring to themselves as "100% leftie".
The EC also elects a Political Committee (PC) to provide leadership when the EC is not meeting. Advisory Committees also exist to provide in-depth information on an array of subjects, including committees dedicated to women, industrial workers, pensions, public services, education workers, economics, housing, rails, science technology and the environment, transport, Marxist-Leninist education, LGBT rights, anti-racism, anti-fascism, civil service and international affairs.
The Party sees itself as the protector of the workers and other disadvantaged parts of society. It considers the privatization process in the nineties to be criminal and supports free education and healthcare. Anti-fascism is declared to be one of basis of the party and it attended Josip Broz Tito's birthday celebration. The party claims to support small business in competition with “foreign capital”.
Next to him stood Adolf Hitler in an advanced state of decomposition. He encouraged Dayan with the words: "Carry on, colleague Dayan!"J. H. Brinks, "Political Anti-Fascism in the German Democratic Republic", Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 32, No. 2, 1997, pg. 207-17. Since the early 1970s, East Germany cooperated with Arab countries and the Palestine Liberation Organization at a military level.
After 1995, some AFA mobilizations still occurred, such as against the NF in Dover in 1997 and 1998. However, AFA wound down its national organization and some of its branches and had ceased to exist nationally by 2001.Nigel Copsey (2016). Anti-Fascism in Britain London: Routledge, There was a surge in fascist activity across Europe from 1989 to 1991 after the collapse of Communism.
Calling for a negotiated peace, the group attempted to march on the Cenotaph in 1942 but the demonstration was banned by the authorities and the group came under suspicion. The BNP, which emphasised anti-Semitism, initially gained some support and not long after its foundation claimed to have 50 branches across the country.D. Renton, Fascism, Anti-Fascism and Britain in the 1940s, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000, p.
Gradually, it was replaced by the open information platform indymedia. Topics included were anti-fascism, anti-racism and work against sexism. In particular, the magazines Radikale Zeiten, the "Rote Hilfe Zeitung", Gegendruck, Zeck and Interim were collected electronically. The term "nadir" means "a point to which a central perspective in an infinitely long distance converges", in the Arabic language "a vanishing point at infinity".
She took part in solidarity actions with republican Spain fighters and their anti-fascism efforts. In 1939, after the French Communist Party was banned, she continued to work for it illegally. After German troops occupied Paris on June 14, Masson distributed leaflets and organized peoples' committees. In La Courneuve, she was instrumental in setting up the local resistance group and with her CGT comrades who had gone underground.
However, the film score including the main title was composed by Franz Waxman. One music cue, 7b, is credited to William Lava on the original cue sheet. William Lava was a music staffer at Warner Bros who regularly contributed additional cues. According to professor of film studies Ian Brookes, Howard Hawks uses jazz, particularly through interracial performance scenes, to underscore anti fascism in the story line of the film.
Mimount Bousakla (born 24 May 1972) is a Belgian politician of Moroccan origin. She started her career as member of the Flemish Socialist Party. On 18 May 2003 she was directly elected to the Belgian Senate by the Flemish electoral college. In 2004 she received the "Stichting Anti-Facisme (SAF) Prijs 2004" (Anti-Fascism Foundation Award 2004) "for her efforts and perseverance in the fight against fascism and racial discrimination".
The Istrian Democratic Assembly (, or IDS-DDI) is a centre to centre-left, regionalist, liberal political party in Croatia primarily operating in Istria County. IDS was founded on the 14 February 1990 by the writer Ivan Pauletta. IDS embraces principles of respect for human rights and freedoms, regionalism and historical characteristics of Istria, protection of private property and anti-fascism. Party advocates decentralization of CroatiaParty program, ids- ddi.
On 18 December 2016, Markovina alongside other well known intellectuals and civil activists founded the New Left Croatia, a left wing political party mostly oriented towards social democracy and anti- fascism. He announced his candidacy for Mayor of Split in the 2017 local elections. He received 3.47% of the popular vote in the Mayor elections while the New Left received 4.36% of the popular vote in the City council elections.
He also founded the Anti-fascism movement "Italia libera" together with Giovanni Conti, Randolfo Pacciardi and others. In 1925 he was assailed by Fascist squads, and decided to move to France. Here he was part of the directive of Giustizia e Libertà, an anti-fascist movement of Italian activists in Paris. In 1930 he exited the movement and, together with Cipriano Facchinetti, founded another anti-fascist movement, La Giovine Italia.
In the later period similar agreements were signed with Chetnik detachments in the area of Lika and northern Dalmatia.Goran Marković; (2014) Četnici i antifašizam (Chetniks and anti- fascism, in Serbian) p. 179-180; Hereticus Časopis za preispitivanje proslosti Vol. XII, No. l-2; During the next three weeks, three additional agreements were signed, covering a large part of the area of Bosnia (along with the Chetnik detachments within it).
He would adopt the pseudonym Taro Yashima, to protect his son who was still in Japan. Jun would continue to use his pseudonym when he wrote children's books, such as Crow Boy, after the war. Eitaro Ishigaki was an issei painter who immigrated to America from Taiji, Wakayama, in Japan. In the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, and the Pacific War, he painted anti-war, and anti-fascism artwork.
Socialist Action played a key role within it.Martin Bright "Secret sect giving PSC mask of respectability" Jewish Chronicle 19 September 2009 NAAR's student arm was Student Assembly Against Racism, organised in 1995. By 2003, its co- chairs were black Labour MP Diane Abbott and councillor Kumar Murshid, a close ally of Livingstone.Nigel Copsey Anti-Fascism in Britain It had active local groups in Birmingham, Coventry, Lewisham, Manchester and Sheffield.
At the Young Fascists University of Treviso (Gioventù Universitaria Fascista), within which there were also people practicing anti-fascism, he made, in 1942, a "presentation" on Eugenio Montale, where he interpreted the pessimism of the author in a political and ethical light. He received his diploma in Italian literature on 30 October 1942, with a thesis on the work of Grazia Deledda. Professor Natale Busetto was his advisor (relatore).
Workers' Front is trying to coordinate various "progressive struggles" – struggle for workers' rights and economic democracy, anti-capitalism, anti-fascism, struggle for women's and LGBT rights, ecology etc. While the party has expressed the opinion that nationalism is not inherently a bad influence, it is critical of what it deems to be the "revisionist nationalism" of Croatia's leaders, which it links to the "genocidal extremes" during World War 2.
In the Soviet occupation zone which later became East Germany, the Soviet occupation authorities pressured the KPD and the remaining Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) to merge into the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) while those within the SPD who resisted the Stalinization were persecuted and often fled to the western zones. The repression in the Soviet occupation zone and the onset of the Cold War quickly exacerbated the conflict between the SED and the SPD. The term anti-fascism was widely used by Marxist–Leninists to smear their opponents, including democratic socialists, social democrats and other anti-Stalinist leftists. The Berlin Wall was officially referred to as the Anti-Fascist Protection Wall by East Germany Anti-fascism was part of the official ideology and language of the communist state and the historical Antifaschistische Aktion was considered an important part of the heritage of the governing SED along with the KPD itself.
After World War II, Amendola served as a deputy in the Italian parliament for the Italian Communist Party from 1948 until his death in 1980. He became known (especially in the 1970s) as one of the leaders of the party's right wing, which espoused gradual removal of the ideas of Soviet Communism and Leninism and supported alliances with the more moderate parties, especially the Italian Socialist Party, a concept later called Eurocommunism. One of his main allies was a member of the Italian Chamber of Deputies called Giorgio Napolitano, who was also to become the 11th President of Italy (2006–2015). From 1967, Amendola also started to work as a writer; his most notable books include Comunismo, antifascismo e Resistenza ("Communism, anti-fascism and resistance", 1967), Lettere a Milano ("Letters to Milan", 1973), Intervista sull'antifascismo ("Interview on anti-fascism", 1976, with Piero Melograni), Una scelta di vita ("A choice of life", 1978), and Un'isola ("An island", 1980), considered his best work.
The Buchenwald Oath was, for the Communist Resistance fighters, an important symbol in the fight against fascism.Der „Schwur von Buchenwald“ . Document of the Month April 2005: "The Buchenwald Oath," Deutsches Rundfunkarchiv (DRA) Retrieved April 14, 2010 The role of Communist functionary prisoners is the subject of controversial debate, also because they were exploited by the German Democratic Republic (GDR). In the GDR, the Resistance was viewed within the framework of socialist anti-fascism.
Ruth Hope Crow (née Miller) AM (1916–1999) was an Australian political activist, social worker, writer, and long serving member of the Communist Party of Australia. Her work ranged from establishing child care centres, youth activities and neighbourhood centres, to campaigning on topics of anti- fascism, urban planning, women's issues and the environment. Crow is credited with mentoring other women in their careers and activism, with the result that ‘the whole society was politicised’.
The Organizzazione per la Vigilanza e la Repressione dell'Antifascismo (OVRA; Italian for Organization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism) was the secret police of the Kingdom of Italy, founded in 1927 under the regime of Fascist dictator Benito MussoliniWagner. p. 712 and during the reign of King Victor Emmanuel III. The OVRA was the Italian precursor of the German Gestapo. Mussolini's secret police were assigned to stop any anti-fascist activity or sentiment.
His best results in four-man were 4th in the European Championships in Cortina d'Ampezzo in 2001, and 5th in the overall world ranking of the 2001-2002 season. Glas retired after the 2006 Winter Olympics. Arend Glas also appeared in the news because of his alleged membership of an extreme right-wing party CP'86. Kafka, an anti-fascism organisation, accused him of being a member of the group in 1998.
Arran is defined as a marxist youth organization that "is committed to political and economic independence and reunification of the Catalan Countries, the attainment of socialism and overcoming patriarchy from a feminist perspective." The group also promotes other issues such as environmentalism, decent housing and work, anti-fascism, anti-racism, internationalist solidarity and the defense of public and people's education. It adopts a horizontal structure and often works on a grassroots level.
In his 1951 book L'Œuf de Christophe Colomb, Bardèche explained that the USA had "killed the wrong pig" during WWII, and that anti-fascism only turned out to be an artifice of Bolshevik domination over Europe. As only nationalists had always fought communism, they were in his views the only ones able to build a true anti-communist Europe, naturally allied with the nationalist countries of the Arab world against America and Israel.
He also owned the radio station, WHOM. He became the chief source of political, social, and cultural information for the community. A conservative Democrat who ran the Columbus Day parade and admired Mussolini, Pope was the most powerful enemy of anti-Fascism among Italian Americans. He was closely associated with Tammany Hall politics in New York, and his newspapers played a vital role in securing the Italian vote for Franklin D. Roosevelt's Democratic tickets.
Meneghello entered in 1939 the University of Padua to study philosophy. From 1940 to 1942 worked for Paduan newspaper Il Veneto. In the early Forties, he had his first contacts with anti-fascism and, after a short time in the Army, entered the Partito d'azione and became active in the resistance movement in 1943. Of his early life, he said: In 1945 Meneghello graduated cum laude with a thesis on the philosophy of Benedetto Croce.
Retrieved on 30 April 2012.Anti-fascism in Manchester, Liverpool and elsewhere in the North West . Dkrenton.co.uk. Retrieved on 30 April 2012. In 1982, Webster – after making claims about the activities of the ANL – was sued for libel by Peter Hain, then one of its leading members. In court, he admitted that ANL activity had severely damaged the NF.D Renton, The Anti-Nazi League as social movement Ed Vulliamy (4 March 2007). "Blood and glory".
The Times, 8 December 1984. In his resignation letter, MacDowall admitted that he had acted "in a totally fascistic manner" over the issue, and wished "all the picketing students the best of luck with their campaign".Nigel Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain (Macmillan 2000), p. 156 Harrington subsequently faced a college hearing for a television interview in which, in line with NF policy, he questioned the right of black people to citizenship.
Although the group is not officially political, it regularly manifests anti-fascism. The RCK is a member of the RSRA (Réseau Supporter de Résistance Antiraciste), a French network of football supporter groups against racism, and involved in Fare, a European network of football supporter groups against racism and discrimination. Another major supporter group of the club is the Section Roazhon Pariz. It is a section of the RCK that is situated in Paris.
After World War II, there was a strong sense of anti-authoritarianism based on anti-fascism in Europe. This was attributed to the active resistance from occupation and to fears arising from the development of superpowers. Anti-authoritarianism has also been associated with countercultural and bohemian movements. In the 1950s, the Beat Generation were politically radical and to some degree their anti- authoritarian attitudes were taken up by activists in the 1960s.
After the intervention, the originally planned meeting about anti-fascism went ahead but with a reduced audience. These events echoed the attempts by anarchists to attack French Socialist Party speakers in the Paris forum, an attack that was stopped by security. The end of the forum saw a massive international demonstration through central London and a rally at Trafalgar Square. However, the Metropolitan Police arrested a number of anarchists on their way to this event.
Copsey, 'Opposition to the new party: an incipient anti-fascism or a defence against 'Mosleyitis'?' (2009) in Contemporary British History 23 (4)).Robert Benewick, Political Violence & Public Order: A Study of British Fascism (Allen Lane, 1969) He was appointed to a council for policy and strategy formation that was set up to decide the running of the party and also acted as Chief Whip during the New Party's brief run in Parliament.Benweick, p.
Diston had been involved with the Independent Labour Party (ILP), becoming a treasurer of its London and Southern Counties Division.N. Copsey, 'Opposition to the new party: an incipient anti-fascism or a defence against 'Mosleyitis'?' (2009) in Contemporary British History 23 (4) Later, however, he became involved with Oswald Mosley's New Party, running in the 1931 general election as the party's prospective parliamentary candidate for Wandsworth Central. He received 424 votes (a 1.6% share).
