Policies that make such problems worse — like restrictive covenants, redlining, blockbusting, and steering.
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Only a true indisputable blockbusting piece of hard evidence would move the needle, he said.
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"The Wandering Earth", China's first blockbusting sci-fi film, has achieved gravity-defying success with this absurd plot.
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Diamond includes the standard story of restrictive covenants, blockbusting, freeway and public housing construction and other exclusionary techniques.
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But if we're going to be honest with ourselves, most of our lives probably couldn't be adapted into blockbusting action movies involving multinational spying schemes.
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They instituted all sorts of barriers — such as restrictive covenants, redlining, blockbusting, and steering — that, along with public housing policies, pushed mostly black residents into impoverished, crime-ridden neighborhoods.
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Brad Bird is a legend for directing Pixar's blockbusting Incredibles films, but in 1999 he was making waves for a little story about a huge killer robot and the boy who befriended it.
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From assimilating the Irish and Italians into whiteness to our current battles to eradicate bilingualism (but only among those whose first language isn't English); from yesterday's redlining and blockbusting to today's gentrification and deportations.
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Perhaps the only thing reminiscent of a jab was Oh saying that Crazy Rich Asians was the first blockbusting film starring Asians since Ghost in the Shell and Aloha (from the sound of it, Emma Stone loudly apologized for that one in the room).
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The housing center and a village Community Relations Commission collaborated to monitor mortgage lending to prevent racial steering through redlining; to discourage new minority group residents from congregating in apartment houses near Austin; and to bar real estate agents from using so-called blockbusting tactics, in which they would persuade white residents to sell their homes at lower prices out of fear of incoming minority residents.
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Moreover, by the 1980s, as evidence of blockbusting practices disappeared, states and cities began rescinding statutes restricting blockbusting.
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Mehlhorn, Dmitri (December 1998). "A Requiem for Blockbusting: Law, Economics, and Race-Based Real Estate Speculation".
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28, 272.Orser, W. E., Blockbusting in Baltimore: The Edmondson Village Story (Lexington: UPK, 1994), p. 81.
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Although the concept of blockbusting has been illegal since 1968 unintentional segregation continues to define neighborhoods today.
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Blockbusting is a solved combinatorial game introduced in 1987 by Elwyn Berlekamp illustrating a generalisation of overheating. The analysis of Blockbusting may be used as the basis of a strategy for the combinatorial game of Domineering. Blockbusting is a partisan game for two players known as Red and Blue (or Right and Left) played on an n \times 1 strip of squares called "parcels". Each player, in turn, claims and colors one previously unclaimed parcel until all parcels have been claimed.
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The operation of overheating introduced to analyze Blockbusting was later adapted by Berlekamp and David Wolfe to warming to analyze the end- game of Go.
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The serious-comic television series All in the Family (1971–1979) featured "The Blockbuster", a 1971 episode about the practice, illustrating some real estate blockbusting techniques. In the 2011 historical fantasy novel Redwood and Wildfire, author Andrea Hairston depicts actors being hired for blockbusting in Chicago, as well as the sense of betrayal experienced by others when they realized some black people were getting rich by participating in these exploitative schemes.
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Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co. (1968), the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Thirteenth Amendment authorized the federal government's prohibiting racial discrimination in private housing markets.Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co., 392 U.S. 409 (1968). It thereby allowed black American legal claims to rescind the usurious land contracts (featuring over-priced houses and higher-than-market mortgage interest rates), as a discriminatory real estate business practice illegal under the Civil Rights Act of 1866, thus greatly reducing the profitability of blockbusting. Nevertheless, the said regulatory and statutory remedies against blockbusting were challenged in court; thus, towns cannot prohibit an owner's placing a "FOR SALE" sign before his house, in order to reduce blockbusting.
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Speculators would then tell the white residents that property values would imminently fall and pressure the white families to sell their homes to the speculators. The speculators would then sell the homes to other black families at large profits. This was called blockbusting. Starting in 1958, the Shepherd Park Citizens Association and Neighbors Inc led efforts to fight blockbusting and maintain the integrated nature of the neighborhood in the 1960s and 1970s.
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Richard J. Hughes to convene a summit to address the need for minority home ownership, leading to progressive housing legislation prohibiting the practice of blockbusting by banks seeking to deny mortgages to minority applicants.
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Retrieved 17 August 2011. Kennedy was a contributing researcher for George Lucas’ Blockbusting, a film reference book published in 2010.Block, Alex Ben and Lucy Autrey Wilson, editors. George Lucas’s Blockbusting (2010), p. ix. His books have inspired film retrospectives on Turner Classic Movies and at the Museum of Modern ArtSaltz, Rachel (21 December 2007) “Joan Blondell: The Blond Bombshell from 91st Street.” The New York Times. Retrieved 17 August 2011.Museum of Modern Art Film Exhibitions, UCLA Film Archive, and the Pacific Film Archive.
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Nickson Kolo is a Papua New Guinean professional rugby league footballer, a blockbusting forward who plays for the newly formed club Gulf Isapeas in the Digicel Cup in Papua New Guinea, He is a former Papua New Guinea international. He has represented Papua New Guinea in the Prime Minister's XIII games between Australia and PNG between 2007 and 2010. His trade mark, blockbusting runs had earned him a place in the Papua New Guinea training squad for the 2008 Rugby League World Cup. He played for PNG in the 2008 Rugby League World Cup.
