It's where free speech, community interests, censorship, harassment, spam, and overt criminality all butt up against each other.
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Two new but rapidly-growing subreddits—r/esist and r/fuckthealtright—want to do something about it, and they've already claimed credit for getting hate speech community r/altright banned for harassment.
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If the researchers were to add new speakers to replace speakers who are no longer in the speech community, then they would be altering the original speech community. Such alterations would undermine the basis of the real-time study approach, since the approach depends on the use of the same speech community over time to collect reliable and representative data.
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Assimilation is the process whereby a speech-community becomes bilingual and gradually shifts allegiance to the second language. The rate of assimilation is the percentage of the speech-community that speaks the second language more often at home. The data are used to measure the use of a given language in the lifetime of a person, or most often across generations. When a speech-community ceases to use their original language, language death is said to occur.
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Thus, while idiolects considered in isolation might seem random, the speech community as a whole behaved regularly.
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Endonormative, by contrast, means the language variety is normed on local standards from within the speech community.
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Barrett, Rusty. "The "Homo-genius" Speech Community." Queerly Phrased: Language, Gender, and Sexuality. Ed. Anna Livia and Kira Hall.
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Membership of languages in a language family is established by research in comparative linguistics. Sister languages are said to descend "genetically" from a common ancestor. Speakers of a language family belong to a common speech community. The divergence of a proto-language into daughter languages typically occurs through geographical separation, with the original speech community gradually evolving into distinct linguistic units.
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Thus, it is possible that Foxy was designing her speech to reflect the norms of a non-present speech community with which she identifies.
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Even among native speakers of the language, they use primarily Mandarin or Bunun in their daily lives. There is no longer an active speech community for Saaroa.
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Speech community is a concept in sociolinguistics that describes a distinct group of people who use language in a unique and mutually accepted way among themselves. This is sometimes referred to as a Sprechbund. To be considered part of a speech community, one must have a communicative competence. That is, the speaker has the ability to use language in a way that is appropriate in the given situation.
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Berlín/Boston: De Gruyter. Pp. 54–68. The Icelandic speech community is perceived to have a protectionist language culture;Hilmarsson-Dunn, Amanda & Kristinsson, Ari Páll. 2010. The Language Situation in Iceland.
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Language documentation (also: documentary linguistics) is a subfield of linguistics which aims to describe the grammar and use of human languages. It aims to provide a comprehensive record of the linguistic practices characteristic of a given speech community. Language documentation seeks to create as thorough a record as possible of the speech community for both posterity and language revitalization. This record can be public or private depending on the needs of the community and the purpose of the documentation.
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Peters, Abel S. 1981. Cases of language maintenance in the Kalabari speech community. B.A. thesis, University of Port Harcourt. Kalabari is also spoken in some parts of the Degema Local Government Area.
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An entire speech community may exhibit age-graded variation, linguistic differences that emerge among different generations as the result of age rather than actual language change. Therefore, apparent-time sociolinguistics studies do not definitively indicate that linguistic change is underway in a given speech community. In real-time analyses, one may test for age-grading by comparing the speech habits of participants at multiple points in time. If the speech habits have not changed, then the apparent-time hypothesis is supported.
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Therefore, using names of persons as a means to express the characteristics associated to them was immediately understood amongst members of the speech community; this was not an obstacle to effective communication. The Interdiciplinary Centre for Social and Language Documentation (CIDLes), an institution dedicated to the research and documentation of endangered languages in Europe and the development of language technologies for lesser-used languages, is now working on the linguistic documentation of Minderico and, together with the speech community, on its revitalization.
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It can be attached to a nationality or speech community to imply the language of such a people. jo means "people of". The infix pa means possessive 'of'. Dhopadhola thus means the language spoken in Padhola.
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University of Iceland. (2018). The impact of English on the Icelandic speech community. Retrieved March 11, 2020. Hafdís has taken part in many European development projects related to teaching, in addition to research projects on teacher education.
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Social groups that share discourse practices. See discourse community Nystrand, M. (1982). Rhetoric's "audience" and linguistics' "speech community": Implications for understanding writing, reading, and text. What writers know: The language, process, and structure of written discourse (pp. 1–30).
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The Jewish Community of Moldova has regularly reported that state authorities fail to respond to anti-Semitic acts, including vandalism and hate speech. Community leaders state that police have been reluctant to take action or allowed the perpetrators to escape prosecution.
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Kamang is an endangered language, since children usually only have passive competence of the language, and instead are shifting to Malay. Speakers may prefer the term Kamang to refer to the speech community as a whole; Woisika is a village name.
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Taylor & Francis p. 529 These differences encompass speech, community, profession and appearance. There is also an overarching difference based on notions of modernity and tradition. The inhabitants of Yamanote were thought of as espousing modernising ideals for their country, based on Western models.
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Mock language is commonly viewed as a form of appropriation. In the United States, the most common form is mock Spanish. However, globally, mock language is used to share meaning between the speaker and audience about the speech community the speaker is mocking.
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In sociolinguistics, covert prestige is a type of scenario in which nonstandard languages or dialects are regarded to be of high linguistic prestige by members of a speech community. This is in contrast to the typical case of linguistic prestige, wherein only the standard varieties of a speech community are considered prestigious. The concept of covert prestige was first introduced by linguist William Labov, when he observed speakers preferring to use a nonstandard dialect, even though the speakers considered that dialect to be inferior. Labov proposed an explanation for the continued usage of the nonstandard dialect: to form a sense of group identity in informal speech situations.
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Dorian, "The Problem of the Semi-Speaker in Language Death," International Journal of the Sociology of Language 12 (1977): 23-32. When semi-speakers form a significant part of the speech community, language contraction often ensues, as the linguistic norms are accommodated to the competences of the speakers.
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A prestige dialect is the dialect that is considered most prestigious by the members of that speech community. In nearly all cases, the prestige dialect is also the dialect spoken by the most prestigious members of that community, often the people who have political, economic, or social power.
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Morrish, Liz and Helen Saunton. New Perspectives on Language and Sexual Identity. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007 Gay men and lesbians may, through the use of language, form speech communities. A speech community is a community that shares linguistic traits and tends to have community boundaries that coincide with social units.
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In Singapore, language planning is associated with government planning. In this top-down approach, the government influences the acquisition of languages and their respective functions within the speech community through the education system.Kaplan B., Robert, and Richard B. Baldauf Jr. Language Planning from Practice to Theory. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters ltd.
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Recently a handicrafts union has been attempting to introduce traditional weavings as a commercial product. The Huave language is a language isolate, unrelated to any other. The most vibrant speech community is in San Mateo del Mar, whose people call themselves Ikoots, meaning "us" and refer to their language as ombeayiiüts, meaning "our language".
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It is contrasted with a family, which arises when the proto-language speech community separates into groups that remain isolated from each other and do not form a network."I use the term family to refer to a group of communalects which have diversified from a single language by separation, rather than by dialect differentiation" .
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68-72 There are attempts to revive Yiddish in some congregations. The organization Sällskapet för Jiddisch och Jiddischkultur i Sverige ("Society for Yiddish and Yiddish Culture in Sweden") has over 200 members, many of whom are native Yiddish speakers, and arranges regular activities for the speech community and in external advocacy of the Yiddish language.
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Language and Social Relations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 135. Print. However, a sociolect's main identifier is a socioeconomic class, age, gender, and ethnicity in a certain speech community. An example of a dialectal difference, based on region, is the use of the words soda or pop and coke in different parts of the United States.
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Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, p.53-62. The SPEAKING model is used by linguistic anthropologists to analyze speech events (one or more speech acts involving one more participants) as part of an ethnography. This approach can be used to understand relationships and power dynamics within a given speech community and provide insight on cultural values.
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However, those whose native dialect was the prestige dialect were rarely able to use other codes. Gumperz defines the speech community as "any human aggregate characterized by regular and frequent interaction by means of a shared body of verbal signs and set off from similar aggregates by significant differences in language usage."Dil, A. (ed.). (1971, p. 114).