On April 1 and 2, 1939, the Union of Communist Students held its first, constitutive, national congress. It then boasted 1,000 members and groups in all of France, in particular in Paris, Toulouse, Grenoble and Strasbourg (where the local section was headed by Maurice Kriegel-Valrimont). Their main struggle was then anti-fascism, carried out in a difficult context because of the Munich Agreement. The UEC then gathered mainly university students, but also high school students.
With the reforms carried out by Victor Amadeus II, the University of Turin became a new reference model for many other universities. During the 18th century, the University faced an enormous growth in faculty and endowment size, becoming a point of reference of the Italian Positivism. Notable scholars of this period include Cesare Lombroso, Carlo Forlanini and Arturo Graf. In the 20th century, the University of Turin was one of the centers of the Italian anti-fascism.
In the political context of the Cold War, anti-communism began to replace anti-fascism as the dominant trend in liberal democracies. In Italy, the MSI became a support group in parliament for the Christian Democratic government in the late 1950s–early 1960s, but was forced back into "political ghetto" after anti-fascist protests and violent street clashes occurred between radical groups, which leading to the demise of the short-lived fascist-backed Tambroni Cabinet in July 1960.
116–18 She was much affected by what she saw: "I have never cried so much in all my life".Mosley (ed.), p. 116 The experience hardened her anti-fascism to the extent that she wrote: "I would join hands with the devil himself to stop any further extension of the disease". Having rejected the political extremes within her family, Mitford affected a stance of moderate socialism, though as Hastings points out, without much depth or conviction.
2007 photo of Antifa graffiti in Trnava, Slovakia Antifa graffiti in Rome: Nationalism is an easy illusion. Post-World War II anti-fascism, also known as antifa groups (), anti-fascist movements and anti-fascist action networks, saw the development of political movements describing themselves as anti-fascist and in opposition to fascism. Those movements have been active in several countries in the aftermath of World War II during the second half of the 20th and early 21st century.
Le Libertaire became again a weekly newspaper in 1926. At the Orléans Congress of October 31 and November 1, 1927, the UAC became Platformist. The minority of those who followed Voline split and create the Association des fédéralistes anarchistes (AFA) which diffused the Trait d'union libertaire then La Voix Libertaire. Some Synthesists later rejoined the UAC (in 1930), which took the initiative of a Congress in 1934 to unite the anarchist movement on the basis of anti-fascism.
Milica Kacin Wohinz, Marta Verginella, Primorski upor fašizmu (Ljubljana, 2008). It also planned a popular uprising against the Fascist regime, which was however never carried out.Borut Rutar, Iz primorske epopeje: Mirko Brovč in narodna vstaja organizacije TIGR, 1938-1941 (Klagenfurt: Mohorjeva družba, 2004) Because of these actions, it was treated as a terrorist organization by the Italian state. The organization was dismantled by the Organization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism in 1940 and 1941.
From 1930 to 1933, he played principal viola for the Rundfunksinfonieorchester Frankfurt, and in the same role for the Philharmonisches Staatsorchester Hamburg and the Hamburg State Opera from 1934 to 1936. In 1937 he was arrested by the Nazis because of his anti-fascism attitude. Dismissed from all positions, he emigrated to Paris, but was expelled back to Germany in 1938. He worked as Kapellmeister at the Stadttheater Neiße, and from 1939 at the Staatstheater Braunschweig.
The church was £2,000 in debt and had only 12 members. He began holding open-air ministry meetings, drawing up to 500 people, more so during the summer months. He was not popular within the leadership of the Congregational Union of England and Wales due to his anti-Fascism positions in the Labour Party and reluctance to take direction from church leaders. He became a representative for Brynmelyn Ward of the Swansea Borough Council in November 1936.
After the club's rebirth following the end of WWII the new crest became just a red star a symbol of anti-fascism which Hajduk stood up for during the war. In 1960, a new crest was made, similar to the old one but with the red star in the middle instead of the former red and white traditional checkerboard. In 1990, while on tour in Australia, the original crest was returned and has been used ever since.
In 2018 Samudzi and William Anderson published their book, As Black as Resistance, which called for a new type of politics for Black Americans. Her work with Anderson on Black anti-fascism notes that “Black radical formations are themselves fundamentally anti-fascist despite functioning outside of ‘conventional’ antifa spaces.”. She has a critique of white anti-fascism stating that it fails to account for the fact that "American fascism is an evolution of state carceral forms that were founded on the settler genocide of indigenous communities and the enslavement of black people." Until white anti-fascists do more than repeat Black Lives Matter slogans and "fully assimilate nonwhite thinkers into the body of knowledge that we rely on to counter fascism" they will not be able to fully address the complexity of the US anti-fascist movement. Samudzi is an intersectional feminist, believing that “ ‘woman’ is not a catchall category that alone defines all our relationships to power”. Samudzi described the COVID-19 pandemic as a “pandemic of western movement”.
Later on, Mesić apologized for his indecent statement and stated that he undoubtedly considered anti-fascism to be the basis of modern-day Croatia, appreciated Yugoslav Partisans and considered it necessary to "reaffirm anti- fascism as a human and civilization commitment in the function of the unavoidable condition for the building of a democratic Croatia, a country of equal citizens." In 2017, two new videos Mesić from 1992 were made public in which he stated that Jasenovac wasn't a death camp and praised Ustashe minister Andrija Artuković. On 17 April 2011, in a commemoration ceremony, Croatian President Ivo Josipović warned that there were "attempts to drastically reduce or decrease the number of Jasenovac victims", adding, "faced with the devastating truth here that certain members of the Croatian people were capable of committing the cruelest of crimes." Croatian historian and politician Zlatko Hasanbegović, who previously served as the country's Minister of Culture in 2016, has been accused of downplaying the crimes of the Ustaše and trying to rehabilitate their ideas in his work.
For example, James Morrison cites how the film blames the bourgeoisie, a few left-wing intellectuals excepted, for letting Hitler into power in 1933, for surrendering France in 1940 and for collaborating actively or passively. This stance was confirmed by Renoir shortly after the film came out when, in a speech, he asserted that his recent films "breathed this breath of anti-Fascism" and were rooted in the experience of the Popular Front of 1936, which was "a magnificent exposition of human brotherhood".
In 1995, Lawson launched the Fluxeuropa website as "A postmodernist cultural review of art, books, films and music focusing on the creative tension between tradition and modernity."fluxeuropa.com - Site Information from Alexa Around this time, he also became involved with Alternative Green magazine along with Troy Southgate. In 1997, Transeuropa launched a new magazine called Radical Shift. Searchlight magazine described the magazine's intention as "to delegitimise anti-racism, anti-fascism and liberal democracy in favour of... ethnic separation, bigoted regionalism and chauvinistic nationalism".
The Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU) politician Tim Peters notes that the term is one of the most controversial terms in political discourse. Michael Richter, a researcher at the Hannah Arendt Institute for Research on Totalitarianism, highlights the ideological use of the term in the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc, in which the term fascism was applied to Eastern bloc dissidents regardless of any connection to historical fascism, and where the term anti-fascism served to legitimize the ruling government.
In 1943, the Internationalist Communist Party was founded as Partito Comunista Internazionalista in Italy around Onorato Damen and Bruno Maffi. They opposed the anti fascist partisans that resisted the fascist mussolini government, leading to accusations of being german agents due to their opposition to anti fascism. Partito Comunista Internazionalista formed several federations, what they saw as leading ones being in Turin, Milan and Parma. It agitated in factories by forming "Internationalist Communist Factory Groups", advocating for the formation of workers' councils.
The guild was considered a platform of anti-fascism and anti- racism, as it consisted of performers from diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds. When Csonka had free time, he delved into composing classical music and reconstructing lost or unfinished operas such as Mozart’s The Goose of Cairo. The Salzburg Opera Guild performed throughout Europe and the Americas. It was during a tour of the United States, with Csonka’s second wife, Herta Glatz, as one of the headliners, that the Anschluss occurred.
His admiration of British socialism increased after his visit to the United Kingdom in 1923 where he met George Drumgoole Coleman, R. H. Tawney and other members of the Fabian Society. An important component of Italian liberal socialism developed by Rosselli was its anti- fascism. Rosselli opposed fascism and believed that fascism would only be defeated by a revival of socialism. Rosselli founded Giustizia e Libertà as a resistance movement founded in the 1930s in opposition to the Fascist regime in Italy.
Although he defines Sanielevici as a "pro-racist", researcher Lucian Butaru notes that his ideas questioned the racist mindset of his contemporaries, in the same vein as the anti-racist Adevărul columnist Doctor Ygrec (Glicsman) and the conservative anti-fascism of philosopher P. P. Negulescu.Butaru, p.209 He considers Sanielevici's a "bizarre" racist discourse, like those of Alexandru Randa or Iordache Făcăoaru, but separated from them by an enduring belief in democracy, and "less quoted because of [his Jewish] origin".Butaru, p.
It claimed that the prayer group intended to have government members burned at the stake, and that the 4th-century theologians honored at Antim were anti-communists. The sentences, Drăgan notes, "were known in advance". Cherry-picking the defendants' political files, prosecution determined that the Burning Pyre was a neo-fascist cell and a front for the Iron Guard. In doing so, they silenced evidence about Tudor's left-wing anti-fascism, and focused on Arsenie Papacioc's history of contacts with the Guard.
Butaru, pp. 202–217 Ionel Pop argued in 1936 that vandalizing Jewish property was a cowardly act and a deflection, hinting that "Christian parties" would have done better to focus on chasing out an "evil spirit" that lurked in the corridors of power. Maniu's own anti-fascism was rendered inconsistent his overtures toward the Iron Guard. During his conflict with Elena Lupescu, he emphasized her Jewish origin in what appeared to be an attempt at gaining support from the antisemitic caucus.
Although never proclaimed, the Albona Republic had left unrecoverable scars on Labinština, and it had a much wider echo. This cluster of events should be interpreted in the context of the circumstances at the time, particularly in the Italian Peninsula and Central Europe. The multi- ethnic, but unique armed resistance to overwhelming fascism has paved the way for anti-fascism. The story of the Albona Republic was the subject of a 1985 Croatian film, Crveni i crni (Red and Black).
318 Contrasting his works with theirs, Eliade claimed that he had introduced "aggressive and savage" erotic scenes to his novels so as to provide "a vital dimension" to his characters. Recalling the critic's reaction to this perspective, he assessed: "[Cioculescu was] showing through my own example that the distinction I wanted to make between 'writers' and 'opportunists' was an impractical one. The article did not convince me." By the mid-1930s, Cioculescu rallied with several initiatives associated with left politics and the cause of anti-fascism.
The Collegium Artisticum movement was established the same year as a reaction to the Kingdom's political climate. It was founded as part of the Sarajevo Philharmonic Orchestra and was headed by a group of leftist public intellectuals and artists that included painter Vojo Dimitrijević, composer Oskar Danon and architect Jahiel Finci. The movement openly professed anti- fascism while boycotting state-sponsored art projects and programmes. Furthermore, it organized clandestine exhibitions and leftist conferences in Sarajevo, aligning itself with the illegal Communist Party of Yugoslavia.
Yet another version of the story told by Schiavi's father Natalino Schiavi was that Lea had fallen victim to the anarchy that broke out during the Hama Rashid revolt in Iran around 1942. Another theory was that Lea Schiavi was killed by the Italians because she was too important in anti-fascism efforts by the Italian community in Iran. This theory was investigated at the time by Lauro Laurenti while seeking answers to Schiavi's murder and taken up later by Italian historian Mimmo Franzinelli.
His alleged corruption, along with his ethnicity and his publicized anti-fascism, made him a target for verbal and physical attacks by the far-right movements, in particular the Iron Guard. Auschnitt attempted to diffuse this threat by paying public tributes to Romanian nationalism and, more discreetly, by sponsoring the Guardist network. His 1935 marriage to Augustin Pordea's daughter, and his conversion to Roman Catholicism, elicited additional controversy. Auschnitt found himself at odds with Carol after a string of matrimonial, economic, and geopolitical disputes.
The other, led by Osmond Fraenkel and Thomas I. Emerson, supported Freedom of Speech and Press as well as Anti-Fascism (seen at the time as a Popular Front stance, thus pro-Communist). Other issues supported by Fraenkel, Emerson, the National Executive Board and many chapters included: support for Loyalist Spain, criticism of J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI, and support for labor unions. Berle and Ernst recommended anti-communist oaths, which Fraenkel and Emerson opposed. Many Berle and Ernst supporters left the NLG by 1940.
Evola rejected biological determinism for race but was a supporter of spiritual Nordicism. In direct contradiction of the earlier or original forms of Mediterraneanism that embraced the idea of a shared origin or culture among all people of the Mediterranean, the Manifesto of Racial Scientists (1938) declared that Mediterranean Europeans were distinct from Mediterranean Africans and Mediterranean Asians and rejected claims that European Mediterraneans were related to the Mediterranean Semitic or Hamitic peoples.Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and the Resistance in Italy: 1919 To the Present.
The debate had started with a footnote in Furet's book, Le Passé d'une illusion (The Passing of an Illusion), in which Furet acknowledged Nolte's merit of comparatively studying communism and Nazism, an almost forbidden practice in continental Europe. Both ideologies typify in a radical way the contradictions of liberalism. They follow a chronological sequence: Lenin predates Mussolini who in turn precedes Hitler. Furet noted that Nolte's theses went against the established notions of culpability and apprehension to criticize the idea of anti-fascism common in the West.
One faction, led by Berle and Ernst, supported New Deal policies. The other, led by Osmond Fraenkel and Thomas I. Emerson, supported Freedom of Speech and Press as well as Anti-Fascism (seen at the time as a Popular Front stance, thus pro-Communist). Other issues supported by Fraenkel, Emerson, the National Executive Board and many chapters included: support for Loyalist Spain, criticism of J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI, and support for labor unions. Berle and Ernst recommended anti-communist oaths, which Fraenkel and Emerson opposed.