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John R. Short (2006). Syracuse University Press. p.142. Encouraged by real estate blockbusting techniques, recently settled white areas rapidly became all-black neighborhoods, in a rapid process which was nearly total by 1970.Orser (1994), pp. 84–94.
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In 1962, "blockbusting"real estate profiteeringwas nationally exposed by The Saturday Evening Post with the article "Confessions of a Block-Buster", wherein the author detailed the practices, emphasizing the profit gained from frightening white people to sell at a loss, in order to quickly resettle in racially segregated "better neighborhoods". In response to political pressure from the cheated sellers and buyers, states and cities legally restricted door-to-door real estate solicitation, the posting of "FOR SALE" signs, and authorized government licensing agencies to investigate the blockbusting complaints of buyers and sellers, and to revoke the real estate sales licenses of blockbusters. Likewise, other states' legislation allowed lawsuits against real estate companies and brokers who cheated buyers and sellers with fraudulent representations of declining property values, changing racial and ethnic neighborhood populations, increasing crime, and the "worsening" of schools, because of race mixing. The Fair Housing Act of 1968 established federal causes of action against blockbusting, including illegal real estate broker claims that blacks, Hispanics, et al.
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Blockbusting is a business process of U.S. real estate agents and building developers to convince white property owners to sell their house at low prices, which they do by promoting fear in those house owners that racial minorities will soon be moving into the neighborhood. The agents then sell those same houses at much higher prices to black families desperate to escape the overcrowded ghettos. Blockbusting became possible after the legislative and judicial dismantling of legally protected racially segregated real estate practices after World War II. By the 1980s it largely disappeared as a business practice, after changes in law and the real estate market.
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In the late 1950s, after forced-housing patterns were outlawed, violence, intimidation, and organized political pressure were used in some white neighborhoods to discourage blacks from buying homes there. However, by the late 1950s, such efforts proved futile as blockbusting drove whites to sell their homes in neighborhoods such as Adamsville, Center Hill, Grove Park in northwest Atlanta, and white sections of Edgewood and Kirkwood on the east side. In 1961, the city attempted to thwart blockbusting by erecting road barriers in Cascade Heights, countering the efforts of civic and business leaders to foster Atlanta as the "city too busy to hate." But efforts to stop transition in Cascade failed too.
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Popils, known in Europe as Popils The Blockbusting Challenge and in Japan as , is a stage-based puzzle platform video game for the Sega Game Gear. It was released in the early 1990s by Tengen in Japan. It has the option of English or Japanese-language play.
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The African American population in the northeast corner of Teaneck grew substantially starting in the 1960s, accompanied by white flight triggered by blockbusting efforts of township real estate agencies.Garbarine, Rachel. "If You're Thinking of Living in: Teaneck", copy of article from The New York Times, October 11, 1987. Accessed April 29, 2008.
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One area that the committee oversaw was the practice of blockbusting. The African-American population of Willingboro increased throughout the 1960s; by 1964 there were 50 African- American families. By 1970, African Americans represented about 11% of the population.Beck Pooley, Karen. "The Other Levittown: Race and Place in Willingboro, NJ," The Next American City 2(2003).
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Writers can be hesitant of what they write based on how it will be perceived by the audience. James Adams notes in his book, Conceptual Blockbusting, various reasons blocks occur include fear of taking a risk, "chaos" in the pre-writing stage, judging versus generating ideas, an inability to incubate ideas, or a lack of motivation.Adams, James.
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By 1950, the number of black residents had risen to 155,000, comprising about 55 percent of the population of Bedford–Stuyvesant. In the 1950s, real estate agents and speculators employed blockbusting to turn a profit. As a result, formerly middle-class white homes were being turned over to poorer black families. By 1960, eighty- five percent of the population was black.
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Sidestreet succeeded The Collaborators as the CBC's main series drama. Program developers aimed to move Sidestreet away from the violence that The Collaborators had by focusing on protagonists who were community service officers instead of ordinary detectives. They aimed to concentrate on issues such as: blockbusting, strikebreaking, rape, poverty, and the problems of the elderly in the city, instead of major crimes.
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By the late 1950s, many of the original owners were aging, and their children were moving to other areas. School integration in the subsequent years, blockbusting, and subsequent ethnic turmoil encouraged many remaining families to move out, who in turn were replaced with black and Hispanic families moving from the downtown areas. By the 1990s, the demographic changes had almost completely transformed the region.
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Another of Lett's ideas was to create a Human Relations Council to oversee possible disputes in the community. James would later serve as a member of that committee. One incident the Council investigated were charges of blockbusting made against several local real estate agents. These agents were accused of intimidating white homeowners with claims that their neighborhood was becoming increasingly African-American and home values could decline.
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Goldseker had a notorious history of also engaging in a practice known as Blockbusting. Walter Carter protested against these and other discriminatory housing practices. Congressman Parren Mitchell added this to the Congressional Record: > Mr. Speaker, the State of Maryland last week, lost one of the most able > civil rights leaders in the person of Walter P. Carter. Expressions of > sympathy have come from across the nation and around the world.
