Specifically: Federal political parties generally limit themselves to one linguistic community.
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But in the secret little linguistic community made up of me and my accomplice, "salt" has a special meaning.
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It agreed with the linguistic community that he tends to use "big league" as an adverb even though it is usually used as an adjective or a figurative noun.
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Archaeology and Linguistics: Global Perspectives on Ancient Australia. Melbourne: Oxford University Press However, this has yet to be demonstrated to the satisfaction of the linguistic community.
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As a linguistic community, speakers have a strong, independent identity; they have rejected implementing a standard orthography similar to or based on the Galician one. A translation of the New Testament has been published in Fala (2015).
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País Valencià (rendered as "Valencian Country",Mollà, Toni (1998). "A catalans Language and linguistic community in the Valencian Country" Diàlegs: revista d'estudis polítics i socials Vol. 1, Nº. 2, 1998 , pags. 33-45 "Valencian Region",Geffner-Sclarsky (2006).
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Papşu, Murat (2006)."Çerkes-Adığe yazısının tarihçesi ". Nart, İki Aylık Düşün ve Kültür Dergisi, Sayı 51, Eylül-Ekim 2006. There is a strong consensus among the linguistic community about the fact that Adyghe and Kabardian are typologically distinct languages.
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For example, nearly all children's first language learning seems to be supported through integration with a mature linguistic community. Children usually are not taught in a classroom how to speak, but instead learn by observing the language and pitching it when they can.
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Sipacapa is a municipality in the San Marcos department, situated in the Western highlands of Guatemala. Sipacapa's population of around 14,000 is spread among 14 village communities, scattered over mountainous terrain. Sipacapa is considered a linguistic community, as Sipakapense is a Maya language unique to the municipality.
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837, Stephen Barbour, Cathie Carmichael, Language and Nationalism in Europe, Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 199, Analogously to their linguistic classification, the Kashubs are considered either an ethnic or a linguistic community. The Kashubs are closely related to the Poles. The Kashubs are grouped with the Slovincians as Pomeranians.
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The Maltese linguistic community in Tunisia originates in the 18th century. Numbering at several thousand in the 19th century, it was reported at only 100 to 200 people as of 2017.Nigel Mifsud, Malta's Ambassador meets Maltese who have lived their whole life in Tunisia, TVM, 13 November 2017.
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He wrote: > Races are communities of blood, whereas people are creatures of history. > With their language, the Montenegrin people belong to the Slavic linguistic > community. By their blood, however, they belong [to the Dinaric peoples]. > According to the contemporary science of European races, [Dinaric] peoples > are descended from the Illyrians.
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The linguistic community gives a social dimension to a language. Moreover, linguistic signs are arbitrary and change only comes with time and not by individual will. The distinction of language between langue and parole without any feedback loop demonstrates that a language is a closed system. Volosinov rejects abstract objectivism perpetuated by the language distinction between langue and parole.
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Views or VIENNA ENGLISH WORKING PAPERS is an online academic journal established by the English department of university Vienna in 1992. It was launched in order to create an active linguistic community. Its sole interest is the exchange of ideas between the Viennese scholars and the linguists from all over the world. It is also produced in print form.
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Ein kulturhistorischer Überblick in 10 Kapiteln. Sächsische Landeszentrale für Politische Bildung, p. 70, Under East German rule, Domowina was a mass organization included in the National Front, and was effectively controlled by the SED. Though the government did recognize Sorbs as a linguistic community within the GDR, they were not recognized as a minority, which ran contrary to the demands of the league.
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Shelta is a cant, based upon both Irish and English, generally spoken by the Irish Traveller community. It is known as Gammon to Irish speakers and Shelta by the linguistic community. It is a mixture of English and Irish, with Irish being the lexifier language. Shelta is a secret language, with a refusal by the Travellers to share with non-travellers, named "Buffers".
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The Afroasiatic languages, as they are distributed today. Afroasiatic languages ca. 500 BC, Omotic and Chadic branches not shown The Afroasiatic Urheimat is the hypothetical place where speakers of the proto-Afroasiatic language lived in a single linguistic community, or complex of communities, before this original language dispersed geographically and divided into separate distinct languages. This speech area is known as the Urheimat ("original homeland" in German).
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Other regional groupings include the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Forum for Regional Cooperation (BCIM) and the Bangladesh Bhutan India Nepal (BBIN) Initiative. Culturally, Bengal is significant for its huge Hindu and Muslim populations. Bengali Hindus make up the second largest linguistic community in India. Bengali Muslims are the world's second largest Muslim ethnicity (after Arab Muslims), and Bangladesh is the world's third largest Muslim-majority country (after Indonesia and Pakistan).