She toured the world, playing various clubs, theaters and protest marches. Petric was involved with Spanish Civil War refugees, anti-fascism committees, worked for racial equality, and was a political target during the McCarthy Era. She was also a member of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and performed under the label of the union's Entertainment Workers' Industrial Union No. 630. Friends of Petric have described her as the "Fort Knox of folk music," for her ability to recall the lyrics of thousands of songs.
In 1943, he joined the Communist Party due to his anti-fascism and the fact that the USSR was by that time a member of the Allied Forces in World War II. He also stated that the Party provided education. "For the first time, I read history... The Party was a vehicle of great intellectual growth for me, a very rich part of my life." In the 1940s, Braverman joined Max Angelson, Harry Angelson, and Ida Sperling as plaintiffs-appellants against the New York Rapid Transit Corporation.
Fluff Fest is an independent hardcore punk festival held each July at the Czech town of Rokycany, near Plzeň. A significant event for the DIY music scene of the Czech Republic and the punk subculture of Europe, it is associated with movements such as veganism, anarchism, feminism, anti-fascism, and straight edge. It features an international lineup of bands from diverse punk rock genres including hardcore, crust punk, emo, and grindcore, as well as talks and zines. Catering is provided by local animal rights organization Svoboda zvířat.
In June 1999 he arrived in Poland as a member of the Ghanaian PEN Club delegation to a PEN annual congress in Warsaw. Njie immediately applied for asylum, which was granted in September 2000. In Poland Simon Mol wrote poems, founded a small theatre, and engaged in political campaigns for the rights of mostly African and Chechen refugees, anti-racism, anti-fascism and environmental protection. A journal article, Post–Unification Anglophone Exile Poetry: Introducing Simon Mol & Kangsen Feka Wakai, reviewed his poetry in 2006.
Berger then took on on a part-time basis and completed a master's degree (MSc) in government, politics and policy at Birkbeck, University of London. Berger was a National Executive Committee member of the National Union of Students, Britain's main student representative organisation, serving as an elected member for two years. She co-convened the NUS Anti-Racism/Anti-Fascism Campaign. In April 2005, Berger resigned from the committee along with two other committee members, saying "While I accuse no one of anti-semitism, this year NUS has been a bystander to Jew-hatred".
Answers to letters in the Socialist Standard in the 1930s repeatedly made this point. Early writers noted what Benito Mussolini was able to do with the power of the state on his side, a part of a vindication of the SPGB's approach of the workers seizing control of the state. The SPGB therefore declined to join anti-fascist fronts or to make a particular issue of anti-fascism, arguing that the pro-socialist case was the necessary remedy for fascism."The Rise of Hitler: A Warning to the Workers" (PDF).
The Organizzazione di Vigilanza Repressione dell'Antifascismo (or OVRA) (English: Organization for Vigilance in Repression of Anti-Fascism) was a secret police organization in Italy during fascism. The Polizia dell'Africa Italiana or PAI (Police of Italian Africa) (1936–1944). The Guardia Nazionale Repubblicana or GNR (National Republic Guard) was a paramilitary force of the Italian Social Republic created by decree on December 8, 1943, replacing the Carabinieri and the MVSN. Zaptié were locally raised gendarmerie units in the Italian colonies of Tripolitania, Cyrenaica, Colonia Primigenia and Somalia between 1889 and 1942.
In 1970, a DEFA feature film KLK an PTX... was released that portrayed the official histories of the Red Orchestra as a group dependent on the anti-fascism of the KPD and therefore only capable of joint action. Here too, the intelligence activity was overemphasized, but it was seen positively here. Since the 1960s, all biographies of the members of the Red Orchestra in the GDR have been adapted by the Stasi to give the GDR secret service a story with anti-fascist roots. The 1979 book Rote Kapelle gegen Hitler.
Under the leadership of the committed Stalinist Ernst Thälmann, the KPD primarily viewed fascism as the final stage of capitalism rather than as a specific movement or group, and therefore applied the term broadly to its opponents, and in the name of anti-fascism the KPD focused in large part on attacking its main adversary, the centre-left Social Democratic Party of Germany, whom they referred to as social fascists and regarded as the "main pillar of the dictatorship of Capital."Braunthal, Julius (1963). Geschichte der Internationale: 1914–1943. Vol. 2, p. 414. Dietz.
A conservative Democrat who ran the Columbus Day parade and admired Mussolini, Pope was the most powerful enemy of anti-Fascism among Italian Americans. Closely associated with Tammany Hall politics in New York, Pope and his newspapers played a vital role in securing the Italian vote for Franklin D. Roosevelt's Democratic tickets. He served as chairman of the Italian Division of the Democratic National Committee in 1936, and helped persuade the president to take a neutral attitude over Italy's invasion of Ethiopia. He broke with Mussolini in 1941 and enthusiastically supported the American war effort.
The KPD had proclaimed that it was "the only anti-fascist party" during the elections of 1930. Unlike the situation in Italy, no party regarded itself as "fascist" in Weimar-era Germany. Central to the antifa movement is the use of the epithet fascist. According to Norman Davies, the concept of "anti-fascism" as used by the KPD originated as an ideological construct of the Soviet Union, where the epithets fascist and fascism were primarily and widely used to describe capitalist society in general and virtually any anti-Soviet or anti-Stalinist activity or opinion.
Despite social changes commemorative tributes to the Partisan struggle are still observed throughout the former Yugoslavia, and are attended by veteran associations, descendants, Titoists, leftists and sympathisers. Liberators of Belgrade memorial The successor branches of the former Association of War Veterans of the People's Liberation War (SUBNOR), represent Partisan veterans in each republic and lobby against political and legal rehabilitation of war collaborators, along with efforts to renamed streets and public squares. These organisation's also maintain monuments and memorials dedicated to the People's Liberation War and anti-fascism in each respective nation.
Conservative leader and Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain had a dislike for the Jews.Klaus P. Fischer, Hitler and America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011) According to R. B. Cockett, 'it is in the pages of Truth that Chamberlain's real political sympathies and prejudices can be found; political sympathies that were often in striking contrast to the official political postures adopted by his own government'. The Conservative newspaper Truth,D. Renton, The Attempted Revival Of British Fascism: Fascism And Anti-Fascism 1945-51. PhD thesis, the Department of History at the University of Sheffield, August 1998.
The ESF's security took no chances and dragged a furious Mashadani from the stage for his own protection. The "End the Occupation" session was stopped, a first in the history of the ESF. Later in the day an intervention was made by some of those who had been involved with the autonomous spaces during a meeting on anti-fascism. They intended to invade the stage during the speech of the Mayor of London Ken Livingstone (who opposed the invasion of Iraq in 2003 but is a member of the Labour Party which supported it).
The plot involves the Captain America/Superman inspired super-hero called "Captain Invincible" (also known as "Legend in Leotards", "The Caped Contender", and "Man of Magnet") who is active during Prohibition, World War II, and afterwards. Once a popular hero to all Americans, he is forced into retirement by McCarthy-style government persecution in the 1950s. A congressional investigation accuses him of being a communist, citing his red cape and "premature anti-fascism". He is charged with violating U.S. airspace by flying without a proper license, impersonating a military officer, and wearing underwear in public.
Reflections on a Ravaged Century is a book devoted to the psychological roots of fanaticism, in which Conquest argues that Communism and Nazism were equal and more twins than opposites. However, there is much more in this book about Communism than Nazism, partly because of Conquest's greater expertise about the first, and partly because of his claim that comparatively few Western intellectuals became Nazi. Conquest mainly focuses on attacks on intellectuals in the West who became Communists because they felt or believed that this was "anti-fascism" or "anti-Nazism".
In May 2016, Desai was elected to the London Assembly succeeding John Biggs as the member for City and East, winning nearly 58% of the vote. He was subsequently reselected as Labour candidate for the constituency for the 2020 London Assembly election. Desai is Labour's London Assembly spokesperson on Policing and Crime and Chair of both the London Assembly Audit Panel and the Police and Crime Committee. During his time on the Assembly, he has campaigned on issues including police pay and conditions, anti-fascism, and hate crime at football grounds.
In 1956, Ulbricht was awarded the Hans Beimler Medal, for veterans of the Spanish Civil War, which caused controversy among other recipients, who had actually served on the front line.Josie McLellan, Anti- Fascism and Memory in East Germany: Remembering the International Brigades, 1945–1989, p.67 He was awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union on 29 June 1963. at the website on Heroes of the Soviet Union and Russia On visiting Egypt in 1965, Ulbricht was awarded the Great Collar of the Order of the Nile by Nasser.
Totalitarianism was first developed in the 1920s by both Weimar jurist and later Nazi academic Carl Schmitt and concurrently the Italian fascists. Italian Fascist Benito Mussolini proclaimed: "Everything within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state." Schmitt used the term Totalstaat in his influential 1927 work The Concept of the Political on the legal basis of an all-powerful state. The term gained prominence in Western anti-communist political discourse during the Cold War era as a tool to convert pre-World War II anti-fascism into post-war anti-communism.
In June 2020, the centrist think tank Center for Strategic and International Studies assembled a database of 893 terrorism incidents in the United States beginning in 1994. An analysis of the database conducted by The Guardian found no murder linked to antifa or anti-fascism since 1994. According to The Guardian, the only death resulting from an anti- fascist attack recorded in the database was that of the anti-fascist perpetrator. In contrast, the study highlighted that 329 people were killed by American white supremacists or other right-wing extremists during the same period.
Annette Leo grew up in the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). Gerhard Leo (1923 – 2009), her father, was a Jewish journalist originally from Berlin who had escaped Nazi Germany and spent the war years as a Résistance fighter in France. Her mother, born Nora Lubinski (1922 – 2010), was the daughter of Dagobert Lubinski (1893 – 1943), another left-wing journalist and a resistance activist: he stayed in Germany and died at Auschwitz. As she grew up in East Berlin, anti-fascism was one of the things that bound the Leo family together.
In 1944, when democracy was restored in Southern Italy, Croce, as an "icon of liberal anti-fascism", became minister without portfolio in governments headed by Pietro Badoglio and by Ivanoe Bonomi (Ryn, 2000:xi–xii).For about a month in the so-called Second Badoglio government and again for a month in the Second Bonomi government. He left the government in July 1944 but remained president of the Liberal Party until 1947 (Ryn, 2000:xii). Croce voted for the Monarchy in the Constitutional referendum of June 1946, after having persuaded his Liberal Party to adopt a neutral stance.
Adolf is a monodrama written by British actor and playwright Pip Utton in 1997 (originally performed by him and directed by Guy Masterson), and in its latest form, first produced in 2002. In reviewing Hitler's inner world, the play carries several anti-Fascism undertones.BBC - Berkshire Stage - Adolf The play has had considerable success internationally; it has been performed in India, Ireland, Hong Kong, Netherlands, Belgium, Germany, Estonia, Singapore, Norway, New Zealand, Cyprus and Australia.Pip Utton as Adolf FLYING INKPOT THEATRE REVIEW: Adolf by Pip Utton Theatre Company A performance was also given in Finland and Turkey.
Chumbawamba () were an English rock band that formed in 1982 and disbanded in 2012. The band constantly shifted in musical style, drawing on genres such as punk rock, pop, and folk. Their anarcho-communist or libertarian socialist political stance exhibited an irreverent attitude toward authority, and the band have been forthright in their stances on issues including animal rights and pacifism (early in their career) and later regarding class struggle, Marxism, feminism, gay liberation, pop culture, and anti-fascism. The band are best known for their song "Tubthumping", which was nominated for Best British Single at the 1998 Brit Awards.
Ghica Palace in Moara Vlăsiei, 2013 photograph Despite their anti-fascism, in the December 1937 elections Filipescu's Conservatives closely followed the Maniu party line, which brought them into a "non-aggression pact" with the Iron Guard—and against Carol's PNL favorites.Constantin I. Stan, "Pactul de neagresiune electorală: Iuliu Maniu – Corneliu Zelea Codreanu – Gheorghe Brătianu (25 noiembrie 1937) și consecințele lui", in Doru Sinaci, Emil Arbonie (eds.), 90 de ani de administrație românească în Arad: culegere de studii și comunicări. 90 de ani de administrație și învățământ de stat românesc în Transilvania, p. 272. Arad: Vasile Goldiș University Press, 2010.
279 In June 1935 O'Duffy launched the National Corporate Party, a fascist political party inspired by Italy's Mussolini. The following year he organised an Irish Brigade to fight for Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War. He was motivated to do so by Ireland's historic link with Spain, his devout anti-communism and a will to defend Catholicism, stating “It is not a conflict between fascism and anti- fascism but between Christ and anti-christ”. In London in September 1936 O'Duffy met Juan de la Cierva and Emilio Mola, promising he would recruit an Irish contingent to fight against the Republicans.
On April 24, Ji established the "Great Anti-Fascism Alliance of Chinese People" in Tianjin, with Feng Yuxiang, and Fang Zhenwu. Kuomintang agents injured Ji Hongchang in an assassination attempt on Nov 9th, and colluded with French police in extraditing Ji Hongchang for execution in Peking on Nov 24th. Before his death, Ji reportedly asked his executioner for a chair, citing that he was a patriot fighting Japanese invaders and therefore should neither be kneeling nor falling when he dies, as well as demanding to be shot from the front, as he wanted to "see how the enemy's bullet kills me".
