"Trump & apologists are creating a stab-in-the-back myth," Kristol wrote.
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" Logan, speaking to the magazine, called that tweet a "stab in the back.
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The real Ludendorff has been credited for coining the "stab in the back" myth.
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You used some very strong words, stab in the back, a special place in hell.
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" And Coldiretti, an Italian farmers' association, called the fake commercial "a stab in the back.
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The Kurdish-led forces denounced the move as a "stab in the back," according to Reuters.
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"It was a stab in the back," said Nesrin Abdullah, a spokeswoman for the Kurdish women's militia.
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SHIFTING ALLEGIANCES Kurdish-led forces have denounced the U.S. policy shift as a "stab in the back".
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Vladimir Putin, his Russian counterpart, called the downing a "stab in the back by the accomplices of terrorists".
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The Kurdish fighters, considered terrorists by Turkey, have described the US decision as "a stab in the back".
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The Kurdish fighters, considered terrorists by Turkey, have described the U.S. decision as "a stab in the back".
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The Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) has described the U.S. decision as "a stab in the back".
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A second referendum would cause lasting resentment and would fuel populist parties peddling the stab-in-the-back theory.
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The SDF, a major ally of the United States against Islamic State, called it a stab in the back.
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Mr Johnson's talk of optimism betrayed also suggests the beginning of something darker: the stab-in-the-back theory of Brexit.
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The SDF, a vital U.S. ally in the campaign against Islamic State, has called Washington's move "a stab in the back".
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Terry Strada, national chairman of a group representing the 9/11 victims called the proposed change a stab in the back.
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The Kurds called the Trump administration's decision to withdraw a "stab in the back" but said they'd try to hold off Turkish advances.
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Relations between the two countries nosedived after the downing of the Russian plane, which President Vladimir Putin called a "stab in the back".
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Russian President Vladimir Putin called the incident "a stab in the back by the accomplices of terrorists," adding it would have consequences for Turkey.
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Anytime you make someone look bad in the eyes of their colleagues, it feels like a stab in the back, regardless of your intentions.
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Along the way, there's a bathtub electrocution, a double homicide by glass shards, a literal stab in the back, and... well, you get the picture.
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The Brexiteers are busily creating a stab-in-the-back theory that they can use to explain their defeat and rally support in the future.
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That most virulent of poisons, the 'stab-in-the-back,' is in the bloodstream now and it will work its harm for a long time.
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"You will see that Italians will make the League pay for the stab in the back it has dealt Italy," Di Maio said on Facebook.
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Powerful right-wingers had prepared the ground for the legend of the Dolchstoss , or stab in the back, even as the war was still raging.
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So instead they will get Donald Trump railing against an establishment dolchstoss, a stab in the back, from the moment the polls close on Nov.
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PAKISTAN TALIBAN LEADER KILLED IN US DRONE STRIKE, AFGHAN OFFICIALS SAY "It was not only a stab in the back but in the heart," Abramovitz said.
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"Today's loss for us was like a stab in the back delivered by the accomplices of terrorists," President Putin said on state television at the time.
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The Kurds have characterized Trump's decision as a "stab in the back," and US commandos who've served with them have said they're ashamed by the move.
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The stab-in-the-back myth — it was entirely fabricated — was infused with anti-Semitic and gendered undertones: Weak, effete, decadent Jewish politicians had emasculated the German volk.
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MOSCOW (Reuters) - Four months after President Vladimir Putin accused Ankara of a "stab in the back", Turkish business executives in Russia are getting used to saying hasty goodbyes.
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" Peter Navarro, the administration's chief trade expert ("expert") went even further, repeating the stab-in-the-back line and declaring that Trudeau faces a "special place in hell.
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Kurdish forces, who described Trump's initial announcement was a "stab in the back," said that they were expecting an imminent attack as Turkish forces and their proxies mobilized.
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"You will see that Italians will make the League pay for the stab in the back it has dealt Italy," 5-Star leader Luigi Di Maio said on Facebook.
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Christie's endorsement on Friday is being viewed in the circles of the Republican establishment as a major stab in the back by someone once considered one of its brightest stars.
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But never mind, if it doesn't work out well, it won't be the Brexiters' fault, it will be because of a… Stab in the back Another revived inter-war German slogan.
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Putin called the attack "a stab in the back delivered by the accomplices of terrorists," while Russian officials accused Erdogan's family members of oil dealing with ISIS -- allegations Erdogan strenuously denied.
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U.S. Navy Master-at-Arms Matthew McCarty, based at a Naval station in South Carolina and in the service since 2013, said Trump's ban came as a stab in the back.
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When Turkey downed a Russian SU-24 attack aircraft in 2015, Mr. Putin denounced the action as a "stab in the back" and a "crime," stirring fears of all-out war.
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ANKARA (Reuters) - Turkish newspapers slammed UEFA's choice of Germany to host the Euro 2024 soccer tournament, saying the country's fourth failed bid was a stab in the back by Europe's soccer bosses.
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One day I would surely understand what I had done to her, what I had done to myself... From that moment on, we each had our own private stab-in-the-back story.
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The German stories were studied by historians and found to be part of the "Dolchstosslegende," or stab-in-the-back legend, that the military had been betrayed behind the lines, sold out at home.
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The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which are led by the Kurds, reportedly denounced Trump's decision as a "stab in the back" and have warned it could erode gains made against ISIS in the region.
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We consider it a method of executing wisdom and moderation...it was a stab in the back which sought to assassinate [his] peaceful methodology...as he condemned and rejected the use of weapons and violence.
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This calls to mind the infamous Dolchstoss, or stab-in-the-back myth, through which the Nazis and their extreme-right predecessors sought to blame socialists and Jews for Germany's defeat in the first world war.
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On Monday, M5S leader Luigi di Maio said Italians would make Lega pay for the "stab in the back" against Italy, and ruled out a deal with former prime minister Matteo Renzi's opposition Democratic Party (PD).
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Each publication had its favorite watering hole, with Daily Telegraph staff frequenting the King and Keys and The Daily Mirror journalists downing pints in the White Hart, which became known as the "Stab In the Back".
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The prime minister, who has said that she plans to resign once Britain has formally left the EU, may have given them just the stab-in-the-back myth that they need to complete their long coup.
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BEIRUT (Reuters) - Syria's Kurds fear a "stab in the back" by Turkey if they join a push to drive Islamic State from its Syrian capital of Raqqa, one of their chief political leaders told Reuters on Tuesday.
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The myth of the "stab in the back" — that traitors at home, whether left-wingers, liberals or Jews had prevented German forces from fighting on to victory — helped undermine the German republic and fostered dreams of vengeance.
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Russia's ties with Turkey suffered a severe blow when a Turkish fighter shot down a Russian bomber near the Turkish-Syrian border in November, a move described by Russian President Vladimir Putin as "a stab in the back".
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Senior Palestinian official Saeb Erekat called Burhan's meeting with Netanyahu "a stab in the back of the Palestinian people and a flagrant walkout on the Arab peace initiative", according to a statement published by the official WAFA news agency.
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Erdogan reiterated on Monday his view that the currency's crash had no economic basis, saying that U.S. sanctions imposed on Turkey over the terrorism trial of the pastor, Andrew Brunson, represented a "stab in the back" by a NATO ally.