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Retrieved on 2010-05-11. From about 1918 to 1955, Jews, overwhelmingly of Russian and Eastern European origin, dominated the neighborhood, starting in North Lawndale and moving northward as they became more prosperous. In the 1950s, blacks migrated into the area from the South Side and from southern states. Unscrupulous real- estate dealers all but evacuated the white population by using blockbusting and scare tactics related to the change in ethnicity.
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The relocation of so many African Americans from southern Albina because of the hospital project caused more white flight on the northern side of Albina, creating more opportunities for landlords use the tactic of blockbusting, or using the fear of racial turnover and property value decline to convince homeowners to sell at below-market prices, allowing the landlords to then inflate the cost of the property and extort the new African American home buyers.See: Blockbusting The relegation of African Americans to certain contained neighborhoods continues today. The cycle of neighborhood disinvestment followed by gentrification and dislocation of the minority has made it difficult for African Americans to establish themselves, build equity, and try to break out into suburban neighborhoods. If they have the means to relocate, the neighborhoods they relocate to are most likely populated by European American people who support open housing laws in theory, but become uncomfortable and relocate if they are faced with a rising Black population in their own neighborhood.
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Freed by the Supreme Court from the legal restrictions, it became possible for non-whites to buy homes that had previously been reserved for white residents. Generally, "blockbusting" denotes the real estate and building development business practices yielding double profits from anti-black racism. Real estate companies used deceitful tactics to make white homeowners think that their neighborhood was being "invaded" by non-white residents,Segrue, T. J. (2014). The Origins of the Urban Crisis.
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By 1970, despite the aggressive blockbusting efforts of realtors, the Austin community was 32% black. A decade later, it was 73% black. This trend would continue for the rest of the twentieth century with Austin becoming a stronghold for Chicago's African American middle class. The Austin community was hit hard by the Crack Cocaine Epidemic, Mass Incarceration, and the HIV Epidemic, which resulted in further economic decline and the loss of many social safety nets.
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Belair-Edison Neighborhood, Inc. Once a white middle class and white working-class neighborhood, many white residents left the neighborhood due to the loss of jobs at General Motors and Bethlehem Steel, following by white flight that was exacerbated by blockbusting. By the 1990s, the neighborhood had transitioned from having a white majority to having an African-American majority.Holcomb, Eric, The City as a Suburb: A history of Northeast Baltimore since 1660.
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Most of the housing inventory in the waterfront district failed to comply with a 1961 zoning resolution that subjected 2,000 residences to "rigid prohibitions against reconstruction [...], improvements [or] certain kinds of repairs"; this rapidly hastened predatory blockbusting practices. In The Power Broker, the 1974 biography of urban planner Robert Moses, author Robert Caro noted that elements of blight extended to the comparatively affluent, brownstone-dominated tracts between Fourth and Sixth Avenues by the 1960s.
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Stephen Ralphs, or 'the bow and arrow man', is a traditional bowyer and film armorer. Born January 1955 in Plymouth, England and currently residing in Norfolk, England. Steve is a full-time traditional bowyer and Grand Master of the Traditional Bowyers Guild: a closed society of Master craftsmen. He has manufactured archery equipment for such blockbusting cinematography as Gladiator, Kingdom of Heaven, The 13th Warrior, Eragon, King Arthur, Arn – The Knight Templar and many other productions.
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Both black and white realtors practiced blockbusting. As urban renewal progressed, many historic black churches followed their congregations and moved from Jackson Ward to north Richmond. These included the First African Baptist Church and St. Philip's Episcopal Church. Both moved to churches formerly used by white congregations who had followed their congregations to suburban Lakeside. Between 1950 and 1960, Richmond's population decreased by 10,000 persons, while surrounding Henrico County (which had 57,340 people in 1950) grew to 117,339 residents by the 1960 census.
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Principal Ron Stone inspires the students, to graduate and go to college. He partners with the Jewish and African-American alumni association to help the current students. The post- World War II growth of suburbs and Second Great Migration of African Americans altered the demographic make-up of Newark in general and the Weequahic section in particular. The neighborhood might have stayed middle class if not for the devastating effects of real estate blockbusting, white flight, and the construction of Interstate 78.
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The University of Chicago Press A violent mob action resulted which lasted for three days and mobilized over 1,000 law enforcement officers to control.Chicago Tribune, August 17, 1947 page 10 "1,000 Policemen keep order at Homes Project" During the 1950s and 1960s the community witnessed the combined effects of blockbusting by unscrupulous real estate agents and the ensuing white flight resulting in complete ethnic transition. Like the surrounding communities of Roseland and Washington Heights, Fernwood Park remains predominantly African-American.
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Realtors and local banks actively encouraged the demographic transition of the neighborhood through redlining, blockbusting, and racial steering. The Bond Hill-Roselawn Community Council was founded in 1965 to combat this change. Throughout the next twenty years the Bond Hill Community Council struggled to develop a community plan and to stabilize white flight. Their achievements included the creation of a Bond Hill Community Master Plan in 1977 and the recognition of the "Old Bond Hill Village" Historic District in 1982.
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Mussing came to St. George via the local Tweed Heads rugby league club in 1945. He made an immediate impact at the Dragons as a blockbusting try scorer. He was the club's top try scorer in his debut year, and was immensely popular with the fans. The following year, Mussing was one of the major contributors to the club's fantastic season, although he missed the 1946 Grand Final after suffering a broken collar-bone in the second last club game of the year.