Orwell saw a Boy scout leader type of proselytising from this group which consisted of people from an almost identical public school–university–Bloomsbury background. Orwell notes the left-leaning tendency of this group and its fascination with communism. Describing the communist as a Russian publicity agent, Orwell seeks an explanation for this. In addition to the common ground of anti-fascism he sees that after the debunking of Western civilisation and the disappearance of traditional middle class values and aspirations, people need something to believe in and Communism has replaced Catholicism as the escapist ideal.
In 1935, the Comintern abandoned the militancy of the Third Period in favor of a Popular Front, which sought to unite socialist and non-socialist organizations of similar politics around the common cause of anti-fascism. This confirmed its policy. The party had mended its relations, at least temporarily, with groups such as the NAACP and had developed relations with church groups, particularly in the North. The party had also started edging toward support of the New Deal by moderating its attacks on the Roosevelt administration, which had promoted programs alleviating the most severe economic problems.
Vesna Pusić (; born 25 March 1953) is a Croatian sociologist and politician who served as First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign and European Affairs in the centre-left cabinet of Zoran Milanović. She was Croatia's second female Foreign Minister taking the office after Kolinda Grabar- Kitarović. She is known as outspoken liberal and an advocate of European integration, anti-fascism, gender equality and LGBT rights. After becoming involved in politics in the early 1990s, Pusić served five consecutive terms as MP, having been elected to the Croatian Parliament in the 2000, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015 and 2016 parliamentary elections.
In July 1943 he took part in the work that led to the drafting of the Code of Camaldoli. After the arrest of Mussolini (executed two days after completing the Code), Branca actively collaborated with Resistance. His cordial relations with Monsignor Giovanni Battista Montini and by mediation of these with Alcide De Gasperi made him a prominent member of Florentine anti-fascism, enabling him to represent the Catholic area of resistance in the direction Tuscan CNL. In 1944 he was contacted by Gentile, then president of the Academy of Italy, who invited him to collaborate "for homeland charity" in the New Anthology magazine.
She served on the Labour Party National Executive Committee from 1931 to 1932, and in the 1935 general election unsuccessfully contested Sunderland. She was meanwhile moving away from her previous strict pacifism towards a more active anti-fascism. At the 1936 Labour Party Conference, several party members, including Ellen Wilkinson, Stafford Cripps, Aneurin Bevan and Charles Trevelyan, argued that military help should be given to the Popular Front of Spain, which fought Francisco Franco and his fascist Nationalist Army. Despite a passionate appeal from Isabel de Palencia, the Labour Party supported the Conservative Government's policy of non- intervention.
They then moved to Mexico in 1938. She entered the Escuela Nocturna para Trabajadores, where she took classes in drawing and engraving. Her anti-Nazi and anti-Fascism politics resulted in her participation in a mural called "Retrato de la Burguesía" in 1940 for the Sindicato Mexicano de Electricistas building on Alfonso Caso Street in Mexico City. Rabel met a group of exiled Spaniards in Mexico along with Antonio Pujol, who invited her to take part in a mural project headed by him, David Alfaro Siqueiros, Joseph Renau, Luis Arenal, Antonio Rodríguez Luna and Miguel Prieto.
In 2005, a controversy was stirred about the question whether the paragraph should be taken to apply to the display of crossed-out swastikas as a symbol of anti- fascism. In late 2005 police raided the offices of the punk rock label and mail order store "Nix Gut Records" and confiscated merchandise depicting crossed-out swastikas and fists smashing swastikas. In 2006 the Stade police department started an inquiry against anti-fascist youths using a placard depicting a person dumping a swastika into a trashcan. The placard was displayed in opposition to the campaign of right-wing nationalist parties for local elections.
Mihailović ordered all four detachments to be placed under the overall command of Đurišić. In early February 1943, during their advance north-west into Herzegovina in preparation for their involvement in Case White, the combined Chetnik force killed large numbers of Muslims in the area of Pljevlja, Foča and Čajniče. In a report to Mihailović dated 13 February 1943, Đurišić wrote that his Chetniks had killed about 1,200 Muslim combatants and about 8,000 women, children and the elderly, and destroyed all property except livestock, grain and hay, which they seized.Goran Marković; (2014) Četnici i antifašizam (Chetniks and anti-fascism, in Serbian) p.
By its founding declaration the organisation defines itself as being part of the radical left that participates in the class struggle striving to abolish all kinds of exploitation and aiming at a Socialism of the 21st century. The organisation's manifesto includes ten positions: # struggle for young peoples' rights # anti- fascism # alternative, non-commercial culture # feminism against patriarchy # pro strengthening of democratic and social rights # anti-racism against the "Fortress Europe" # ecological orientation # struggle for public space appropriation # requests free access to amateur sports # support solidarity economy. Syriza Youth upholds a quota of one third for young women to participate in all organisational bodies.
Ultimately, the republican government was able to secure the allegiance of the Basque Nationalist Party with the promise to pass a Basque Autonomy Statute. The Biscayan and Gipuzkoan branches declared support for the republic, democracy, and anti-fascism in the ensuing Spanish Civil War and were key in balancing those provinces to the Republican side. In the territory seized by the rebels, PNV members faced tough times. During the military uprising in Navarre, the Basque nationalist mayor of Estella-Lizarra, Fortunato Aguirre, was arrested by the Spanish nationalist rebels (18 July 1936), and killed in September.
Pankhurst's grave In the early 1930s Pankhurst drifted away from Communist politics but remained involved in movements connected with anti-fascism and anti-colonialism. In 1932 she was instrumental in the establishment of the Socialist Workers' National Health Council. She responded to the Italian invasion of Ethiopia by publishing The New Times and Ethiopia News from 1936, and became a supporter of Haile Selassie. She raised funds for Ethiopia's first teaching hospital, and wrote extensively on Ethiopian art and culture, carrying out research that was published in her book Ethiopia: A Cultural History (London: Lalibela House, 1955). From 1936 MI5 monitored Pankhurst's correspondence.
Bose was opposed to Nehru's anti-Fascism and argued instead for a synthesis of communism and fascism in India. While a proponent of military discipline in political life and an advocate of a government by a strong party, Bose was also opposed to totalitarianism rejecting the model of the Nazi party and calling for democracy both within and among political parties. Bose's ideological leaning, which he outlines in the book, has been described as 'fascistic' but it was shaped by his increasing frustration with the failure to realise Indian independence and not by a sense of megalomania.
Orwell wrote hundreds of essays, book reviews and editorials. His insights into linguistics, literature and politics—in particular anti-fascism, anti-communism, and democratic socialism—continued to be influential decades after his death. Over a dozen of these were published in collections during his life—Inside the Whale and Other Essays by his original publisher Victor Gollancz Ltd in 1940, and Critical Essays by Secker and Warburg in 1946. The latter press also published the collections Shooting an Elephant and Other Essays in 1950 (republished by Penguin in 2003) and England Your England and Other Essays in 1953.
Alarmed by the establishment of Adolf Hitler's Nazi regime, which also signified the end of Berlin's avant-garde, he merged his activities as an art promoter with the cause of anti-fascism, and was close to the French Communist Party (PCF). In 1936, Richter recalled, he published a series of photographs secretly taken by Kurt Schwitters in Hanover, works which documented the destruction of Nazi propaganda by the locals, ration stamp with reduced quantities of food, and other hidden aspects of Hitler's rule.Richter, p.153 After the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, he briefly left France and joined the Republican forces.
In particular, fascism continued a political tradition of compromise, absorbing political opponents rather than allowing conflict to express itself openly. Liberalism, he argued, was anti-fascist insofar as, on his account, it recognised that liberty was achieved through struggle and conflict. In late 1924, Gobetti also began to edit a journal of European literary culture entitled Il Baretti. He used the journal to put into practice his idea of liberal anti-fascism and his conviction that the Italian people could learn to reject the insular nature of fascist culture by means of an education in European culture.
However, the PFNC also had a consuming rivalry with Jacques Doriot's far-right organization, called French Popular Party (PPF). Clémenti described Doriot as an agent of the Jews and a covert, unrepentant Marxist. The PFNC was again registered in June 1937, when Clémenti went on record with the claim that it was neither fascist nor anti-fascist. He argued that anti-fascism meant either an ill-advised attack on the Italian government, thus setting France on a collision course with a "friendly nation"; or an attack on "generic ideas", which Clémenti identified as shared by both Italian fascists and the French Communist Party.
In his book, Garaudy rejected many of the premises of the international Jewish claim to rights in the Land of Israel and to the legitimacy of the modern state of Israel as "myths," e.g., the "theological myths" of the Bible; the twentieth century "myth of Zionist anti-Fascism"; the "myth of justice at Nuremberg," the "myth of the six million," and the "myth of the land without a people for a people without a land." These and other myths, Garaudy's book argued, had been used by world Zionists in a conspiracy to dispossess the Palestinians of their homeland.
Much of Perpessicius' career was dedicated to collecting, structuring and interpreting Eminescu's texts, resulting in an authoritative edition of Eminescu's writings, the 17-volume Opere ("Works"). A veteran of World War I, where he lost use of his right arm, Perpessicius debuted in poetry while recovering in hospital, publishing the critically acclaimed volume Scut și targă ("Shield and Stretcher"). His subsequent "intimist" and Neoclassical tendencies made him part of a distinct current within the local branch of Symbolism. Like other mainstream modernists of his day, Perpessicius also espoused anti-fascism and criticized nationalism in general, attitudes which led him into conflict with the 1930s far right.
In 2011, the new alliance "Offensive gegen Rechts" (Anti-Right offensive) was founded by several socialist and communist groups and organizations, mainly youth associations. It was a spin-off from NOWKR and can be differentiated by its focus on Anti-fascism (instead of the primarily anti-capitalist motivation of NOWKR).Offensive gegen Rechts: Aktionskonsens, retrieved January 18, 2015 "Setting an example now!" on Heldenplatz (2012) In 2012, an even broader alliance under the name "Jetzt Zeichen setzen!" (Setting an example now) was founded by the Austrian Trade Union Federation, by three parties and by representatives from several religious groups, among them the Catholics, the Protestants and the Jews.
It did not disappear after the Second World War but was used as an official ideology of the Soviet bloc, with the "fascist" West as the new enemy. Counterrevolutionary anti-fascism was much more conservative in nature, with Seidman arguing that Charles de Gaulle and Winston Churchill represented examples of it and that they tried to win the masses to their cause. Counterrevolutionary antifascists desired to ensure the restoration or continuation of the prewar old regime and conservative antifascists disliked fascism's erasure of the distinction between the public and private spheres. Like its revolutionary counterpart, it would outlast fascism once the Second World War ended.
1928 Roter Frontkämpferbund rally in Berlin. Organized by the Communist Party of Germany the RFB had at its height over 100,000 members The specific term anti-fascism was primarily used by the Communist Party of Germany (KPD), which held the view that it was the only anti-fascist party in Germany. The KPD formed several explicitly anti-fascist groups, such as the Roter Frontkämpferbund (formed in 1924 and banned by the social democrats in 1929) and the Kampfbund gegen den Faschismus (a de facto successor to the latter).Eve Rosenhaft, Beating the Fascists?: The German Communists and Political Violence 1929-1933, Cambridge University Press, 25 Aug 1983, pp.
In Glasgow, Levitas became interested in communism, and when he was sixteen, he joined the Young Communist League. In 1931, he moved with his family to the East End of London, and he joined his father in the clothing industry, becoming a tailors' presser. He became secretary of the Mile End branch of the YCL, which his younger brother Maurice also joined. In the East End, Levitas devoted much of his time to anti- fascism; in 1934, he was arrested for writing "all out against fascism" on three sides of Nelson's Column, having later returned to the scene to admire his work, while still carrying the paintbrush.
The BLPI released details of issues within the Indian National Congress; these notably included its close connection to the landlords and its ignorance of promises made during the mass civil disobedience movements in the earlier part of the century. The BLPI also maintained a strained relationship with the Communist Party of India, who they argued had become corrupted by Stalinism. The BLPI also used the Communist Party's war stances to gain political leverage. Whereas the Communist Party of India (CPI) supported anti-fascism before the war, this changed with the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact of August 1939, leading the CPI to change their stance to that of opposition of war.
He was particularly critical of the CLN's muted response to the Foibe massacres, ethnic cleansing in Yugoslavia and over the issue of Italian prisoners still held in the Soviet Union after the end of the war. For Pannunzio anti-Stalinism went hand in had with anti-Fascism, a political viewpoint that was far from mainstream on the Italian left, and not universal among many in the political centre. At the end of 1947 Roberto Lucifero was appointed General Secretary of the Italian Liberal Party. This reflected events at the Party Congress of November 1947 which had been widely interpreted as a take-over by the party's right wing.
Composed of socialists, anarchists and communists, the Arditi del Popolo were not supported by leftist parties (neither by the Italian Socialist Party, PSI, nor by the Communist Party of Italy, PCd'I). The Arditi were criticized by the socialist newspaper Avanti! on July 7, 1921, following a demonstration in Rome the previous day. On July 10, 1921, Lenin wrote in the Pravda an article praising the Arditi and criticizing the Bordigan tendency of the PCd'I which opposed militant anti-fascism. On August 3, 1921, the PSI signed a "pacification pact" (patto di pacificazione) with Mussolini and his Fasces of Combat on 3 August 1921,Charles F. Delzell, edit.
The Unitary National Liberation Front (, JNOF) or simply the National Liberation Front (sometimes referred to as the People's Liberation Front), was a World War II political organization and Anti-fascism movement during World War II in Yugoslavia. It was headed by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ), and united all political parties and individuals of the republican, federalist, and left-wing political spectrum in the occupied Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The Front served as political backing to the Yugoslav Resistance movement, known as the Yugoslav Partisans. In 1945 with Partisans winning the war, the Unitary People's Liberation Front was reorganized and renamed the National Front (Narodni Front, NOF).