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A spokesman for the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) characterized the move from the US as a "stab in the back," as Graham warned that it sends "the most dangerous signal possible" that the US is an "unreliable ally."
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Trump should be defeated at the polls; ejecting him in any other way provides too many opportunities for after-the-fact stab-in-the-back recriminations, and will only further convince his base that the "deep state" conspired against him.
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Erdogan, who has described the lira's fall as the consequence of a plot rather than economic fundamentals, also said that spreading false news about the economy was treason and recent U.S. actions were a stab in the back against Ankara.
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Trump decided a week ago to move U.S. troops out of the way of the Turkish assault, an act denounced as a stab in the back by the Kurds, thousands of whom died fighting against Islamic State in partnership with Washington since 2014.
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Sunday's announcement of the U.S. retreat came just a week after Trump said he would shift a small number of troops out of the way near the border, allowing Turkey to attack the Kurds in what Kurdish officials branded a stab in the back.
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This is a reference to the "stab-in-the-back" myth that argued "subversive" elements (namely Jews) had been responsible for Germany's loss in World War I, by "stabbing" German soldiers fighting in France and elsewhere "in the back" with treacherous machinations on the home front.
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If the Allies, led by France and Britain, had not won a total victory, there would have been no punitive peace treaty like that completed at Versailles, no stab-in-the-back allegations by resentful Germans, and thus no rise, much less triumph, of Hitler and the Nazis.
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On November 11, 1918, Germany surrendered to the Allies, ending World War I. For the ensuing decade, one of the most potent tropes of the German right wing was that the surrender was a "stab-in-the-back" of a still-fighting German Army by the seditious, socialist-led Weimar government.
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But what may rankle most, in the unionists' view, is the stab in the back by Mr. Johnson, who once promised — as had his predecessor, Theresa May — that no "British government could or should" sign off on a plan that divided Northern Ireland from the rest of the United Kingdom.
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The Nazis, for instance, endorsed the "stab-in-the-back" myth (dolchstoßlegende) as the explanation for Germany's loss in World War I. The theory, which the Nazis raised to official history, was that Germany would have won were it not for the machinations of "the November criminals"—scheming civilian politicians, communists, and especially Jews, who, among other alleged crimes, organized strikes at armament factories at key junctures in the conflict.
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"There were assurances from the United States of America that it would not allow any Turkish military operations against the region," the Syrian Democratic Forces spokesman, Kino Gabriel, said in a television interview, adding that the "statement today was a surprise and we can say that it is a stab in the back for the S.D.F." The Syrian Democratic Coalition, the political wing of the S.D.F., said in a statement: Our brave men and women with the Syrian Democratic Forces have just won a historic victory over the ISIS "caliphate," a victory announced by President Trump and celebrated across the world.
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This contributed to the "Stab-in-the-back myth" that dominated German politics in the 1920s and created a distrust of democracy and the Weimar government.Wilhelm Diest and E. J. Feuchtwanger, "The Military Collapse of the German Empire: the Reality Behind the Stab-in-the-Back Myth," War in History, April 1996, Vol. 3, Issue 2, pp. 186-207.
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This stab-in-the-back led to permanent bitterness in Carthage, and revanchism.Scullard, Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 7, part 2, pp. 565–569.
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Kimball writes that the stab-in-the-back charge was resurrected in the 2004 United States presidential election as candidate John Kerry was criticized for his opposition to the war upon returning from Vietnam. In 2004, Charles Krauthammer wrote in The New Republic that broadcaster Walter Cronkite had caused the United States defeat: "Once said to be lost, it was". In 2017, David Mikics wrote that "the Vietnam stab-in-the-back argument is now largely dead".
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The Allied policy of unconditional surrender was devised in 1943 in part to avoid a repetition of the stab-in- the-back theme. According to historian John Wheeler-Bennett, speaking from the British perspective, > It was necessary for the Nazi régime and/or the German Generals to surrender > unconditionally in order to bring home to the German people that they had > lost the War by themselves; so that their defeat should not be attributed to > a "stab in the back".
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Cameron appeared to refer to Ashcroft and the book with a joke that he had had an injection that day and had been told to expect "a little prick, a little stab in the back".
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This contributed to the Stab-in-the-back myth, which stated that the German Army was not yet defeated on the battlefield, but was instead betrayed by left-wing and Jewish politicians on the home front.
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The rise of Nazism and fascism included a revival of the nationalist spirit and a rejection of many post-war changes. Similarly, the popularity of the stab-in-the-back legend (German: Dolchstoßlegende) was a testament to the psychological state of defeated Germany and was a rejection of responsibility for the conflict. This conspiracy theory of betrayal became common, and the German populace came to see themselves as victims. The widespread acceptance of the "stab-in-the-back" theory delegitimised the Weimar government and destabilised the system, opening it to extremes of right and left.
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The Vietnam stab-in-the-back myth asserts that the United States' defeat in the Vietnam War was caused by various American groups, such as civilian policymakers, the media, anti-war protesters, the United States Congress, political liberals, or the Democratic Party. Used primarily by right-wing war hawks, the name "stab-in-the-back" is analogous to the German stab-in-the-back myth, which claims that internal forces caused the German defeat in World War I. Unlike the German myth, the American variant lacks an antisemitic aspect. Jeffrey Kimball wrote that the United States' defeat "produced a powerful myth of betrayal that was analogous to the archetypal Dolchstoss legend of post- World War I Germany". The myth was a "stronger version of the argument that antiwar protest encouraged the enemy, suggested that the antiwar movement might in the end commit the ultimate act of treachery, causing the loss of an otherwise winnable war".
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He retained a nationalist outlook in the wake of the German defeat, joining Münchener Neuesten Nachrichten as a political adviser in 1921. Cossmann's tireless struggle against the Treaty of Versailles and campaigns about the related topics of war debt (1922) and the stab-in-the-back myth (1925) earned him the reputation of a ruthless nationalism. He was falsely accused of pursuing causes on behalf of a political party or wealthy backers, but in fact Cossmann acted from conviction. While the stab-in-the-back furore served to poison the political atmosphere, he had actually sought to integrate German workers into the societal mainstream.
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The party represented conservative, nationalist, antisemitic and völkisch political circles, united in their opposition against the Reichstag Peace Resolution of July 1917. It played a vital role in the emergence of the stab-in-the-back myth and the defamation of certain politicians as the November Criminals.
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Germany's defeat in the First World War was seen by nationalists such as Kapp as a humiliation and a betrayal. He became an exponent of the Stab-in-the-back myth and a vehement critic of the Treaty of Versailles. In 1919 he was elected to the Reichstag as a monarchist.
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Pierre Clostermann, a French fighter pilot, had befriended Rudel and wrote the foreword to the French edition of his book Stuka Pilot. In 1951, he published a pamphlet Dolchstoß oder Legende? ("Stab in the Back or Legend?"), in which he claimed that "Germany's war against the Soviet Union was a defensive war", moreover, "a crusade for the whole world".
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Trent was murdered via a stab in the back. Among the suspects were Caroline Brady, Trent's children Max and Melanie, and his wife Nicole. It was revealed that Nick was responsible for the murder. Nick maintained that he killed Trent in Melanie's defense, and that his addiction to alcohol and painkillers played a role in his bad decision.