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Castro Sarmento married Elizabeth, a non-Jew and converted to Anglicanism, although he was not baptized.As Viríadas do Doutor Samuda pp. 106, 127 Manuel Curado, Coimbra University Press, University of Coimbra, 2014 (in Portuguese)Biografia do Doutor Castro Sarmento Retrieved 21 March 2018Lost in Translation, Found in Transliteration. Books, Censorship and the Evolution of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews' Congregation in London as a Linguistic Community 1663-1810 Kerner, Alex. p.
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Indo-Uralic is a controversial hypothetical language family consisting of Indo-European and Uralic. A genetic relationship between Indo-European and Uralic was first proposed by the Danish linguist Vilhelm Thomsen in 1869 (Pedersen 1931:336) but was received with little enthusiasm. Since then, the predominant opinion in the linguistic community has remained that the evidence for such a relationship is insufficient. However, quite a few prominent linguists have always taken the contrary view (e.g.
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The communication square describes the multi- layered structure of human utterances. It combines the idea of a postulate (second axiom) from Paul Watzlawick, that every message contains content and relational facets, with the three sides of the Organon model by Karl Bühler, that every message might reveal something about the sender, the receiver, and the request at hand. Such models are familiar in the linguistic community as part of speech act theory.
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Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure, in search of discovering universal laws of language, formulated a general science of linguistic by bifurcating language into langue, abstract system of language, and parole, utterance or speech. The phonemes, fundamental unit of sound, are the basic structure of a language. The linguistic community gives a social dimension to a language. Moreover, linguistic signs are arbitrary and change only comes with time and not by individual will.
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These referents are considered rigid designators in the Kripkean sense and are disseminated outward to the linguistic community. Putnam specifies a finite sequence of elements (a vector) for the description of the meaning of every term in the language. Such a vector consists of four components: # the object to which the term refers, e.g., the object individuated by the chemical formula H2O; # a set of typical descriptions of the term, referred to as "the stereotype", e.g.
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A debate within the linguistic community is whether the age of acquiring one's L2 has effects on the cognitive advantages. A study on native bilingual vs late bilingual vs monolingual children in the USA revealed an overall bilingual advantage. Furthermore, native bilingual children demonstrated better performance on a selection of executive function tasks compared with their late bilingual and monolingual counterparts. Participants were controlled for age, verbal ability, and socioeconomic status (indicated by parent education level).
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Wetzels is involved in a variety of research projects, most prominent is the one which regards nasal harmony systems. The project aims at establishing the phonological and morphological parameters that are crosslinguistically involved in long-distance nasal spreading. As part of the project, a digital database (NASDAT) was developed by Rob Goedemans (Leiden University) George N. Clements (CNRS, Paris), and Leo Wetzels himself. The NASDAT database will be made accessible to the international linguistic community via its website.
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The circumscription of rights in this manner "does not really concern the application of the rights, but may raise difficult issues of interpretation."Currie and De Waal Handbook 35. The courts will have to interpret the Bill of Rights to determine who is, for example, a "detained person," or "a worker," or a "person belonging to a cultural religious or linguistic community." The activities of persons who are excluded from the scope of a right will not be protected by the right.
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There is no current estimate of the number of speakers available; according to the Linguistic Survey of India, it was spoken by approximately 15,000 people in the 1920s. Because the Atong consider themselves, and are considered by the Garos to be a sub-tribe of the Garos; they are not counted as a separate ethnic or linguistic community by the Indian government. Almost all Atong speakers are bilingual in Garo to a greater or lesser extent. Garo is seen as a more prestigious language.
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In a 2000 article in Science Magazine, Bernice Wuethrich states that American linguist Johanna Nichols "has used language to connect modern people of the Caucasus region to the ancient farmers of the Fertile Crescent," and that her research suggests that "farmers of the region were proto-Nakh-Daghestanians". Nichols is quoted as stating that "The Nakh–Dagestanian languages are the closest thing we have to a direct continuation of the cultural and linguistic community that gave rise to Western civilization."; Bernice Wuethrich, "Science", 2000: Vol. 288 no.
