"Local interests, clientelism, the appearance of respect for democracy which is in fact clientelism might be the main obstacles," Mr. Bellenger said, referring to Italy's entrenched jobs-for-votes culture.
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Bangkok's efforts to claw back fiscal decision-making may curb clientelism.
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But in Venezuela's authoritarian context, clientelism has acquired a more menacing hue.
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That, they say, stains Algerian justice and illustrates the clientelism of its politics.
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Peronism long controlled the conurbano through clientelism, providing handouts in return for political loyalty.
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What they offer however -- clientelism and protectionism -- is no real option for economic success.
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But elsewhere, South Vietnam's customary clientelism broke down, especially in the vote-rich Mekong Delta.
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"Clientelism demands the subjection of the poor, rather than lifting them out of poverty," he adds.
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And if multiple parties get involved in clientelism, citizens can shop around for the best deal.
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Yet corruption and clientelism remain rife, and the history of Mr Zaev's Social Democrats is less than spotless.
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Taken to its worst extreme, food-based clientelism could force hungry citizens to behave like suppliant, sycophantic subjects.
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The country's mostly rural south—undereducated, beset by vote-buying and clientelism, isolated from the global supply chain—remains impoverished.
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What scholars call "clientelism" involves giving people material goods, ranging from bags of rice to jobs, in exchange for their support.
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Beyond its immediate repercussions, the 1971 debacle reflected South Vietnam's failure to transcend the politics of clientelism and competing big personalities.
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After its large electoral margin, Fidesz faces no major obstacles in remolding Hungary into a society ruled by clientelism, deference and fear.
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They are inspired by Mexico's old politics of clientelism, replacing former mechanisms of federal spending by direct transfers to future potential voters.
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Power-sharing and clientelism have underpinned the stability of the Saudi state but are also blamed for its inability to change and adapt.
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Indeed, her rise has much to do with voters' frustration with the grubby clientelism nurtured by Mr Fico's Smer party, which remains in government.
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Yet some worry that when Mr Mitsotakis's political honeymoon is over, old rivalries and clientelism in ND will resurface and undermine his efforts to reform.
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Time was when Latin American elections were fairly predictable, with stable parties based on secular ideology or religion and with a dollop of political clientelism.
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The protesters accuse the political elite of exploiting state resources for their own benefit through networks of patronage and clientelism that mesh business and politics.
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It stands for popular capitalism and an emerging middle class, though Ms Fujimori's opinion-poll lead among poorer Peruvians also stems from her father's clientelism.
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The protesters accuse the political elite of exploiting state resources for their own benefit through networks of patronage and clientelism that mesh business and politics.
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Those splits and the regime's refinement of fraud and clientelism—votes for food and cash—allowed Mr Maduro to win the recent regional and municipal elections.
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She and other voters lament the lack of emphasis on national policy issues in this contest, saying it instead is focused on localized interests and clientelism.
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But they did so through corruption, strongman politics, and what political scientists call clientelism, which basically means giving select groups benefits in exchange for their political support.
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Conventional wisdom long held that America's free market would never tolerate the sort of clientelism, nepotism, and outright theft that prevailed in places like Brazil and Italy.
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Most says it wants to put an end to two decades of control of Croatia's politics by the two biggest parties, which it accuses of clientelism and corrupt practices.
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Joseph Schumpeter feared that as firms grew more powerful, they might push a country towards corporatism and clientelism, winning monopoly rights that would generate profits they could share with politicians.
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Mr. Simeoni is credited with pulling in centrist voters by giving the nationalists a moderate face, and ending the patronage and clientelism that had dominated the island's politics for decades.
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"Strengthening solidarity and social inclusiveness, more just distribution of wealth, and a fight against clientelism are the main and the most effective tools against inequality and alienation in society," Milanovic said.
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PARIS (Reuters) - France's National Assembly on Wednesday adopted a bill meant to help clean up national politics after hard-fought debates over a clause scrapping lawmakers' constituency funds, which critics say encourage clientelism.
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It is important to steer a middle course here — with the elite being seated securely enough to facilitate the proper functioning of the institutions of capitalist democracy, but not to the extent where clientelism and corruption prevail.
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But the film also avoids being Manichaean, and it captures well how Lebanon's fundamental structural problems have barely changed: minorities' fear of the other and their existential anxiety, clientelism and corruption, the shameless manipulation of popular resentment by politicians.
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Patterson examines how the political clientelism that took root in independent Jamaica has led to deadly "garrison-based politics," in which a poor neighborhood is bribed or coerced through the threat of violence into voting for a particular political party.
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"Villar is the last of his kind, kept in power thanks to a system of clientelism that must disappear," Miguel Ángel Galán, an owner of Spanish soccer schools who had considered running against Mr. Villar, said in an interview this year.
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"TV33 was a decisive element in the construction of the new Catalan identity and society that Pujol wanted, but it also became part of a powerful system of clientelism," said Josep Maria Martí Font, a Catalan journalist and former foreign correspondent for the newspaper El País.
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Clientelism has generally negative consequences on democracy and government while also having more uncertain consequences on the economy. The accountability relationship in a democracy, where voters hold elected officials accountable for their actions, is undermined by clientelism. This is because under clientelism, votes are contingent on gifts to clients rather than the performance of elected officials in office. Clientelism also degrades democratic institutions such as the secret ballot and administrative oversight.
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Unconsolidated democracies often suffer from formalized but intermittent elections and clientelism.
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Nevertheless, there is still great uncertainty in the economic effects of clientelism.
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There are different forms of corruptions that have nothing to do with clientelism, such as voter intimidation or ballot stuffing. "Clientelism is considered negative because its intention is to generate 'private' revenue for patrons and clients and, as a result obstruct 'public' revenue for members of the general community who are not a part of the patron-client arrangement."Kawata, Junʼichi. Comparing Political Corruption and Clientelism.
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His more recent writing focuses on issues of party-society links, patronage and clientelism.
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Roniger, Luis. Political Clientelism, Democracy, and Market Economy. 3rd ed. Vol. 36. New York: : PhD.
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Aldershot, Hampshire, England: Ashgate, 2006. Print. Clientelism as a strategy of political organisation is substantially different from other strategies which rely on appeals to wider programmatic objectives or simply emphasize higher degrees of competence. It is often assumed that clientelism is a vestige of political underdevelopment, a form of corruption, and that political modernization will reduce or end it. But alternative views stressing the persistence of clientelism – and the patronage associated with it – have been recognized.
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Politicians can engage in clientelism on either (or both) a group or individual level. One way individual level clientelism can manifest itself is in a vote buying relationship: a politician gives a citizen goods or services, and, in exchange, that individual citizen promises to vote for that politician in the next election. Individual level clientelism can also be carried out through coercion where citizens are threatened with lack of goods or services unless they vote for a certain politician or party. The relationship can also work in the opposite direction, where voters pressure politicians into clientelistic relationships in exchange for electoral support.
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This is confirmed by the Media Clientelism Index, a regional index assessing clientelism and politicization of the media in five countries of the Western Balkans which indicated that Bosnia and Herzegovina suffers a strong influence of political elites over the media. Overall, according to Turčilo, such a media environment cannot provide the public with sufficient and quality information to make an objective assessment of the media contents.
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Similar machines have been described in Latin America, where the system has been called clientelism or political clientelism (after the similar Clientela relationship in the Roman Republic), especially in rural areas, and also in some African states and other emerging democracies, like postcommunist Eastern European countries. The Swedish Social Democrats have also been referred, to a certain extent, as a "political machine", thanks to its strong presence in "popular houses".
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This forced PT activists to reevaluate their understandings of the relationships between political elites and agrarian workers. Ansell calls these relationships, or networks of relationships, ‘intimate hierarchies.’ As the name suggests, these relationships are not as strictly delineated as either clientelism or universalism, but rather serves as a middle way between the two. Thus, these relationships are not vote buying, or official exchanges of favors, goods, or services for political support, as are associated with clientelism.
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However, Karadžić not resigned and since then is even more under criticism.ekapija.de:Tomislav Karadžić bleibt an der Spitze des Fußballverbandes Serbien (German) Accusations against him for administrative abuse, monopoly, and clientelism have been continued.
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Susan Stokes et al. distinguish clientelism as a form of non-programmatic policy within distributive politics. It meets the criteria through failing to meet the two requirements of programmatic distribution, that are (1) 'formalized and public' and (2) 'shape actual distribution of benefits or resources'. Within non-programmatic policy, clientelism is then distinguished from 'pork-barrel politics' in that voters are given a benefit or are able to avoid a cost conditional on their returning the favor with a vote.