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One day Bluebeard went hunting and returned only to find Vivianna in bed with one of his own friends. After short mêlée combat Bluebeard was killed by a stab in the back - possibly by Vivianna. The Detective writes down the story. On the way home he calls his wife to tell her about a successfully completed investigation.
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While the rebuilding of the German Army in the 1930s was based upon the combined myths of "invincibility on the battlefield" and the "stab in the back", the attitude and actions of the High Seas Fleet at Scapa Flow became a symbol of defiance for the new recruits and officers of the Kriegsmarine.Humble, Richard (1972). Hitler's high seas fleet. Pan Books, p. 23.
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Likewise the term traitor is used in heated political discussiontypically as a slur against political dissidents, or against officials in power who are perceived as failing to act in the best interest of their constituents. In certain cases, as with the Dolchstoßlegende (Stab-in-the-back myth), the accusation of treason towards a large group of people can be a unifying political message.
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When they reached Damascus in June, the French were then escorted and confined to their barracks at gunpoint. That became known as the Levant Crisis and almost brought Britain and France to the point of conflict. De Gaulle raged against 'Churchill's ultimatum' and reluctantly arranged a ceasefire. Syria gained independence the following year and France labelled British measures as a 'stab in the back'.
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27, Issue 1, 2005, p. 15 ' also became notorious by advocating for the stab-in-the-back myth, according to which Germany had not been truly defeated in 1918, but betrayed from within. The accusation, backed by the Spenglerian philosophical stance (defeat was a failure of national will),Verhey, p. 223 was notably taken up by Cossmann—with a focus on the wartime Social Democrats.
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In 1919 he published a book, The Jew in the Army which claimed that most Jews involved in the war were only involved as profiteers and spies. Roth claimed that his book was the result of the 1916 Judenzählung. He also blamed Jewish officers for imparting a defeatist mentality to their soldiers, with the book thus central to the Stab-in-the- back legend.
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Hindenburg declared at the end of his - or Ludendorff's - speech: "As an English general has very truly said, the German Army was 'stabbed in the back'". It was particularly this testimony of Hindenburg that led to the widespread acceptance of the Dolchstoßlegende in post-World War I Germany. Nazi theorist Alfred Rosenberg was one of many on the far-right who spread the stab-in-the-back myth.
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Demagogues commonly treat complex problems, which require patient reasoning and analysis, as if they result from one simple cause or can be solved by one simple cure. For example, Huey Long claimed that all of the U.S.'s economic problems could be solved just by "sharing the wealth". Hitler claimed that Germany had lost World War I only because of a "Stab in the Back". Scapegoating (above) is one form of gross oversimplification.
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He was the founder and leader of the Lizard Union, a group of Knights sympathetic to Poland. According to the Knights, von Renys lowered his banner, which was taken as a signal of surrender and led to the panicked retreat. The legend that the Knights were "stabbed in the back" was echoed in the post- World War I stab-in-the-back legend and preoccupied German historiography of the battle until 1945.
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Damhouder (c. 72), "with his ideas of defence against dishonour, is > of the contrary opinion," the court noted (572A). But no one can be expected > to take to flight to avoid an attack, if flight does not afford him a safe > way of escape. A man is not bound to expose himself to the risk of a stab in > the back, when by killing his assailant he can secure his own safety > [...].
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In October 1920 the Semarang wing of the Sarekat Islam, and Darsono in particular, came into conflict with the central group of the organization in Batavia. Darsono was accused of breaking the truce with the central Sarekat Islam that had been agreed upon in 1917. In the pages of Sinar Hindia, he accused Sarekat Islam leader Cokroaminoto of embezzling money from the organization. Of course, Cokroaminoto took it as a stab in the back.
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Historians inside and outside Germany unanimously reject the myth, pointing out the German army was out of reserves, was being overwhelmed by the entrance of the United States into the war, and by late 1918 had lost the war militarily. To many Germans, the expression "stab in the back" was evocative of Richard Wagner's 1876 opera Götterdämmerung, in which Hagen murders his enemy Siegfried – the hero of the story – with a spear in his back.
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On 18 February 1943, Goebbels proclaimed a policy of "Total War" in a speech in Berlin. He now argued that the threat of a second "stab-in-the-back" required the "internal security" situation of the Reich be improved.Gellatey Robert Backing Hitler: Consent and Coercion in Nazi Germany, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001 page 143. On January 22, Goebbels and Hitler agreed that it was time for the final push to expel the last Jews in Germany.
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After World War I, the Alldeutscher Verband supported General Erich Ludendorff in his accusation against democrats and socialists that they had betrayed Germany and made the Germans lose the war. According to Ludendorff and the Verband, the army should not have been held responsible for the German defeat. Ludendorff, however, had declared that the war was lost in October 1918, before the German November Revolution. That fanciful allegation was known the "Stab-in-the-back myth" (Dolchstosslegende).
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In April 1960 the Chinese publication Red Flag published the article 'Long Live Leninism!', which sharply attacked CPSU in ideological terms. The tensions between CPC and CPSU further escalated in June 1960, as conferences were held in Peking and Bucharest. At the Bucharest Conference of Representatives of Communist and Workers Parties Khruschev called the Chinese actions in the Sino-Indian border conflict a 'stab in the back' against the communist movement in the 'Afro-Asian world'.
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Following the party conference at Bolkesjø Hotell in Telemark in April of that year, four MPs of the "libertarian wing" in the party broke off as independents. This was because Hagen had given them an ultimatum to adhere to the political line of the party majority and parliamentary group, or else to leave. This incident was later nicknamed "Dolkesjø", a pun on the name of the hotel, with "dolke" meaning to "lit. stab (in the back) /betray".
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Roth's work claimed that most Jews involved in the war were only taking part as profiteers and spies, while he also blamed Jewish officers for fostering a defeatist mentality which impacted negatively on their soldiers. As such, the book offered one of the earliest published versions of the stab-in-the-back legend. right-wing German political cartoon showing Philipp Scheidemann, the German Social Democratic politician who proclaimed the Weimar Republic and was its second chancellor, and Matthias Erzberger, an anti-war politician from the Centre Party, who ended World War I by signing the armistice with the Allies, as stabbing the German Army in the back "12,000 Jewish soldiers died on the field of honor for the fatherland." A leaflet published in 1920 by German Jewish veterans in response to accusations of the lack of patriotism A version of the stab-in-the-back myth was publicized in 1922 by the anti-Semitic Nazi theorist Alfred Rosenberg in his primary contribution to Nazi theory on Zionism, Der Staatsfeindliche Zionismus ("Zionism, the Enemy of the State").
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An estimated 100,000 German Jewish military personnel served in the German Army during World War I, of whom 12,000 were killed in action. The Iron Cross was awarded to 18,000 German Jews during the war. While strong attempts were made during the Nazi era to suppress the Jewish contribution and even to blame them for Germany's defeat, using the stab-in-the-back myth, the German Jews who served in the German Army have found recognition and renewed interest in German publications.
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Each party accused the other of being in the pocket of Baghdad, and even Ankara. Iran started to work closer with the KDP against Saddam's Iraq, and by 1983 the threat of an Iranian incursion into Iraq via Kurdistan became a real one. The KDP allowed Iran to seize the famous Iran–Iraq border crossing of Haji Omaran, a move that one Western diplomat called "a stab in the back Saddam will never forget". Subsequently, Saddam gained his vengeance on the Barzani clan.