In April 1942 Chetniks and Italians cooperate in battles with Partisans around Knin.Goran Marković; (2014) Četnici i antifašizam (Chetniks and anti-fascism, in Serbian) p. 180; Hereticus Časopis za preispitivanje proslosti Vol. XII, No. l-2; He outlined the four points of his policy in his report to the Italian Army General Staff: Chetnik commander alt=A tall male Chetnik amongst a group of men dressed in Italian Army uniform During 1942 and 1943, an overwhelming proportion of Chetnik forces in the Italian-controlled areas of occupied Yugoslavia were organized as Italian auxiliary forces in the form of the Anti-Communist Volunteer Militia (Milizia volontaria anti comunista, MVAC).
Crass were an English art collective and punk rock band formed in Epping, Essex, England in 1977"In August 1977 Dave King went (...) As Dave exits stage left, Steve Ignorant returns to Dial House and (...) Crass was born." who promoted anarchism as a political ideology, a way of life and a resistance movement. Crass popularised the anarcho-punk movement of the punk subculture, advocating direct action, animal rights, feminism, anti-fascism, and environmentalism. The band used and advocated a DIY ethic approach to its albums, sound collages, leaflets, and films. Crass spray-painted stencilled graffiti messages in the London Underground system and on advertising billboards, coordinated squats and organised political action.
By mid-1935 all of the three major left-wing parties had converged onto an agreement on the need to cooperate on a programme of anti- fascism, state-intervention and the defence of liberal parliamentary institutions. The existence of the Popular Front, therefore, undercut the Frontist Party's very raison d'etre. In the elections of 1936, the Frontist Party had little success. Its two co-founders, Bergery and Izard, were both elected to Parliament, but two deputies was too few to form a distinct parliamentary group and thus during the 1936-1940 legislature had to sit among the other left-leaning independents and minor parties, in the Independent Left technical group.
José Guadalupe Posada, Calavera Oaxaqueña, 1910 Woodcut printmaking became a popular form of art in Mexico during the early to mid 20th century. The medium in Mexico was used to convey political unrest and was a form of political activism, especially after the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). In Europe, Russia, and China, woodcut art was being used during this time as well to spread leftist politics such as socialism, communism, and anti-fascism. In Mexico, the art style was made popular by José Guadalupe Posada, who was known as the father of graphic art and printmaking in Mexico and is considered the first Mexican modern artist.
In school, Audisio rose to the top of his class, and first worked making Borsalino hats. He then worked for some years as an accountant before joining a clandestine anti-fascist group in 1931. The local group was discovered by the fascist secret police, the Organization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism (Organizzazione per la Vigilanza e la Repressione dell'Antifascismo, or OVRA) and in 1934, Audisio was sentenced to five years confinement on the island of Ponza. Released during World War II, he resumed his activities against the government of Benito Mussolini, and in September 1943 he started to organize the first bands of partisans in Casale Monferrato.
At the same time, the Empresa Nacional del Petróleo (ENAP) oil state company was created, as well as ENDESA electricity company, the Compañía de Acero del Pacífico (CAP) steel holding and the Industria Azucarera Nacional (IANSA) sugar company. This was the basis for the industrialization of Chile. The German–Soviet Non Aggression Pact of 1939 during the Second World War led to the dismantling of the left-wing coalition, as the Comintern then abandoned the Popular Front strategy and anti-fascism in favour of advocating peace with Germany. However, following the invasion of the Soviet Union by Nazi Germany, the Chilean Communist Party joined again the government.
In 1920, Adevărul also began publishing its prestigious cultural supplement, Adevărul Literar și Artistic. By the 1930s, their anti-fascism and the Jewish ethnicity of their new owners made Adevărul and Dimineața the targets of negative campaigns in the far right press, and the antisemitic Octavian Goga cabinet banned both upon obtaining power in 1937. Adevărul was revived by Barbu Brănișteanu after World War II, but was targeted by Communist Romania's censorship apparatus and again closed down in 1951. A newspaper of the same name was set up in 1989, just days after the Romanian Revolution, replacing Scînteia, organ of the defunct Romanian Communist Party.
The 1933 establishment of a Nazi regime in Germany brought Fondane into the camp of anti-fascism. In December 1934, his Apelul studențimii ("The Call of Students") was circulated among the Romanian diaspora, and featured passionate calls for awareness: "Tomorrow, in concentration camps, it will be too late".Daniel, p. 631 Édouard Launet, "Dans les petits papiers de Fondane", in Libération, November 16, 2009 The following year, he outlined his critique of all kinds of totalitarianism, L'Écrivain devant la révolution ("The Writer Facing the Revolution"), supposed to be delivered in front of the Paris-held International Congress of Writers for the Defense of Culture (organized by left-wing and communist intellectuals with support from the Soviet Union).
Many of his poems were translated and published in Great Britain where Maurras has many readers among the High Church of Anglicanism and conservative circles.David Levy, « Maurras et la vie intellectuelle britannique », EM, 3, . Among his reader, there is T.S. Eliot. Eliot found the reasons for his anti-fascism in Maurras: his anti-liberalism is traditionalist, to the benefit of a certain idea of monarchy and hierarchy. Music within me, which takes up in translation the main pieces of La Musique intérieure will be published in 1946, under the leadership of Count G.W.V. Potcoki of Montalk, director and founder of The Right Review T.S. Eliot, « Triumphal March », Collected Pems, 1909-1962, Faber, 1963, ..T.
In 2013, the Croatian-language version of Wikipedia drew media attention after the daily newspaper Jutarnji list reported on critics' concerns that administrators and editors on the website were projecting a right-wing bias into topics such as the Ustashe regime, anti- fascism, Serbs, the LGBT community, and gay marriage. Many of the critics were former editors of the website who said they had been exiled for expressing concern. The small size of the Croatian Wikipedia (as of September 2013, it had 466 active editors of which 27 were administrators) was cited as a major factor. Two days after the story broke, Croatian Minister Željko Jovanović advised students not to use the website.
The Peasantist attempts at constitutional reform, and Bujor's own signs of approval for far- left concepts, eventually led to a backlash in 1920. Deposed by King Ferdinand I in 1920, Bujor expressed hopes for a revolution against "the oligarchy", but he was gradually marginalized. After 1926, with disciple Ioan Borcea, he represented the dissident left within the consolidated National Peasants' Party, openly criticizing his party's leadership while serving as representative in the Assembly of Deputies. Bujor, still a rival of Cuza, professed anti-fascism throughout the 1930s, but withdrew from the public eye during World War II. He returned to prominence under the communist regime, when, at age 86, he was inducted into the Romanian Academy.
He later became a columnist of L'Osservatore Romano, receiving the task of talking about the foreign affairs by Bishop Giovanni Montini, the future Pope Paul VI. However, Gonella was kept under control by the political police for suspected anti-fascism: several times the fascist hierarchy asked Benito Mussolini to suppress the Vatican newspaper, but L'Osservatore Romano belonged to the Holy See and therefore could not be suppressed by the Italian government. On 3 September 1939, a few days after the beginning of World War II, Gonella was arrested by the fascists and brought to Regina Coeli, being freed only after the intervention of Pope Pius XII. Though he returned to L'Osservatore Romano, he was forbidden to teach in Universities.
The Ninth Symphony of the German composer Hans Werner Henze was written in 1997. It is a choral symphony, subtitled Den Helden und Märtyrern des deutschen Antifaschismus gewidmet (Dedicated to the heroes and martyrs of German anti-fascism). The text, written by the poet Hans-Ulrich Treichel, is based on the 1942 novel Das siebte Kreuz (The Seventh Cross) by Anna Seghers, in which seven prisoners attempt to escape the Westhofen concentration camp, only one of them surviving. According to the composer, the symphony deals with themes that have preoccupied him since he was conscripted to the German Army as a young man during World War II. His earlier Requiem is in many ways a precursor to this work.
According to Goran Marković, today's revisionists see the Chetnik movement as anti-fascist although in November 1941 this movement began collaborating with the occupiers and other quislings, it actually means that in 1941 we had an anti-fascist movement which refused to fight against fascism and collaborated with fascism. Goran Marković; (2014) Četnici i antifašizam (Chetniks and anti-fascism, in Serbian) p. 177; Hereticus Časopis za preispitivanje proslosti Vol. XII, No. l-2; The Serbian basketball player Milan Gurović has a tattoo of Mihailović on his left arm which has resulted in a ban since 2004 in playing in Croatia where it is "considered an incitement ... of racial, national or religious hatred".
Militant anti-fascism emerged in Sweden in the early 1990s, in particular around the yearly November 30 protests in Lund and Stockholm propelled by blockades of neo-nazi marches in both cities in 1991. The main militant antifascist group in the country was the Antifascistisk Aktion (AFA), founded in Sweden in 1993 with as many as 20 branches in the late 1990s. It was inspired by a group with the same name that had started in Copenhagen in 1991 and British groups with similar names from the 1980s. The early tactics mainly focused on large demonstrations, in particular blockades of marches inspired by the 30th November events in Lund between 1991 and 1993.
Popular interest in Rosas further increased with the start of the Spanish Civil War and World War II, which increased and radicalized the disputes between supporters of fascism and anti-fascism to its highest level in Latin America. Most historians tried to avoid the modern political controversies and stay focused on the time period under study; Emilio Ravignani warned in 1939 that the figure of Rosas should not be used to justify modern dictatorships. Still, those disputes influenced the way people perceived history. Academics as Diego Luis Molinari and José María Rosa were attacked by student unions that considered them Nazis because of their support to Rosas, and tried to prevent them from teaching at universities.
It achieved this goal in 1930, but failed to capitalize on the gains. LVȚ and PC monarchism was generally moderate and within the classical political spectrum, reclaiming the legacy of the old-regime Conservative Party; however, the League idealized efficient government by dictatorial means, and its fringes grouped ultra-nationalists and fascists. Always a minor force, the PC relied on support from larger parties: the Democratic Nationalist Party (PND), the People's Party (PP), and eventually the National Peasants' Party (PNȚ). While its more radical members left to join the Iron Guard, Filipescu stated his anti-fascism, and, eventually, to the authoritarian tendencies of King Carol, who ultimately banned all political parties but the National Renaissance Front.
Mussolini declared his opposition to Bolshevism because "Bolshevism has ruined the economic life of Russia" and because he claimed that Bolshevism was incompatible with Western civilization; he said that "we declare war against socialism, not because it is socialism, but because it has opposed nationalism", that "we intend to be an active minority, to attract the proletariat away from the official Socialist party" and that "we go halfway toward meeting the workers"; and he declared that "we favor national syndicalism and reject state intervention whenever it aims at throttling the creation of wealth."Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present. Oxford, England, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
Self-described "artivists", Massimo and Pierce, met on October 26, 2001 on the set of an underground pornographic film in which both were performing. The pair, who had both worked as male sex-workers since their teens, formed a romantic and artistic relationship which cumulated in the formation of the queer, post-industrial Black Sun Productions collective. The pair also operated Zurich-based queer sexual fetish clubs and engaged in collaborations with a diverse range of artists including Coil, Lydia Lunch and H.R. Giger. The Black Sun Productions collective have a long-standing commitment to the exploration of altered state of consciousness, esoteric sexual practices, anarchist political theory and practice, DIY ethics, anti-fascism and anti-racist movements.
Moreover, the American League for Peace and Democracy (ALPD) was the principal socio-political group who actively worked towards peace by way of anti-fascism rather than by pacifism; as such, the ALPD was the most important organization within the Popular Front, a pro-Soviet coalition of anti-fascist political organizations.Rossinow (2004) As in Europe, in the 1920s and 1930s, the intellectuals of the U.S. either sympathized with or joined the U.S. Communist Party, to oppose the economic excesses of capitalism and fascism, which they perceived as its political form. In 1936, the newspaper columnist Max Lerner included the term fellow traveler in the article "Mr. Roosevelt and His Fellow Travelers" (The Nation).
Only in the 1980s, however, did their resistance activity started to be appreciated again, with several historical books written on the matter. The historian Milica Kacin Wohinz was one of the first to produce a thorough study of the movement in a monograph entitled "The First Anti-Fascism in Europe", and published in 1990. Throughout the 1990s, the history of TIGR received increased publicity and started to be mentioned in public speeches. In 1994, the Association for the Nourishment of Patriotic Traditions of the Slovenian Littoral Organization TIGR (colloquially known as the "Association TIGR" or "Patriotic Association TIGR") was formed in Postojna, and eventually became the main promoter of the positive evaluation of the TIGR legacy.
" A critic of antisemitism, Eugen Relgis also dedicated some of his main works in the essay genre to the cause of anti- fascism. Early on, he exposed claims about Judeo-Masonic domination as canards, and noted that antisemitism was a negative reaction to the Jews' own status as natural innovators in both politics and culture. He wrote: "I take antisemitism to be that psychological disease whose manifestations display the characteristics of a phobia, that is to say an obsession. When someone is obsessed with an image, an individual or even a collective entity, these become the center of their world—and all causes and effects, no matter how far apart and different from each other, are connected to the initial obsession.
As this alliance is also supported by the Social Democratic Party of Austria and The Greens, it is regarded as a mainstream effort to protest against the ball.Jetzt Zeichen setzen!: 70 Jahre Befreiung von Auschwitz – 70 Jahre Bauen an einem demokratischen, offenen Österreich und Europa, retrieved January 18, 2015Progress On-Line: "Antifaschismus ist notwendig, aber nicht ausreichend", Interview with two representatives from NOWKR, retrieved January 18, 2015 [Anti-fascism is necessary but not sufficient] The first demonstration of "Jetzt Zeichen setzen!" on the Heldenplatz (in front of the Hofburg Palace) on January 27, 2012, already attracted several thousand protesters. Speakers at their demonstrations are Holocaust survivors or former emigrants like Rudolf Gelbard and , as well as politicians from the Social Democrats and The Greens.