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Covert prestige refers to the relatively high value placed towards a non-standard form of a variety in a speech community. This concept was pioneered by the linguist William Labov, in his study of New York City English speakers that while high linguistic prestige is usually more associated with standard forms of language, this pattern also implies that a similar one should exist for working-class speech as well in the case of informal speech. He also observed that within speakers of non-standard dialects, there was awareness of themselves speaking a dialect that was 'inferior' relative to the standard. From this, he was able to identify the reason for the continued usage of the non-standard dialects even with this awareness: that is, to create and/or maintain group identity within the speech community.
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A theoretical model of language change in apparent time is built based on the distribution of the linguistic variable across age groups in a speech community. Although apparent-time studies are more numerous than real-time studies, real-time studies have seen an increase in number since 1995, often in the form of re-studies of 1960s and 1970s research.
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Poplack's major publications include Instant Loans, Easy Conditions: The Productivity of Bilingual Borrowing (1998), a special issue of the International Journal of Bilingualism, with Marjory Meechan, The English History of African American English (2000) and, with Sali Tagliamonte, African American English in the Diaspora (2001), and Borrowing: Loanwords in the Speech Community and in the Grammar (2018; Oxford University Press ').
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How, precisely, do systems of vowels, consonants and syllables arise? Agent-based computer models take the perspective of self- organisation at the level of the speech community or population. The two main paradigms here are (1) the iterated learning model and (2) the language game model. Iterated learning focuses on transmission from generation to generation, typically with just one agent in each generation.
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One theory that has been posited to account for the occurrence of accusative systems is that of functional pressure. When applied to languages, this theory operates around the various needs and pressures on a speech community. It has been suggested that languages have evolved to suit the needs of their users.These communities will develop some functional system to meet the needs that they have.
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The fundamental principle of humanistic linguistics is that language is an invention created by people. A semiotic tradition of linguistic research considers language a sign system which arises as from the interaction of meaning and form. The organisation of linguistic levels is considered computational. Linguistics is essentially seen as relating to social and cultural studies because different languages are shaped in social interaction by the speech community.
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A closely related approach is evolutionary linguistics which includes the study of linguistic units as cultural replicators. It is possible to study how language replicates and adapts to the mind of the individual or the speech community. Construction grammar is a framework which applies the meme concept to the study of syntax. The generative versus evolutionary approach are sometimes called formalism and functionalism, respectively.
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In: Horst Haider Munske, Nils Århammar: Handbuch des Friesischen – Handbook of Frisian Studies. Niemayer (Tübingen 2001). speakers of Saterland Frisian in the marshy Saterland region of Lower Saxony. Saterland Frisian has resisted encroachment from Low German and standard German, but Saterland Frisian still remains seriously endangered because of the small size of the speech community and of the lack of institutional support to help preserve and spread the language.
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According to Craig Melchert, the current tendency is to suppose that Proto-Indo-European evolved, and that the "prehistoric speakers" of Anatolian became isolated "from the rest of the PIE speech community, so as not to share in some common innovations.". Hittite, as well as its Anatolian cousins, split off from Proto-Indo-European at an early stage, thereby preserving archaisms that were later lost in the other Indo-European languages.
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He drew from a previous linguistic anthropologist Hymes (1972) term of "communicative competence" in that social expectations within a speech community shape the member's use of language.Hymes, D. (1972), “On communicative competence”, in Pride, J.B. and Holmes, J. (Eds),Sociolinguistics , Penguin, London, pp. 269-285. Thus, diverse backgrounds in language have a different set of expectations that a member conforms to. As language differs, so does the developmental process.
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Traditionally, dialectologists study the variety of language used within a particular speech community, a group of people who share a set of norms or conventions for language use. More recently, sociolinguists have adopted the concept of the community of practice, a group of people who develop shared knowledge and shared norms of interaction, as the social group within which dialects develop and change.Lave, Jean & Etienne Wenger. (1991) Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation.
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In the field of sociolinguistics, social network describes the structure of a particular speech community. Social networks are composed of a "web of ties" (Lesley Milroy) between individuals, and the structure of a network will vary depending on the types of connections it is composed of. Social network theory (as used by sociolinguists) posits that social networks, and the interactions between members within the networks, are a driving force behind language change.
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Real-time sociolinguistics is a sociolinguistic research method concerned with observing linguistic variation and change in progress via longitudinal studies. Real-time studies track linguistic variables over time by collecting data from a speech community at multiple points in a given period. As a result, it provides empirical evidence for either stability or linguistic change. Real-time sociolinguistics contrast with apparent-time sociolinguistics, which surveys different generations of a population at one point in time.
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Gerry Philipsen (born 1944), Professor Emeritus of Communication at the University of Washington is an academic and theorists and ethnographer of communication. Philipsen's research treats communicative acts as occurring within cultural, social and small group settings. He is most noted for developing speech code theory a framework for communication in a given speech community. Speech code theory explores the manner in which groups communicate based on societal, cultural, gender, occupational or other factors.
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Situational code-switching is the tendency in a speech community to use different languages or language varieties in different social situations, or to switch linguistic structures in order to change an established social setting. Some languages are viewed as more suited for a particular social group, setting, or topic more so than others. Social factors like class, religion, gender, and age influence the pattern of language that is used and switched between.
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Understanding language in society means that one also has to understand the social networks in which language is embedded. A social network is another way of describing a particular speech community in terms of relations between individual members in a community. A network could be loose or tight depending on how members interact with each other. For instance, an office or factory may be considered a tight community because all members interact with each other.
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Yaquina was last recorded in 1884 by James Owen Dorsey. Alsea is usually considered to belong to the Penutian phylum, and may form part of a Coast Oregon Penutian subgroup together with Siuslaw and the Coosan languages. Numerous lexical resemblances between Alsea and the Northern Wintuan languages, however, are more likely the result of borrowing about 1,500 years ago when the (Northern) Wintuan speech community appears to have been located in Oregon.
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While much evidence has been collected describing linguistic profiling between racial groups within a speech community, linguistic profiling also extends to members within a racial or ethnic group. This is evidenced by a study conducted by Jaquelyn Rahman describing the perception of middle class African Americans to African American Vernacular English, or AAVE, and Standard American English. She found that subjects associated AAVE with their heritage, while perceiving African Americans who used Standard English as "acting white".
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While a study is in progress, changes may occur in the group of participants being surveyed. A speech community may change over time because of speakers passing or relocating, or social conditions changing. Dramatic change in the demographics of a community would likely have a significant effect on linguistic patterns, so a study may end up reflecting a change in demographic population rather than linguistic change. The continued participation of the subjects is also not guaranteed.
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Graphization refers to development, selection and modification of scripts and orthographic conventions for a language.Liddicoat, Anthony J. (2005). "Corpus Planning: Syllabus and Materials Development," in Eli Hinkel, Handbook of Research in Second Language Teaching and Learning, Routledge, pp 993-1012. The use of writing in a speech community can have lasting sociocultural effects, which include easier transmission of material through generations, communication with greater numbers of people, and a standard against which varieties of spoken language are often compared.
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The first aims at finding speaker change points in an audio stream. The second aims at grouping together speech segments on the basis of speaker characteristics. With the increasing number of broadcasts, meeting recordings and voice mail collected every year, speaker diarisation has received much attention by the speech community, as is manifested by the specific evaluations devoted to it under the auspices of the National Institute of Standards and Technology for telephone speech, broadcast news and meetings.
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Language shift, also known as language transfer or language replacement or language assimilation, is the process whereby a speech community shifts to a different language, usually over an extended period of time. Often, languages that are perceived to be higher status stabilise or spread at the expense of other languages that are perceived by their own speakers to be lower-status. An example is the shift from Gaulish to Latin during the time of the Roman Empire.
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Some forms of language contact affect only a particular segment of a speech community. Consequently, change may be manifested only in particular dialects, jargons, or registers. South African English, for example, has been significantly affected by Afrikaans in terms of lexis and pronunciation, but the other dialects of English have remained almost totally unaffected by Afrikaans other than a few loanwords. In some cases, a language develops an acrolect that contains elements of a more prestigious language.
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People usually wear this shirt to indicate that they are going to yoga or going to sleep to promote laziness and zen with the language Hindi.It creates a pun through code switching, but the Hindi word is not actually associated with yoga. While not every use of mock language is the same, aspects such as gendered indicators, greetings, and pronouns are commonly used. It may come about without the intention of knowing the harm for that language's speech community.