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Clientelism has been a problem in Vanuatuan politics since the country's independence in 1980. Often the lines between clientelism and corruption in Vanuatu have been ill-defined. The successful conviction of 14 MPs, including two former prime ministers, for bribery was one of the largest steps taken to combat corruption. The Supreme Court found that while in the opposition in 2014, former prime minister Moana Carcasses Kalosil bribed parliamentarians with 35 million vatu (US$300,000) to support a no-confidence motion.
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In this book, Ansell argues that Northeastern Brazil, under the PT, does not align with the traditional notions of clientelism or universalism, but instead has developed an unspoken system of “intimate hierarchies” that support a mutually beneficial socio-political system for politicians or elites and the impoverished citizens of Northeast Brazil. Ansell is responding to the predominant literature on post-authoritarian Brazil that uses the concept of clientelism as a means for elites to maintain their status, and for inequality to remain static. This concept, and the arguments of its practice, limits social and economic mobility in Northeast Brazil, holding marginalized and impoverished populations in their current place. Ansell's contribution to the literature is the introduction of a new way to think about the relationship between the party and citizens which complicates the traditional notions of clientelism.
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The opposition, however, has claimed that anti-corruption efforts have not been far-reaching enough because they have not addressed the clientelism that is pervasive in Paraguayan politics or the dominance of the Colorado Party in governmental institutions.
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1 November 2014. while political clientelism is seen as "the distribution of benefits targeted to individuals or groups in exchange for electoral support". It is common to associate the two together because they moderately overlap. , Diritto e giustizia,13 maggio 2000.
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Clientelism may not look the same from context to context. Several individual and country- level factors may shape if and how clientelism takes hold in a country including the types of individual leaders, socioeconomic status of individuals, economic development, democratization, and institutional factors. In some contexts, clientelistic behavior is almost expected, as these types of interactions can become embedded in the formal political structures. Some types of leaders (such as hereditary traditional leaders who remain in power for extended periods of time) are more effective in carrying out clientelistic relationships than others (such as elected officials).
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Habib Bourguiba. In that context, the 1980s started in Tunisia with a deep crisis. Clientelism began to grow more and more until it disabled economic and social development. The situation worsened with Bourguiba's age, his declining health and his incapacity to manage state issues.
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Others have argued he was dismissed "because of his inappropriate financial management and chronic overhiring of municipal workers."Junʼichi Kawata, Comparing Political Corruption and Clientelism, Ashgate Publishing, 2006, pp. 183-184 He then served as a member of the Senate from 1938 to 1944.
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Van de Walle introduces the notion that in Africa, states are hybrid regimes where patrimonial practices and bureaucracies coexist to a higher or lesser degree. African states have laws and constitutional order and in parallel are ruled by patrimonial logic in which political authority is based on clientelism and office holders constantly appropriate public resources for their own benefit. The dual nature of African regimes means that clientelism is not incidental and cannot be easily corrected with capacity building policies and at the same time formal structures play an important role, even in the least-institutionalized states. During the African Debit Crisis, neopatrimonialism showed various signs of weakness.
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Whilst koenkai is a distinctly Japanese term, the form of clientelism which it is characterised by is not unique to Japan. Members of political systems in countries around the world have also been found to employ similar clientelistic tactics, in order to garner support for votes.
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It is common to link clientelism with corruption; both involve political actors using public and private resources for personal gain, but they are not synonymous. Corruption is commonly defined as "dishonest and fraudulent conduct by those in power, typically involving bribery","Corruption" Def. 1. Oxford Dictionary Online, n.d., Mon.
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President Lula speaks during the ceremony of the Residential Lease Program - PAR, certificates of the Housing Allowance Program - PSH, and cards from the Bolsa Família Program Three terms that are vitally important to this book are patronage, clientelism, and universalism. Patronage is the granting jobs, favors, or services to individuals or groups who support a political party or campaign. Clientelism is a social order that depends upon and stems from patronage, particularly in politics where it emphasizes or exploits such relations of granting favors for political support. Universalism is a system where goods and services are distributed not as favors for political support, but as rights for all individuals regardless of politics.
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"Is Small Really Beautiful? The Microstate Mistake", Journal of Democracy, 25(3): 135-148. Due to small populations, family and personal relations are often decisive in microstate politics. In some cases, this impedes neutral and formal decision-making and instead leads to undemocratic political activity, such as clientelism, corruption, particularism and executive dominance.
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Program in Political Science of the City U of New York, 2004. 353-375. Print. However, patrons are unable to access the information needed to effectively form the exchange; thus they hire intermediaries, brokers, that more equipped to find out what the targeted voter needs, which voters will require less prodding, and if the voter followed through on their end of the bargain. As Stokes, Dunning, Nazareno, and Brusco emphasize, brokers in turn serve political leaders, and they may also not target resources exactly as leaders would wish; the resulting principal-agent problems can have important implications for understanding how clientelism works. Standard modeling of clientelism assumes that politicians are able to monitor votes, and in turn, reward or punish voters based on their choices.
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Arias, Enrique Desmond. Drugs and Democracy in Rio De Janeiro: Trafficking, Social Networks, and Public Security. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. (Page 1-2) According to Desmond Arias there are two conventional and widely accepted approaches to approaching Rio's crime problem where the divided city approach and the neo-clientelism approach.
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This work directly challenges the clientelism and rationalist paradigm of the New Public Management. New Public Service (NPS) focuses on democratic governance and re-imagining the accountability of public administrators toward citizens. NPS posits that administrators should be a broker between citizens and their government, focusing on citizen engagement in political and administrative issues.
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The Russian political term leaderism (, vozhdism) means "a policy directed at the affirmation/confirmation of one person in the role of an indisputable or infallible leader".Viktor Ruchkin. S I Ozhegov, Slovar’ Russkogo Yazyka, Moscow 1978 via Vozhdism is widespread in totalitarian and authoritarian régimes. Manifestations of vozhdism include clientelism, nepotism, tribalism, and messianism.
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Companies consider corruption a major obstacle for business in the country. About a fifth of them expect to pay bribes to civil servants to do business. Bureaucratic procedures are complex and burdensome, and often involve illegal “facilitation payments.” Several sectors, notably public procurement and natural-resources extraction, are characterized by extensive patronage networks and clientelism.
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Encyclopedia of Italian literary studies, CRC Press, 2007, p. 980 Benedetti was the editor-in-chief until 1963, when he handed over to Scalfari. L'Espresso was characterized from the beginning by an aggressive investigative journalism strongly focussed on corruption and clientelism by the Christian Democrat party. In the 1950s it uncovered major scandals in the health and housing industries.
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Third, strategies like induced nostalgia and programmatic pilgrimage did assist in the formation of an understood community based in lower economic standing of the region, and its citizens, as a whole. And lastly, the emphasis of rights in the Zero Hunger Program shifted perceptions away from strict notions of clientelism to a heightened sense of mutual respect and long-term cooperation.
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Iordachi, I.3, III The 65th anniversary of the PCR Especially during the 1980s, clientelism was further enhanced by a new policy, rotația cadrelor ("cadre rotation"or"reshuffling"), placing strain on low-level officials to seek the protection of higher placed ones as a means to preserve their position or to be promoted.Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.426-431; Deletant & Ionescu, p.
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Quid pro quo would dissolve in the absence of such monitoring, rendering clientielism highly inefficient at best and completely ineffective at worst. However, evidence suggests that systematic monitoring of voter choice at the polls is surprisingly uncommon. Patronage, turnout buying, abstention buying, and vote buying are subcategories of clientelism. Patronage refers to an intra-party flow of benefits to members.
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Oxford: Oxford UP, 2009. Print. A key to understanding clientelism might come in stressing not only the mutually beneficial relationships of exchange but also asymmetries in power or standing. Implied is a certain selectivity in access to key resources and markets. Those with access, the patrons (and/or sometimes sub-patrons or brokers) rely on the subordination and dependence of the clients.
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The Za'im system, also known as zuama clientelism, is a corrupt patronage system in Lebanon. A political boss, known as a Za'im, is from the leading family in the country's electoral districts. They manipulate elections and distribute political favours and financial rewards to the highest bidder. A za'im can run for office or encourage votes for another to have another in his debt.