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He compared the film to The Iron Giant, but while finding many improvements over other Transformers films, Hassenger called the film "disappointing in the end, because it's still a careless stretch of blockbusting", giving it a "C+". Simon Abrams of RogerEbert.com is critical of the lack of originality and notes the various tropes borrowed from the films of executive producer Steven Spielberg. Abrams does not think the film even succeeded on its own merits, and says "There's not only nothing new here, there's nothing convincing either".
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This "white flight" took much away from the city: residents, the middle class, and tax revenues which kept up public services such as schools, police, and parks. Blockbusting agents then profited by reselling these houses at incredibly marked-up prices to African-Americans desperate to get out of the inner city. These inflated prices were only affordable by the black "elite." As wealthier black Detroiters moved into the previously white neighborhoods, they left behind low-income residents in the most inadequate houses at the highest rental.
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Up until the 1960s, the Blue Hill Avenue part of Dorchester from Roxbury to Mattapan was primarily composed of Jewish Americans who had lived there for generations. The Neponset neighborhood was primarily Irish-American. During the 1920s–1960s, many African-Americans moved from the South to the North during the Great Migration and settled on Blue Hill Avenue and nearby sections. While some Jewish- Americans were moving "up and out" to the suburbs, certain Boston banks and real estate companies developed a blockbusting plan for the area.
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These issues include the racial wealth gap between blacks and whites, assets, and education. Housing in the United States is valued differently based on the racial makeup of the neighborhood. There can be two identical houses in terms of amenities and size but the value of each house depends on the racial makeup of the people within the community. Tactics like blockbusting, a method where real estate agents survey white homeowners in an area can cause a shift in the composition of a neighborhood.
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The FHA backed this decision by authorizing loans and providing racially-restricted deeds. It was not until the Fair Housing Act, enacted as Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act of 1968, that the federal government made its first concrete steps to deem all types of housing discrimination unconstitutional."President Signs Civil Rights Bill; Pleads for Calm" New York Times, April 12, 1968. The act explicitly prohibits housing discrimination practices common at the time, including filtering information about a home's availability, racial steering, blockbusting, and redlining.
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Instead, they resorted to land installment contracts at above market rates to buy a house. The harsh terms of these contracts often led to foreclosure, so these houses had a high turnover rate. With blockbusting, real estate companies legally profited firstly from the arbitrage (the difference between the discounted price paid to frightened white sellers and the artificially high price paid by black buyers), secondly from the commissions resulting from increased real estate sales, and thirdly from their higher than market financing of the house sales to blacks.
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During World War II, the Brooklyn Navy Yard attracted many blacks to the neighborhood as an opportunity for employment, while the relatively prosperous war economy enabled many of the resident Jews and Italians to move to Queens and Long Island. By 1950, the number of blacks in Bedford–Stuyvesant had risen to 155,000, comprising about 55 percent of the population of Bedford–Stuyvesant. In the 1950s, real estate agents and speculators employed blockbusting to turn a profit. As a result, formerly middle class white homes were being turned over to poorer black families.
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By 1950, the number of blacks had risen to 155,000, comprising about 55 percent of the population of Bedford–Stuyvesant. Over the next decade, real estate agents and speculators employed blockbusting to make quick profits. As a result, formerly middle-class white homes were turned over to poorer black families. By 1960, eighty-five percent of the population was black. By the mid-1960s, 450,000 residents occupied the neighborhood’s nine square miles. Bedford–Stuyvesant had become Brooklyn’s most populous neighborhood and had the second largest concentration of African-Americans in the United States.
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Cowie signed for Rochdale Hornets in 1986 and went on to make 16 appearances in his first season. Over the next four seasons he became a regular in the Rochdale Hornets front row, occasionally playing as a . His blockbusting performances caught the attention of Wigan and he signed for them at the end of the 1990-91 season. During the 1991–92 Rugby Football League season, Cowie played for defending champions Wigan from the interchange bench in their 1991 World Club Challenge victory against the visiting Penrith Panthers.
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At the turn of the 20th century, the population of Mattapan was largely Caucasian, but starting in the late 1960s, blockbusting intentionally designed to destabilize the neighborhood drove many long-term residents out of Mattapan. In the 1980s, a significant number of Haitians immigrated to Mattapan, leading to the current demographic population. Mattapan has become an important center for the Haitian cultural, social, and political life in the state of Massachusetts. As of 2015, Mattapan also has a large population of African Americans, Jamaicans, and other Caribbean immigrants.
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Approximately seventy-five percent of the city of Shaker Heights is listed on the National Register of Historic Places as the Shaker Village Historic District. Efforts toward integration began in the late 1950s with neighbors in the Ludlow Elementary School area working together to make integration successful. As a result, Shaker Heights avoided many of the problems created from practices such as blockbusting and white flight. In 1986, the city began a Fund for the Future of Shaker Heights, offering loans for down payments for residents buying homes in segregated neighborhoods, creating multi-ethnic neighborhoods.
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The Oak Park Village Hall at 123 Madison Street is the center of village government in Oak Park, Illinois. The village hall was built in 1975 as part of a series of public infrastructure improvements intended to prevent white flight from the village. In the late 1960s, as more black residents moved to the east side of Oak Park, preexisting white residents began deinvesting in the neighborhood and moving away. The village responded by investing heavily in the east side and adopting housing policies which discouraged blockbusting and resegregation, ultimately causing the village to become diverse and integrated.