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One example is a 1998 study on the use of word-final -ing versus -in among college fraternity men in the United States. The fraternity men used "-in" rather than "-ing," from which the author concluded that the men used -in to demonstrate what they saw as working-class behavioral traits, such as 'hard-working' and 'casual,' thus creating a specific identity for themselves. In a study by Elaine Chun, it was noted that even though the use of African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) is not viewed as the standard in many American schools, and thus is often corrected by teachers, there are some instances where non-African Americans use AAVE to construct their identity in a particular way and enjoy covert prestige in the African American speech community. The study pointed out that "mainstream uses of AAVE 'slang' are especially prevalent in social circles that desire to create and project a heterosexual masculinity," and included examples of a Korean-American student using AAVE to gain recognition/acceptance in the African American speech community.
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Each person's use of phonological variables, (ai), (a), (l), (th), (ʌ), (e), which were clearly indexical of the Belfast urban speech community, were then measured. The independent variables for this study were age, sex and location. These linguistic variables made up the dependent variable of the study, and were analyzed in relation to the network structure and background of each individual speaker. Deviation from the regional standard was determined by density and multiplicity of the social networks into which speakers are integrated.
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Since sociolinguistics is a relatively new field, in many cases, not enough time has elapsed to gather adequate information on the same speech community over an extended period of time. Similarly, researchers do not favor real-time sociolinguistics studies because of the time commitment to one project and delayed gratification. Because of the nature of the studies, researchers must wait many years before they can collect enough data for analysis. Often, researchers will not even get to see the results of their data.
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Traditional sociolinguistic parameters—age, gender, socio-economic status—are taken into consideration. Figure 2 is a graph showing the usage of awesome in the context of age. It shows polysemous flexibility: not every meaning is equally representative within a polysemous category; not every meaning is equally salient for every speaker, even within the same speech community, which is important in the context of the value of socio-cognitive research. It extends the prototypical nature of meaning to (Rosch 1975, Geeraerts 1989) .
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Each pidgin has its own norms of usage which must be learned for proficiency in the pidgin. A pidgin differs from a creole, which is the first language of a speech community of native speakers that at one point arose from a pidgin. Unlike pidgins, creoles have fully developed vocabulary and patterned grammar. Most linguists believe that a creole develops through a process of nativization of a pidgin when children of acquired pidgin-speakers learn and use it as their native language.
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The exampled provided by Harriet Joseph Ottenheimer was that of a tourist seeking directions and a New Yorker providing vague answers, "your goal may be to get information and get to your destination, but their goal is to appear knowledgeable." Differences in the goals and outcomes for speech events can be frequent, especially in classrooms and work spaced. Similarities and differences in the ends of a speech events are important for successful communication and acceptance into a culture or a speech community.
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The first model involves the use of one language for heavy substitutions of entire grammatical paradigms or morphology of another language. This is because a speech community will not adopt a newer dominant language, and so adapt their language with grammatical material from the dominant language. Bakker (1997) argues that mixed languages result from mixed populations. Languages "intertwine", in that the morphosyntax (provided by female native speakers) mixes with the lexicon of another language (spoken by men, often in a colonialist context).
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Linguist Dennis Preston has presented an expansion of the rulings set down on the use of linguistic profiling in legal contexts. Preston argues for the further definition of "personal familiarity" with a dialect to an individual as a member of the speech community within which the identification is taking place. The person identified must be an authentic speaker with no perceived imitation of other dialects within the language. Further, there should be no evidence of overt stereotypes connecting the speaker to a particular style of language.
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Pidgin languages are defined by not having any native speakers, but only being spoken by people who have another language as their first language. But if a Pidgin language becomes the main language of a speech community, then eventually children will grow up learning the pidgin as their first language. As the generation of child learners grow up, the pidgin will often be seen to change its structure and acquire a greater degree of complexity. This type of language is generally called a creole language.
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There is considerable overlap between pragmatics and sociolinguistics, since both share an interest in linguistic meaning as determined by usage in a speech community. However, sociolinguists tend to be more interested in variations in language within such communities. Pragmatics helps anthropologists relate elements of language to broader social phenomena; it thus pervades the field of linguistic anthropology. Because pragmatics describes generally the forces in play for a given utterance, it includes the study of power, gender, race, identity, and their interactions with individual speech acts.
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Muzaffarpur's significance in Indian civilisation is due to its position between cultural and spiritual influences, and is a melting pot of Hindu and Islamic culture. Muzaffarpur has had prominent Indian political leaders, such as Rajendra Prasad, George Fernandes and J. B. Kripalani. The vernacular languages of the region are Maithili and Bajjika, as per the linguist George Grierson;,Abhishek Kumar Kashyap, "The Bajjika language and speech community " in International Journal of the Sociology of Language 227:209-224, May 2014. DOI: 10.1515/ijsl-2014-0001.
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For example, idioms are higher-level constructions which contain words as middle-level constructions, and these may contain morphemes as lower-level constructions. It is argued that humans do not only share the same body type, allowing a common ground for embodied representations; but constructions provide common ground for uniform expressions within a speech community. Like biological organisms, constructions have life cycles which are studied by linguists. According to the cognitive and constructionist view, there is no grammar in the traditional sense of the word.
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Divergence is a linguistic strategy whereby a member of a speech community accentuates the linguistic differences between themself and their interlocutor. "Given that communication features are often core dimensions of what it is to be a member of a group, divergence can be regarded as a very important tactic of displaying a valued distinctiveness from the other." This helps to sustain a positive image of one's in-group and hence to strengthen one's social identity. Divergence is commonly used to establish dominance or power in an interaction.
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Moreover, as these sound changes appear to be unique to Seneca, they have had the effect of making Seneca highly phonologically divergent from the languages most closely related to it, as well as making the underlying morphological richness of the language incredibly opaque. Today, Seneca is spoken primarily in western New York, on three reservations, Allegany, Cattaraugus, and Tonawanda, and in Ontario, on the Grand River Six Nations Reserve. While the speech community has dwindled to approximately one hundred native speakers, revitalization efforts are underway.
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With its original speech community centered on the coastal parts of Zanzibar, Kenya, and Tanzania – a seaboard referred to as the Swahili Coast – the Bantu Swahili language contains many Arabic loan-words as a result of these interactions.Daniel Don Nanjira, African Foreign Policy, and Diplomacy: From Antiquity to the 21st Century, ABC-CLIO, 2010, p.114 The Arab slave trade also brought Bantu influence to Madagascar,Cambridge World History of Slavery The Cambridge World History of Slavery: The ancient Mediterranean world. By Keith Bradley, Paul Cartledge. pg.
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From its inception, IL has regarded linguistic variability, i.e. the changeability of languages along dimensions such as time, geographical space, social stratification etc., as an essential property of natural languages that has to be treated in any realistic theory of language; certain idealizations, such as Chomsky's 'completely homogeneous speech-community,' are rejected. The Integrational Theory of Linguistic Variability thus aims at providing a theoretical framework for variation research (including studies in sociolinguistics, dialectology, and historical linguistics) and a basis for a realistic theory of language systems.
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During Cornett's tenure there, he adapted his Cued Speech system to 52 languages and major dialects, while writing and publishing audiocassette lessons in 34 of those languages and dialects. Upon his retirement in 1984, Gallaudet University awarded him the status of Professor emeritus. He continued working with the international Cued Speech community from his Maryland home after his retirement. During his career, Cornett wrote and published hundreds of articles as well as several books on mathematics, physics, higher education, deaf education, Cued Speech and other subjects.
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A more positive view of the practice is found in Baugh's description of expressions of ethnic pride.Baugh, John, Linguistic Profiling, in Black Linguistics: Language, Society, and Politics in Africa and the Americas 155, 155-63 (Sinfree Makoni et al. eds., 2003). Though average people have been shown to be well equipped in measuring social characteristics by means of speech, the failings of those unfamiliar with a speech community and the capability of manipulation of speech should be taken into account when determining the unbiased use of linguistic profiling.