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Urszula Augustyniak is a member of editorial board of "Odrodzenie i Reformacja w Polsce". She has written extensively about the functioning of the Polish-Lithuanian royal court, customs of the nobility, clientelism, relations between the clergy and the secular estate, religious differences in the early modern period, Baroque art and the ways of disseminating information in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
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The main anchoring mechanisms we can empirically find are: party organization, clientelism, neo- corporatist arrangements, and party control of interests. Other possible anchors include: a strong leader, a successful tv channel, an internet networking skillfully managed. Likewise, there is an internal crisis of democracy when for a number of different reason the existing anchors fade away, i.e. there is a de-anchoring.
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Economic norms theory links the economic conditions of clientelism, which prevail in many lower income societies, and contract- intensive economy, which prevails in many higher income societies, with divergent political interests and habits.Michael Mousseau, "The Social Market Roots of Democratic Peace," International Security, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Spring 2009), 52-86.Michael Mousseau, "Market Civilization and its Clash with Terror," International Security, Vol.
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He attributed this decline to psychological factors (a city with "depressed", "disinterested" and "filthy" inhabitants), but also to clientelism and the excessive powers of the central government.Nastasă (2007), pp.292-293 On Washington's Birthday, 1932, he discussed "The Scientific Spirit in America and in Europe" at the Friends of America society in Bucharest."Rumania", in History of the George Washington Bicentennial Celebration.
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Christian Democracy (Italian: Democrazia Italiana, DC) was a Christian democratic centrist political party in Italy. It employed clientelism as a means to cement the party's domination of Italian politics across a 50-year span from 1944 to 1994. Similar to the tactics found in Japanese koenkai, they used clientelistic policies in order to gain support and insight into public opinion, which then influenced public policies.
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While the Ba'ath Party was strong, its decision to recruit members from across society led to tribalism and clientelism within the party. Party leaders then opted to overlook democratic norms and procedures. The Ba'ath Party faced a significant dilemma: take power through competitive elections or forceful takeover. Even the liberal and democratic-inclined founding leaders were partial to forceful takeover, citing the corrupt electoral process.
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In principle, the term Sheriff () was coined by the Slovenian media in reference to local politicians, usually mayors, who are faced with accusations of political corruption, cronyism or clientelism and are faced or charged with criminal investigations and indictments. These politicians are usually successful in eluding the law and in some cases manage to stay in office even after being found guilty by the court of law.
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By asking experts on Vanuatuan politics to rank the integrity of various electoral issues, the group found that the election was generally fair and just. However, they also suggest in their rankings that voters may have been bribed and that some may have received cash for votes. It was found likely that politicians offered patronage to voters, confirming at least some clientelism in Vanuatuan politics.
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Economic norms theory links the economic conditions of clientelism, which prevail in many lower income societies, and a contract-intensive economy, which prevails in many higher income societies, with divergent political interests and habits.Michael Mousseau, "The Social Market Roots of Democratic Peace," International Security, Vol. 33, No. 4 (Spring 2009), 52-86.Michael Mousseau, "Market Civilization and its Clash with Terror," International Security, Vol.
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The first car imported to Thailand was brought by the royal family around 1900. Since then, Thailand has proceeded to gradually develop a viable industry. Compared to the import substitution efforts of other Southeast Asian nations, Thailand's government has generally allowed a larger role in guiding development to alliances of manufacturers themselves. Many other countries have practiced a centralized approach, while some (like the Philippines) resorted to clientelism and favoritism.
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Banco Mundial vê Bolsa Família como modelo., São Paulo: Política, Terra Magazine, Sep. 17, 2007, 08h18 Another criticism of the program is the fact that it is perceived by opponents of the currently ruling party as way to "buy" to votes of poor people, creating clientelism. Many Brazilians recognize that the Bolsa Família program has potential for reducing absolute poverty and to reduce inter-generational transmission of poverty.
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Often, these young villagers exerted more political influence than the upper caste leaders and patrons. The status of these young people in the village depended on how much he could contribute to the economic development of the village. It is easier for the youth to maintain their status by rallying rather than remain loyal to a specific party. This also weakened the influence of caste and clientelism on Indian politics.
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René Lemarchand (born 1932) is a French-American political scientist who is known for his research on ethnic conflict and genocide in Rwanda, Burundi and Darfur. Publishing in both English and French, he is particularly known for his work on the concept of clientelism. He is a Professor Emeritus at the University of Florida, and continues to write, teach internationally and consult. Since retiring he has worked for US AID (Agency for International Development, Dept.
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The Hot Autumn occurred at a time of major weakness within the Italian government. The Christian Democracy (Italy) had been in office for 20 years. During the latter stages of that time period, there was an overall degeneration as people looked to vote for politicians who could give them favors as the party could not be voted out. This overall clientelism within the Italian government led to both corruption and ineffective governance.
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The doctrinarios were further divided into fluid groups based on clientelism: narvaístas (around General Narváez), monistas (around Alejandro Mon), pidalistas (followers of Pedro Pidal), and polacosEsdaile, passim., especially p. 89, 387–393 (around Luis Sartorius, and so named because of Sartorius's Polish ancestry.)Esdaile, p. 99 Also leagued with the Moderates were the vilumistas, led by the Marquess of Viluma, who wished to go back to the enlightened absolutism of the Royal Statute of 1834.
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He refused immediate elections in fear of the country returning to Mobutuism, and continued to postpone promised elections. The constitution was not changed, and he and his peers exploited resources for their personal benefit. Laurent Kabila, led a regime that upheld corruption through clientelism by appointing his clients as cabinet members. Under the Kabila regime, the DRC has failed to pull itself out of its “collapsed state” status from when Mobutu was in power.
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This did not prevent Giacobbi from bringing issues important to his party to the Assembly floor.Paul Giacobbi: Master Navigator (FR) This led to the development of a budding rivalry between Simeoni and Giacobbi. Notably Simeoni rebuked Giacobbi calling his behavior in the Assembly a form of electoral clientelism and compared him to the Roman god Janus implying that his governing style was ambivalent.[VIDÉO. Gilles Simeoni: «Un enterrement de première classe pour la réforme» Video.
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Vote buying and the overall practice of clientelism is widespread in Argentina. According to Simeon Nichter, one of the main perpetrators of these illegal activities were the Peronist party. The relationship between voters and Peronist candidates allegedly are such that voters are offered particular goods, services, favours or monetary compensation in exchange for their political support for the party. These rewards could include a job, medicine, a roof, clothing, foods, and other goods or services.
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27, No. 3 (Winter 2002-2003), 5-29. Economic norms theory arose as an alternative explanation to the democratic peace, because it identified the causal relationship between democracy and peace as spurious. Michael Mousseau identified contract-intensive economies as a possible cause of both democracy and peace. The explanation is based on two aspects widely accepted in social science: (1) bounded rationality; and (2) divergent hierarchies between clientelism and contract-intensive economies.
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Clientelism and frequent electoral upheavals however remained the norm in Greek politics, and frustrated the country's development. Corruption and Trikoupis' increased spending (to create necessary infrastructure such as the Corinth Canal) overtaxed the weak Greek economy, forcing the declaration of public insolvency in 1893 and to accept the imposition of an International Financial Control authority to pay off the country's creditors. Another political issue in 19th-century Greece was the Greek language question.
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Wantchekon's research interests include democratization, clientelism and redistributive politics, resource curse, the long-term social impact of historical events, and development economics. His work has been featured in many top publications, such as American Economic Review and The Quarterly Journal of Economics. He is a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the founder of the African School of Economics. From 2008 - 2009, he was the Secretary of the American Political Science Association.
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In 1893, the government of Greek Prime Minister Charilaos Trikoupis declared bankruptcy.lemonde.fr: "Quand la France et l’Allemagne mirent la Grèce sous tutelle… en 1898", 16 July 2015 Partial control, which was typical and insubstantial, was imposed by the country's creditors without having the power to interfere in the Greek public finances. The Greek government, over half of whose revenue went in 1893 to service loans, was in addition beset by clientelism. Several years of fruitless negotiations followed.
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Starting from a model applied to the entire Eastern Bloc by Polish political scientist Andrzej Korboński, differentiating Communist leaderships in types of primus inter pares (collective leadership) and primus (personal rule), Cioroianu concluded that Romania's choice for the latter alternative was most likely based on local political tradition.Cioroianu, p.422-423 In Cioroianu's view, Ceaușescu's system drew its other major source of legitimacy from political clientelism (resulting in what he called "an orbital political system").Cioroianu, p.
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Political corruption is the use of powers for illegitimate private gain, conducted by government officials or their network contacts. Forms of political corruption include bribery, cronyism, nepotism, and political patronage. Forms of political patronage, in turn, includes clientelism, earmarking, pork barreling, slush funds, and spoils systems; as well as political machines, which is a political system that operates for corrupt ends. When corruption is embedded in political culture, this may be referred to as patrimonialism or neopatrimonialism.