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The Indo-Semitic hypothesis has thus undergone a paradigm shift. From Lepsius in 1836 through the mid-20th century, the question asked was whether Indo- European and Semitic are related or unrelated, and in attempting to answer this question Indo-European and Semitic were compared directly. This now appears naive, and the relevant units of comparison instead appear to be Eurasiatic and Afroasiatic, the immediate precursors of Indo-European (controversially) and Semitic (uncontroversially). This revised schema still has a long road to go if it is to win general acceptance from the linguistic community.
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This usage of "Pidgin" differs from the term "pidgin" as used in linguistics. Tok Pisin is not a pidgin in the latter sense, since it has become a first language for many people (rather than simply a lingua franca to facilitate communication with speakers of other languages). As such, it is considered a creole in linguistic terminology. See the Glottolog entry for Tok Pisin (itself evidence that the linguistic community considers it a language in its own right, and prefers to name it Tok Pisin), as well as numerous references therein.
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As of November 2006, there were reportedly only two schools remaining in Antwerp that permitted Muslim girls to wear the headscarf, and immigrant rights groups protested that the federal Government should intervene, as Muslim girls were being deprived of their rights and the opportunity to have an education at the school of their choice. There is strong societal support to view education as an exclusively local or linguistic community issue, and as such, outside the federal Government's authority. No federal intervention occurred during the period covered by this report.
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The conduit metaphor is a dominant class of figurative expressions used when discussing communication itself (metalanguage). It operates whenever people speak or write as if they "insert" their mental contents (feelings, meanings, thoughts, concepts, etc.) into "containers" (words, phrases, sentences, etc.) whose contents are then "extracted" by listeners and readers. Thus, language is viewed as a "conduit" conveying mental content between people. Defined and described by linguist Michael J. Reddy, PhD, his proposal of this conceptual metaphor refocused debate within and outside the linguistic community on the importance of metaphorical language.
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In linguistics, the conduit metaphor is a dominant class of figurative expressions used when discussing communication itself (metalanguage). It operates whenever people speak or write as if they "insert" their mental contents (feelings, meanings, thoughts, concepts, etc.) into "containers" (words, phrases, sentences, etc.) whose contents are then "extracted" by listeners and readers. Thus, language is viewed as a "conduit" conveying mental content between people. Defined and described by linguist Michael J. Reddy, PhD, his proposal of this conceptual metaphor refocused debate within and outside the linguistic community on the importance of metaphorical language.
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The discussion of how categorical features are determined is still up for debate and there have been numerous other theories trying to explain how words get their meanings and surface in a category. This is an issue within categorical distinction theories that has not yet come to a conclusion which is agreed upon in the linguistic community. This is interesting because phi- features in terms of person, number and gender are concrete features that have been observed numerous times in natural languages, and are consistent patterns that are rooted in rule-based grammar.
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After the publication of Chomsky's Syntactic Structures, the nature of linguistic research began to change, especially at MIT and elsewhere in the linguistic community where TGG had a favorable reception. Morris Halle, a student of Roman Jacobson and a colleague of Chomsky at MIT's Research Laboratory of Electronics (RLE), was a strong supporter of Chomsky's ideas of TGG. At first Halle worked on a generative phonology of Russian and published his work in 1959.Halle 1959 From 1956 until 1968, together with Chomsky (and also with Fred Lukoff initially), Halle developed a new theory of phonology called generative phonology.
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Words always refer to the kinds of things they were coined to refer to, the kinds of things their user, or the user's ancestors, experienced. So, if some person, Mary, is a "brain in a vat", whose every experience is received through wiring and other gadgetry created by the "mad scientist", then Mary's idea of a "brain" does not refer to a "real" brain, since she and her linguistic community have never encountered such a thing. To her a brain is actually an image fed to her through the wiring. Similarly, her idea of a "vat" does not refer to a "real" vat.
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Other languages can also gain recognition at municipal level as official languages if the linguistic community represents at least 5% of the total population within the municipality. Additionally, the Law on the Use of Languages gives Turkish the status of an official language in the municipality of Prizren, irrespective of the size of the Turkish community living there. Although both Albanian and Serbian are official languages, municipal civil servants are only required to speak one of them in a professional setting and, according to Language Commissioner of Kosovo Slaviša Mladenović statement from 2015, no organizations have all of their documents in both languages.
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Since 1905, the congress has been held in a different country every year, with the exceptions of the years during the World Wars. In 1908, a group of young Esperanto speakers led by the Swiss Hector Hodler established the Universal Esperanto Association in order to provide a central organization for the global Esperanto community. Esperanto grew throughout the 20th century, both as a language and as a linguistic community. Despite speakers facing persecution in regimes such as Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union under Stalin, Esperanto speakers continued to establish organizations and publish periodicals tailored to specific regions and interests.