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In the 1890s, as Rochester expanded, the area became a prosperous residential area that thrived as the city grew. By 1930, it was a booming residential area for doctors, lawyers, and skilled workers; it includes the still prestigious Sibley Tract development. Homes in the originally upper-class neighborhood typically have gumwood trim, leaded glass, fireplaces, hardwood floors, and open porches. In the 1960s, property values fell as the population of Rochester did, the area experienced white flight accelerated by school busing, blockbusting, and race riots downtown, and crime increased, with violence, drug use, and neglected property further diminishing property values.
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As of the 2010 US Census, Germantown proper is 77% black, 15% white, 3% non-white Hispanic, and 2% Asian, and East Germantown is 92% black, 3% white, 2% non-white Hispanic, and 2% Asian. Eugene Stackhouse, a retired former president of the Germantown Historical Society says that the demographic transition of Germantown into a predominantly black neighborhood was the result of the now illegal practice of blockbusting. "It was a great disgrace. Cheap houses would be sold to a black family, then the realtors would go around and tell the neighbors that the blacks are invading", said Stackhouse.
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The story was adapted for Marvel Comics in Marvel Preview #9 (published in winter of 1976) by Roy Thomas and Tony DeZuniga, roughly following the storyline of the first half of the novel. (It is unknown if a continuation was planned.) It is billed "from the blockbusting novel 'Gladiator' by Philip Wylie" on the cover, with the story titled "Man God" inside. Thomas later created a character named Arn "Iron" Munro in the DC comic book Young All-Stars, as an homage to Gladiator. Iron Munroe is the son of Hugo Danner, who had faked his death and later returned to Colorado and became a parent.
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Mayor Richard J. Daley, a Democrat, was elected in 1955, in the era of machine politics. In 1956, the city conducted its last major expansion when it annexed the land under O'Hare airport, including a small portion of DuPage County. By the 1960s, white residents in several neighborhoods left the city for the suburban areas – in many American cities, a process known as white flight – as Blacks continued to move beyond the Black Belt. Protesters in Grant Park outside the 1968 Democratic National Convention While home loan discriminatory redlining against blacks continued, the real estate industry practiced what became known as blockbusting, completely changing the racial composition of whole neighborhoods.
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Keefe, a real estate broker, worked in the Chicago neighborhood of Austin. Keefe soon garnered a reputation for his business practices, which were considered to be inflammatory and controversial. Among the asserted practices was that Keefe attempted to generate sales by panicking white homeowners into selling at below-market prices by suggesting that African Americans would soon be living nearby, then selling the houses to African Americans at market value or higher (a practice known as blockbusting). Some residents of Austin, including the Organization for a Better Austin (OBA), attempted to coerce Keefe to change his tactics by distributing flyers in the town of Westchester, where Keefe resided.
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At the end, Left's score is the number of pairs of neighboring parcels both of which he has claimed. Left therefore tries to maximize that number while Right tries to minimize it. Adjacent Right-Right pairs do not affect the score. Although the purpose of the game is to further the study of combinatorial game theory, Berlekamp provides an interpretation alluding to the practice of blockbusting by real estate agents: the players may be seen as rival agents buying up all the parcels on a street, where Left is a segregationist trying to place his clients as neighbors of one another while Right is an integrationist trying to break them up.
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Poles saw their communities disintegrate as forces such as blockbusting caused their longtime friends and neighbors to take white flight. The quality of life for those who stayed decreased rapidly, as did the sense of community: As late at 1970, Hamtramck and Warren, Michigan, were highly Polish. The communities (and counterparts in Polish Chicago areas) rapidly changed into naturally occurring retirement communities where young families and single adults fled and left the elderly alone. Many of the elder Polish Americans suffered a loss of control over their daily lives, as many lost the assistance of their children and had a shrinking community to associate with for necessary help and service.
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The singular asset that many white residents held after World War II was their home, and they feared that if Black people moved in, the value of their homes would plummet. This fear was preyed upon by blockbusting real estate agents who would manipulate Whites into selling their homes for cheap prices by convincing them that African-Americans were infiltrating the neighborhood. They would even send Black children to go door to door with pamphlets that read, "Now is the best time to sell your house—you know that." With the means to pick up and leave, many white residents fled to the surrounding suburbs.
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The Guru was member of Parramatta's victorious premiership side in 1982, but didn't play in any of the 1982 State of Origin series games. He was selected for Australia on the 1982 Kangaroo tour, the squad whose record earned them the title of "The Invincibles". He made his Test début in the first Ashes Test against Great Britain at Boothferry Park in Hull, where his blockbusting runs saw him saw a try on début in a 40-4 win for the Kangaroos. Grothe was injured in the second test win at Central Park while scoring a try, and missed the final test win at Headingley.
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4 decades ago, this area of LA was populated by working-class whites who were segregated from the African American and Hispanic populations through discriminatory policies and practices such as blockbusting and redlining. Until the late 1960s, south-eastern LA was home to corporations such as General Motors, Bethlehem Steel, and Weiser Lock. During the 1970s and 1980s, the corporations began to close as the process of deindustrialization fundamentally changed where and how goods are produced. As plants closed and white labourers left the neighbourhoods, a Hispanic population migrated into south-eastern LA. A housing crunch followed by the 1980s, as more and more Hispanic population flowed into the region.