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On December 30th, two hunters discovered the body of a young female in a heavily wooded area near Graniteville. The decedent was later positively identified as Wilson via her fingerprints. According to the coroners, she had had her hands tied behind her back, raped and subsequently dealt a deadly stab in the back, all while her daughter was inside the car. On June 19, 2000, 18-year-old Tabitha Leigh Bosdell, of Augusta, Georgia disappeared in similar circumstances to the previous victims.
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Historian Richard J. Evans states that "historians now generally agree that his notorious, murderous anti-Semitism emerged well after Germany's defeat [in World War I], as a product of the paranoid "stab-in-the-back" explanation for the catastrophe". Hitler received the final part of his father's estate in May 1913 and moved to Munich, Germany. When he was conscripted into the Austro- Hungarian Army, he journeyed to Salzburg on 5 February 1914 for medical assessment. After he was deemed unfit for service, he returned to Munich.
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From 1914 until his death, he was the leader of the Conference of German Bishops in Fulda. When he arrived in Cologne at the height of the trade union strike, his main concern were the Catholic workers' organizations. In this issue he succeeded in assuming a flexible attitude and starting in 1913, he also openly endorsed the interdenominational trade unions. Whereas he found support for his stance in Cologne and some other places many others considered his opinion to be a stab in the back.
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There have been critics who pointed out that the need for secrecy meant that even in his diaries he could not record the actual proceedings of the General Staff meetings. But taken in combination with the known attitudes and judgements expressed by the principal protagonists, Ludendorff, Hindenburg and the Kaiser during the end phase of the already lost war, they provide evidence for motivations and imputed culpabilities, and they offer valuable insights into the origins of the destructively toxic Stab-in-the-back myth-- the Dolchstoß legend.
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In what he deemed a "stab in the back to Holocaust survivors," state assemblyman Dov Hikind called for Elia's resignation on April 3, 2017, for her support of an Oswego High School assignment that asked students to put themselves in Adolf Hitler's shoes to argue for or against the Final Solution. Elia had defended the assignment as one that fostered "critical thinking."Elizalde, Elizabeth (April 3, 2017) "Assemblyman Dov Hikind Condemns 'pro-Nazi' Homework at New York School", New York Daily News. Retrieved December 16, 2018.
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Rudolf Hess (2nd from left, behind Heinrich Himmler) was an early supporter of the Nazi Party. After hearing the Nazi Party leader Hitler speak for the first time in 1920 at a Munich rally, Hess became completely devoted to him. They held a shared belief in the stab-in-the-back myth, the notion that Germany's loss in World War I was caused by a conspiracy of Jews and Bolsheviks rather than a military defeat. Hess joined the Nazi Party on 1 July as member number 16.
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After World War I (1914–1918), many Germans did not accept that their country had been defeated, which gave birth to the stab-in-the-back myth. This insinuated that it was disloyal politicians, chiefly Jews and communists, who had orchestrated Germany's surrender. Inflaming the anti- Jewish sentiment was the apparent over-representation of Jews in the leadership of communist revolutionary governments in Europe, such as Ernst Toller, head of a short-lived revolutionary government in Bavaria. This perception contributed to the canard of Jewish Bolshevism.
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Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team, Alfred Rosenberg, accessed 28 September 2014 The former military chief Erich Ludendorff successfully propagated the Stab-in-the-back myth. This stated that Germany could have been victorious, had not greater powers insidiously undermined the "heroic struggle of the German people". His wife Mathilde authored writings on the "supranational powers" which existed, Jews, Jesuits and Freemasons in an international network formed for the purpose of gaining and maintaining power. Hitler and his followers adopted much of Ludendorff's anti-Masonic conspiracy theory.
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In 1919, the reviews in the German press that misrepresented his book, The Last Four Months, contributed to the creation of the stab-in-the-back myth. "Ludendorff made use of the reviews to convince Hindenburg."William L. Shirer, The Rise and fall of the Third Reich, Simon and Schuster (1960) p. 31 Maurice was never formally exonerated for his role in May 1918. He wrote his own secret account of the incident on 22 May 1918, not published until his daughter Nancy’s book in the 1950s.
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Amongst Hong Kong's office workers, the feuding and shifting alliances of the Imperial women, with greater issues being sacrificed for personal piques and gains was taken as a metaphor for the office politics familiar to many. The exploits of their characters were followed in minute detail in online forums, with each betrayal or stab in the back leading to flaming, denunciations, accusations and denials amongst the rival factions. It created a high rating just below War of the Genders. However, this is just a narrow interpretation of the themes present in the serial.
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In response to what he deemed a "stab in the back to Holocaust survivors," Hikind called for the resignation of New York State Education Commissioner MaryEllen Elia on April 3, 2017 for her support of an Oswego High School assignment that asked students to put themselves in Adolf Hitler's shoes to argue for or against the Final Solution. Elia had defended the assignment as one that fostered "critical thinking."Elizalde, Elizabeth (April 3, 2017) "Assemblyman Dov Hikind Condemns 'pro-Nazi' Homework at New York School", New York Daily News. Retrieved December 18, 2018.
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But Karpov fought back by winning three consecutive games to level the score late in the match. At this point, Kasparov dismissed one of his seconds, grandmaster Evgeny Vladimirov, accusing him of selling his opening preparation to the Karpov team (as described in Kasparov's autobiography Unlimited Challenge, chapter Stab in the Back). Kasparov scored one more win and kept his title by a final score of 12½–11½. A fourth match for the world title took place in 1987 in Seville, as Karpov had qualified through the Candidates' Matches to again become the official challenger.
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Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Fall 2006; 20: 183–206. the census was a catalyst to intensified antisemitism and social myths such as the "stab-in-the-back myth" (Dolchstoßlegende). For many Jews, the fact the census was carried out at all caused a sense of betrayal, as German Jews had took part in the violence, food shortages, nationalist sentiment and misery of attrition alongside their fellow Germans, however most German-Jewish soldiers carried on dutifully to the bitter end. When strikes broke out in Germany towards the end of the war, some Jews supported them.
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Muzhda explained that many other former Guantanamo captives who had been the target of night raids had been killed, not captured, and that Zaeef feared that US special forces would kill him in a future raid if he didn't leave Afghanistan. Muzhda was also working toward ending war in Afghanistan and was actively involved in peace process. Qazi Hafizurrahman Naqi, an Afghan political analyst and a religious scholar, described the role of Muzhda as 'critical for bringing peace in Afghanistan'. He stated that 'Muzhda murder was stab in the back for the peace process'.
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Hitler became embittered about Germany's defeat, and his ideological development began. He described the war as "the greatest of all experiences", and was praised by his commanding officers for his bravery. The experience reinforced his passionate German patriotism and he was shocked by Germany's capitulation in November 1918. Like other German nationalists, he believed in the Dolchstoßlegende (stab-in-the-back legend), which claimed that the German army, "undefeated in the field", had been "stabbed in the back" on the home front by civilian politicians and Marxists, later dubbed the "November criminals".