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Articulations taking place just behind the alveolar ridge, known as post-alveolar consonants, have been referred to using a number of different terms. Apical post-alveolar consonants are often called retroflex, while laminal articulations are sometimes called palato-alveolar; in the Australianist literature, these laminal stops are often described as 'palatal' though they are produced further forward than the palate region typically described as palatal. Because of individual anatomical variation, the precise articulation of palato-alveolar stops (and coronals in general) can vary widely within a speech community.
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In the case of "Jimmy", his background led his therapist to believe that his "muteness" resulted from emotional or neurophysiological problems. However, Bucci and Baxter found evidence indicating his position as a monodialectal AAVE speaker made him unwilling to speak. His linguistic insecurity in the clinical setting with a norm of SAE made him reluctant to speak, but he was fluent and expressive in his own speech community and with his descriptions of his experiences outside the ward. Moreover, standard therapeutic techniques may have a negative and opposite effect for linguistically insecure patient.
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Articulations taking place just behind the alveolar ridge, known as post- alveolar consonants, have been referred to using a number of different terms. Apical post-alveolar consonants are often called retroflex, while laminal articulations are sometimes called palato-alveolar; in the Australianist literature, these laminal stops are often described as 'palatal' though they are produced further forward than the palate region typically described as palatal. Because of individual anatomical variation, the precise articulation of palato-alveolar stops (and coronals in general) can vary widely within a speech community.
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Nahuatl forms the most basal clade in Wheeler & Whiteley's (2014) Uto-Aztecan phylogram. A survey of agriculture-related vocabulary by Merrill (2012) found that the agricultural vocabulary can be reconstructed for only Southern Uto-Aztecan. That supports a conclusion that the Proto-Uto-Aztecan speech community did not practice agriculture but adopted it only after entering Mesoamerica from the north. A more recent proposal from 2014, by David L. Shaul, presents evidence suggesting contact between Proto-Uto-Aztecan and languages of central California, such as Esselen and the Yokutsan languages.
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Dale (1980), p. 6. Dale concluded that, > Two primary factors have been identified as operating on a society in the > choice of script for representing its language. These are the prevailing > cultural influence (often a religion) and the prevailing political influence > of the period in which the choice is made. Synchronic digraphia results when > more than one such influence is operating and none can dominate all groups > of speakers of the language in question [ … ] Diachronic digraphia results > when different influences prevail over a given speech community at different > times.Dale (1980), p. 12.
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The objective of describing languages is often to uncover cultural knowledge about communities. The use of anthropological methods of investigation on linguistic sources leads to the discovery of certain cultural traits among a speech community through its linguistic features. It is also widely used as a tool in language documentation, with an endeavour to curate endangered languages. However, linguistic inquiry now uses the anthropological method to understand cognitive, historical, sociolinguistic and historical processes that languages undergo as they change and evolve, as well as general anthropological inquiry uses the linguistic method to excavate into culture.
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Speech codes theory refers to a framework for communication in a given speech community. As an academic discipline, it explores the manner in which groups communicate based on societal, cultural, gender, occupational or other factors. A speech code can also be defined as "a historically enacted socially constructed system of terms, meanings, premises, and rules, pertaining to communicative conduct." "This theory seeks to answer questions about the existence of speech codes, their substance, the way they can be discovered, and their force upon people within a culture" (Griffin, 2005).
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Different speech communities tend to display differences in both the perception and linguistic categorisation of odours. In general, Europeans find it harder to identify odours than hunter- gatherer communities. The ease with which odours are identified by speakers is related to the primary type of olfactory vocabulary used in their speech community. Some speech communities, including Jahai- and Thai-speaking hunter- gatherers, mostly use dedicated abstract vocabulary for referring to odour qualities, while others, such as Dutch and English speakers, mostly use concrete terms that identify the source itself.
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From early on Helsinki slang was especially the language of the youth. It could be thought as a social language code, by which the multicultural and multilingual working class youth, a speech community, formed their own sociolect. The initiative for this grew at first from their needs of basic everyday communication, but soon slangi probably came to signify a certain social status as well. Johannes Kauhanen notes on his slang history page that the first speakers of Helsinki slang were probably not the countryside-born agriculturists who moved to work in Helsinki, but their children.
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According to Ferguson, diglossia describes a situation where two or more distinct (related or unrelated) languages are spoken in a single speech community, and where the languages "are used side by side within a community each with a clearly defined role." Ferguson, Charles A. 1959. Diglossia. Word Following Ferguson's work on Diglossia, Fishman developed his theory of domain specificity. Diglossia refers to the expected use of language on a broad social level (or macro-level) and domain specificity refers to the use of language in a face-to-face conversation (micro-level).
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Ulster Scots is spoken in mid and east Antrim, north Down, north- east County Londonderry, and in the fishing villages of the Mourne coast. It is also spoken in the Laggan district and parts of the Finn Valley in east Donegal and in the south of Inishowen in north Donegal.Caroline I. Macafee (ed.), A Concise Ulster Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996; pp. xi–xii. The 1999 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey found that 2% of Northern Ireland residents claimed to speak Ulster Scots, which would mean a total speech community of approximately 30,000 in the territory.
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Boa Sr., the last person who remembered any Bo, died on 26 January 2010, at the age of approximately 85. Boa Sr.'s mother, who died approximately forty years before her death, was the only living speaker of Bo for a long time. Other members of the Great Andamanese speech community had difficulty understanding the songs and narratives which she knew in Bo. She also spoke the Andamanese dialect of Hindi, as well as Great Andamanese, a mix of the ten indigenous languages of Andamans. Boa Sr. worked with Anvita Abbi, a professor of linguistics at Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi, since 2005.
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The Instituto Camões is a Portuguese international institution dedicated to the worldwide promotion of the Portuguese language, Portuguese culture, and international aid, on behalf of the Government of Portugal. RTP is the Portuguese public television network and also serves as a vehicle for European-Portuguese- providing media content throughout the world. There is a branch of RTP Internacional named RTP África, which serves Lusophone Africa. In estimating the size of the speech community for European Portuguese, one must take into account the consequences of the Portuguese diaspora: immigrant communities located throughout the world in the Americas, Australia, Europe and Africa.
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Schimd, Monika (2008) Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, The Netherlands "Defining Language Attrition" A positive attitude towards the potentially attriting language or its speech community and motivation to retain the language are other factors which may reduce attrition. These factors are too difficult to confirm by research.Dusseldorp, Elise., Schimd, Monika (2010) Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, The Netherlands/TNO, Quality of Life & Leiden University, The Netherlands "Quantitative analyses in a multivariate study of language attrition: The impact of extralinguistic factors" However, a person's age can well predict the likelihood of attrition; children are demonstrably more likely to lose their first language than adults.
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Contemporary sociolinguistic studies suggest that styles are learned, rather than assigned at the time of birth. With that said, identities emerge in a time series of social practice, through the combined effects of structure and agency. Because social identities are not static, the speech community model, which was traditionally employed as a sociolinguistic framework in the study of language and gender, is not as reliable as the community of practice model, the new framework emerged from practice theory. Also, because social identities are not static, speech styles are actively subject to change, such that one's speech styles have different social meanings across time.
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Esperanto has not fragmented into regional dialects through natural language use. This may be because it is the language of daily communication for only a small minority of its speakers. However at least three other factors work against dialects, namely the centripetal force of the Fundamento, the unifying influence of the Plena Vortaro and its successors, which exemplified usage from the works of Zamenhof and leading writers, and the transnational ambitions of the speech community itself. Slang and jargon have developed to some extent, but such features interfere with universal communication – the whole point of Esperanto – and so have generally been avoided.
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When a dialect is documented sufficiently through the linguistic description of its grammar, which has emerged through the consensual laws from within its community, it gains political and national recognition through a country or region's policies. That is the stage when a language is considered a standard variety, one whose grammatical laws have now stabilised from within the consent of speech community participants, after sufficient evolution, improvisation, correction, and growth. The English language, besides perhaps the French language, may be examples of languages that have arrived at a stage where they are said to have become standard varieties.
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In other words, one cannot simply produce any text—it must fit the standards of the discourse community to which it is appealing. If one wants to become a member of a certain discourse community, it requires more than learning the lingo. It requires understanding concepts and expectations set up within that community. The language used by discourse communities can be described as a register or diatype, and members generally join a discourse community through training or personal persuasion. This is in contrast to the speech community (or the ’native discourse community,’ to use Bizzell's term), who speak a language or dialect inherited by birth or adoption.