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As she details in a chart of the paradigmatic shifts from modern to postmodern epistemology within the Manifesto, the unified human subject of identity has shifted to the hybridized posthuman of technoscience, from "representation" to "simulation", "bourgeois novel" to "science fiction", "reproduction" to "replication", and "white capitalist patriarchy" to "informatics of domination". While Haraway's "ironic dream of a common language" is inspired by Irigaray's argument for a discourse other than patriarchy, she rejects Irigaray's essentializing construction of woman-as- not-male to argue for a linguistic community of situated, partial knowledges in which no one is innocent.
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The term Weltanschauung is often wrongly attributed to Wilhelm von Humboldt, the founder of German ethnolinguistics. However, as Jürgen Trabant points out, and as James W. Underhill reminds us, Humboldt's key concept was Weltansicht. Weltansicht was used by Humboldt to refer to the overarching conceptual and sensorial apprehension of reality shared by a linguistic community (Nation). On the other hand, Weltanschauung, first used by Kant and later popularized by Hegel, was always used in German and later in English to refer more to philosophies, ideologies and cultural or religious perspectives, than to linguistic communities and their mode of apprehending reality.
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The book Societies, Religion, and History: Central East Tanzanians and the World They Created, c. 200 BCE to 1800 CE asks: "Did a new ethno-linguistic community introduce Tana ware to the region, or did extant EIA Kwale ware makers innovate a new style through a series of transitions that resulted in Tana ware?" The book also comments that "Taking into consideration the marked typological distinctions in Tana ware motifs, even when shared aesthetic influences may be noted, it is more probable that recently arrived NECB speakers manufactured the Tana ware.".wordnik.com In the 5th and 6th centuries, Tana ware began to replace Kwale ware in the Usambara region.
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He has precisely the same concept of one as of the other: "a deciduous tree growing in North America". Yet when Putnam makes a statement containing the word "elm", we take him to be referring specifically to elms. If he makes a claim about a property of elm trees, it will be considered true or false, depending upon whether that property applies to those trees which are in fact elms. There is nothing "in the head" that could fix his reference thus; rather, he concluded, his linguistic community, containing some speakers who did know the difference between the two trees, ensured that when he said "elm", he referred to elms.
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She proposes that swearwords have a unique linguistic role, coupled to a unique emotional role. According to Roache, swearing obtains its power because of speaker inferences: when someone swears, she knows her audience will find it offensive, and the swearer knows the audience knows she knows that the audience will find it offensive, and so on, a process termed offence escalation. Speakers and listeners who belong to the same cultural and linguistic community will likely find similar things offensive, which explains why some expressions (disrespecting social hierarchy, sexual taboos, mention of bodily fluids etc.) tend to cross-culturally recur as swearwords.“” Roache, Rebecca. 2018.
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Radical translation is a thought experiment in Word and Object, a major philosophical work from American philosopher Willard Van Orman Quine. It is used as an introduction to his theory of the indeterminacy of translation, and specifically to prove the point of inscrutability of reference. Using this concept of radical translation, Quine paints a setting where a linguist discovers a native linguistic community whose linguistic system is completely unrelated to any language familiar to the linguist. Quine then describes the steps taken by the linguist in his attempt to fully translate this unfamiliar language based on the only data he has; the events happening around him combined with the verbal and non-verbal behaviour of natives.
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Simultaneous fluency and literacy in the Arabic used by the dominant Muslim communities had also been commonplace. With waves of persecution and thus emigration, the dialect has been carried to and until recently used within respective Judeo-Iraqi diaspora communities, spanning Bombay, Calcutta, Singapore, Hong Kong, Manchester and numerous other international urban hubs. After the mass emigration of Jews from Iraq to Israel between the 1940s and 1960s, Israel came to hold the single largest linguistic community of Judeo-Iraqi Arabic speakers. With successive generations being born and raised in Israel, it is mainly the older people who still actively or passively speak Judeo-Baghdadi and other forms of Judeo- Iraqi Arabic.
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On the other hand, it does include well-developed terminology for inland bodies of water (lakes, river, swamps) and kinds of forest (deciduous and coniferous), for the trees, plants, animals and birds indigenous to the temperate forest zone, and for the fish native to its waters. Indeed, Trubachev argues that this location fostered contacts between speakers of Pre-Proto-Slavic with the cultural innovations which emanated from central Europe and the steppe. Although language groups cannot be straightforwardly equated with archaeological cultures, the emergence of a Pre-Proto-Slavic linguistic community corresponds temporally and geographically with the Komarov and Chernoles cultures (Novotna, Blazek). Both linguists and archaeologists therefore often locate the Slavic Urheimat specifically within this area.