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About 25,000 were killed in those raids, and questions were asked whether they were necessary so late in the war, or whether it was an effort to foreclose the "stab in the back" rumours of the sort the Nazis had exploited in the 1920s.Andrew Roberts, The Storm of War: A New History of the Second World War (2011) p. lxviii Bomber Command was destined to play no further large part in the war. A large number of RAF bombers were being prepared for deployment to Okinawa as Japan surrendered.
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I.B.Tauris, 2006. p156. Brit HaBirionim demonstrators outside handed out leaflets declaring that peace studies were "the work of Satan" and were "an anti-Zionist measure, a stab in the back of Zionism.". Ahimeir believed that his ideology would constitute a "neo- Revisionism" within the Zionist movement that he criticized, and advocated it at a meeting of the Hatzohar movement in Vienna in 1932, saying: > Zionism is imbued with the ghetto and pronouncements. The path to Jewish > sovereignty has to cross a bridge of steel, not a bridge of paper.
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According to historian Richard Steigmann-Gall, the stab-in-the-back concept can be traced back to a sermon preached on February 3, 1918, by Protestant Court Chaplain Bruno Doehring, nine months before the war had even ended. German scholar Boris Barth, in contrast to Steigmann-Gall, implies that Doehring did not actually use the term, but spoke only of 'betrayal'. Barth says Doehring was an army chaplain, not a court chaplain. The following references to Barth are on pages 148 (Müller-Meiningen), and 324 (NZZ article, with a discussion of the Ludendorff-Malcolm conversation).
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The Treaty created much resentment in Germany, which was exploited by Adolf Hitler in his rise to power at the helm of Nazi Germany. Central to this was belief in the stab-in-the-back myth, which held that the German army had not lost the war and had been betrayed by the Weimar Republic, who negotiated an unnecessary surrender. The Great Depression exacerbated the issue and led to a collapse of the German economy. Though the treaty may not have caused the crash, it was a convenient scapegoat.
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' " And it was this idea of "playing the field," so to speak, not being "all-in," that lead to some of Ellison's more staunch critics. The aforementioned Howe, in "Black Boys and Native Sons," but also the likes of other black writers such as John Oliver Killens, who once denounced Invisible Man by saying: “The Negro people need Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man like we need a hole in the head or a stab in the back. ... It is a vicious distortion of Negro life." Ellison's "ancestors" included, among others, The Waste Land by T.S. Eliot.
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Although in retreat, the German armies were still on French and Belgian territory when the war ended on 11 November. Ludendorf and Hindenburg soon proclaimed that it was the defeatism of the civilian population that had made defeat inevitable. The die- hard nationalists then blamed the civilians for betraying the army and the surrender. This was the "stab-in-the-back myth" that was unceasingly propagated by the right in the 1920s and ensured that many monarchists and conservatives would refuse to support the government of what they called the "November criminals".
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Chouliarakis has served as Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers (SOE), and in this capacity has accompanied ministers, such as Euclid Tsakalotos, to meetings in Brussels. He has also been described as an "ally" of the Deputy Prime Minister of Greece, Yannis Dragasakis. In late April 2015, Chouliarakis was rebrought in as the chief Greek negotiator in the team negotiating the terms of the third bailout package. He replaced Nicholas Theocarakis, who was considered an ally of Yanis Varoufakis, whom he preceded to constantly undermine and stab in the back.
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Public reading of Julius Streicher's anti-Semitic newspaper Der Stürmer, Worms, Germany, 1935 There were approximately 525,000 Jewish people living in Germany in 1933 (0.75% of the total German population). Discrimination against Jews began immediately after the national seizure of power in 1933. The Nazi Party used populist antisemitic views to gain votes. Using the "stab-in-the-back legend", they blamed poverty, the Hyperinflation in the Weimar Republic, unemployment, and the loss of World War I and surrender by the "November Criminals" all on the Jews and "cultural Bolsheviks", the latter considered to be in a conspiracy with the Jews.
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The basketball program was housed in the building for 42 seasons before University Hall opened in 1965. It was also the past home of the swimming and dive teams and indoor track teams. After renovations, the building - now used extensively by the University's intramural programs - also serves as the home arena for the Cavaliers' wrestling and women's volleyball teams. Memorial Gym was the site of President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Stab in the Back" speech on June 10, 1940, when, in the middle of giving his commencement address to the graduating class, he was informed of the alliance between Italy and Nazi Germany.
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In areas where S. pallida is absent, the local members of P. labiata do not use this combination of deception and detouring for a stab in the back. In a test to explore P. labiata′s ability to solve a novel problem, a miniature lagoon was set up, and the spiders had to find the best way to cross it. Specimens from Sagada, in the mountains, almost always repeated the first option they tried, even when that was unsuccessful. When specimens from Los Baños, beside a lake, were unsuccessful the first time, about three quarters switched to another option.
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Darden held a ten-hour clemency hearing and, after hearing arguments from both sides, decided to proceed with the execution. Pauli Murray, the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters' A. Philip Randolph, and the NAACP's Walter White traveled to Washington in an attempt to lobby the president personally, unaware that he had already secretly appealed on their behalf. The president's apparent refusal to act damaged his relationship with civil rights leaders; Murray, in an open letter on behalf of the movement, called it a "stab in the back". Murray and Eleanor Roosevelt, however, would remain friends until the latter's death two decades later.
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Hamerow, 1997, pp. 289-90 Evidence suggests the Nazis intended to hang Galen at the end of the war. A critic of Weimar Germany, he initially hoped that the Nazi government might restore German prestige but quickly became disillusioned; he subscribed to the stab- in-the-back myth about Germany's 1918 defeat.Griech-Polelle, von Galen, a Biography Although some clergy refused to feign support for Hitler's government, the Catholic hierarchy adopted a strategy of "seeming acceptance of the Third Reich" by couching their criticisms as motivated by a desire to "point out mistakes that some of its overzealous followers committed".
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Turda & Weindling, "Blood and Homeland":, p. 443 From 1914 the group took a leading role in gathering anecdotal evidence relating to the involvement of the Jews in the German war effort, much of which later formed the basis of the stab-in-the-back legend.Michael Brenner, Rainer Liedtke, David Rechter, Werner Eugen Mosse, Two Nations: British and German Jews in Comparative Perspective, Mohr Siebeck, 1999, pp.177-8 In 1919 the group, at the instigation of Fritsch's friend Alfred Roth, merged into the Deutschvölkischer Schutz und Trutzbund as part of its continuing policy of forming an umbrella anti-Semitic movement.
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Jeffrey P. Kimball is an American historian and emeritus professor at Miami University. Among the ideas that Kimball developed was the idea of a Vietnam stab-in-the-back myth. He also argued that threats to use nuclear weapons had not been effective at advancing the United States' foreign policy goals either in the Korean War, Vietnam War, or the First Taiwan Strait Crisis. Historian Luke Nichter wrote that Kimball's books "shaped future works, and these volumes on my shelves stand as a reminder that my own work on the Nixon tapes would not have happened without them".