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With its original speech community centered on the coastal parts of Tanzania (particularly Zanzibar) and Kenya—a seaboard referred to as the Swahili Coast—the Bantu Swahili language contains many Arabic loan-words as a consequence of these interactions.Daniel Don Nanjira, African Foreign Policy and Diplomacy: From Antiquity to the 21st Century, ABC-CLIO, 2010, p.114 The earliest Bantu inhabitants of the east coast of Kenya and Tanzania encountered by these later Arab and Persian settlers have been variously identified with the trading settlements of Rhapta, Azania and Menouthias referenced in early Greek and Chinese writings from AD 50 to AD 500,Casson, Lionel (1989). The Periplus Maris Erythraei.
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Their respective frameworks differ slightly, but they emphasize four common attributes: # Language origin – whether a given language is indigenous or imported to the speech community # Degree of standardization – the extent of development of a formal set of norms that define 'correct' usage # Juridical status ##Sole official language (e.g. French in France and Turkish in Turkey) ##Joint official language (e.g. English and Afrikaans in South Africa; French, German, Italian and Romansh in Switzerland) ##Regional official language (e.g. Igbo in Nigeria; Marathi in Maharashtra, India) ##Promoted language – lacks official status on a national or regional level but is promoted and sometimes used by public authorities for specific functions (e.g.
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An informant or consultant in linguistics is a native speaker or member of a community who acts as a linguistic reference for a language or speech community being studied. The informant's role is that of a senior interpreter, who demonstrates native pronunciation, provides grammaticality judgments regarding linguistic well-formedness, and may also explain cultural references and other important contextual information to researchers from other cultures studying the language. Linguistic informants, especially those who frequently work with linguists, may play a greater than usual role in the researcher's work, and other titles such as consultant or coauthor may be used to acknowledge and accurately reflect that contribution.
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He has insisted that black literature must be evaluated by the aesthetic criteria of its culture of origin, not criteria imported from Western or European cultural traditions that express a "tone deafness to the black cultural voice" and result in "intellectual racism". In his major scholarly work, The Signifying Monkey, a 1989 American Book Award winner, Gates expressed what might constitute an African-American cultural aesthetic. The work extended application of the concept of "signifyin'" to analysis of African-American works. "Signifyin'" refers to the significance of words that is based on context, and is accessible only to those who share the cultural values of a given speech community.
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Don Kulick argues that the search for a link between sexual identity categories and language is misplaced, since studies have failed to show that the language gay men and lesbians use is unique. Kulick argues that though some researchers may be politically motivated to imagine a LGBTQ community that is a unified whole and identifiable through linguistic means, this speech community does not necessarily exist as such. Kulick points out that the LGBTQ community is not homogeneous, nor is its language use. Features of "gay speech" are not used consistently by gay individuals, nor are they consistently absent from the speech of all heterosexual individuals.
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Further, Kulick takes issue with frequently circular definitions of queer speech. He argues that speech patterns cannot be labeled LGBTQ language simply because they are used by LGBTQ people. Studies of a speech community that presuppose the existence of that community may reproduce stereotypes that fail to accurately depict the social reality of variance among subgroups within a community and overlapping identities for individuals. Furthermore, studies of gay male language use often look at middle class European Americans who are out as gay to the exclusion of other subgroups of the LGBTQ community, and hence may draw misleading conclusions about the community as a whole.
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Evolutionary linguistics has been criticised by advocates of (humanistic) structural and functional linguistics. Ferdinand de Saussure commented on 19th century evolutionary linguistics: Mark Aronoff however argues that historical linguistics had its golden age during the time of Schleicher and his supporters, enjoying a place among the hard sciences, and considers the return of Darwnian linguistics as a positive development. Esa Itkonen nonetheless deems the revival of Darwinism as a hopeless enterprise: Itkonen also points out that the principles of natural selection are not applicable because language innovation and acceptance have the same source which is the speech community. In biological evolution, mutation and selection have different sources.
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Mandarin is almost universally spoken and understood. It was the only officially sanctioned medium of instruction in schools in Taiwan from late 1940s to late 1970s, following the handover of Taiwan to the government of the Republic of China in 1945, until English became a high school subject in the 1980s and local languages became a school subject in the 2000s. Taiwanese Mandarin (as with Singlish and many other situations of a creole speech community) is spoken at different levels according to the social class and situation of the speakers. Formal occasions call for the acrolectal level of Standard Chinese of Taiwan (), which differs little from the Standard Chinese of China ().
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What is remarkable about this speech community is that the influence of the Hopi language on Hopi-Tewa is extremely small in terms of vocabulary. Arizona Tewa speakers, although they are trilingual, maintain a strict separation of the languages (see also Code-switching: Example). These attitudes of linguistic purism may be compared with other Tewa speech communities in New Mexico where there has been very little borrowing from Spanish even though the Tewa and Spanish have had long periods of contact and the Tewa were also bilingual in Tewa and Spanish. Traditionally, the Hopi- Tewa were translators for Hopi leaders and thus also had command of Spanish and Navajo.
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Rather than using a literal translation of scent descriptors, researchers validating the test in a new country may need to change the translated descriptors to more culturally-appropriate terms for the speech community in question. For example, researchers validating the Sniffin' Sticks test for the Portuguese population changed the original translation of the grapefruit scent descriptor, toranja, to the Portuguese word for orange, laranja. This is because grapefruit are not commonly eaten in Portugal, which resulted in participant familiarity falling below the benchmark of 75%. Altering lesser known descriptors such as "grapefruit" to less literal but more culturally-relevant translations increased familiarity to within the range expected for healthy populations.
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In contrast to the research inspired by Noam Chomsky, which is based on a distinction between competence and performance and dismisses the particulars of actual speech, Conversation Analysis studies naturally-occurring talk and shows that spoken interaction is systematically orderly in all its facets (cf. Sacks in Atkinson and Heritage 1984: 21–27). In contrast to the theory developed by John Gumperz, CA maintains it is possible to analyze talk-in-interaction by examining its recordings alone (audio for telephone, video for copresent interaction). CA researchers do not believe that the researcher needs to consult with the talk participants or members of their speech community.
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The sociolinguist Jennifer Coates, following William Labov, describes linguistic change as occurring in the context of linguistic heterogeneity. She explains that "[l]inguistic change can be said to have taken place when a new linguistic form, used by some sub-group within a speech community, is adopted by other members of that community and accepted as the norm."Coates, 1992: 169 Can and Patton (2010) provide a quantitative analysis of twentieth century Turkish literature using forty novels of forty authors. Using weighted least squares regression and a sliding window approach, they show that, as time passes, words, in terms of both tokens (in text) and types (in vocabulary), have become longer.
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In addition to audience design, Bell introduces an additional component of style shifting which he terms 'referee design'. This type of style-shifting refers to situations where the speaker does not accommodate to the speech style of their immediate audience, but rather "creatively uses language features ... from beyond the immediate speech community". In contrast with audience design which can be defined as a responsive style-shift where the speaker responds to specific factors of the speech context, referee design is characterised as an initiative shift. In such situations, speakers may use styles associated with non-present social groups to signal hypothetical allegiances with these speakers.
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Archaeological data traces the spread of cultures presumed to be created by speakers of Proto-Indo-European in several stages: from the hypothesized locations of the Proto-Indo-European homeland, into their later locations Western Europe, Central, South and Eastern Asia by migrations and by language shift through élite-recruitment as described by anthropological research. Recent genetic research has increasingly contributed to understanding of the relations between various prehistoric cultures. According to the widely held Kurgan hypothesis, c.q. renewed Steppe hypothesis, the oldest branch were the Anatolian languages (Hittite language and Luwian language) which split from the earliest proto-Indo-European speech community (archaic PIE), which itself developed at the Volga basin.