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The term 'Messapic' or 'Messapian' is traditionally used to refer to a group of languages spoken by the Iapygians, a "relatively homogeneous linguistic community" of non-Italic-speaking tribes (Messapians, Peucetians and Daunians) dwelling in the region of Apulia before the Roman conquest. However, some scholars have argued that the term 'Iapygian languages' should be preferred for referring to the group of languages spoken in Apulia, with the term 'Messapic' being reserved to the inscriptions found in the Salento peninsula, where the specific tribe of the Messapians had been living in the pre-Roman era. The name Apulia itself derives from Iapygia after passing from Greek to Oscan to Latin and undergoing subsequent morphological shifts.
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A graffiti on a road sign in Bisaurri. The road sign is written in Spanish and the graffiti says "En català" (In Catalan) The Political significance of La Franja goes hand in hand with the Catalan nationalist political movement, which considers this part of Aragon (and even all other Catalan-speaking territories) to be part of the Catalan nation, because of its language. This new interpretation as part of the political connotation ascribed to the Catalan Countries emerged throughout the 20th Century—and especially after the 1960s—encouraged in the main part by the Valencian Joan Fuster. Pan-Catalanism demands the creation of a nation-state for the Catalan Countries in which the cultural unity is based on the Catalan linguistic community.
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The Second Scheme's subsequent rejection by the public has been cited as a case study in a failed attempt to artificially control the direction of a language's evolution. Indeed, it was not embraced by the linguistic community in China upon its release; despite heavy promotion by official publications, Rohsenow observes that "in the case of some of the character forms constructed by the staff members themselves" the public at large found proposed changes "laughable." Political issues aside, Chen objects to the notion that all characters should be reduced to ten or fewer strokes. He argues that a technical shortcoming of the Second Scheme was that the characters it reformed occur less often in writing than those of the First Scheme.
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Macedonia and Adrianople areas, which were given back from Bulgaria to the Ottomans are shown with green frontiers. Bulgarian Millet or Bulgar Millet was an ethno-religious and linguistic community within the Ottoman Empire from the mid-19th to early 20th century. The semi-official term Bulgarian millet, was used by the Sultan for the first time in 1847, and was his tacit consent to a more ethno-linguistic definition of the Bulgarians as a nation. Officially as a separate Millet in 1860 were recognized the Bulgarian Uniates, and then in 1870 the Bulgarian Orthodox Christians (Eksarhhâne-i Millet i Bulgar).Evolutionary Theory and Ethnic Conflict Praeger Series in Political Communication, Patrick James, David Goetze, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001, , pp. 159–160.
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The Iapygians were a "relatively homogeneous linguistic community" speaking a non-Italic, Indo-European language, commonly called 'Messapic'. The language, written in variants of the Greek alphabet, is attested from the mid-6th to the late-2nd century BC. Some scholars have argued that the term 'Iapygian languages' should be preferred to refer to those dialects, and the term 'Messapic' reserved to the inscriptions found in the Salento peninsula, where the specific Messapian people dwelt in the pre- Roman era. During the 6th century BC, Messapia, and more marginally Peucetia, underwent Hellenizing cultural influences, mainly from the nearby Taras. The use of writing systems was introduced in this period, with the acquisition of the Laconian-Tarantine alphabet and its adaptation to the Messapic language.
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States such as North Carolina, South Carolina, and Alabama have specialized Deaf mental health services. The Alabama Department of Mental Health has established an office of Deaf services to serve the more than 39,000 deaf and hard of hearing person who will require mental health services. There are multiple models of deafness; Deaf mental health focuses on a cultural model in that people who are deaf view themselves as part of a socio-cultural linguistic community, rather than people with a medical deficit or disability. Accordingly, providing deaf mental-health care to people of the Deaf community requires services from clinicians, doctors, and interpreters who are trained with this perspective and the inclusion of deaf professionals in this system of health care.
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One of Haider's main political struggles was the one against bilingualism in southern Carinthia, where an indigenous Slovene ethnic-linguistic community, known as the Carinthian Slovenes, lives. Already in the 1980s, Haider pursued a policy of segregation in schools, insisting on physically dividing the Slovene and German-speaking pupils in elementary schools in southern Carinthia. In December 2001, the Austrian Constitutional Court ruled that topographic road signs in all settlements in Carinthia which have had more than 10% of Slovene-speaking inhabitants over a longer period of time, should be written both in German and Slovene. Haider refused to carry out this decision, which has been reiterated by the Court several times thereafter, and publicly threatened to sue the president of the Constitutional Court.