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The Austrians, buoyed by their victories, were unwilling to discuss terms, until the Spanish launched an attack on the Habsburg possessions in Italy by sending the very fleet ostensibly being prepared to aid Venice to capture Sardinia in July 1717, and another to invade Sicily a year later. Faced with this stab in the back, the Austrians agreed to negotiations with the Ottomans, leading to the Treaty of Passarowitz (21 July 1718), in which Austria made considerable gains. Venice had to acknowledge the loss of the Morea, Tinos, and Aigina, but managed to retain the Ionian Islands and their mainland exclaves.
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Iran's Tasnim News Agency said the Israel–UAE deal was "shameful." The Iranian Foreign Ministry condemned the deal as a "dangerous" stab in the back of Palestinians and Muslims, terming it a "shameful" act of "strategic stupidity" by the UAE and Israel that would only serve to strengthen the "Axis of Resistance" in the Middle East. It added that the Palestinians and people of the world would never forgive the UAE, while also warning it against Israel interfering in the Gulf. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned the UAE that it will face dangerous repercussions for the deal.
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Within the organization a worldview oriented toward the prior Imperial regime and the Hohenzollern monarchy predominated, many of its members promoting the Dolchstosslegende ("Stab-in-the-back legend") and the "November Criminals" bias against the Weimar Coalition government. Its journal, Der Stahlhelm, was edited by Count Hans-Jürgen von Blumenthal, later hanged for his part in the July 20 plot. Financing was provided by the Deutscher Herrenklub, an association of German industrialists and business magnates with elements of the East Elbian landed gentry (Junker). Jewish veterans were denied admission and formed a separate Reichsbund jüdischer Frontsoldaten.
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The legend of the > "stab in the back" and the wish to revise the "Versailles diktat", and the > belief in an international threat aimed at the elimination of the German > nation persisted at the heart of German politics. Even a man of peace such > as [Gustav] Stresemann publicly rejected German guilt. As for the Nazis, > they waved the banners of domestic treason and international conspiracy in > an attempt to galvanise the German nation into a spirit of revenge. Like a > Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany sought to redirect the memory of the war to the > benefit of its own policies.
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This treaty was received with enormous controversy across the Arab world, where it was condemned and considered a stab in the back. The sense of outrage was particularly strong amongst Palestinians, with the leader of the Palestine Liberation Organization, Yasser Arafat, stating: "Let them sign what they like. False peace will not last".1979: Israel and Egypt shake hands on peace deal BBC News On the other hand, the treaty led both Egyptian president Anwar Sadat and Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin to share the 1978 Nobel Peace Prize for bringing peace between the two states.
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The reasons for the Weimar Republic's collapse are the subject of continuing debate. It may have been doomed from the beginning since even moderates disliked it and extremists on both the left and right loathed it, a situation often referred to as a "democracy without democrats". Germany had limited democratic traditions, and Weimar democracy was widely seen as chaotic. Since Weimar politicians had been blamed for the Dolchstoß ("stab-in-the-back"), a widely believed theory that Germany's surrender in the First World War had been the unnecessary act of traitors, the popular legitimacy of the government was on shaky ground.
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Some hold that the blockade starved Germany and the Central Powers into defeat in 1918. Others hold that the armistice on 11 November was forced primarily by events on the Western Front, rather than any actions of the civilian population. The idea that a revolt of the home front forced a German surrender was part of the Stab-in-the-back myth. Also, Germany's largest ally Austria-Hungary had already signed an armistice on 3 November 1918, exposing Germany to an invasion from the south. On 29 September 1918 General Erich Ludendorff#Downfall told the Kaiser that the military front was going to collapse immediately.
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Like other German nationalists, he believed the Dolchstoßlegende (stab-in-the-back myth), which claimed that the German army, "undefeated in the field", had been "stabbed in the back" on the home front by civilian leaders, Jews, Marxists, and those who signed the armistice that ended the fighting—later dubbed the "November criminals". The Treaty of Versailles stipulated that Germany had to relinquish several of its territories and demilitarise the Rhineland. The treaty imposed economic sanctions and levied heavy reparations on the country. Many Germans saw the treaty as an unjust humiliation–they especially objected to Article 231, which they interpreted as declaring Germany responsible for the war.
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In the last days of the war, Göring was repeatedly ordered to withdraw his squadron, first to Tellancourt airdrome, then to Darmstadt. At one point, he was ordered to surrender the aircraft to the Allies; he refused. Many of his pilots intentionally crash-landed their planes to keep them from falling into enemy hands. Like many other German veterans, Göring was a proponent of the Stab-in- the-back legend, the belief which held that the German Army had not really lost the war, but instead was betrayed by the civilian leadership: Marxists, Jews, and especially the Republicans, who had overthrown the German monarchy.
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In his condemnation of the January strikes, Doehring spoke of betrayal and may have been the first to evoke the stab-in- the-back legend, which held that Germany lost the First World War not for military reasons but due to unpatriotic elements at home. Doehring blamed the subsequent defeat in the war and the following November Revolution and claimed that these events were caused by the decline in Germany's Christian faith and values. For him, most of the blame lay with the Catholic Church and the socialist labor movement. He envisioned a reformation along the lines of Luther's as a solution for Germany.
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Thus, the so-called "stab-in-the-back legend" () was born, according to which the revolutionaries had attacked the undefeated army from the rear and turned an almost-certain victory into a defeat. In fact, the Imperial Government and the German Army shirked their responsibility for defeat from the very beginning and tried to place the blame for it on the new democratic government. The motivation behind it is verified by the following citation in the autobiography of Wilhelm Groener, Ludendorff's successor: > It was just fine with me when Army and Army Command remained as guiltless as > possible in these wretched truce negotiations, from which nothing good could > be expected.Schulze, Weimar.
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All tracks written by Terrorvision. #"Alice What's the Matter" – 2:43 #"Oblivion" – 3:03 #"Stop The Bus" – 3:43 #"Discotheque Wreck" – 3:17 #"Middleman" – 3:32 #"Still the Rhythm" – 3:32 #"Ten Shades of Grey" – 3:03 #"Stab in the Back" – 4:51 #"Pretend Best Friend" - 3:47 #"Time O the Signs" – 3:25 #"What the Doctor Ordered" – 2:17 #"Some People Say" – 3:03 #"What Makes You Tick" – 4:10 (CD Track length – 14:34) #"Hidden track" (starts – 9:32 into What Makes You Tick) – 5:02 The hidden track is a very low quality collection of sounds recorded by the band in New York, where the album was recorded.
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In his autobiography, Ludendorff's successor Groener states, "It suited me just fine, when the army and the Supreme Command remained as guiltless as possible in these wretched truce negotiations, from which nothing good could be expected". Thus, the "Myth of the Stab in the Back" was born, according to which the revolutionaries stabbed the army, "undefeated on the field", in the back and only then turned the almost secure victory into a defeat. It was mainly Ludendorff who contributed to the spread of this falsification of history to conceal his own role in the defeat. In nationalistic and national minded circles, the myth fell on fertile ground.
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During this time Hitler so impressed Mayr that he assigned him to an anti-bolshevik "educational commando" as 1 of 26 instructors in the summer of 1919. These courses he taught helped popularize the notion that there was a scapegoat responsible for the outbreak of war and Germany's defeat. Hitler's own bitterness over the collapse of the war effort also began to shape his ideology. Like other German nationalists, he believed the Dolchstoßlegende (stab-in-the-back myth) which claimed that the German Army, "undefeated in the field", had been "stabbed in the back" on the home front by civilian leaders and Marxists, later dubbed the "November criminals".