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When Dorian started studying the dialect, there were still more than 200 speakers in Brora, Golspie and Embo, including 105 in Embo, where they were more than a third of the population. Although traditional practice calls for anthropologists to change fieldwork settings, health challenges led Dorian to continue study of East Sutherland language development, a situation that had the beneficial side effect of producing a study of unprecedented scope and continuity. Previous researchers had focused on the NORM (non-mobile old rural male) speakers, who had more conservative language, at the expense of the wider speech community. She coined the term "semi-speaker" for those, mostly from the younger generations, who could speak Gaelic but imperfectly.
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In sociolinguistics, prestige is the level of regard normally accorded a specific language or dialect within a speech community, relative to other languages or dialects. Prestige varieties are language or dialect families which are generally considered by a society to be the most "correct" or otherwise superior. In many cases, they are the standard form of the language, though there are exceptions, particularly in situations of covert prestige (where a non-standard dialect is highly valued). In addition to dialects and languages, prestige is also applied to smaller linguistic features, such as the pronunciation or usage of words or grammatical constructs, which may not be pronounced enough to constitute a separate dialect.
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According to Craig Melchert, the current tendency is to suppose that Proto-Indo-European evolved and that the "prehistoric speakers" of Anatolian became isolated "from the rest of the PIE speech community, so as not to share in some common innovations".. Hittite and the other Anatolian languages split off from Proto- Indo-European at an early stage. Hittite thus preserved archaisms that would be lost in the other Indo-European languages. Hittite has many loanwords, particularly religious vocabulary from the non-Indo-European Hurrian and Hattic languages. The latter was the language of the Hattians, the local inhabitants of the land of Hatti before they were absorbed or displaced by the Hittites.
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A traditional Zanzibari- style Swahili coast door in Zanzibar. Following the Bantu Migration, on the coastal section of Southeast Africa, a mixed Bantu community developed through contact with Muslim Arab and Persian traders, leading to the development of the mixed Arab, Persian and African Swahili City States. The Swahili culture that emerged from these exchanges evinces many Arab and Islamic influences not seen in traditional Bantu culture, as do the many Afro-Arab members of the Bantu Swahili people. With its original speech community centered on the coastal parts of Tanzania (particularly Zanzibar) and Kenya—a seaboard referred to as the Swahili Coast—the Bantu Swahili language contains many Arabic language loan-words as a consequence of these interactions.
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By the end of the Hittite Empire, the Hittite language had become a written language of administration and diplomatic correspondence. The population of most of the Hittite Empire by this time spoke Luwian, another Indo-European language of the Anatolian family that had originated to the west of the Hittite region. According to Craig Melchert, the current tendency is to suppose that Proto-Indo-European evolved, and that the "prehistoric speakers" of Anatolian became isolated "from the rest of the PIE speech community, so as not to share in some common innovations.". Hittite, as well as its Anatolian cousins, split off from Proto-Indo-European at an early stage, thereby preserving archaisms that were later lost in the other Indo- European languages.
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The Massachusett speaking peoples also adopted English, albeit imperfectly with heavy influences of Massachusett grammar and some vocabulary. The use of the Massachusett language declined in Massachusett communities in the 1750s and the 1770s in the Wampanoag communities as Massachusett Pidgin English, and later English, began to overtake the Native languages. This was part due to assimilation pressures, increased rates of intermarriage with Blacks and Whites outside the speech community and This co-existed with the usage of Massachusett Pidgin, but as English became more and more necessary to trade and participate in society, and the new settlers were less eager to bother to learn the 'Indian language,' Massachusett Pidgin was rapidly eclipsed by the sole use of Massachusett Pidgin English.Bragdon, K. J. (1981).
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Between its launch in September 2008 and the beginning of 2010, the BBC Alba channel lost a third of its viewers, but its number of viewers remains five times larger than the size of the Gaelic speech community in Scotland (just over 58,000). The historian Michael Fry has argued that many of its viewers only watch it for the football coverage, because "you don't need Gaelic to watch football", and that in this way the channel is "cheating". The model is, however, both common and intentional as it is on comparable channels such as the Irish language channel TG4, the Basque broadcaster EITB or the Welsh channel S4C. In Europe, these channels' main mission is not commercial, but the promotion of the original languages.
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Tamil was the first to be classified so. Sanskrit was added to the category a year later. The four criteria to declare Kannada as a Classical language, stated below, which are stated to be fulfilled has prompted action to seek recognition from the Central Institute of Indian Languages # Recorded history of over a thousand five hundred years # High antiquity of a language's early texts # An body of ancient literature, which is considered a valuable heritage by generation of speakers # The literary tradition has to be original and not borrowed from another speech community and the language could be distinct from its "later and current" forms or it could be continuous. The classical tag equates a language to all ancient languages of the world.
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A pidgin , or pidgin language, is a grammatically simplified means of communication that develops between two or more groups that do not have a language in common: typically, its vocabulary and grammar are limited and often drawn from several languages. It is most commonly employed in situations such as trade, or where both groups speak languages different from the language of the country in which they reside (but where there is no common language between the groups). Fundamentally, a pidgin is a simplified means of linguistic communication, as it is constructed impromptu, or by convention, between individuals or groups of people. A pidgin is not the native language of any speech community, but is instead learned as a second language.
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If read superficially, some of Whorf's statements lend themselves to the interpretation that he supported linguistic determinism. For example, in an often-quoted passage Whorf writes: The statements about the obligatory nature of the terms of language have been taken to suggest that Whorf meant that language completely determined the scope of possible conceptualizations. However neo-Whorfians argue that here Whorf is writing about the terms in which we speak of the world, not the terms in which we think of it.; Whorf noted that to communicate thoughts and experiences with members of a speech community speakers must use the linguistic categories of their shared language, which requires moulding experiences into the shape of language to speak them—a process called "thinking for speaking".
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The Baháʼí Faith teaches that the world should adopt an international auxiliary language, which people would use in addition to their mother tongue.For an annotated compilation of excerpts from the Baháʼí writings regarding the principle of International or Universal Auxiliary Language, see The aim of this teaching is to improve communication and foster unity among peoples and nations. The Baháʼí teachings state, however, that the international auxiliary language should not suppress existing natural languages, and that the concept of unity in diversity must be applied to preserve cultural distinctions. The Baha'i principle of an International Auxiliary Language (IAL) represents a paradigm for establishing peaceful and reciprocal relations between the world's primary speech communities – while shielding them from undue linguistic pressures from the dominant speech community/communities.
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However, the lack of a significant Japanese-speaking base for gaining and then retaining Japanese fluency meant that most Hakka learned only Hokkien. When the KMT fled to Taiwan from mainland China, most mainlanders settled mainly in northern Taiwan, close to Hakka-speaking areas, thus spurring a linguistic shift from Hokkien to Mandarin within the Taipei area. As the bulk of economic activity centered around patronage networks revolving around Mandarin-speaking KMT membership, most of the Hakka became Mandarin monolinguals, due to a shift in social mobility formerly centered around Hokkien. Elsewhere, although the Hokkien speech-community shrank within the population, most Hokkien-speaking households have retained fluency in Hokkien, helped by the liberalization of Taiwanese politics and the end of martial law.
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Sociolinguistics analyzes variation in discourse within a particular speech community, and it studies how that variation affects the unfolding of meaning in interaction and correlates with the social order of the community. Gumperz built on Hymes's work by looking at differential power between speech communities. In particular, Gumperz noted that the "standard" form of any given language (the form that is expected in formal situations, such as on the news) is the dialect of those who are already powerful. He called that the "prestige dialect," and he noted that those who did not speak that dialect natively but instead a stigmatized or less powerful native dialect were "diglossic" (they were fluent in their native dialects and also able to use the prestige dialect).
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Mock white girl shows how the intentional use of vocal fry to convey a mockery of the white, upper- class, suburban, spoiled young adult or teenager is conveying a shared meaning that the language the speaker is mocking is subordinate and not to be taken seriously. It indexes the characteristics of a stereotypical white girl and uses the n+1 level of indexicality for the public to make the connection between the mockery and the speech community. Another semantic domain is language crossing. “Language crossing involves code alternation by people who are not accepted members of the group associated with the second language that they are using (code switching into varieties that are not generally thought to belong to them).