Alongside the broad "marches and music festival" focus of the ANL, in 1977 the SWP also formed regional fighting groups, initially in Manchester and then elsewhere, known as "squads" to both safeguard the ANL's broad, populist activities, though aggressive stewarding, and also to fight the National Front street gangs whenever the opportunity arose.Steve Tilzey and Dave Hann No Retreat 2003 Although the SWP leadership eventually turned against this "dual track" approach to anti- fascism – expelling many leading "squadists" in a purge in late 1981 – it is said to have proved an effective strategy during the ANL's early years from 1977 to 1979.Steve Tilzey and Dave Hann No Retreat London: Milo Books, 2003; Sean Birchall Beating the Fascists' London: Freedom Press, 2010.
DKU was founded in 1999, taking the name of the old Communist Party of Denmark youth wing (that had been disbanded in 1990), with the stated goal of fighting for anti- imperialism, for anti-fascism and for improvement of working class youth."This camp will be a valuable contribution to the Danish and international struggle of the youth", Interview, Communist Youth League of Denmark, July 2006 In 2000, the DKU became the youth branch of the Arbejderpartiet Kommunisterne (Workers' Communist Party of Denmark)."Ungkommunisterne", Documentary, Danish Broadcasting Corporation, 10 December 2009 Troels Riis Larsen served as the group chairman from 1999 to 2005. In 2005, Larsen was replaced as Chairman by Cathrine Frederikke Pedersen, a 23-year-old anthropology student from Copenhagen University.
Some of the practices of struggle that characterized the movement were formalized during the 70s and tended to propose a model of direct action where change was to take place immediately, with the reappropriation of goods and areas claimed as a right. Occupation of vacant and / or abandoned houses, proletarian expropriations, one-sided reduction of bills and services in general (from cinema to catering operations), became the typical practices of the movement, which stood alongside the separate actions of extra- parliamentary left as militant anti-fascism. The movement of '77 involved some marginalized sectors of society in large cities, such as those living in slums. The movement was committed to counter the circulation of heroin, through information campaigns and by fighting trafficking.
Ribeiro-Addy was born and raised in Streatham, growing up on a council estate on Brixton Hill. She is Christian and of Ghanaian descent. Privately educated at the independent Streatham and Clapham High School, Ribeiro-Addy graduated as a Bachelor of Science in Biomedical Science with Ethics & Philosophy of Science from the University of Bradford later gaining a Master of Arts in Medical Law & Ethics at Queen Mary University of London, awarded in 2007, and a Graduate Diploma in Law at BPP Law School, awarded in 2015. She was the National Black Students' Officer for the National Union of Students (NUS) from 2008 to 2010, national co-ordinator of the Student Assembly Against Racism, and the national convenor of the NUS' Anti-Racism/Anti-Fascism campaign.
In accordance with the wartime electoral truce, the Labour and Liberal parties declined to stand candidates but Grigg was opposed by a representative of the Independent Labour Party (ILP), Fenner Brockway.The Times, 6 April 1942 p2 Brockway was originally a journalist but became active on the left of British politics. He had been a pacifist and was imprisoned during World War I for opposing conscription and later for being a conscientious objector but his anti-fascism, particularly his support for the Republicans in the Spanish Civil War softened his anti-militarism. He had been Labour MP for Leyton East from 1929-1931 but after the 1931 general election the ILP disaffiliated en masse from the Labour Party and formed a separate political party.
From 1935, most of the centrist wing embraced anti-fascism, outvoting the PNȚ's far-right, which split of as a Romanian Front, under Alexandru Vaida-Voevod; in that interval, the PNȚ set up pro-democratic paramilitary units, or Peasant Guards. However, the party signed a temporary cooperation agreement with the fascist Iron Guard ahead of national elections in 1937, sparking much controversy among its own voters. The PNȚ was banned under the National Renaissance Front (1938–1940), which also absorbed its centrists. Regrouped under Maniu, it remained active throughout World War II as an underground organization, tolerated by successive fascist regimes, but supportive of the Allied Powers; it also organized protests against the deportation of minorities and for the return of Northern Transylvania.
204 Banksy once characterised graffiti as a form of underclass "revenge", or guerrilla warfare that allows an individual to snatch away power, territory and glory from a bigger and better equipped enemy. Banksy sees a social class component to this struggle, remarking "If you don't own a train company then you go and paint on one instead." Banksy's work has also shown a desire to mock centralised power, hoping that their work will show the public that although power does exist and works against you, that power is not terribly efficient and it can and should be deceived. Banksy's works have dealt with various political and social themes, including anti-war, anti-consumerism, anti-fascism, anti-imperialism, anti-authoritarianism, anarchism, nihilism, and existentialism.
Disgruntled by the MSI's focus on parliamentarism and their attempts to establish an image of democratic respectability, the radicals broke out to create several splinter groups. Pino Rauti and others left in 1956 to found Ordine Nuovo, while Stefano Delle Chiaie established the National Vanguard in 1960. In the wider context of the Cold War, anti-communism had replaced anti- fascism as the abiding principle of the Italian Republic, and Christian Democrats started to accept political backing from the party (along with Monarchists and Liberals) to prop up their minority governments after the 1958 general election. Already in the late 1940s, the Christian Democrats, somewhat reluctantly, had discreetly accepted support from the MSI to keep the Communists out of the Roman city government.
Although it was for a long time preoccupied with the debate of fascism and anti-fascism, the party distanced itself from this in the early 1990s to rather focus on contemporary Italian issues. While both wings of the party agreed after the 1950s that fascism was dead, they nevertheless saw some good things in fascism which they wanted to reinstitute. When the party transformed itself into the AN, it outspokenly rejected fascism, as well as "any kind of totalitarianism and racism." In contrast to other far-right parties in Europe which increased their power in the late 1980s, the MSI chose not to campaign against immigration, because Italy was less concerned about the topic at the time versus other European countries.
January 1942 letter of protest, signed by Iuliu Maniu and Dinu Brătianu and addressed to Antonescu The circumstances of wartime accounted for cautious and ambivalent approaches to Antonescu's rule from among the Romanian political mainstream, which grouped advocates of liberal democracy and anti-fascism. According to Gledhill and King: "Romanian liberals had been critical of their government's warm relationship with Hitler, which had been developing throughout the 1930s, but the [1940] Soviet attack on Romanian territory left them with little chance but to support Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union." Other authors also cite the Greater Romanian agenda of the Antonescu executive as a reason behind the widespread acquiescence.Final Report, pp.284–285, 320, 324; Deletant, p.319; Gella, p.171; King, pp.93–94; Trașcă, pp.
Ion Negoiţescu (; also known as Nego; August 10, 1921 – February 6, 1993) was a Romanian literary historian, critic, poet, novelist and memoirist, one of the leading members of the Sibiu Literary Circle. A rebellious and eccentric figure, Negoiţescu began his career while still an adolescent, and made himself known as a literary ideologue of the 1940s generation. Moving from a youthful affiliation to the fascist Iron Guard, which he later came to regret, the author became a disciple of modernist doyen Eugen Lovinescu, and, by 1943, rallied the entire Sibiu Circle to the cause of anti-fascism. He was also one of the few openly homosexual intellectuals in Romania to have come out before the 1990s—an experience which, like his political commitments, is recorded in his controversial autobiographical writings.
In another 2019 interview, Bulajic stated that anti-fascism is under threat in Europe, and that the nationalist movements across the continent are reminiscent of the 1930s. Also in 2019, Bulajic was a signatory to a public appeal urging the international community to condemn the Serbian "political, religious and media campaign" aimed at destabilizing peace and stability in neighboring Montenegro. Other signatories included former Croatian President Stjepan Mesic, former Yugoslav Foreign Minister and ambassador to the U.S., Germany and Indonesia Budimir Loncar, former President of Slovenia Milan Kucan, former Secretary of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia Latinka Perovic, former Member of the Presidency of Yugoslavia for SR Bosnia and Herzegovina Bogic Bogicevic, Croatian Ambassador to UNESCO & Bet Israel founder Ivo Goldstein, and others.
Martina Thiele remarked that "Naked Among Wolves is not a holocaust film in the strict sense, but rather a 'testimony of anti- Fascism'." The picture emphasized the international solidarity of the communists, and the racial classifications in the concentration camp were largely overlooked.Thiele. p. 264. Daniela Berghahn wrote that, as official East German discourse about the wartime persecution of Jews was subject to a Marxist interpretation of history, the topic was marginalized; in addition, the politics of the Cold War and the Arab-Israeli Conflict made the theme highly sensitive. Berghahn commented that the child was not in the center of the plot, but served as an "infantile victim" who had to be protected by the "communist heroes... Beyer's film reaffirms the official GDR conception of the Holocaust."Berghahn. p. 88.
Guido Jung (February 2, 1876 – December 25, 1949) was a successful Jewish-born Italian banker and merchant from Sicily, who later converted to Catholicism. He was a member of the Grand Council of Fascism and served as Italian Minister of Finance from 1932-35 under Benito Mussolini. Jung was an important player in international finance during the interwar period, leading Italian negotiations with the United States over tariff questions, heading Italo- German economic talks with Hermann Göring, and representing Italy at the London Economic Conference during which he was heralded in press reports for his diplomatic tact. Jung was ultimately sidelined by Mussolini due to his Jewish heritage, despite reports from the Organization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism that described him as a disciplined and loyal fascist.
In addition, it demanded radical disarmament in both the East and West, solidarity between people, and responsible management of nature. It stated that the GDR's social values and achievements should be preserved, stating these to include the right to work, the system of children's institutions, the involvement of cooperative and public property in the economy, and anti- fascism and internationalism. Central to its platform were demands to maintain the status quo with regard to the continued employment of the former SED members and land reform undertaken by the SED. Instead of unification with the West, the PDS advocated the creation of a confederal structure between the two countries while preserving statehood, and sought a gradual transition to a neutral and demilitarized German confederation within the framework of European unity.
However, it is precisely this right that is denied to each and every one. In order to keep the system functioning, the division and partition of society have to be preserved and even reinforced: a division into those who kick and those who get kicked." RAW are present at all anti-fascist events in Austria. The activists are concerned with „racism, queer-feminism, homophobia, anti-fascism (still and forever...), also with alternative models of life and relationships, surveillance, lookism, with prohibitionism, the politics of suppression and a lot more“. The Viennese activists participate in demonstrations against fascism or capitalism in Austria like the manifestation against Austria's national holiday, the walks against poverty, the demonstrations No one is illegal, the "Feminist actions against Christian fundamentalism“ in Salzburg or at the Rainbow Parade in Vienna.
The choral Ninth Symphony (1997), – "dedicated to the heroes and martyrs of German anti-fascism" – to a libretto by Hans-Ulrich Treichel based on motifs from the novel The Seventh Cross by Anna Seghers is a defiant rejection of Nazi barbarism, with which Henze himself lived as a child and teenager. His last success was the 2003 premiere of the opera L'Upupa und der Triumph der Sohnesliebe (English: The Hoopoe and the Triumph of Filial Love) at the Salzburg Festival, with a text he wrote himself, based on a Syrian fairy tale. Other late compositions include Sebastian im Traum (2004) for large orchestra and the opera Phaedra (2007). Henze lived with his partner Fausto Moroni from the early sixties, and Moroni planned and planted the hillside garden around La Leprara.
Modern antifa politics can be traced to opposition to the infiltration of Britain's punk scene by white power skinheads in the 1970s and 1980s, and the emergence of neo-Nazism in Germany following the fall of the Berlin Wall. In Germany, young leftists, including anarchists and punk fans, renewed the practice of street-level anti- fascism. Columnist Peter Beinart writes that "in the late '80s, left-wing punk fans in the United States began following suit, though they initially called their groups Anti-Racist Action (ARA) on the theory that Americans would be more familiar with fighting racism than they would be with fighting fascism". Dartmouth College historian Mark Bray, author of Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook, credits the ARA as the precursor of modern antifa groups in the United States.
Hepburn, Eve. The Ideological Polarisation and Depolarisation of Sardinian Nationalism, Regional and Federal Studies Vol. 19, No.5. (2010) Sardinian nationalism thus established itself as the most important mass movement in Sardinia, and the Psd'Az a political force that Benito Mussolini eventually banned in 1926; the overt Sardists would then be forced into hiding and some of them participated in the main European fronts of anti-fascism (like Emilio Lussu, and Dino Giacobbe and Giuseppe Zuddas in the Spanish Civil War), while others decided to join the Fascist Party, hoping that by adhering to the regime Sardinia would get autonomy in exchange (a demand facing an immediate rejection) or at least some attention from the Mainland (which they eventually got through some moderate funding concentrated in Cagliari for the local infrastructures).
The movement declares itself not linked to any party and to mainly pursue the ideals of anti-fascism and the fight against racial discrimination, as well as the rejection of right-wing populism and verbal violence in Italian politics, which they claim should be legally considered as physical violence. The Sardines movement has been generally considered on the left-wing of the political spectrum and has been compared to Girotondi and Purple People, two grassroots movements which rose up in the 2000s to protest against then Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. According to some political commentators, the movement would be limited only to a generic critique of the right-wing, with its open opposition to Matteo Salvini, who is depicted as an authoritarian and undemocratic leader. Moreover critics accused the Sardines of supporting the ruling centre-left government of Giuseppe Conte.