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This narrative was followed by later writers such as Guenter Lewy and Norman Podhoretz. One study estimated that before Tet, the ratio of punditry supporting the United States' war policy were four-to-one in favor of the government, and after Tet switched to two-to-one against. Many history textbooks state that United States public opinion turned against the war after Tet, with media coverage being mentioned in some accounts. Another element of the myth relates to the 1973 Paris Peace Accords, in which stab-in-the-back is one of the interpretations, holding that obstruction in Congress prevented the United States from enforcing the accords.
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During World War I, Drexler joined the German Fatherland Party, a short-lived far-right party active during the last phase of the war, that played a vital role in the emergence of the stab-in-the-back myth and the defamation of certain politicians as the November Criminals. In March 1918, Drexler founded a branch of Free Workers' Committee for a Good Peace (Der Freie Arbeiterausschuss für einen guten Frieden) league. Karl Harrer, a journalist and member of the Thule Society, convinced Drexler and several others to form the Political Workers' Circle (Politischer Arbeiter- Zirkel) in 1918. The members met periodically for discussions with themes of nationalism and antisemitism.
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An illustration from a 1919 Austrian postcard showing a caricatured Jew stabbing the German Army in the back with a dagger. The capitulation was blamed upon the unpatriotic populace, the Socialists, Bolsheviks, the Weimar Republic, and especially the Jews. An 1847 painting by Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld of a scene from the epic poem Nibelungenlied ("Song of the Nibelungs") - which was the basis for Richard Wagner's opera Götterdämmerung: Hagen takes aim at Siegfried's back with a spear. Category:Society and social science templates Category:Jews and Judaism templates The stab-in-the-back myth (, , ) was an antisemitic conspiracy theory, widely believed and promulgated in right-wing circles in Germany after 1918.
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The antisemitic instincts of the German Army were revealed well before the stab-in-the-back myth became the military's excuse for losing the war. In October 1916, in the middle of the war, the army ordered a Jewish census of the troops, with the intent to show that Jews were under-represented in the Heer (army), and that they were over represented in non-fighting positions. Instead, the census showed just the opposite, that Jews were over-represented both in the army as a whole and in fighting positions at the front. The Imperial German Army then suppressed the results of the census.
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Charges of a Jewish conspiratorial element in Germany's defeat drew heavily upon figures such as Kurt Eisner, a Berlin-born German Jew who lived in Munich. He had written about the illegal nature of the war from 1916 onward, and he also had a large hand in the Munich revolution until he was assassinated in February 1919. The Weimar Republic under Friedrich Ebert violently suppressed workers' uprisings with the help of Gustav Noske and Reichswehr General Groener, and tolerated the paramilitary Freikorps forming all across Germany. In spite of such tolerance, the Republic's legitimacy was constantly attacked with claims such as the stab-in- the-back.
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Unfortunately, since trench warfare was the best form of defense, advances on both sides were very slow, and came at a terrible cost in lives. Division of Austria-Hungary after World War I When the war was finally over in 1918, the results would set the stage for the next twenty years. First and foremost, the Germans were forced to sign the Treaty of Versailles, forcing them to make exorbitant payments to repair damages caused during the War. Many Germans felt these reparations were unfair because they did not actually "lose" the war nor did they feel they caused the war (see Stab-in- the-back legend).
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Second, Roosevelt and Churchill were both acutely aware that the Soviet Union was bearing the brunt of the war against Hitler, and were aware of Stalin's constant suspicions that they were doing deals behind his back. They thus refused any discussions that might be seen as suggesting a willingness to reach a separate peace with Germany. Third, the Allies were determined that in World War II, unlike in World War I, Germany must be comprehensively defeated in the field so that another "stab in the back" myth would not be able to arise in Germany. Olbricht now put forward a new strategy for staging a coup against Hitler.
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An Iraqi Armed Forces spokesman stated that U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper informed Iraqi Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi half an hour before the operation, to which he strongly objected to and condemned; the spokesman called the unilateral U.S. airstrikes "a treacherous stab in the back". Prime Minister Abdul-Mahdi later declared three days of national mourning, from 31 December 2019 until 2 January 2020. The Prime Minister argued that the strikes did not take place based on evidence of a specific threat but was instead geopolitically motivated by the tensions between Iran and the U.S. Senior Popular Mobilization Units commander Jamal Jaafar Ibrahimi said "Our response will be very tough on the American forces in Iraq".
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Adolf Hitler was 29 years old in 1918, when he returned to Munich after Germany's defeat in World War I. Similar to many German veterans at the time, he was left feeling bitter and frustrated. He believed in the widely held "Stab-in-the-back myth", that the German Army did not lose the war on the battlefield but on the homefront due to the communists and Jews. The 1930s were a time of civil unrest in Germany, compounded by the economic problems of the Great Depression. In this environment, a number of extremist political parties took form, including the German Workers' Party (DAP), a short-lived predecessor of the Nazi Party.
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Since incorporation of the declaration into the Treaty of Sèvres did not affect the legal status of either the declaration or the Mandate, there was also no effect when Sèvres was superseded by the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), which did not include any reference to the declaration. In 1922, German anti-Semitic theorist Alfred Rosenberg in his primary contribution to Nazi theory on Zionism, Der Staatsfeindliche Zionismus ("Zionism, the Enemy of the State"), accused German Zionists of working for a German defeat and supporting Britain and the implementation of the Balfour Declaration, in a version of the stab- in-the-back myth. Adolf Hitler took a similar approach in some of his speeches from 1920 onwards.
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As a consequence of these writings the Ludendorffs added occultists to the Stab-in- the-back legend. She criticized the works of Jakob Wilhelm Hauer, an Indologist who supported völkisch ideas, but emphasised the Indo-European origins of the Germans. She criticized the lack of depth and tendency towards jargon in his seminal 1932 work Der Yoga als Heilweg and argued that the teachings of Krishna and Buddha had in fact been adopted by the writers of the Old and New Testaments, making Indian religion off-limits given her aversion to Christianity. Hauer feared Ludendorff´s power in völkisch circles, given her work and her influential husband, would de-emphasise the Indian aspects of his ideas in subsequent writings.
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As the war came to an end, Rössler emerged in Hanover where he claimed to be Dr. Franz Richter, a Sudeten German teacher. The ruse was accepted, and Rössler moved to Luthe in Saxony where he found teaching work. Fired from his position in 1949 for teaching the Stab-in-the- back legend, he soon joined the Deutsche Rechtspartei and its successor the Deutsche Reichspartei. Bearing a passing resemblance to Adolf Hitler due to his toothbrush moustache and habit of wearing Jodhpurs and jackboots, he was elected to the Bundestag in the 1949 election but was expelled from the party the following year due to his radical Nazi ideals and his habit of attending parliament drunk.
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In the last two years of the war, Chamberlain became obsessed with defeating the "inner enemy" that he believed was holding Germany back. In this regard, Chamberlain frequently asserted that Germany was not one nation, but two; on one side, the "patriots" like Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz, General Erich Ludendorff, Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg, Wolfgang Kapp, J. F. Lehmann and Count von Reventlow; and on the other, the "traitors" which included people like Philipp Scheidemann, Eduard David and Matthias Erzberger. No compromise between these two Germanies was possible or desirable, Chamberlain argued, and one would have to be destroyed. Chamberlain's wartime writings against the "inner enemy" anticipated the "stab-in-the-back legend" which emerged after 1918.