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980 Caracciolo was a man of the liberal left. He disdained his aristocratic title, but betrayed it in his elegance of dress and manner. He believed that a modern postwar Italian republic should be run on lay rather than religious principles, and his news outlets campaigned for reform of the laws governing divorce and abortion. L'Espresso was characterized from the beginning by an aggressive investigative journalism strongly focussed on corruption and clientelism by the Christian Democrat party.
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Alden then went on to report the situation to the Commission Against Corruption when the Police took no action. He succeeded in stirring public debate about clientelism and others stepped forward to speak against it. He has been a strong advocate for the government to buy the remaining gardens, fields and other green enclaves in Malta's towns and villages, so as to convert them into public spaces. Alden has also been campaigning for alternative means of transportation.
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Research has also shown that although politicians can benefit electorally from clientelistic relationships by gaining support from those who receive goods from them, there are also potential costs as clientelistic politicians may lose support from wealthier voters who do not engage in clientelistic relationships themselves view the practice negatively. Not all voters view clientelistic behavior as a positive trait in politicians, especially voters of higher socioeconomic statuses. In short, there is no one factor that causes clientelism to take hold.
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Chávez did not even know about political clientelism, and investigated about the topic before accepting to work in the program. The opening of the program uses the song "Fuego" by Bomba Estéreo, and mixes images of the history of Argentina with images of Chávez characterized as a political puntero. For this purpose he grew his sideburns, used hair extensions, 1970s shirts and chains. The program did not have a fixed filming set, and filmed scenes at several real villa miserias.
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President Enrique Peña Nieto (2012-2018) Following Calderón's administration, the PRI returned to power under President Enrique Peña Nieto. Although new hopes for a more safe and secure Mexico accompanied the change in office, residual problems from the previous administration continued to pervade the country. TCO violence remained high, local clientelism persisted, and the drug market continued to be profitable. With these issues still highly prominent and supported by corruption, the administration struggled to establish legitimacy and accountability within the councils of governance.
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Interest group liberalism is Theodore Lowi's term for the clientelism resulting from the broad expansion of public programs in the United States, including those programs which were part of the "Great Society." Lowi's seminal book, first published in 1969, was titled The End of Liberalism, and presented a critique of the role of interest groups in American government,Theodore J. Lowi. The End of Liberalism: The Second Republic of the United States, (W. W. Norton & Co Inc.) 2nd edition, 1979. .
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The so-called 1955 system was characterized by a one-party dominance of the LDP and a number of other political parties in perennial opposition. Structural factors conducive to clientelism include fiscal centralization, the pre-1994 electoral system and electoral malapportionment. Fiscal centralization provided a context for the commodification of votes for material gains. The pre-1994 electoral system - Single Non-Transferable Vote in Multimember Districts (SNTV/MMD) - encouraged the proliferation of koenkai networks, money politics, and entrenching clientelistic behaviors in elections.
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9, p.119.Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th.ed. vol. 9, p.119. This can be compared to the classical Latin word pecunia, which means both cattle and money. Many societies in existence today demonstrate the traditional use of cattle as financial currency, for example the Masai of Kenya and Tanzania, who pay dowries in this form. Because feudalism was in its origin a Teutonic or Gothic system from northern Europe untouched by Roman civilization, it did not exist in ancient Rome, where the nearest equivalent was clientelism.
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Immediately after the coup, the PRC prohibited organized opposition, dissolved the Legislature of Liberia, and suspended the Constitution, leaving the PRC as the sole executive and legislative body in the national government. However, despite this consolidation of authority, Doe quickly consolidated executive and legislative power, effectively making the PRC a de facto cabinet rather than a body with powers of its own. Doe preserved his power through clientelism involving the army and by threat/use of force towards his opposition, including within the PRC itself.
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As of 2004, there were reported instances of ballot-box stuffing, ballot-box theft, vote buying, membership list inflation, and member deletion in internal elections of the PRD. Similarly, PRI electoral machines continue to work strongly in local elections, carrying the legacy of clientelism and extralegal deals from the PRI's earlier days. The only way to remedy the simultaneous over-politicization of democratic systems and depoliticization of public life that have resulted, according to Olvera, is for new social and political actors to emerge.
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There were numerous political parties and factions in Isabelline Spain (Spain during the reign of Isabella II, who reigned 29 September 1833 – 30 September 1868). Some of them are known by multiple names, and in many cases the lines between these were fluid over time, both in terms of individuals moving from one party or faction to another and in terms of parties or factions changing their stances. Many of these factions are subgroups of parties, and groupings sometimes overlapped. Many factions (especially within the Moderate Party) were based on little more than political clientelism.
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One of Italy's foremost newsmagazines, l'Espresso was founded as a weekly magazine in Rome, in October 1955, by the N.E.R. (Nuove Edizioni Romane) publishing house of Carlo Caracciolo and the progressive industrialist Adriano Olivetti, manufacturer of Olivetti typewriters. Its chief editors were Arrigo Benedetti and Eugenio Scalfari.Carlo Caracciolo: newspaper publisher who set up La Repubblica, The Times, 8 January 2009 l'Espresso was characterized from the beginning by aggressive investigative journalism strongly focused on corruption and clientelism within the Christian Democracy. In the 1950s, it uncovered major scandals in the health and housing industries.
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Some British colonies were ruled directly by the Colonial Office in London, while others were ruled indirectly through local rulers who are supervised behind the scenes by British advisors, with different economic results as shown by Lakshmi Iyer (2010). In much of the Empire, large local populations were ruled in close cooperation with the local hierarchy. Historians have developed categories of control, such as "subsidiary alliances", "paramountcy", "protectorates", "indirect rule", "clientelism", or "collaboration". Local elites were co-opted into leadership positions, and often had the role of minimizing opposition from local independence movements.
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Neopatrimonialism is the latter and was seen by governments attempting to gain legitimacy as a less violent and brutal way to rule, though often unstable. Nicolas Van de Walle argues that neopatrimonialism is very prevalent in Africa since the departure of colonialism. African regimes are presidential, which facilitates clientelism since power is concentrated in a single individual with ultimate control of networks. As Joel Migdal puts it, the state in African countries seems omnipresent in all aspects of people's lives, from the very local to the central government levels.
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Similarly, Asef Bayat has argued that "the professionalization of NGOs tends to diminish the mobilizational feature of grassroots activism, while it establishes a new form of clientelism".Mike Davis, Planet of Slums, Verso, 2007, p.77. For this purpose, Mike Davis has claimed that the "true beneficiaries" of what is sometimes referred to as the "participatory turn" have been the thousands of NGOs operating in the slums of the Global South rather than local populations. According to Davis, the outcome of the NGO- ization "has been to bureaucratize and deradicalize urban social movements".
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A cult of personality also developed around him, before he proclaimed himself president for life in 1975, during his fourth 5 year-term. The end of his 30 year-rule was marked by his declining health, a war of succession, and the rise of clientelism and Islamism. On 7 November 1987, he was removed from power by his prime minister, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and kept under house arrest in a residence in Monastir. He remained there to his death and was buried in a mausoleum he had previously built.
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Economic growth was too slow for the workers and farmers who left to seek work elsewhere. Until that time, only highlanders and landless island dwellers had left. However, this economic growth did lead to the creation, as elsewhere in Europe in the same period, of a middle class born out of industrial development, of growth in the number of bureaucrats (linked to political clientelism) and to an urban explosion. In the mid-1900s, this middle class could not understand why the country was prosperous while the state's finances were in such poor shape.
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Interview with Panos Kostakos (2012) Is Oil Smuggling and Organized Crime the Cause of Greece's Economic Crisis? (by Jen Alic) By their very nature, kleptocracies, mafia states, narco-states or narcokleptocracies, and states with high levels of clientelism and political corruption are either heavily involved with organized crime or tend to foster organized crime within their own governments. In the United States, the Organized Crime Control Act (1970) defines organized crime as "[t]he unlawful activities of [...] a highly organized, disciplined association [...]". Criminal activity as a structured process is referred to as racketeering.
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Controlling an office entitles the holder to rents or payments for real or fake activities, and organizations are turned from places of work into "resource banks" where individuals and groups pursue their own interests. Prebendal corruption doesn't necessarily need to be about monetary gain, but may include usurpation of official privilege, backdoor deals, clientelism, cronyism, nepotism. Corruption in the PRC has developed in two major ways. In the first mode, corruption is in the form of ostensibly legal official expenditure, but is actually wasteful and directed toward private benefits.