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Due to its isolation, the dialect has also developed a specific phonetic system, unlike any other in the South Slavic language group. The people of Resia usually do not consider themselves as Slovenes, although they maintain close cultural, economic and family connections with the people of the historical region known as Venetian Slovenia, where Slovene linguistic and cultural identity is much more rooted. The Resians call their language rozajanski, while they frequently refer to the Slovene language as tabuški, meaning 'the one from Bovec', which is the first large Slovene settlement on the other side of the Kanin mountain range. Since 2007, the Resia has been included in those municipalities where the Law on the Protection of the Slovene Linguistic Community is to be applied.
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Indeed, within a translation of cultures, the target language may dominate the source culture in order to make the text comprehensible in a sense of culture for the readers. The meaning of culture is quite difficult to understand, therefore translation of cultures is certainly limited, all the more so borders exist between cultures, which must be thus distinguished. This limit of translation of cultures was also explained in the theory of Edward Sapir, an American linguist and anthropologist : “The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same world with different labels attached”. “Each linguistic community has its own perception of the world, which differs from that of other linguistic communities, implies the existence of different worlds determined by language”.
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Möller's magnum opus was the Vergleichendes indogermanisch-semitisches Wörterbuch, 'Dictionary of Comparative Indo-European–Semitic', published in 1911. Although Möller's association of Semitic and Indo-European reflected a high level of linguistic expertise and was the fruit of many years of labor, it did not receive general acceptance from the linguistic community and is rarely mentioned today. It was, however, accepted as valid by a number of leading linguists of the time, such as Holger Pedersen (1924) and Louis Hjelmslev. According to Hjelmslev (1970:79), "a genetic relationship between Indo-European and Hamito-Semitic was demonstrated in detail by the Danish linguist Hermann Möller, using the method of element functions". Möller's work was continued by Albert Cuny (1924, 1943, 1946) in France and more recently by the American scholar Saul Levin (1971, 1995, 2002).
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His interactionist theory asserts that at the heart of a metaphor is the interaction between its two subject terms, where the interaction provides the condition for a meaning which neither of the subject terms possesses independently of the metaphorical context. The primary subject in a metaphor, he claims, is coloured by a set of "associated implications" normally predicated of the secondary subject . From the number of possible meanings which could result, the primary subject sieves the qualities predicable of the secondary subject, letting through only those that fit. The interaction, as a process, brings into being what Black terms an "implication- complex", a system of associated implications shared by the linguistic community as well as an impulse of free meaning, free in that it is meaning which was unavailable prior to the metaphor's introduction .
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Report about Compliance with the Principles of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (Greece) – GREEK HELSINKI MONITOR (GHM) There is a dispute over the size of this alleged minority, with some Greeks denying it outright, and some ethnic Macedonians inflating the numbers substantially. The Greek Helsinki Monitor reports that, "difficult and therefore risky it is to declare a Macedonian minority identity in such an extremely hostile if not aggressive environment in Greece". There are no official statistics to confirm or deny either claims. The Greek government has thus far refused on the basis that there is no significant community and that the idea of minority status is not popular amongst the (Greek identifying) linguistic community of northern Greece as it would have the effect of them being marginalised.
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These innovations changed Oriya literature forever, and inaugurated the age of modern Oriya prose, but they are based in a vision of social equality and cultural self-determination. Senapati was no romantic nationalist, and his conception of language was based on his progressive social vision. In his prose works, he sought to popularize an egalitarian literary medium that was sensitive enough to draw on the rich idioms of ordinary Oriyas, the language of the paddy fields and the village markets. If he saw the imposition of other languages like Persian, English, or Bengali on Oriyas as a form of linguistic colonialism, it is because he considered the interests of Oriyas — much like the interests of any linguistic community — to be tied to democratic cultural and social access to power.
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Schumann's Acculturation Model proposes that learners' rate of development and ultimate level of language achievement is a function of the "social distance" and the "psychological distance" between learners and the second-language community. In Schumann's model the social factors are most important, but the degree to which learners are comfortable with learning the second language also plays a role. Another sociolinguistic model is Gardner's socio-educational model, which was designed to explain classroom language acquisition. Gardner's model focuses on the emotional aspects of SLA, arguing that positive motivation contributes to an individuals willingness to learn L2; furthermore, the goal of an individual to learn a L2 is based on the idea that the individual has a desire to be part of a culture, in other words, part of a (the targeted language) mono-linguistic community.