As the French military historian Jacques Guillermaz observed, > The Long March helped the Chinese Communist Party to achieve a greater > independence of Moscow. Everything tended in the same direction – Mao > Zedong's appointment as Chairman of the Party, happening as it did in > unusual conditions, practical difficulties in maintaining contact, the > Comintern's tendency to remain in the background to help the creation of > popular fronts, under cover of patriotism or anti-fascism. In fact, after > the Zunyi Conference, the Russians seem to have had less and less influence > in the Chinese Communist Party's internal affairs. In light of more recent > history, this was perhaps one of the major consequences of the Long > March.Guillermaz, p. 263. Wang Ming's influence over the main Communist forces was minimal after Mao Zedong's emergence from the Zunyi Conference of January 1935 as the undisputed head of the Party.
A 1931 KPD resolution described the SPD, referred to as "social fascists", as the "main pillar of the dictatorship of Capital". Consequently, anti-fascism in the language of the KPD and anti-fascist action, from its new activist wing known as Antifaschistische Aktion, also included the struggle against the social democrats. In the early 1930s, the KPD had stated that "fighting fascism means fighting the SPD just as much as it means fighting Hitler and the parties of Brüning". While some KPD members initially believed Antifa should include other leftists, this opinion was quickly suppressed by the KPD leadership which made it clear that Antifa would also oppose the SPD and that "Anti- Fascist Action means untiring daily exposure of the shameless, treacherous role of the SPD and ADGB leaders who are the direct filthy helpers of fascism".
Berlin Wall: Five things you might not know, The Telegraph, 11 August 2011 The anti-Zionist struggle was seen as an important part of the anti-fascist struggle and Israel was regarded by East Germany as a "fascist state" alongside the United States and West Germany. Jeffrey Herf argues that East Germany was waging an undeclared war on Israel and that "East Germany played a salient role in the Soviet bloc's antagonism toward Israel". According to Herf, after becoming a member of the United Nations (UN), East Germany "made excellent use of the UN to wage political warfare against Israel [and was] an enthusiastic, high-profile, and vigorous member" of the anti-Israeli majority of the General Assembly. Anti-fascism as interpreted by East Germany served as a "legitimizing ideology" and "state doctrine" of the regime.
Although Einsatzgruppe H complained that POHG members tried to save acquaintances who had been captured as partisans, some victims of POHG atrocities have become famous symbols of anti-fascism, especially Mirek Nešpor, who allegedly committed suicide after being tortured by the POHG at Vlčova Street in Bratislava. On 1 September, the German authorities decided to use the POHG as the main means of implementing the Final Solution in Slovakia. There was little resistance within the POHG to murdering Jewish citizens; the Hlinka Guard had a history of committing anti-Jewish violence, and many guardsmen could not resist the opportunity to enrich themselves by stealing from murdered Jews. Kubala ordered that all property stolen from Jews be deposited in a special account in a Bratislava bank, but in practice most property was appropriated by the unit involved in the persecution of Jews.
Soon after, the Anti-Nazi League (ANL) was launched by the Socialist Workers Party (SWP). The ANL had a large-scale propaganda campaign and squads that attacked NF meetings and paper sales. The success of the ANL's campaigns contributed to the end of the NF's period of growth. During this period, there were also a number of black-led anti-fascist organizations, including the Campaign Against Racism and Fascism (CARF) and local groups like the Newham Monitoring Project."NMP’s History of Resisting Racism and Injustice"; Alastair BonnettRadicalism, Anti- Racism and Representation, London: Routledge, 2013, p. 57; Nigel Copsey Anti- Fascism in Britain, Springer, 1999, pp. 125–183 The SWP disbanded the ANL in 1981, but many squad members refused to stop their activities. They were expelled from the SWP in 1981, many going on to found Red Action.
Gaskarov expressed surprise at the judge's action, saying that he had little faith in the Russian judicial system. The prosecution presented no new evidence against Gaskarov, aside from a FSB report stating that Gaskarov was a longtime activist of the antifascist movement (apparently in an informal youth association), was an organizer and participant of unauthorized actions (and so detained on March 20th, 2010 for it), had foreign contacts, and had taken part in unsanctioned protests. The prosecution accused him of Gaskarov testified “that anti-fascism is not a crime, that his antifascist views cannot be cause to place him under arrest, and that his trips abroad are his own personal affair.” Gaskarov said that on March 20th he participated in the march as a correspondent for the NGO Institute "Collective action" and, after his arrest, was acquitted by the magistrate's court.
Croatian Wikipedia sitenotice that translates to "official and public refutation of yellow journalism by Jutarnji list" In September 2013, complaints about right-wing bias of administrators and editors on the Croatian Wikipedia began to receive attention from the media, following the launch of a Facebook page titled Razotkrivanje sramotne hr.wikipedije () which was created with the intent of bringing attention to the issue. According to Jurica Pavičić, a professor at the University of Split and Jutarnji list columnist, the gradual takeover of the Croatian Wikipedia was started in 2009 by "a small group of conservative administrators" who blocked editors for having "liberal- to-moderate views on controversial topics". Reported examples of bias include historical revisionism such as watering-down and denial of the crimes committed by the Ustashe regime, and equating anti-fascism with forms of totalitarianism.
In an interview given to Index.hr, Robert Kurelić, a professor of history at the Juraj Dobrila University of Pula, has commented that "the Croatian Wikipedia is only a tool used by its administrators to promote their own political agendas, giving false and distorted facts". As two particularly prominent examples he listed the Croatian Wikipedia's coverage of the term Istrijanstvo (Istrian regionalism), defined as a "movement fabricated to reduce the number of Croats", and antifašizam (anti-fascism), which according to him is defined as the opposite of what it really means. Kurelić further advised "that it would be good if a larger number of people got engaged and started writing on Wikipedia", because "administrators want to exploit high- school and university students, the most common users of Wikipedia, to change their opinions and attitudes, which presents a serious issue".
Upon abandoning this stance due to opposition to it, Mussolini no longer said his previous assertion that Bolshevism was Jewish, but warned that due to the large numbers of Jews in the Bolshevik movement the rise of Bolshevism in Russia would result in a ferocious wave of antisemitism in Russia. He then claimed that "antisemitism is foreign to the Italian people", but warned Zionists that they should be careful not to stir up antisemitism in "the only country where it has not existed". Margherita Sarfatti was an influential Jewish member of the PNF whom Mussolini had known since he and her had been members of the PSI and she had been his mistress and helped write Dux (1926), a biography of Mussolini.Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and the Resistance in Italy: 1919 To the Present.
Willi Münzenberg (undated)Wilhelm "Willi" Münzenberg (14 August 1889, Erfurt, Germany – June 1940, Saint-Marcellin, France) was a German Communist political activist and publisher. Münzenberg was the first head of the Young Communist International in 1919–20 and established the famine-relief and propaganda organization Workers International Relief in 1921. He was a leading propagandist for the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) during the Weimar Era, but later grew disenchanted with the USSR due to Joseph Stalin's Great Purge of the 1930s. Condemned by Stalin to be purged and arrested for treason,Koch, Stephen, Double Lives: Stalin, Willi Münzenberg and the Seduction of the Intellectuals, New York: Enigma Books (2004), Revised Edition, pp. 14, 20, 77, 90–91, 333, 362 Münzenberg left the KPD and in Paris became a leader of the German émigré anti-fascism and anti-Stalinist community until forced to flee the Nazi advance into France in 1940.
Flag of the Arditi del Popolo, a militant anti- fascist group founded in 1921 In Italy, Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime used the term "anti-fascist" to describe its opponents. Mussolini's secret police was officially known as Organizzazione per la Vigilanza e la Repressione dell'Antifascismo (OVRA), Italian for "Organization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism"). In the Kingdom of Italy in the 1920s, anti- fascists—many from the labor movement—fought against the violent Blackshirts and against the rise of the fascist leader Benito Mussolini. After the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) signed a pacification pact with Mussolini and his Fasces of Combat on 3 August 1921,Charles F. Delzell, edit., Mediterranean Fascism 1919-1945, New York, NY, Walker and Company, 1971, p. 26 and trade unions adopted a legalist and pacified strategy, members of the workers' movement who disagreed with this strategy formed the Arditi del popolo.
While best known for her photography, she did printing, lithography and painting. She also worked as a curator and editor. Yampolsky's career began when she arrived to Mexico City to study painting and sculpture at the National School for Painting, Sculpture and Graphics, commonly known as La Esmeralda. She met Pablo O'Higgins, who would introduce her shortly thereafter to Leopoldo Méndez. She became a member of the Taller de Gráfica Popular (People's Graphics Workshop) in 1945 as the only woman at the time. This was an organization dedicated to creating and promoting art with a political slant, especially anti-fascism, for the masses, founded in 1937 by Leopoldo Méndez, Pablo O'Higgins and Luis Arenal. She was a printmaker with this group until 1960, and the first member of its Executive Committee. Through the Taller she exhibited her printmaking work from between 1945 and 1958.
Organised antisemitism in the United Kingdom can be traced to the proto-fascistSam Johnson, '"Trouble Is Yet Coming!" The British Brothers League, Immigration, and Anti-Jewish Sentiment in London's East End, 1901-1903' in Robert Nemes and Daniel Unowsky (eds), Sites of European Antisemitism in the Age of Mass Politics, 1880-1918 (Brandeis University Press, 2014) paramilitaryRobert Benewick, The Fascist Movement in Britain (Allen Lane, 1972) group, the British Brothers League (BBL),David Osler, 'The antisemitic traditions of the Tory Party' (04/08/14) on Left Foot Forward which was founded in 1901 by members of the Conservative Party,D. Renton, Fascism, Anti-Fascism and Britain in the 1940s (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000)D. Glover, Literature, Immigration, and Diaspora in Fin-de- Siècle England: A Cultural History of the 1905 Aliens Act (CUP, 2012) including MPs Howard Vincent and William Evans-Gordon, and drew its membership from sections of the Conservative Party.
After the Second World War the German Esperanto Association purged itself of its Nazi past and of members like Anton Vogt, a Nazi party member who in 1935 had been UEA vice- president. While a resolution put forward by Dr. Ivo Lapenna on behalf of eight national Esperanto associations to condemn fascism did not pass at the Berne Congress, in part because of fears of having to take sides in the incipient Cold War, the German association dedicated itself to anti-fascism and pacifism. Anti-fascist sentiment was very popular among Esperantists; after all, Nazi Germany had eventually prohibited Esperanto in the Third Reich despite all the prewar attempts to meld the incompatible ideals of Esperantism and Nazi ideology. By now atrophied to a shadow of its former self, the leadership of the Geneva UEA realized that an organization independent of the successful IEL had no future.
Milan Blagojević (; 14 October 1905 - 28/29 October 1941), better known as Španac (; ) was a Yugoslav partisan, Spanish-trained commando and republican volunteer in the Spanish Civil War and is credited for initiating the anti- fascist struggle in Yugoslavia during World War II. Partisan commander Milan Blagojević Španac was killed by the Chetniks in October 1941 in PožegaGoran Marković; (2014) Četnici i antifašizam (Chetniks and anti-fascism, in Serbian) p. 183; Hereticus Časopis za preispitivanje proslosti Vol. XII, No. l-2; {Četnici su u pojedinim incidentima ubijali partizanske borce i rukovodioce, a naročito je poznat slučaj ubistva partizanskog komandanta Milana Blagojevića Španca, kojeg su četnici izveli iz voza kojim se vraćao u svoj odred i ubili..Chetniks killed partisan fighters and leaders in some incidents, and the case of the murder of Partisan commander Milan Blagojevic is especially well-known, he was taken out of the train by the Chetniks on his way back to his detachment and killed.} Политика(Politika); (05.04.
Milica Kacin Wohinz, Jože Pirjevec, Storia degli sloveni in Italia : 1866–1998 (Venice: Marsilio, 1998)Milica Kacin Wohinz, Narodnoobrambno gibanje primorskih Slovencev : 1921–1928 (Trieste: Založništvo tržaškega tiska, 1977) The most influential was the militant insurgent organization TIGR, which carried out numerous sabotages, as well as attacks on representatives of the Fascist Party and the military.Milica Kacin Wohinz, Prvi antifašizem v Evropi (Koper: Lipa, 1990)Mira Cenčič, TIGR : Slovenci pod Italijo in TIGR na okopih v boju za narodni obstoj (Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1997) Most of the underground structure of the organization was discovered and dismantled by the Organization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism (OVRA) in 1940 and 1941,Vid Vremec, Pinko Tomažič in drugi tržaški proces 1941 (Trieste: Založništvo tržaškega tiska, 1989) and after June 1941 most of its former activists joined the Slovene Partisans. During World War II, many members of the Italian resistance left their homes and went to live in the mountains, fighting against Italian fascists and German Nazi soldiers.
In particular, Creţu sees as outstanding the young critic's verdicts on George Călinescu's novel Enigma Otiliei (where Negoiţescu had identified, probably ahead of all other commentators, a level of parody running underneath the formal borrowings from Honoré de Balzac) and on the poems of George Bacovia (compared by Negoiţescu to the overall artistic standards of the local Symbolist circles, with which Bacovia had been formally affiliated). Written in parallel, Povestea tristă a lui Ramon Ocg, described by Ştefănescu as marking Negoiţescu's brief affiliation with Surrealism, romanticizes the life of Mexican film star Ramón Novarro, with emphasis on Navarro's homosexuality. In Bogdan Creţu's definition, the book shows Negoiţescu's commitment to anti-fascism, and especially his use of satire against "the fascist ideology, with all its abuses." Creţu also notes that the printing of Povestea tristă... was financed with money Negoiţescu had made by selling his leather boots, part of a Guardist's paramilitary attire.