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A list of 26,000 needy users (carenciados) was established in 2003, for whom the provincial government would pay 40-75% of the water bill. However, not all those on the list were truly needy, since the establishment of the list was influenced by clientelism. Despite requests by the concessionaire, the list has never been updated until 2004. Furthermore, the provincial government has only partially met its payment obligations towards OSM on behalf of the needy users, having accumulated a debt of 13 million Pesos towards OSM by 2000.
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The political programme of the PG revolved around the ideals established by the Irmandades da Fala,Beramendi and Núñez Seixas (1996:148) that is, considering Galicia as a cultural unit entitled to political self-determination. In order to achieve this the minimum required was forming a Galician Parliament and a Galician Government. It also aimed at eliminating clientelism, supporting anti-imperialism and equal rights for the women. Furthermore, the PG claimed for the suppression of the provincial governments (perceived as a redundant administrative structure) and the establishment of the parish as an official territorial tier.
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The encomienda was a form of clientelism in which the indigenous people were forced to pay an encomendero the services supposedly provided by the same. The main service that the encomendero had to render as contemplated by colonial legislation was evangelization, but even in this there was negligence. For example, around the 16th century, there was only one encomendero de tapia church in all Santa Fe de Bogotá. Meanwhile, in Tunja, the encomenderos not only neglected their duty to educate but actively sabotaged it, strongly opposing indigenous people learning to read and write.
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The LDP was a highly fragmented, decentralized party with independent bases of power in the factions and the zoku (policy ‘tribes’) - veteran politicians who had developed expertise, experience and contacts in a specialized policy area. Large-scale clientelism manifested in individual candidates’ almost exclusive reliance on their own koenkai and their ability to gain votes independent of the party's leader and party label. Most LDP parliamentarians had built almost unbeatable patronage machines in their areas. Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka was forced to resign after revelations of his involvement in the Lockheed Scandal.
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The primary cause for the emergence of clientelism was tight fiscal centralization in Japan. It is rare for Japanese rural prefectures to have access to substantial fiscal resources, instead relying upon the national government. Local prefectures sourced 70 per cent of their revenue from the national government. As a result, the 47 prefectural governments were engaged in a constant struggle to obtain funds from national coffers. Hence, Diet members were not simply representatives of their constituents; they acted as “pipelines” between the national treasury and their respective prefectures.
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Government bureaucracy is seen as inefficient, bloated, and full of clientelism, and is considered (along with the police) one of the most corrupt sectors in the country. Hiring and promotion are politically driven and lacking in transparency. Government officials tend to treat public financial data as their own property and tend not to grasp their obligation to provide information to the public. In 2010, Bolivia scored 13 out of 100 on the Open Budget Index, the worst performance for any Latin American country, but an improvement on its 2008 score of 7.
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In April 2018, Alden would be one of the first to take an open and direct public stand against the system of clientelism which reigns in Malta, whereby each Ministry has a "customer care department". The existence of these departments was confessed by a government Minister. Alden received a phone call at his household in which a Ministry offered favours to the family, implying an attempt to buy their vote. Alden responded by writing a letter to the Commissioner of Police and later filed a report to the Police.
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Gay echos these praises, adding commendations for Ansell's grounding of clientelism and universalism in lived social and political experiences, rather than discussing them in the abstract. Additionally, Gay notes the use of multiple voices and a lack of emphasis on the author as an asset to the book's design and execution. > Unlike a lot of ethnographies, this is not one that is dominated by the > author’s voice. On the contrary, throughout the book we get to hear from a > wide variety of actors, from poor agricultural workers, to local > politicians, to out of town administrators and activists.
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Scholarly consensus has thus far eluded the question of why parties channel clientelist benefits to certain groups more than others. Some of the earlier work on group-level targeting argues that politicians are more likely to direct party largesse to their co-ethnics because ethnicity helps parties solve the commitment problems that are so critical to making clientelism work. Some of the more contemporary work underscores the salience of partisan loyalties: politicians direct the bulk of their vote-buying efforts at persuadable swing voters—i.e., voters who are either indifferent to the party's professed programmatic goals, or moderately opposed to them.
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During this period, Albacete defended Queen Isabel II against the Carlists (the supporters of Charles, the pretender to the Spanish throne), supported Espartero and, just like other Spanish cities, constituted a revolutionary junta. During the long period of the Restoration (1875–1923), symptoms of caciquismo (the network of social relations based on clientelism underpinning the political life in the rural areas) became pervasive in the political and social life of Albacete. Members of the International Brigades in the British cookhouse at Albacete raising their fists (1936–37) Between 1900 and the end of the Spanish Civil War (1939), the population tripled.
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Integrated within such changes of discourse, Veiga writes, were Iorga's "fickle" opinions, which had turned into suspicions that the National Liberal Party was endorsing clientelism and a camarilla regime. Despite its growth in influence, the publication had a modest circulation by Romanian standards, reportedly publishing no more than 300 copies per issue. George Călinescu, who indicates that Iorga was trying to link the venue with "a clearer program" and "his own direction", assesses that such goals failed to introduce a fundamentally new approach, and contends that the magazine continued to maintain a "secondary role" when compared other platforms of its kind.
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As democracy expanded under American rule, these rivalries influenced provincial and national politics. Decentralization of power to local governments and widespread poverty have reinforced the presence of clientelism within politics. The importance of name recognition in politics (especially under the open ballot system) and the use of single-member district entrenched local politicians. National politicians then relied on local politicians to drive turnout within the constituency of the local politician, incentivizing government funding of local projects rather than national ones to shore up support, and causing national political parties to function more as an alliance of local politicians rather than centralized platforms.
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One of the austerity measures of the budget of October 2008 was the abrogation of this entitlement. After several protests, the benefit was reinstated to all who earn under €700 per week, more than three times the limit for younger people. In March 2016 the HSE's National Medical Card Unit invited public comment on its draft three-year plan for 2016–18. Commentators criticising the alleged clientelism of TDs often instance representations TDs make on behalf of constituents who have been denied a medical card, despite such representations having no effect on the outcome of any review of the constituent's case.
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Controversies about the institution of the Civil Service in Greece are widespread. Typically, they concern the allegedly large numbers of public employees, the lack of adequate meritocracy in their employment, the strong ties that significant portions of public employees maintain with political parties and the clientelism that this relationship incubates, internal inequalities of wages among public employees, and inequalities of the high income of public employees relevant to that of private sector workers. The Civil Service payscale is also controversial given the conditions before the financial crisis that made being a civil servant a dream-job.
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Media integrity is at risk when small number of companies and individuals control the media market. Media integrity refers to the ability of a media outlet to serve the public interest and democratic process, making it resilient to institutional corruption within the media system, economy of influence, conflicting dependence and political clientelism. Media integrity is especially endangered in the case when there are clientelist relations between the owners of the media and political centres of power. Such a situation enables excessive instrumentalisation of the media for particular political interests, which is subversive for the democratic role of the media.
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Kalligas was a self-declared "child of the 19th century", and hence proclaimed his belief in popular sovereignty. At the same time, he was a critic of the limitations of the parliamentary system of his time, particularly of the corruption and clientelism of the parties, and warned of the dangers of the "tyranny of the majority". As Finance Minister, he proposed an austere economic policy, limiting foreign lending and advocating increased taxation, among other measures imposing a tax on alcoholic drinks. His policy was opposed by the middle class and the merchant and industrial interests, which contributed to his resignation in May 1893.
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But in Venezuela free enterprise was a very relative concept because of the proliferation of government regulations, not that Betancourt had anything like a "command economy" in mind, for the rights of private property were never meddled with. The trickle down effect took the form of political clientelism through which state hand-outs and local state-created posts, some purely nominal, were financed at the lower pardo levels. This was not only the rule in the Caracas shantytowns but also in the rural and semi- rural areas where adeco loyalties were firm. The Betancourt government expanded educational facilities of all sorts on a large scale.
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A populist governor of Brazil's southernmost Rio Grande do Sul state, Vargas was a cattle rancher with a doctorate in law and the 1930 presidential candidate of the Liberal Alliance. Vargas was a member of the gaucho-landed oligarchy and had risen through the system of patronage and clientelism, but had a fresh vision of how Brazilian politics could be shaped to support national development. He came from a region with a positivist and populist tradition, and was an economic nationalist who favored industrial development and liberal reforms. Vargas built up political networks, and was attuned to the interests of the rising urban classes.