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It later became the North Side Savings Bank, which became Dollar Dry Dock, which became Chase. In the 1940s when the Bronx was usually divided into the East Bronx and West Bronx, a group of social workers identified a pocket of poverty on East 134th Street, east of Brown Place, and called it the South Bronx. This area of poverty would spread in part due to an illegal practice known as blockbusting and to Robert Moses building several housing projects in the neighborhood. The poverty greatly expanded northward, following the post-war phenomenon colloquially referred to as white flight, reaching a peak in the 1960s when the socioeconomic North Bronx-South Bronx boundary reached Fordham Road.
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East New York was devastated by "blockbusting" in the course of an FHA Mortgage scandal that left the neighborhood virtually abandoned by the late '70s. A Federal Court ordered that an Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) be prepared for East New York. The history of the FHA Mortgage Scandal and its unfolding in East New York was documented via that EIS, which was developed by the Brooklyn Office of the New York City Department of City Planning. The EIS found that what happened in East New York and inner city communities across America was a result of the FHA's inability to respond to its new mandate to include inner city neighborhoods in the FHA single family mortgage insurance program.
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The area became a rural refuge from St. Louis city and received an exclusively white population. The 1970s saw the proliferation of dense apartment housing to Spanish Lake. African-Americans fleeing the failed Pruitt-Igoe public housing high rises in the city moved into the apartments via the Section 8 voucher system which immediately struck racial tensions in the area, particularly in local schools. The 1990s saw a mass exodus of the white population, spurred on by blockbusting, a practice some U.S. real estate agents use to encourage white property owners to sell their houses quickly at a loss, implying the African- Americans moving into their neighborhood will depress their property values.
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The 1970s saw the proliferation of dense apartment housing to Spanish Lake. African-Americans fleeing the failed Pruitt-Igoe public housing high rises in the city moved into the apartments via the Section 8 voucher system which immediately struck racial tensions in the area, particularly in local schools. The 1990s saw a mass exodus of the white population, spurred on by blockbusting, a practice some U.S. real estate agents use to encourage white property owners to sell their houses quickly at a loss, implying the African-Americans moving into their neighborhood will depress their property values. The film begins in 2011, when a group of former residents known as the “Lakers”, revisit Spanish Lake for a reunion.
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The real estate business practice of "blockbusting" was a for-profit catalyst for white flight, and a means to control non-white migration. By subterfuge, real estate agents would facilitate black people buying a house in a white neighborhood, either by buying the house themselves, or via a white proxy buyer, and then re-selling it to the black family. The remaining white inhabitants (alarmed by real estate agents and the local news media), fearing devalued residential property, would quickly sell, usually at a loss. The realtors profited from these en masse sales and the ability to resell to the incoming black families, through arbitrage and the sales commissions from both groups.
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Referee Arthur Mercante, Sr. then separated the two men, Tyson continued with his devastating barrage, leading Tubbs to clinch him again. Mercante again separated them, and as Leonard continued with the words "I couldn't tell that this punch hurt..." Tubbs received another blockbusting left hook to the head, stumped a few steps back with his knees wobbling side- to-side and went down to the canvas permanently with 15 seconds left in the round. Almost immediately afterwards, Tubbs' trainer Odell Hadley jumped into the ring, causing Mercante to stop the fight at 2:54 and award Tyson the victory via technical knockout.Tyson Takes Tokyo , Sports Illustrated article, 1988-03-28, Retrieved on 2013-05-02.
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Willingboro Township, New Jersey, had been experiencing a shift in its demographics during the 1960s as the proportion of its non-white population increased from less than 1% to 18.2% in 1973. Concerned that white flight might occur, it enacted an ordinance in 1974 that prohibited its residents from having a "for sale" or "sold" sign on any real estate within the township. During the 1960s and 1970s, many communities in the United States had enacted similar laws in response to the practices of blockbusting. It was believed that by preventing the posting of these signs, residents would not know if a large number of white homeowners were attempting to sell their houses and move from the township at the same time.
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In the early 1960s the area was a predominantly white neighborhood. After an African American physician (Dr. Clinton E. Warner) bought a home in Peyton Forest, white residents in the area feared that their neighborhood would become a victim of blockbusting, a business practice in which real estate agents would profit from the racial fears of white residents while changing the racial makeup of a white residential area. When African-Americans moved into a neighborhood, many whites believed that property values would automatically plunge, which was a self-fulfilling prophecy as so many homes went on the market at the same time as whites fled first West End and then Cascade Heights, Adams Park, and most of the rest of southwest Atlanta.
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Similarly, Kennelly appointed the Chicago Land Clearance Commission in 1947, ultimately removing the CHA's ability to designate land for slum clearance and renewal. Finally, Chicago public housing moved to an open occupancy agenda rather than an integration agenda. While an integration agenda actively promoted and guided the movement of black people into traditionally white areas, an open occupancy agenda encouraged black people to select housing in any areas, but integration was not a priority whatsoever. Thus, while black people were technically allowed to select housing in traditionally white areas, other barriers like racially restrictive housing covenants, redlining, blockbusting, or white flight as a response to changing neighborhood demographics ultimately prevented the movement of African Americans from Chicago's traditionally black areas.