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Although similar in name, the Mohegan are a different tribe from the Mahican (also called the Stockbridge Mohican), who share similar Algonkian culture and the members of whom constitute another speech community with the greater Algonquian language family. The Mahican were historically based along the upper Hudson River in present-day eastern New York and along the upper Housatonic River in western Massachusetts. In the United States, both tribes have been referred to in various historic documents by the spelling "Mohican", based on mistakes in translation and location. But, the Dutch colonist Adriaen Block, one of the first Europeans to record the names of both tribes, clearly distinguished between the "Morhicans" (now the Mohegans) and the "Mahicans, Mahikanders, Mohicans, [or] Maikens".
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Although the distribution patterns of /r/ remain the same as for the two previous studies in terms of stylistic, social, and phonological variables (word-final vs. preobstruent), Mather (2012) noted significant increases in the overall percentages by some 10 to 20 percent, as well as important differences in terms of the age distribution: the 2009 study suggests that lower-middle-class younger speakers use the [r]-less variant considerably less than older speakers, contrary to Labov's original survey. In addition, Mather (2012) found that, although African American informants use less word-final /r/ than whites, especially in preobstruent position, they nevertheless follow the general pattern of stylistic and social differentiation according to the store, suggesting that African Americans are moving toward greater integration within the New York City speech community.
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In 2010, he was awarded the Linguistics, Language, and the Public Award by the Linguistic Society of America. In 2013, he was awarded the North Carolina Award, the highest award given to a North Carolina citizen; he is also a member of the prestigious American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Wolfram's book with Jeffrey Reaser, Talkin' Tar Heel: How our Voices Tell the Story of North Carolina (2014 UNC Press), was the first popular linguistics book to embed more than 100 video and audio clips through the use of QRs. In 1993, Wolfram formulated the principle of linguistic gratuity, which states that "investigators who have obtained linguistic data from members of a speech community should actively pursue ways in which they can return linguistic favors to the community".
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Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996; pp. xi–xii. The 1999 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey found that 2% of Northern Ireland residents claimed to speak Ulster Scots, which would mean a total speech community of approximately 30,000 in the territory. Other estimates range from 35,000 in Northern Ireland, to an "optimistic" total of 100,000 including the Republic of Ireland (mainly the east of County Donegal). Speaking at a seminar on 9 September 2004, Ian Sloan of the Northern Ireland Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure (DCAL) accepted that the 1999 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey "did not significantly indicate that unionists or nationalists were relatively any more or less likely to speak Ulster Scots, although in absolute terms there were more unionists who spoke Ulster Scots than nationalists".
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New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. 181–201 Rusty Barrett suggests that the idea of the homogeneous speech community could perhaps be more accurately replaced by one of a queer community based on community spirit or a queer cultural system, since language use varies so greatly. Kulick proposes, instead of studying speech communities that he concludes "do not and cannot exist" because of methodological problems, researchers should study "language and desire" through examining repression in the context of linguistics, considering both what is said and what is not or cannot be said. Kulick addresses the need for consideration of the role of sexuality in sexual identity, unlike some lavender linguists who neglect sexuality in favor of linguistic features that might be more likely than sexuality to legitimize gay identity.
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One criterion, which is often considered to be purely linguistic, is that of mutual intelligibility: two varieties are said to be dialects of the same language if being a speaker of one variety confers sufficient knowledge to understand and be understood by a speaker of the other; otherwise, they are said to be different languages. However, this definition cannot consistently delimit languages in the case of a dialect continuum (or dialect chain), containing a sequence of varieties, each mutually intelligible with the next, but where widely separated varieties may not be mutually intelligible. Further problems with this criterion are that mutual intelligibility occurs in varying degrees, and that it is difficult to distinguish from prior familiarity with the other variety. Reported mutual intelligibility may also be affected by speakers' attitudes to the other speech community.
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Moreover, rarely can children rely on corrective feedback from adults when they make a grammatical error; adults generally respond and provide feedback regardless of whether a child's utterance was grammatical or not, and children have no way of discerning if a feedback response was intended to be a correction. Additionally, when children do understand that they are being corrected, they don't always reproduce accurate restatements. Yet, barring situations of medical abnormality or extreme privation, all children in a given speech- community converge on very much the same grammar by the age of about five years. An especially dramatic example is provided by children who, for medical reasons, are unable to produce speech and, therefore, can never be corrected for a grammatical error but nonetheless, converge on the same grammar as their typically-developing peers, according to comprehension-based tests of grammar.
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In Aspects, Chomsky lays down the abstract, idealized context in which a linguistic theorist is supposed to perform his research: "Linguistic theory is concerned primarily with an ideal speaker-listener, in a completely homogeneous speech-community, who knows its language perfectly and is unaffected by such grammatically irrelevant conditions as memory limitations, distractions, shifts of attention and interest, and errors (random or characteristic) in applying his knowledge of the language in actual performance." He makes a "fundamental distinction between competence (the speaker-hearer's knowledge of his language) and performance (the actual use of language in concrete situation)." A "grammar of a language" is "a description of the ideal speaker-hearer's intrinsic competence", and this "underlying competence" is a "system of generative processes." An "adequate grammar" should capture the basic regularities and the productive nature of a language.
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Plaque in French, English, and Malecite at Fort La Tour Malecite–Passamaquoddy (also known as Maliseet–Passamaquoddy) is an endangered Algonquian language spoken by the Maliseet and Passamaquoddy peoples along both sides of the border between Maine in the United States and New Brunswick, Canada. The language consists of two major dialects: Malecite, which is mainly spoken in the Saint John River Valley in New Brunswick; and Passamaquoddy, spoken mostly in the St. Croix River Valley of eastern Maine. However, the two dialects differ only slightly, mainly in accent. Malecite-Passamaquoddy was widely spoken by the indigenous people in these areas until around the post-World War II era, when changes in the education system and increased marriage outside of the speech community caused a large decrease in the number of children who learned or regularly used the language.
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Swahili Arabic script on a one-pysar coin from Zanzibar c. 1299 AH (1882 CE) Swahili Arabic script on a carved wooden door (open) at Lamu in Kenya Swahili Arabic script on wooden door in Fort Jesus, Mombasa in Kenya The Swahili speak as their native tongue the Swahili language, which is a member of the Bantu subgroup of the Niger-Congo family. Its closest relatives include Comorian spoken on the Comoros Islands, and the Mijikenda language of the Mijikenda people in Kenya.William Frawley, International encyclopedia of linguistics, Volume 1, (Oxford University Press, 2003), page 181 With its original speech community centered on Zanzibar and the coastal parts of Kenya and Tanzania, a seaboard referred to as the Swahili Coast,Daniel Don Nanjira, African Foreign Policy and Diplomacy: From Antiquity to the 21st Century, ABC-CLIO, 2010, p.
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Today spoken primarily by working- and middle-class African Americans, African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) is also largely non-rhotic and likely originated among enslaved Africans and African Americans influenced primarily by the non-rhotic, non- standard older Southern dialects. A minority of linguists, contrarily, propose that AAVE mostly traces back to African languages spoken by the slaves who had to develop a pidgin or Creole English to communicate with slaves of other ethnic and linguistic origins. AAVE's important commonalities with Southern accents suggests it developed into a highly coherent and homogeneous variety in the 19th or early 20th century. AAVE is commonly stigmatised in North America as a form of "broken" or "uneducated" English, as are white Southern accents, but linguists today recognise both as fully developed varieties of English with their own norms shared by a large speech community.
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Stern (1983) believes that there is today consensus that a necessary distinction is to be made between a non-native language learnt and used within one country to which the term second language has been applied and a non-native language learnt and used with reference to a speech community outside national or territorial boundaries to which the term foreign language is commonly given. He argues that while the distinction between 'second' and 'foreign' has a certain justification, it is perhaps less important than it has sometimes been made out to be and it may be misleading. He notes that the distinction became popular after World War II in international organisations, such as UNESCO, in order to meet nationalist susceptibilities in discussions on language questions. Fasold and Connor-Linton (2006), Falk (1978) and Hudson (2000) provide similar definitions for the two terms.