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The party was founded in May 2013 by Tomio Okamura, an independent senator attached to the Christian Democratic parliamentary group. Tomio Okamura's Dawn of Direct Democracy supported the implementation of direct democracy at all levels "as a solution to the corruption, nepotism, clientelism and kleptocracy," the use of referenda, the direct election of deputies, senators, mayors and regional governors, a presidential system and, consequently, a stronger separation of powers.Uploads Hnutiusvit Founding members of Dawn of Direct Democracy included members of Public Affairs, a former member of the Civic Democratic Party, and a representative of Moravané. In the parliamentary election of 2013 the party obtained 342,339 votes (6.88%), winning 14 seats.
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Stokes' research on clientelism in Argentina assumed that the Peronist party was providing financial support to prospective voters to buy their votes. It was hypothesized that Peronists targeted moderately opposed voters because they were thought to be easily persuaded to change sides at the party's minimal expense. Stokes elaborated on the need of the Argentinian Peronist party to be able to track who their clientele in fact voted for amidst the secret ballot system. Stokes' argument is that the potential for vote buying depends on the accuracy with which the patron party, the Peronists in the case of Argentina, are able to monitor votes.
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Research by Nichter promoted a simpler hypothesis for the Argentinian election cycle: to prove Peronists were solely buying supporting voters' turnout, not all the people's votes. He dismissed Stokes' arguments on patrons spying on smaller and poorer communities, instead saying the Peronists initially targeted votes assumed to be their strong supporters. In this case the patrons would be reasonably sure they receive a vote from a person if this person receives a good from them. In many young low-income democracies, clientelism may assume the form of group-level targeting, where parties channel benefits to specific groups of voters, conditional on past or future electoral support.
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It was hoped that by doing so, it would decrease the problems of clientelism and corruption and also leave the movement less dependent on its leadership: as Chávez himself declared, "In this new party, the bases will elect the leaders. This will allow real leaders to emerge." PSUV, Chávez's socialist political party founded in 2007 succeeding the Fifth Republic Movement Chávez had initially proclaimed that those leftist parties which chose to not dissolve into the PSUV would have to leave the government; however, after several of those parties supporting him refused to do so, he ceased to issue such threats.Cannon 2009. pp. 59–60.
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Hašek is a graduate of the Faculty of Law of Masaryk University. He also has a juris degree, though it's validity has been called into question as it was obtained at an obscure law school in the southwestern Slovakian town of Sládkovičovo. Furthermore, his thesis was led by a friend of Hašek and a social democrat from Slovakia's Smer party, leading to allegations of clientelism. In October 2013, shortly after the Czech legislative election, Hašek and his allies from ČSSD called on party Chairman Bohuslav Sobotka to resign following the party's poor election result and excluded him from the team negotiating the next government.
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Although the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) came to power through cooptation and peace, it maintained power for 71 years straight (1929 to 2000) by establishing patronage networks and relying on personalistic measures. That is why, Mexico functioned as a one-party state and was characterized by a system in which politicians provided bribes to their constituents in exchange for support and votes for reelection. This type of clientelism constructed a platform through which political corruption had the opportunity to flourish: little political competition and organization outside of the party existed; it was not possible to independently contest the PRI system. Political contestation equated to political, economic, and social isolation and neglect.
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"By limiting access to these privileges, members of the dominant warlord coalition create credible incentives to cooperate rather than fight among themselves." In the case of Afghanistan, the state- warlord bargaining sometimes extends beyond these informal accords and elevates to the status of political clientelism, in which the warlords are appointed to formal government positions, such as regional governor; a title which provides them political legitimacy. It has been shown that during the state-warlord bargaining phase, warlords in Afghanistan have a high motivation to prolong war to create political instability, expose weakness of the central state, prompt regional criticism against the government and continue economic extraction.
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While the conservative African state adopted a decentralized form of despotic authority which "tended to bridge the urban-rural divide through a clientelism whose effect was to exacerbate ethnic divisions," the radical African state adopted a centralized form of despotic authority which contributed to detribalization by tightening control over local authorities. Mamdani theorizes that "if the two-pronged division that the colonial state enforced on the colonized – between town and country, and between ethnicities – was its dual legacy at independence, each of the two versions of the postcolonial state tended to soften one part of the legacy while exacerbating the other."Mamdani 2018, p. 25-26.
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Local politicians have been accused of clientelism, a system under which the huge army of municipal employees is seen as a source of votes rather than as servants of the public. The city has around 25,000 employees of its own with another 30,000 or so working for some 20 municipal companies providing services running from electricity to garbage collection. ATAC SpA, which runs the city's loss-making buses and metros, employs more than 12,000 staff, almost as many staff as national airline Alitalia. The decree allowed municipalities such as Rome the ability to increase taxes in order to pay for their civil service employees.
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This situation can have negative implications also from a judicial point of view, since if a website with no clear information regarding ownership, violates the law, it will be difficult for the authorities to find out those responsible. Expert Lejla Turčilo stresses the fact that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, non-transparent media ownership contributes to strengthen a negative characteristic of this society, namely clientelism. Turčilo explains that, as transparency of ownership is not guaranteed, there are cases of media outlets owned by people connected to other businesses that use their media to support such entrepreneurial activities. There are also many cases of media outlets used as political tools.
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Following Max Weber, Hallin and Mancini use the term rational-legal authority in its meaning as a form of governance whose main influence is maintained through formal and universalistic rules of procedure, i.e. an independent and autonomous administrative apparatus not affected by political and economic interests or lobbyism. This apparatus is the main institution of an efficient rational-legal system. In contrast, the orientation on common interests is much weaker within clientelism systems because individual interests and private relationships are the main forces maintaining the social organization. Consequently, “access to social resources is controlled by patrons and delivered to clients in exchange for deference and various forms of support”.
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Vanuatu is a democracy its political culture is different from that in most Western democracies, with strong elements of clientelism, corruption, and political debate that focuses strongly on the distribution of resources among communities Governments typically comprise coalitions of numerous small parties which change regularly, with parties and MPs "crossing the floor" and Prime Ministers frequently being ousted in motions of no confidence. Major political issues in Vanuatu include: customary land rights, foreign investment and the sale of citizenship to foreigners, infrastructure development, recognition of West Papua, response to natural disasters and climate change, the tackling of instability and corruption, and the safeguarding of the country's cultural heritage.
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Elected as President of the International Affairs and Defence Commission in the Colombian Senate. As a senator she authored Law 1253/08 law for Colombian competitiveness; 1286/09 law for Science Technology and Innovation; 1190/09 law in favor of displaced people and different bills for public Universities, women protection, bilingual education and also presented political control debates to the executive branch. Due to her critics because of clientelism and corruption within the party, she organized dissidence with Gina Parody and Nicolas Uribe. Later Ramirez was against a third election of Alvaro Uribe as a Colombian president so she decided to resign from the party and the Congress.
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The name Calciopoli (which could be adapted in English as "Footballgate", by analogy with the Watergate scandal, and would be literally translated as "Footballville") was made up by the media by analogy with Tangentopoli (literally "Bribesville"), which is the name that was given to some corruption-based clientelism in Italy during the Mani pulite investigation in the early 1990s—in that case, the neologism was formed by combining the Italian word tangente ("bribe", from the Latin word tangens which means "to touch" and, in a wider sense, "to be due to") and the Greek word polis ("city"), originally referring to Milan as the "city of bribes".
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At the announcement of the February Revolution he resigned his post and settled in Bastia, where he entered the political arena. Much influenced by his book Histoire des Girondins, Borghetti was a great admirer of Lamartine. In the first elections held under universal (male) suffrage on 13 and 14 May 1849 he was elected Conseiller Général of his home Canton of Pero-Casevecchie. Not one who was easily willing to compromise his ideals, he quickly became disappointed to see political intrigue and clientelism prevail over the general interest, and allowed himself to be replaced as Conseiller Général by one of his friends, justice of the peace Octavian Renucci, who kept the post until the end of the Second Empire.
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These extensions increase the possibilities of conflicting interests arising. While the familia was the basic unit underlying Roman society, the interlocking networks (clientela) acted as restrictions on their autonomy but allowed a more complex society to develop. Historians of the late medieval period evolved the concept into bastard feudalism. There is, as is usual, ambiguity in the use of political terminology and the terms "clientelism", the "patron–client relationship", "patronage" and the political machine are sometimes used to describe similar or related concepts.Tornquist, Olle (1999) Politics and Development: A Critical Introduction, SAGEClapham, Christopher (1985) Third World Politics, Croom HelmGruen, Erich S. (1986) "Patrocinium and clientela," in The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome, University of California Press, Vol.