The historical seat of the Communist Party of Germany (Karl-Liebknecht-Haus) with prominently displayed logo of the Antifaschistische Aktion, 1932 Antifa The post-war history of the anti-fascist movement in Germany includes two distinct traditions, an East German tradition and a tradition that arose in West Germany during the 1970s, both drawing inspiration from the earlier Antifaschistische Aktion of the Weimar Republic. According to German government institutions the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and the Federal Agency for Civic Education, the contemporary Antifa or anti-fascist movement in Germany—the terms are often used interchangeably in German—is composed of multiple far-left, autonomous, militant groups and individuals who describe themselves as anti-fascist. The use of the epithet fascist against opponents and the understanding of capitalism as a form of fascism are central to the movement. According to political scientist and Christian Democratic Union politician Tim Peters, the term anti-fascism is primarily used by the far left in contemporary Germany.
National-anarchists claim that those of different ethnic or racial groups would be free to develop separately in their own tribal communes while striving to be politically meritocratic, economically non-capitalist, ecologically sustainable and socially and culturally traditional. Although the term national-anarchism dates back as far as the 1920s, the contemporary national-anarchist movement has been put forward since the late 1990s by British political activist Troy Southgate, who positions it as being "beyond left and right". The few scholars who have studied national-anarchism conclude that it represents a further evolution in the thinking of the radical right rather than an entirely new dimension on the political spectrum. National-anarchism is considered by anarchists as being a rebranding of totalitarian fascism and an oxymoron due to the inherent contradiction of anarchist philosophy of anti-fascism, abolition of unjustified hierarchy, dismantling of national borders and universal equality between different nationalities as being incompatible with the idea of a synthesis between anarchism and fascism.
With the collapse of the Hitler government the ban on non-Nazi political parties lapsed and was lifted. The Socialist Unity Party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands / SED) was formed in April 1946 through the contentious merger of the former Communist Party and Social Democratic Party. Although there are indications that the engineers of the merger intended that it should be implemented in all four occupied zones, it was only effected in the Soviet occupation zone. Driven by passionate anti-fascism and a determination that divisions on the political left should never again permit the emergence of a nationalist-populist government, Gerhard Riege was one of hundreds of thousands of Communists and others who promptly enrolled in the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, which over the next few years emerged as the ruling party in the National Front of the German Democratic Republic's single-party dictatorship, closely modelled on the Leninist model which the Ulbricht leadership team had studied in depth during their political exile in Moscow before 1945.
National-anarchists claim that those of different ethnic or racial groups would be free to develop separately in their own tribal communes while striving to be politically meritocratic, economically non-capitalist, ecologically sustainable and socially and culturally traditional. Although the term national-anarchism dates back as far as the 1920s, the contemporary national-anarchist movement has been put forward since the late 1990s by British political activist Troy Southgate, who positions it as being "beyond left and right". The few scholars who have studied national- anarchism conclude that it represents a further evolution in the thinking of the radical right rather than an entirely new dimension on the political spectrum. National-anarchism is considered by anarchists as being a rebranding of totalitarian fascism and an oxymoron due to the inherent contradiction of anarchist philosophy of anti-fascism, abolition of unjustified hierarchy, dismantling of national borders and universal equality between different nationalities as being incompatible with the idea of a synthesis between anarchism and fascism.
In her opinion, Germany needed the slap to prove the guilt of the Nazi followers, to avenge dead Russians and German youth soldiers, to sympathize with concentration camp victims, to clean the occupied countries and daughter crew opponents as Manolis Glezos, the glory of the Scholl siblings, to reconcile with the Jewish, Russian and Polish people, for a joint anti-fascism, for an association "freed from the urge for hegemony" of "three or two" Germany, for "socialism and peace, for the other nations of the respected world" and respect for women among the bombing and torture victims of the Holocaust.Die Geschichte einer Ohrfeige, Audiodatei, Neues Deutschland, 8.Beate Klarsfeld: Ohrfeige für Pg. 2633930 (PDF; 128 kB) In: elan, Dezember 1968 (mit Klarsfelds Rede und der Schriftstellererklärung dazu) Klarsfeld was accompanied by her mother on 11 November 1968 in Brussels where two days later Kiesinger was to speak on the evening of 13 November 1968 to the Grandes Conférences Catholiques.
As a group they claim to be apolitical and the lyrics of their songs are generally quite subcultural in nature – about having fun, being honest and living life accordingly to your ideals – but all members are committed to anti-fascism and some of them take part in various sports or anarchist initiatives during their free time. They also have a zero tolerance attitude towards racism and recognise the diverse roots of their musical genre. Although Mister X's self-proclaimed apolitical stance initially led to them being somewhat ostracised on the then highly politicised Belarusian punk scene, it has not stopped them from garnering an international following of fans in the years following the band's creation, despite difficulties with the country's regime and travelling. One of their gigs in Ryazan was broken up by the Russian law enforcement under false accusation of drug use, which later lead to several cases of police brutality and torture on numerous members of the audience.
He enrolled in an Italian-language Catholic seminary in Koper, and graduated in 1935. He then went to Gorizia to study theology, leaving in 1938. The 1936 Fascist attack on Slovene choirmaster Lojze Bratuž — who was kidnapped, tortured, and killed on Christmas Eve because his choirs continued singing in Slovene — was later referred to by Pahor as confirming his dedication to anti-Fascism and the Slovene ethnic cause, as well as a lifelong intellectual opposition to all totalitarianisms in the name of Christian humanist and communitarian values. Although no public and private use of Slovene was allowed and the relations between Slovenes living in Fascist Italy and those from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia were forcibly cut off, Pahor nevertheless managed to publish his first short stories in several magazines in Ljubljana (then part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) under the pseudonym Jožko Ambrožič, after he began to study standard Slovene during his stay in Capodistria and Gorizia.
Chetan has been actively organizing, speaking at and helping lead statewide socio-political seminars and campaigns such as pro- class/caste/gender equality measures, private sector reservations, all-women police stations demands, youth awareness, anti-fascism discussions, and grassroots mobilization with farmers/student/backwards/workers/women's/Dalits/youth organizations. Regions of work across Karnataka have been Bengaluru, Bidar, Mysuru, Kalaburgi, Chamrajanagar, Kolar, Kodagu, Hassan, Hubli-Dharwad, Haveri, Chikkabalapura, Davangere, Mandya, Tumkur, Shimoga, Chitradurga, and Dakshin Kannad. Chetan, a staunch Ambedkarite, has been consistently involved in Dalit equality and dignity struggles both on-ground and through his social media writings. He writes: "Atrocities on Dalits— one-way, top-down oppression-- are not occasional occurrences. Casteism is systematic and institutionally ingrained… With such a plethora of injustices against Dalits, it’s about time we stop relegating the discussion on Dalit equality merely to reservations". His social work/activism includes the following: _India against Corruption (2011)_ Chetan joined the pan-Indian anti-corruption movement through on-ground protests and several in-studio TV interviews/discussions in Kannada and English.
Anti-fascist protest led by anarchists in Dresden German government institutions such as the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and the Federal Agency for Civic Education describe the contemporary antifa movement as part of the extreme left and antifa groups are monitored by the federal office in the context of its legal mandate to combat extremism under the provisions allowed for by the German system of a Streitbare Demokratie ("fortified democracy"). The Federal Agency for Civic Education notes that antifa groups sometimes call for violence not only against police or skinheads but also against bishops and judges. There are slogans such as "antifascism means attack" not only against the far-right, but also against the political system of the Federal Republic of Germany. Writing for the Federal Agency for Civic Education, extremism expert Armin Pfahl-Traughber, a former director with the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, notes that "even if every convinced democrat is an opponent of fascism, anti-fascism is not per se a democratic position".
In the elections of 1936 the USR aspired to act as a midpoint between traditional Radicalism and orthodox Marxian socialism, expecting that the political crisis since 1933 had weakened voters' satisfaction with the traditional left parties: the Socialists for their rigid refusal to enter a reformist government that could mitigate the effects of the Great Depression; the Radical-Socialists for their ostensible lack of principle for having switched from an alliance with the Socialists to one with the conservatives midway through the legislature. The USR hoped that by offering French voters a synthesis of both main parties, a centre-left republican party committed to a systematic programme of economic state intervention, it could offer a major political alternative. However the formation of the Popular Front made this offer redundant. The SFIO now accepted participation in a coalition government dedicated to socio-economic reforms, while the PRRRS had now publicly positioned itself as a party of anti-fascism and thereby pledged to remain faithful to the electoral alliance of the left.
In Trieste there were Luigi Frausin and Vincenzo Gigante who, in connection with the general command, had relations with the Yugoslav partisans supporting the need to postpone the territorial revendications until the end of the war, in order to fight together against the common enemy. Frausin and Gigante were captured by the German Sicherheitsdienst on 28 August and 15 November 1944 respectively, interned and killed in the camp of Risiera di San Sabba.. A typical characteristic of the Garibaldi Brigades was the contrast attempt to transform the partisan formations into an avant-garde and constitutive element of the process of involving the populations in the active anti-fascism, with a continuous effort of integration between the armed fight and the civil mobilisation through their representatives. With a further organizational effort, communist leaders of Milan created in June 1944 the so-called "insurrection triumvirates" (triumvirati insurrezionali) at regional level, in order to coordinate the political struggle of the party among the occupied cities and in the workplaces through the concrete action of partisan mountain groups in view of a general insurrection.
At the same time, Michelagnoli sent reports to the OSS in which he praised the Garibaldi Brigades for their "fighting spirit" and "sure anti-fascism", while he accused the Osoppo of having numerous ex-fascists and politically compromised personalities among their members, while remarking that there were no noteworthy incidents between the two formations. A different version was given by reports of another OSS mission - led by the American Major Lloyd Smith - sent to the area and controlled by a section of the service different from the one responsible for the Chicago-Texas. Lloyd Smith, in his reports, indicated Gozzer as an active communist propagandist, consciously committed to sabotaging peace attempts between various partisan groups in which Lloyd Smith himself was engaged. Lloyd Smith unsuccessfully asked his command to be given the necessary authority to impose his point of view - that it was the political one on the Allied side, considering the pacification and coordination between Osoppo and Garibaldi as useful and necessary - arriving at threaten the withdrawal of their mission.
An important symbol of Italian anti- fascism: the flag of Arditi del Popolo. Those events were not appreciated by socialists who were convinced about the necessity to strengthen the LSI. Among them there was the Grand Orient of Paris: according to a confidential communication of the Italian Ministry of the Interior, it deliberated to push on socialist leaders in order to achieve the fusion of the two parties «generally not belonging to Masonry», of whose support «they need every day for work purposes and political protection». The intervention of the Grand Orient, which had a great influence in the French political life, was probably defined by factors of international politics like threatens of crises that Benito Mussolini alluded during a speech of 5 June 1927. In February 1928, PSI direction renewed the leading bodies and deliberated a manifest as an appeal to the unity of revolutionary left in which «the two great illusions maturated during the war with the proletariat were attacked: the collaborationist illusion and the Bolshevik one», expecting the liquidation of the two working class internationals (LSI and Comintern) and aiming to recreate the international proletarian unity achieved before WWI.
It has been said that Italian press censored itself before the censorship commission could do it. Effectively the actions against press were formally very few, but it has been noted that due to press hierarchical organization, the regime felt to be quite safe, controlling it by the direct naming of directors and editors through the "Ordine dei Giornalisti". Most of the intellectuals that after the war would have freely expressed their anti-fascism, were however journalists during fascism, and quite comfortably could find a way to work in a system in which news directly came from the government (so-called "veline", by the tissue-paper used for making as many copies as possible using typewriters with carbon paper) and only had to be adapted to the forms and the styles of each respective target audience. Newer revisionists talk about a servility of journalists, but are surprisingly followed in this concept by many other authors and by some leftist ones too, since the same suspect was always attributed to Italian press, before, during and after the Ventennio, and still in recent times the category has not completely demonstrated yet its independence from "strong powers".
Although the term national-anarchism dates back as far as the 1920s, the contemporary national-anarchist movement has been put forward since the late 1990s by British political activist Troy Southgate, who positions it as being "beyond left and right". The few scholars who have studied national-anarchism conclude that it represents a further evolution in the thinking of the radical right rather than an entirely new dimension on the political spectrum. National-anarchism is considered by anarchists as being a rebranding of totalitarian fascism and an oxymoron due to the inherent contradiction of anarchist philosophy of anti-fascism, abolition of unjustified hierarchy, dismantling of national borders and universal equality between different nationalities as being incompatible with the idea of a synthesis between anarchism and fascism.. National-anarchism has elicited skepticism and outright hostility from both left-wing and far-right critics. Critics, including scholars, accuse national-anarchists of being nothing more than white nationalists who promote a communitarian and racialist form of ethnic and racial separatism while wanting the militant chic of calling themselves anarchists without the historical and philosophical baggage that accompanies such a claim, including the anti-racist egalitarian anarchist philosophy and the contributions of Jewish anarchists.
Articles which are sometime strange: in the 1 > November 1961 issue of Carrefour, for example, M. Vinciguerra, who was, with > Kovacs, one of the torturers in the Villa des Sources, offered his > indignation, and on the next page we could read the prose of...Colonel > Trinquier... We certainly do not forget that torture is a system that has > been established in Algeria by policemen and military men of whom many are > today members of the OAS. But we do not forget either that torture is a > gangrene which largely overhauls the frame of colonial war. Whoever are the > victims, these torturers speak and act in our name; we do not have the right > to allow, by our silence, the belief that we are their accomplices. The > half-voluntary ignorance, the cowardly indifference, in which readers of the > Figaro have basked for years do not justify themselves in any case, whatever > may be the ensign with which one would pretend to cover them, and anti- > fascism least of all... #It is striking to observe that these tortures, more > than the "scientific" technologies applied during the Battle of Algiers, > seem to apply in most cases to beatings (passages à tabac) > disproportionately aggravated by the responsible policeman.

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