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Blacks and Jews is a 1997 documentary film that examines the relationships and conflicts between Black and Jewish activists, from the 1991 Crown Heights Riot to Steven Spielberg's controversial visit to the predominantly Black Castlemont High School.PBS The film focused on incidents such as the 1960s blockbusting of the then-largely Jewish Lawndale neighborhood on the West Side of Chicago and a rabbi's efforts to maintain stability in the community and of a Hasidic father and son who were protected by a Black journalist during the 1991 riots in Brooklyn that took place in the wake of the death of Gavin Cato by a Hasidic driver.Freedman, Samuel G. "Two Tales of Once-Great Expectations", The New York Times, July 20, 1997. Accessed January 12, 2008.
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In combinatorial game theory, cooling, heating, and overheating are operations on hot games to make them more amenable to the traditional methods of the theory, which was originally devised for cold games in which the winner is the last player to have a legal move. Overheating was generalised by Elwyn Berlekamp for the analysis of Blockbusting. Chilling (or unheating) and warming are variants used in the analysis of the endgame of Go. (paperback version of Mathematical Go: Chilling Gets the Last Point) Cooling and chilling may be thought of as a tax on the player who moves, making them pay for the privilege of doing so, while heating, warming and overheating are operations that more or less reverse cooling and chilling.
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It shifted from a predominantly Jewish neighborhood to one that is now largely African American and Caribbean American having a population of 37,486 that is over 77% African American and Caribbean American. The period from 1968 to 1970 made up the most dramatic period of ethnic transition in Boston. Hillel Levine and Lawrence Harmon, in their 1991 book The Death of an American Jewish Community, argue that redlining, blockbusting, and fear in neighborhood residents created by real estate agents brought about panic selling and white flight. The banking consortium Boston Banks Urban Renewal Group (B-BURG) allegedly drove the Jewish community out of Mattapan and are held partially responsible for the ensuing deterioration of the neighborhood, especially along the Blue Hill Avenue corridor.
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Cascade Heights is an affluent neighborhood of Atlanta located in the southwestern part of the city. During the early 1960s, the neighborhood and surrounding area began to undergo a racial transformation as many African Americans began to move into the area. In December 1962, Clinton Warner, a D-Day veteran, civil rights activist, and founding member of the Morehouse School of Medicine, purchased a home in Peyton Forest, a white subdivision in Cascade Heights. Shortly thereafter, the neighborhood became the sight of blockbusting, wherein several of the white homeowners, fearful that more African Americans would move into their neighborhood, began to sell their properties to real estate agents who then sold the property to African Americans at a higher mark up.
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The publication of The Emperor of Ocean Park was described as part of a major shift for African-American literature. Instead of being marketed as a niche novel, the record-breaking advance, the publicity around its release, and the jacket art placed it firmly in the mainstream, as a "blockbusting, best- selling legal thriller". It was noted by John Kevin Young, though, that despite the marketing for the novel being "color-blind", the reviews and press attention to the book still drew attention to the race of the author and the characters within the novel, suggesting that the world of wealthy African Americans had been previously "hidden" to the white reader. While such commentary was outside of Knopf's control, it reinforced the pattern of how the mainstream media responded to African-American literature.
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The FHA was created to build the suburbs of America and all of its policies, underwriting standards, appraisal standards were built from and geared to newly constructed suburban homes. The agency apparently interpreted its mandate to now produce specific target volumes of inner city loans as a directive to abandon its underwriting and appraisal and produce as many inner city loans as possible to mostly Black first-time homeowners. Block by block unscrupulous mortgage originators scared the homeowners in these one and multi-family homes into selling below market for fear their homes would be worth nothing at all as the blacks moved in. These same blockbusting brokers then resold these homes at greatly inflated prices to first-time black homeowners who believed their American dream had come true.
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Poles in Chicago fought against blockbusting by real estate agents who ruined the market value of their homes while changing their communities into low-income, high crime centers. Poles in Chicago were against the open housing efforts of Martin Luther King, Jr., who encouraged black integration into Polish urban communities; his policies and resulting integration efforts led to violent riots between Poles and Blacks in 1966 and 1967, particularly in Detroit. In 1968, a local president of the Chicago Polish Homeowner's Association raised a flag from half-mast to full-mast on the day of MLK's death, nearly sparking a riot. Polish homeowners in Hamtramck were given a legal blow in 1971 when a Michigan federal court ruled against their urban renewal efforts which had effectively decreased the community's black population.
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Major factors included the purchase of Bush Terminal by new investors in 1963 and its conversion into an industrial park; the gradual loosening of the 1961 zoning regulations; and the expansion of Lutheran Medical Center to the waterfront American Machine and Foundry factory in the 1970s. However, due to collusion between the banking and real estate industries and actors in the Federal Housing Administration against the Puerto Rican community, hundreds of housing units were soon lost to abandonment. According to writer David Ment, beginning in the late 1960s, "real estate speculators often used [blockbusting] tactics to purchase homes, then obtained inflated appraisals and mortgage insurance from the [...] FHA." Even though these homes were renovated shoddily, they were sold to lower-income families who then went into foreclosure because of unaffordable maintenance costs.