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In retrospect, not only did the CIA and the US underestimate the extent of popular discontent for the Shah, but much of that discontent historically stemmed from the removal of Mosaddegh and the subsequent clientelism of the Shah. In March 2000, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright stated her regret that Mosaddegh was ousted: "The Eisenhower administration believed its actions were justified for strategic reasons. But the coup was clearly a setback for Iran's political development and it is easy to see now why many Iranians continue to resent this intervention by America." In the same year, The New York Times published a detailed report about the coup based on declassified CIA documents.
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Antoni Maczak has written much about economic history of Poland and on comparative history of Poland and Europe. He also wrote on the systems of authority in Europe, especially between the 15th and 18th centuries, and on the clientelism in history. His 1980s book Governing and governed (Rządzący i Rządzeni) was considered one of the most important historical texts in contemporary Poland, breaking with the past Marxist look on history that until than dominated in historiography in the People's Republic of Poland. In the English speaking world he is best known for his Travel in Early Modern Europe (Życie codzienne w podróżach po Europie XVI–XVII wieku) (by Antoni Maczak and Ursula Phillips).
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According to the Mexican authorities, Ye Gon's money is the product of drug-trafficking activities. However Ye Gon asserts that he was forced by Javier Lozano Alarcón, Secretariat of Labor and Social Welfare, to keep it at his home, and that this money would be used during Felipe Calderón's presidential campaign in 2006. Felipe Calderon denied connection with the money and said it was invention by Ye Gon to avoid prosecution. An expert report filed in Ye Gon's habeas corpus case, authored by Georgetown University Professor of Latin American Studies Mark Chernick, has deemed this explanation plausible, given Latin America's electoral history of "clientelism" run by party bosses, and the unusually close nature of Mexico's 2006 Presidential elections.
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Brasília- The Minister of Social Development and Fight Against Hunger, Patrus Ananias, talks with journalists about the new monitoring system of Bolsa Família Zero Hunger: Political Culture and Antipoverty Policy in Northeast Brazil is a book by anthropologist Aaron Ansell published by the University of North Carolina Press in 2014. The book traces the interactions between an activist state (the Workers' Party or Partido dos Trabalhadores) and a historically impoverished segment of the nation, offering an alternative to clientelism and universalism through the introduction of "intimate hierarchies," which note the unofficial relationship and exchanges between politicians and their constituencies that maintain aspects of agricultural life in Northeast Brazil. The book won the 2015 Brazil Section Book Award from the Latin American Studies Association.
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Scholars of Southern European studies have described the Kallikratis reform as surprising, as it abolished a great number of prestigious and powerful political posts, which ahead of the looming crisis would have been regarded indespensable for keeping party clientelism alive. Bertrana and Heinelt described the Papandreou government's decision as using a singular window of opportunity to overcome long-standing resistance against reform. While in regard to the massive-scale top-down approach deviating from a Southern European strategy, compared to federal states such as Germany, interaction between national and subnational levels remains relatively weak with the subnational levels remaining strictly separated from the deconcentrated administration of the central government. Also, state supervision remains largely confined to a posteriori control of the legality of a subnational entity's activity.
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Qui est Nicole Belloubet, la nouvelle garde des Sceaux ? Le Point, 21 June 2017. On 12 February 2013, Belloubet was appointed by Jean-Pierre Bel, President of the Senate, to serve on the Constitutional Council for a nine-year term, succeeding Jacqueline de Guillenchmidt.Qui est Nicole Belloubet, la nouvelle garde des Sceaux ? Le Point, 21 June 2017. She became the first woman professor of law appointed to the Constitutional Council, and the seventh female member of the institution. As Minister of Justice, Belloubet's first major project was to steer through the legislative process two bills on public ethics that were meant to help clean up national politics after hard-fought debates over a clause scrapping lawmakers’ constituency funds, which critics argued encourage clientelism.
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The Office for Circuit Inspection Work sends inspection teams throughout the country to help the local CDIs. In 2003 there were five inspection teams, and by 2013 the number had grown to twelve. In 2010, the CCDI was authorised to send inspection teams to the People's Liberation Army (PLA). Despite this, there are several weaknesses to its institutional design in the sense that certain informal aspects of CPC rule compete with formal procedures (that the CCDI and its lower-level organs are tasked with supervising) for hegemony; examples are, as outlined Xuezhi Guo, "vague institutional positions, incrementally declining effects as time goes by, vulnerability to patron-clientelism or guanxi network at the grassroots level, and the dilemma of 'open' or 'undercover' investigation".
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The party has stated that while it does not oppose the idea of a "united Europe", it opposes the European Union on the grounds that it believes the organization enforces a neoliberal economic policy in Europe, which it deems is a cause for both economic inequality within the member states themselves, as well as between member states. The RF opposes Croatian membership in NATO, which it deems to be linked to American imperialism. It supports cooperation with the countries of the former Yugoslavia and has explicitly condemned the HDZ's involvement in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which it describes as "clientelism". It has come out in opposition to the rivalry and separation between Serbs and Croats, which it blames on the right-wing.
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According to Ansell, PT activists and government workers used three primary strategies in the attempt to convince northeastern Brazilians of the legitimacy and effectiveness of these programs. The first is what Ansell calls induced nostalgia, which is an attempt by PT activists to get local farmers to first conceptualize, then to reform and recreate the myth of the lost era of collective labour and consumption, which occurred before a reliance on clientelism. The second strategy used by PT activists was a strategy that Ansell refers to as Programmatic Pilgrimage. This strategy involved bussing large groups of subsistence farmers and agricultural workers to the state capital in Teresina. Here, they were encouraged to disregard their local and individual identities in exchange for a unification under the premise of a post-slavery ‘Quilombola’ past.
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Franc Kangler became the mayor of Maribor after winning the elections in December 2006, and again in October 2010 when he was re-elected. He won his second mayoral term in the first round and secured a strong coalition in the City Council. During his six-year tenure he has become notorious after being involved in multiple affairs and scandals, resulting in a number of criminal investigations and indictments, none in which he has been found guilty to date. He has been frequently accused by both the media and his opposition of political corruption, favouritism, clientelism, misguided budgetary policy and failed or semi-finished projects, the biggest one being the unsuccessful organization of the 2013 Winter Universiade for which the City Municipality of Maribor now faces a multi-million euros lawsuit from the FISU.
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The Military League, now numbering about 1,300, began by engaging in a form of lobbying by putting pressure on those in power. It had already scored a success with the July 1909 resignation of Theotokis, its bête noire and a symbol of the parliamentary clientelism it hated. But his successor Dimitrios Rallis immediately alienated the League by paying tribute to Constantine's major role in the war of 1897, by recalling all officers present in Macedonia, by demanding Great Power intervention in Crete and by arresting over a dozen of the League's members for insubordination on 12 August. Contemporary lithograph celebrating Colonel Nikolaos Zorbas as leader of the "National Movement" The arrest of League officers precipitated events: either the League would act now, or it would be dissolved by a government.
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The advocacy groups are mostly Chinese and Indian in leadership and membership, are more gender-neutral and operate mostly in English. All support Keadilan (justice), but with varying rationales, so that when members of the different kinds of NGOs co-operate, it is often in their alternate roles as party or electoral coalition workers. On the other hand, according to Weiss, the long-term impact of Reformasi could be significant. Current manifestations indicate a change in Malay political culture away from blind loyalty and clientelism and towards more critical engagement with political processes, the development of an opposition coalition with a chance of upsetting BN dominance and hence ushering in a more liberal form of parliamentary democracy, and a shift towards a multiracial collaboration in which communally-defined issues are less significant.
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The program was accredited by the State and worked really well, as both teachers were liked by the students, and their classrooms always full, till the university purge in 2010. Beside in literature and historical anthropology she was/is engaged in civil actions and confrontations against clientelism and corruption in the scientific domain in the frames of Slovenia. In May 2000 she co-directed together with Sabina Mihelj a big public manifestation with cultural program in Ljubljana against corrupted politics of the Ministry of Science and Technology. In 2004 she fought against illegal takeover of the institution ISH and insisted to publish all crucial documents, personal testimonies of the takeover as well as reflections of the events from the perspective of the people who finally left the ISH from indignation with their ex- colleagues.