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Now, Flanders extends over the northern part of Belgium, including Belgian Limburg (corresponding closely to the medieval County of Loon), and the Dutch-speaking Belgian parts of the medieval Duchy of Brabant. The ambiguity between this wider cultural area and that of the County or Province still remains in discussions about the region. In most present-day contexts, however, the term Flanders is taken to refer to either the political, social, cultural, and linguistic community (and the corresponding official institution, the Flemish Community), or the geographical area, one of the three institutional regions in Belgium, namely the Flemish Region. In the history of art and other fields, the adjectives Flemish and Netherlandish are commonly used to designate all the artistic production in this area before about 1580, after which it refers specifically to the southern Netherlands.
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Saping is a sparsely populated village in Kabhrepalanchok district, about 60 kilometres east of Kathmandu, Nepal. As of 2011 census, Saping village has 786 households with 3246 individuals, 1,472 males and 1,774 females (CBS Nepal 2012), and under the "new" federal structure, formed by a new constitution, adopted on 20 September 2015, Saping is now a part of Bhumlu Gaupalika (in English: Bhumlu Rural Municipality) and is organized as Ward Number 1 (out of 10 small government units called 'wards', cf. in the pre-2015 era the village was called Saping Village Development Committee). As a mixed ethnic and linguistic community, Saping has several well known travel destinations, including holy sites like Mulkharka Bhimsenthan and Saping Siddhi Ganesh Temple - both of which can be reached using vehicles or on foot from Dolalghat town, as a part of a (day or two) trekking adventure.
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Schools for Deaf children, known as Deaf institutes, are typically the environment in which Deaf children are introduced to their community's culture, including ASL Literature. The first such institute, the American School for the Deaf (ASD) in Hartford, CT was established in 1817 by Thomas Gallaudet and Laurent Clerc (then called the American Asylum for the Education of the Deaf and Dumb). Since ASD was established as a residential school, the Deaf students who lived there created a new linguistic community as local, regional sign languages from around the country mixed with the French Sign Language taught by Clerc and led to the development of ASL as a language in its own right. The community that formed at ASD was such a successful intellectual community that other Deaf institutes began to open around the country anywhere there was a large enough Deaf population.
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A variety of Slovene dialects were spoken throughout the region. The Slovene linguistic community in the Julian March was divided into as many as 11 dialects (seven larger and four smaller dialects), belonging to three of the seven dialect groups into which Slovene is divided. Most Slovenes were fluent in standard Slovene, with the exception of some northern Istrian villages (where primary education was in Italian and the Slovene national movement penetrated only in the late 19th century) and the Carinthian Slovenes in the Canale Valley, who were Germanised until 1918 and frequently spoke only the local dialect. Slovene-Italian bilingualism was present only in some north- west Istrian coastal villages and the confined semi-urban areas around Gorizia and Trieste, while the vast majority of Slovene speakers had little (or no) knowledge of Italian; German was the predominant second language of the Slovene rural population.
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Herman Bell. 1995. The Nuba Mountains: Who Spoke What in 1976?. (The published results from a major project of the Institute of African and Asian Studies: the Language Survey of the Nuba Mountains.) The evidence is insufficient to determine if this outlier group of Niger–Congo language speakers represent a prehistoric range of a Niger–Congo linguistic region that has since contracted as other languages have intruded, or if instead, this represents a group of Niger–Congo language speakers who migrated to the area at some point in prehistory where they were an isolated linguistic community from the beginning. The prehistoric range for the Niger–Congo languages has implications, not just for the history of the Niger–Congo languages, but for the origins of the Afro-Asiatic languages and Nilo-Saharan languages whose homelands have been hypothesized by some to overlap with the Niger–Congo linguistic range prior to recorded history.
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A primary contributor to the development of political awareness amongst Tamils during the European colonial rule was the advent of Protestant missionaries on a large scale from 1814. Missionary activities by missionaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Methodists and Anglican churches led to a revival amongst Hindu Tamils who built their own schools, temples, societies and published literature to counter the missionary activities. The success of this effort led the Tamils to think confidently of themselves as a community and prepared the way for self-consciousness as a cultural, religious and linguistic community in the mid-19th century.Gunasingam, Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism, p. 108Gunasingam, Sri Lankan Tamil nationalism, p. 201 Great Britain, which had come to control the whole of the island in 1815, instituted a legislative council in 1833 with three Europeans and one each for Sinhalese, Sri Lankan Tamils and Burghers.