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Language policy is broad, but it can be categorized into three components. Spolsky (2004) argues, "A useful first step is to distinguish between the three components of the language policy of a speech community: (1) its language practices – the habitual pattern of selecting among the varieties that make up its linguistic repertoire; (2) its language beliefs or ideology – the beliefs about language and language use; and (3) any specific efforts to modify or influence that practice by any kind of language intervention, planning, or management" (p. 5). The traditional scope of language policy concerns language regulation. This refers to what a government does either officially through legislation, court decisions or policy to determine how languages are used, cultivate language skills needed to meet national priorities or to establish the rights of individuals or groups to use and maintain languages.
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4000 BC, and putting less insistence on their violent or quasi-military nature, essentially modified Gimbutas' theory making it compatible with a less gender-political narrative. David Anthony, focusing mostly on the evidence for the domestication of horses and the presence of wheeled vehicles, came to regard specifically the Yamna culture, which replaced the Sredny Stog culture around 3500 BC, as the most likely candidate for the Proto-Indo-European speech community. Anthony describes the spread of cattle-raising from early farmers in the Danube Valley into the Ukrainian steppes in the 6th–5th millennium BC, forming a cultural border with the hunter-gatherers whose languages may have included archaic PIE. Anthony notes that domesticated cattle and sheep probably didn't enter the steppes from the Transcaucasia, since the early farming communities there were not widespread, and separated from the steppes by the glaciated Caucasus.
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The term native speaker was defined in the following way by Leonard Bloomfield: "The first language a human being learns to speak is his native language; he is a native speaker of this language". Later on, theoretical linguistics placed the native speaker construct into an idealized position and assumed that a native speaker was the only reliable source of linguistic data by formulating the construct that of an "ideal speaker- listener, in a completely homogenous speech community," as defined by Noam Chomsky. Since then, the construct has been critically discussed in the field of English language teaching. Some of the researchers argued that second language acquisition research under the dominance of idealized native speaker model creates a "monolingual bias in second language acquisition (SLA) theory", and "elevates an idealized native speaker above a stereotypical 'nonnative' while viewing the latter as a defective communicator, limited by an underdeveloped communicative competence".
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The Irish language originated in Ireland and has historically been the dominant language of the Irish people. They took it with them to a number of other countries, and in Scotland and the Isle of Man it gave rise to Scottish Gaelic and Manx. In the late 19th century English became widespread in Ireland, but Irish speakers had already shown their ability to deal with modern political and social changes through their own language at a time when emigration was strongest."Evidence of Irish speakers participating in the shaping of eighteenth- and nineteenth century cultural and political processes demonstrates to the contrary that this was a speech community that, so long as it existed, was fully capable of negotiating the changes shaping the Ireland that emerged at century’s end". Wolf, Nicholas M.. An Irish-Speaking Island: State, Religion, Community, and the Linguistic Landscape in Ireland, 1770-1870.
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Labov theorized that those employees who had the most extreme shift in style from their own speech variety (a casual style) to the standard form (a more emphatic style) were more insecure in a linguistic sense. The term has since been used to describe any situation in which a speaker is led to hypercorrect, or shift one's patterns of speech, due to a negative attitude or lack of confidence regarding one's normal speech. This lack of confidence need not be consciously acknowledged by a speaker in order for him/her to be affected by linguistic insecurity, and the changes in pronunciation and stylistic shifts indicative of linguistic insecurity can emerge absent of speaker intent. Linguistic insecurity may also be a characteristic of an entire speech community, especially in how it relates to other speech communities of the same language that employ a more standardized form.
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The language contact that might have occurred between the Aryan immigrants and the aboriginal inhabitants could have lead either to a language shift or to the crystallization of a new language through the creation of a pidgin. The first instance could have been in effect in relation to the members of the Vedda community who were absorbed into the new settlements, while in the second instance the occasional contact of the Veddas with the new settlers would have resulted in the crystallization of a new language instead of the original Vedda language. The term 'creole' refers to a linguistic medium which has crystallized in a situation of language contact and the process of this crystallization begins as a ‘pidgin’. A pidgin is spoken natively by an entire speech community, whose ancestors have been geographically displaced through which a rupture is created in their relationship with their original language.
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The first issue of Jidische Folkschtime (Yiddish People's Voice), a Yiddish-language newspaper first published in Stockholm, 12 January 1917 Yiddish is a Germanic language with significant Hebrew and Slavic influence, written with a variant of the Hebrew alphabet (see Yiddish orthography) and, formerly, spoken by most Ashkenazic Jews (although most now speak the language of the country in which they live). Although the Jewish population of Sweden was traditionally Sephardic, after the 18th century, Ashkenazic immigration increased bringing with them the Yiddish language (See History of the Jews in Sweden). Like Romani, it is seen by the government as a language of historical importance. The organisation Sällskapet för Jiddisch och Jiddischkultur i Sverige (Society for Yiddish and Yiddish Culture in Sweden) has more than 200 members, many of whom are mother- tongue Yiddish speakers, and arranges regular activities for the speech community and in external advocacy for the Yiddish language.
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Some early commentators seem to have confused the speech of Maniot dialect speakers with true Tsakonian, demonstrating the flexible nature of the term. The actual Tsakonian speech community has shrunk greatly since Brief Grammar was published, but the area delineated by Costakis is still considered "Tsakonia" due to the preservation of certain cultural traits such as the Tsakonian dance and unique folk costumes. The Tsakonian speaking region was once much more widespread than it was at the time of Brief Grammar; Evliya Celebi noted in 1668 that the village of Vatika, far south of Leonidio, was Tsakonian; however that place would later be resettled by Arvanites; the Chronicle of Morea (14th century) furthermore indicates that Tsakonian was spoken in Cynuria, which is now part of Arcadia but was once considered to be in the northeast of Laconia. The original Tsakonian region may have consisted of the entire eastern half of Laconia.
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The ethnography of communication (EOC), originally called the ethnography of speaking, is the analysis of communication within the wider context of the social and cultural practices and beliefs of the members of a particular culture or speech community. It comes from ethnographic research It is a method of discourse analysis in linguistics that draws on the anthropological field of ethnography. Unlike ethnography proper, though, EOC takes into account both the communicative form, which may include but is not limited to spoken language, and its function within the given culture. General aims of this qualitative research method include being able to discern which communication acts and/or codes are important to different groups, what types of meanings groups apply to different communication events, and how group members learn these codes, in order to provide insight into particular communities. This additional insight may be used to enhance communication with group members, make sense of group members’ decisions, and distinguish groups from one another, among other things.
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The organization's focus on language description, language development and Bible translation, and the missionary activities carried out by many of its field workers have been criticized by linguists and anthropologists who argue that SIL aims to change indigenous cultures, which exacerbates the problems that cause language endangerment and language death.. Linguists have argued that the missionary focus of SIL makes relations with academic linguists and their reliance on SIL software and knowledge infrastructure problematic in that respective goals, while often overlapping, also sometimes diverge considerably. SIL does not consider efforts to change cultural patterns a form of culture destruction and points out that all their work is based on the voluntary participation of indigenous peoples. In the SIL view, ethnocide is not a valid concept and it would lead to pessimism to characterize culture change resulting from the inevitable progress of civilization as ethnocide. SIL considers itself as actively protecting endangered languages by promoting them within the speech community and providing mother-tongue literacy training.. Additionally, their expanded interest in preserving threatened languages has resulted in the creation of a Language and Culture Documentation Services Unit.
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Since the 1970s and 1980s, several scholars have attempted a systematic re-evaluation of the inscriptional and papyrological evidence (Smith 1972, Teodorsson 1974, 1977, 1978; Gignac 1976; Threatte 1980, summary in Horrocks 1999). According to their results, many of the relevant phonological changes can be dated fairly early, reaching well into the classical period, and the period of the Koiné can be characterised as one of very rapid phonological change. Many of the changes in vowel quality are now dated to some time between the 5th and the 1st centuries BC, while those in the consonants are assumed to have been completed by the 4th century AD. However, there is still considerable debate over precise dating, and it is still not clear to what degree, and for how long, different pronunciation systems would have persisted side by side within the Greek speech community. The resulting majority view today is that a phonological system roughly along Erasmian lines can still be assumed to have been valid for the period of classical Attic literature, but biblical and other post-classical Koine Greek is likely to have been spoken with a pronunciation that already approached that of Modern Greek in many crucial respects.
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