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They claim that war drains those involved and leaves non-combatant parties as the most powerful, economically and militarily, ready to take over. Therefore, anarcho-capitalists claim that in practice, and in more advanced societies with large institutions that have a responsibility to protect their vested interests, disputes are most likely to be settled peacefully. Anarcho-capitalists also point out that a state monopoly of law enforcement does not necessarily make NAP present throughout society as corruption and corporatism, as well as lobby group clientelism in democracies, favor only certain people or organizations. Anarcho-capitalists aligned with the Rothbardian philosophy generally contend that the state violates the non- aggression principle by its very nature because, it is argued, governments necessarily use force against those who have not stolen private property, vandalized private property, assaulted anyone, or committed fraud.
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In the 1950s in Trenchtown, Kingston, Jamaica, the government created social housing developments employing large public courtyards, and the courtyard areas soon became the hub of social and recreational activity in the crowded housing of Trenchtown. With increasing overcrowding and poverty, however, squatting and homelessness developed within the yards. Crime, drug abuse, and violence overran the yards, while political corruption and clientelism led to local politicians buying and selling patronage within the community and paying gangs and violent political supporters to intimidate voters and threaten, assault, or kill political opponents. By the 1970s and 1980s, political violence and politically- affiliated organized crime groups and street gangs became increasingly common in poorer areas of Jamaica, with gangs often led by older bosses known as "dons" (in reference to the Sicilian Mafia don) and participating in apolitical drug trafficking and racketeering in addition to political violence and political intimidation.
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This chapter deals with many of the same processes as "Of Commandement" - violence, privatization of the public, appropriation of the means of livelihood - but examines how they unfold in a nonlinear manner (an aspect Mbembe calls entanglement). The majority of the chapter takes the form of an economic analysis of colonial and postcolonial history, examining how the government has become an instrument for transforming public good into private gain. Two points raised are the relations between salary, citizenship and clientelism in Africa: under certain regimes of arbitrariness, the salary is tied to government allegiance. The second point is that an instrumentalization of violence exists in the postcolony (which appears to be attempting a new form of legitimate domination); struggles against these forms of violence end up being reproductions of disorder rather than steps towards democracy. “On Private Indirect Government” was translated by A. M. Berrett.
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Territorial elections to elect the Corsican Assembly were held on 3 and 10 December as a result of the creation of a single collectivity replacing the existing departments of Haute-Corse and Corse-du- Sud and the existing territorial collectivity of Corsica on 1 January 2018. While the creation of a territorial collectivity was rejected by voters in Corsica in a 2003 referendum, the 42 of 51 members of the Corsican Assembly voted in support of a proposal to create a single territorial collectivity on 12 December 2014, with the support of the national government. The initiative was pushed by nationalists on the island, who won a majority of seats in the 2015 territorial elections, who argued that the division of Corsica into separate departments produced "nests of clientelism". While the duration of the term of the assembly is usually six years, the elections will be held early on the occasion of the creation of the single collectivity, with the territorial elections still planned for 2021.
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The Commission published its findings on October 21, 1901, L'inchiesta Saredo sull'amministrazione comunale di Napoli, La Stampa, October 22, 1901The Camorra Supreme in Naples, The New York Times, October 23, 1901 in effect an indictment of those responsible for governing Naples. It brought to light a serious situation of corruption, cronyism, clientelism and general inefficiency. "I can attest that almost all the towns in the province of Naples, almost all the charitable organizations, are under the authority of criminal organisations; I add almost [so as] not to exclude the possibility of some exception," Saredo concluded. The inquiry identified a system of political patronage ran by what the report called the "high Camorra": The Inquiry introduced the terminology of "high Camorra", with a bourgeois character, but distinct from the plebeian Camorra proper (known as the Bella Società Riformata at the time), although both were in close contact through the figure of the intermediary (faccendiere).
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Procurement process, mainly in water, roads and railway projects, in Italy is affected by corruption. According to Transparency International's Global Corruption Barometer 2013, 89% of surveyed households consider political parties to be corrupt or extremely corrupt—ranking as the most corrupt institution in Italy. Furthermore, 64% of the surveyed households believe that the level of corruption has increased and 61% of surveyed households find government efforts in the fight against corruption to be ineffective Italian culture has been described as being characterized by “an ambiguous attitude to graft.” A 2015 Al Jazeera report noted that clientelism and graft have long been cornerstones of the country's political establishment, and a Forbes contributor wrote in 2016 about “the deep-seated nature of unsavoury elements in both private and public sectors” in Italy. “Many Italians,” maintained a 2010 report, have accepted corruption and poor governance as part of their lives. However, a 2015 report challenged this generally accepted view, arguing that “corruption in Italy does not seem to be a cultural issue” and that Italians consistently believe corrupt practices are less acceptable than other European nations.
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Brant, Simone. Assessing Vulnerability to Drought in Ceará, Northeast Brazil. (University of Michigan, 2007) Beyond the use of reservoirs – which rarely maintain necessary water storage – a wide array of initiatives have been contrived to minimize the impacts of droughts: “resettlement in the Amazon… integrated rural development programs, credit, education, and health care and promoted non-agricultural income.” Though these modern attempts are noteworthy, “the responses are mainly reactive, [and] short-term,” causing Ceará to lack “pilot actions with a long-term view.”Nelson, D.R.: 2005, The Public and Private Sides of Vulnerability to Drought, an Applied Model of Participatory Planning in Ceará, Brazil (The University of Arizona, Tucson) Although there are currently “public efforts to seek a long-term solution to drought,” the afflicted areas still experience environmental issues—lack of agriculture and water shortages—as well as “clientelism” and “widespread corruption and political manipulation.”Finan, T.J.; Nelson, D.R. Making rain, making roads, making do: Public and private adaptations to drought in Ceará, Northeast Brazil. Clim. Res. 2001.
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Economic norms theory links economic conditions with institutions of governance and conflict, distinguishing personal clientelist economies from impersonal market-oriented ones, identifying the latter with permanent peace within and between nations... Through most of human history, societies have been based on personal relations: individuals in groups know each other and exchange favors. Today in most lower-income societies hierarchies of groups distribute wealth based on personal relationships among group leaders, a process often linked with clientelism and corruption. Michael Mousseau argues that in this kind of socio-economy conflict is always present, latent or overt, because individuals depend on their groups for physical and economic security and are thus loyal to their groups rather than their states, and because groups are in a constant state of conflict over access to state coffers. Through processes of bounded rationality, people are conditioned towards strong in-group identities and are easily swayed to fear outsiders, psychological predispositions that make possible sectarian violence, genocide, and terrorism.. Market-oriented socio- economies are integrated not with personal ties but the impersonal force of the market where most individuals are economically dependent on trusting strangers in contracts enforced by the state.
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Links between media owners and other actors operating in the economic and/or in the political sphere may lead to undue pressures and influences on the editorial policies of media organizations. With regard to political influences, since 2011- under Law No. 6112 on Broadcasters- broadcasting licenses can no longer be allocated to political parties, labor or employer unions, professional associations, cooperatives, foundations, local government bodies, companies established or partially owned by these institutions or financial institutions, and real and corporate entities that partially own these intermediary institutions. However, despite legal provisions, according to an expert, political clientelism in the media field has been at its peak for the last decade. After the 1980s, the media ownership structure changed dramatically due to the liberal economic politics under the Prime Minister Turgut Özal: businessmen from a non-journalism background acquired key media outlets or launched new ones. The ban on media conglomerates' bidding in public tenders was removed in 2001. As to the 2016 survey by MOM (Media Ownership Monitor), the share of TV media owned by politically affiliated entities results in 52%, that of radio channels in 40%, for newspapers is 52% and for online media 52%.
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Despite the bad financial situation, Athens staged the revival of the Olympic Games in 1896, which proved a great success. The Hellenic Parliament in the 1880s, with PM Charilaos Trikoupis standing at the podium Fencing before King George, during the 1896 Summer Olympics The parliamentary process developed greatly in Greece during the reign of George I. Initially, the royal prerogative in choosing his prime minister remained and contributed to governmental instability, until the introduction of the dedilomeni principle of parliamentary confidence in 1875 by the reformist Charilaos Trikoupis. Clientelism and frequent electoral upheavals, however, remained the norm in Greek politics and frustrated the country's development. Corruption and Trikoupis' increased spending to create necessary infrastructure like the Corinth Canal overtaxed the weak Greek economy, forcing the declaration of public insolvency in 1893 and to accept the imposition of an International Financial Control authority to pay off the country's debtors.Maria Christina Chatziioannou, "Relations between the state and the private sphere: speculation and corruption in nineteenth-century Greece 1." Mediterranean Historical Review 23#1 (2008): 1–14. Another political issue in 19th-century Greece was uniquely Greek: the language question. The Greek people spoke a form of Greek called Demotic.
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