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Since the Spanish transition to democracy (1975–1982), Catalan has been institutionalized as an official language, language of education, and language of mass media; all of which have contributed to its increased prestige. In Catalonia, there is an unparalleled large bilingual European non-state linguistic community. The teaching of Catalan is mandatory in all schools, but it is possible to use Spanish for studying in the public education system of Catalonia in two situations – if the teacher assigned to a class chooses to use Spanish, or during the learning process of one or more recently arrived immigrant students. There is also some intergenerational shift towards Catalan. According to the Statistical Institute of Catalonia, in 2013 the Catalan language is the second most commonly used in Catalonia, after Spanish, as a native or self-defining language: 7% of the population self-identifies with both Catalan and Spanish equally, 36.4% with Catalan and 47.5% only Spanish.
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Since names ending in reflect Germanic morphology representing the Latin ending , and the suffix was reflected by Germanic , the question of the problematic ending in masculine Proto-Norse would be resolved by assuming Roman (Rhineland) influences, while "the awkward ending -a of may be solved by accepting the fact that the name may indeed be West Germanic". In the early Runic period differences between Germanic languages are generally presumed to be small. Another theory presumes a Northwest Germanic unity preceding the emergence of Proto-Norse proper from roughly the 5th century. An alternative suggestion explaining the impossibility of classifying the earliest inscriptions as either North or West Germanic is forwarded by È. A. Makaev, who presumes a "special runic koine", an early "literary Germanic" employed by the entire Late Common Germanic linguistic community after the separation of Gothic (2nd to 5th centuries), while the spoken dialects may already have been more diverse.
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The Assamese people are a socio-ethnolinguistic"As a socio-ethnic linguistic community, Assamese culture evolved through many centuries in a melting pot syndrome." identity that has been described at various times as nationalistic"All this suggests that Assamese nationalism was a post-British phenomenon. As an ideology and movement it took shape only during the second half of the 19th century, when such questions as the preservation and promotion of the mother-tongue, jobs for the sons of the soil and concern over colonial constraints on development, began to stir Assamese minds." or micro- nationalistic." Assamese micro-nationalism began in the middle of the nineteenth century as an assertion of the autonomy and distinctiveness of Assamese language and culture against the British colonial view of Assam as a periphery of Bengal." This group is often associated with the Assamese language, though the use of the term precedes the name of the language.
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Shelta (;Laurie Bauer, 2007, The Linguistics Student's Handbook, Edinburgh Irish: Seiltis) is a language spoken by Rilantu Mincéirí (Irish Travellers), particularly in Ireland and the United Kingdom.McArthur, T. (ed.) The Oxford Companion to the English Language (1992) Oxford University Press It is widely known as the Cant, to its native speakers in Ireland as De Gammon, and to the linguistic community as Shelta.Kirk, J. & Ó Baoill (eds.), D. Travellers and their Language (2002) Queen's University Belfast It was often used as a cryptolect to exclude outsiders from comprehending conversations between Travellers, although this aspect is frequently over-emphasised. The exact number of native speakers is hard to determine due to sociolinguistic issues but Ethnologue puts the number of speakers at 30,000 in the UK, 6,000 in Ireland, and 50,000 in the US. The figure for at least the UK is dated to 1990; it is not clear if the other figures are from the same source.
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Starting with his Grondbeginselen van de psychologische taalwetenschap, based on which he wrote his dissertation Principes de linguistique psychologique, van Ginneken worked on developing a psychological foundation for linguistics and language. Three substantial parts of his convictions are presented in the following: Firstly, van Ginneken opposed the prevalence of the neogrammarians’ methods in linguistics and was a proponent for a psychological approach to linguistics in a more synchronic way, thereby allowing, he thought, to gain an extended view of the diachronic development of language as well. Secondly, language, it seemed to him, had its foundations in sub- or unconscious regions of sentiment and emotion. This notion, which he explained in his Principes, had its opposition in the field of language psychology from those who saw language as prevailingly cognitive, notably Edward Sapir. Thirdly, in the latter half of his life, van Ginneken developed the idea, that besides psychological factors, sound changes were influenced by genetic and anthropological ones, a view which didn’t find much agreement in the linguistic community at the time and much less after the Second World War, when much of language biology began to be seen as an absurdity of pre-War sciences.
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