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Real estate agents stirred up racial tension and benefited from the commissions they earned when fearful homeowners sold their properties, often at a loss, in order to escape the area. In an infamous 1962–1963 episode that came to be called "the Peyton Road Affair", Atlanta mayor Ivan Allen responded to residents' fears of blockbusting by directing city staff to erect barricades on Peyton Road and Harlan Road to restrict access to Cascade Heights, thus preventing African American homeseekers from getting to the neighborhood from Gordon Road (now MLK Drive)."The South: Divided City", Time Magazine, January 18, 1963 He took the action at the urging of white residents of southwest Atlanta (in particular, one of his high-level employees who lived a short distance from Peyton Road). After the barricades went up, December 18, 1962, the incident quickly drew national attention.
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The Beverly Area Planning Association was founded in 1947 as a civic association serving the people, businesses, institutions and organizations in Chicago's Beverly Hills/Morgan Park neighborhood. In 1971, BAPA hired its first paid full-time staff, focusing its efforts on housing, schools and economic development. At a time when many south side communities were targeted by unscrupulous real estate agents using blockbusting tactics that fueled white flight and rapid resegregation of communities, BAPA's staff and volunteers facilitated successful integration and increasing home values by encouraging diversity, promoting the neighborhood, and fostering business investment along the commercial strips. BAPA's program areas address housing, economic development, and schools, but also focus on other elements that make the Village in the City prosper: safety, historic preservation, city services, transportation, marketing, and fostering community spirit through a variety of special events.
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Following a National Housing Conference in 1973, a group of Chicago community organizations led by The Northwest Community Organization (NCO) formed National People's Action (NPA), to broaden the fight against disinvestment and mortgage redlining in neighborhoods all over the country. This organization, led by Chicago housewife Gale Cincotta and Shel Trapp, a professional community organizer, targeted The Federal Home Loan Bank Board, the governing authority over federally chartered Savings & Loan institutions (S&L;) that held at that time the bulk of the country's home mortgages. NPA embarked on an effort to build a national coalition of urban community organizations to pass a national disclosure regulation or law to require banks to reveal their lending patterns. For many years, urban community organizations had battled neighborhood decay by attacking blockbusting, forcing landlords to maintain properties, and requiring cities to board up and tear down abandoned properties.
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African-American veterans returned from World War II seeking full rights in their country and began heightened activism. In exchange for support by that portion of the black community that could vote, in 1948 the mayor ordered the hiring of the first eight African-American police officers in the city. In the 1960s, Atlanta became a major organizing center of the civil rights movement, with Martin Luther King Jr., Ralph David Abernathy, and students from Atlanta's historically black colleges and universities playing major roles in the movement's leadership. While Atlanta in the postwar years had relatively minimal racial strife compared to other cities, blacks were limited by discrimination, segregation, and continued disenfranchisement of most voters. In 1961, the city attempted to thwart blockbusting by realtors by erecting road barriers in Cascade Heights, countering the efforts of civic and business leaders to foster Atlanta as the "city too busy to hate".
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By the 1970s, investors in Toronto started buying up city houses—turning them into temporary rooming houses to make rental income until the desired price in the housing market for selling off the properties was reached (so that the rooming houses could be replaced with high income-oriented new housing)—a gentrification process called "blockbusting." , gentrification in Canada has proceeded quickly in older and denser cities such as Montreal, Toronto, Ottawa, Hamilton and Vancouver, but has barely begun in places such as Calgary, Edmonton, or Winnipeg, where suburban expansion is still the primary type of growth. Canada's unique history and official multiculturalism policy has resulted in a different strain of gentrification than that of the United States. Some gentrification in Toronto has been sparked by the efforts of business improvement associations to market the ethnic communities in which they operate, such as in Corso Italia and Greektown.
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Thus, there was a strong economic incentive for some real estate agents to engage in peddling or blockbusting in targeted, usually adjacent White neighborhoods. The Lee-Harvard area of Southeast Cleveland provided many classic examples of these practices with agents facilitating the move of a single Negro purchaser to a block, followed by blanketing the area with phone calls and leaflets offering to buy from edgy homeowners “before it’s too late” though also probably at less than the homes were really wort 1959, the Ohio General Assembly passed legislation prohibiting discrimination in employment and establishing the Ohio Civil Rights Commission. Fair housing in Ohio received a boost when a young representative, Carl B. Stokes, in 1965 pushed through Fair Housing legislation in the Ohio Legislature three years before fair housing legislation became a reality in Washington, D.C. 60-80's Unfortunately, the state of Ohio did not have an effective Fair Housing law for a number of years after the Lysyj decision of 1974 (38 O.S.2d 217, 380.0.2d 287).
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Bond Hill began as a commuter suburb connected to Cincinnati via the Marietta-Cincinnati Railroad. Bond Hill incorporated as the Village of Bond Hill in 1886 and the small village of about 1000 persons was annexed into Cincinnati in 1903. Many new homes were added east of the original settlement in the 1930s. Beginning in the 1960s, redlining by the Federal Housing Authority and blockbusting by Hamilton County realtors swiftly changed the demographic makeup of the community. The first black family moved to Bond Hill in 1964, but due to these practices, by 1978 nearly 70% of the community was black. By 2000, less than 7% of Bond Hill residents were white. Bond Hill was founded by a cooperative building association, the Cooperative Land and Building Association No.1 of Hamilton County, Ohio, the first post-Civil War housing cooperative in Cincinnati and the first building association to be organized along idealistic and not ethnic lines. The cooperative was organized in 1870 by five men including several teetotallers from nearby Cumminsville.
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