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While militaristic, the use of imagery from the Nibelungenlied remained optimistic in this period rather than focusing on the doom at the end of the epic. The interwar period saw the Nibelungenlied enter the world of cinema in Fritz Lang's two part film Die Nibelungen (1924/1925), which tells the entire story of the poem. At the same time, the Nibelungenlied was heavily employed in anti-democratic propaganda following the defeat of Germany and Austria-Hungary: the epic supposedly showed that the German people were more well suited to a heroic, aristocratic form of life than democracy. The betrayal and murder of Siegfried was explicitly compared to the "stab in the back" that the German army had supposedly received.
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Before the 1964 Monterey County Board of Supervisors primary, Church, Allmond and incumbent Chester Deaver were split over their positions on the incorporation of North Monterey County, Castroville and Moss Landing. Church opposed incorporation of North Monterey County, calling it an "'extremely poor, short sighted and senseless reason,'" but felt that Castroville was ready. Allmond called the incorporation of Castroville a "'stab in the back'" but later changed to asking for more input from the Castroville people. Deaver wanted to take a "'wait and see' attitude." In the June 1964 primary, Chester Deaver had finished far in front of his challengers; Deaver 2,927, Church 1,374, Allmond 1,116, Simon 938, Bayer 650, Coffill 391 (unofficial results).
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For some time (during WW2) he was certain (based on real facts) that the Zionists were seeking to assassinate him. … It is evident that he gradually came to identify his battle in Palestine with that of Germany against world Judaism. The reading of all those passages in his memoirs devoted to his European sojourn reveal an assimilation of the content of european antisemitism, with their two great themes of the identification of Judaism with financial capitalism (Anglo-Saxons), and of the legend of the stab in the back (the Jews as responsible for the two world wars). On the other hand, a racist vision of world history is totally absent from his general worldview.
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Already by late 1970 or early 1971, President Richard Nixon and his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger "effectively abandoned the hope of a military victory" in the Vietnam War. Increasingly, they questioned the premise that the South Vietnamese Army would ever be able to defend its country without American help, especially after the Lam Son 719 debacle. Following the Paris Peace Accords, the Nixon administration claimed that "peace with honor" had been achieved and that South Vietnamese independence had been guaranteed. After the Fall of Saigon, Nixon and Kissinger blamed the failure of the accords on the United States Congress refusing to continue support to South Vietnam—in other words, the Vietnam stab-in-the-back myth.
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After the Central Powers' defeat in World War I, false rumors emerged in the Weimar Republic and Hungary alleging that the Jews in those countries conspired with foreign Jews in order to undermine the war effort (the stab-in-the-back myth). Some also accused European Jews of working together to start the war for the purpose of ruining Europe and leaving it vulnerable to "Jewish control". Jews were also blamed for manipulating the peace negotiations to produce an unsatisfactorary result in the postwar treaties, for their own profit. Nazis claimed that the anti-Nazi boycott was an aggressive action by Jews, and launched the Nazi boycott of Jewish businesses in retaliation.
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This stands in contrast to General Erich Ludendorff who spent his post-war years promoting a Far Right stab-in-the-back legend that blamed the German defeat without an honorable peace on Marxists and Republicans at home. Military historian Hans Meier-Welcker summed up von Kuhl this way > For a deep historical understanding of the world war, even if not free of > temporal apology, he performed a significant contribution For his postwar work, von Kuhl was awarded the Pour le Mérite für Wissenschaften und Künste (English: Order of Merit in the Sciences and Arts) in 1924, Germany's highest civilian decoration.G. Ritter Orden Pour le mérite f. Wiss. u. Künste, Speeches & Memorial Words Vol.
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Gradually (progressivement) he was persuaded that world Judaism supported Zionists in an secretive manner and exercised a major influence over decision-making in Great Britain and the United States. For some time (during WW2) he was certain (based on real facts) that the Zionists were seeking to assassinate him. … It is evident that he gradually came to identify his battle in Palestine with that of Germany against world Judaism. The reading of all those passages in his memoirs devoted to his European sojourn reveal an assimilation of the content of european antisemitism, with their two great themes of the identification of Judaism with financial capitalism (Anglo-Saxons), and of the legend of the stab in the back (the Jews as responsible for the two world wars).
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After the war, Ludendorff became a prominent nationalist leader, and a promoter of the Stab-in-the-back myth, which posited that Germany's defeat resulted from its army's betrayal by Marxists, Freemasons and Jews who were likewise responsible for the emasculating settlement reached in the Treaty of Versailles. He also took part in the failed 1920 Kapp Putsch and 1923 Beer Hall Putsch before unsuccessfully running for President against his former wartime superior, Paul von Hindenburg. Thereafter, he retired from politics and devoted his final years to the study of military theory. His most famous work in this field was (The Total War) where he argued that a nation's entire physical and moral resources should remain poised for mobilization because peace was merely an interval between wars.
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The Nazis, under Hitler, promoted the nationalist stab-in-the-back legend stating that Germany had been betrayed by Jews and Communists. The party promised to rebuild Germany as a major power and create a Greater Germany that would include Alsace-Lorraine, Austria, Sudetenland, and other German-populated territories in Europe. The Nazis also aimed to occupy and colonize non-German territories in Poland, the Baltic states, and the Soviet Union, as part of the Nazi policy of seeking Lebensraum ("living space") in eastern Europe. Germany renounced the Versailles treaty and remilitarized the Rhineland in March 1936. Germany had already resumed conscription and announced the existence of a German air force, the Luftwaffe, and naval force, the Kriegsmarine in 1935.
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On 24 November 2015, within weeks of the start of the Russian military intervention in support of Syria′s President Bashar al-Assad, Turkish F-16 combat aircraft shot down a Russian Su-24 during an airspace dispute close to the Turkish-Syrian border. Russian President Vladimir Putin described the incident as "a stab in the back by the accomplices of terrorists" and further stated that "today's tragic events will have significant consequences including for relations between Russia and Turkey". In response, Russia imposed a number of economic sanctions on Turkey. These included the suspension of visa-free travel to Russia for Turkish citizens, limits on Turkish residents and companies doing business in Russia and restrictions on imports of Turkish products.
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During the war, hearings were held in the United States Senate regarding the progress of the war. At hearings of the Senate Preparedness Investigating Subcommittee (SPIS), generals testified that the failure of the war in 1967 was due to excessive civilian restraint on target selection during bombing of North Vietnam, which the subcommittee agreed with. Joseph A. Fry contends that the Joint Chiefs of Staff and SPIS, by blaming the media and anti-war protesters for misrepresenting the war, cultivated the stab-in-the-back myth. Despite the fact that much of the American public had never supported the war, General William Westmoreland blamed the United States media for turning the country against the war after the 1968 Tet Offensive.
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Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) official Hanan Ashrawi lambasted the agreement, writing on Twitter that "Israel got rewarded for not declaring openly what it's been doing to Palestine illegally and persistently since the beginning of the occupation." Fatah accused the UAE of "flouting its national, religious and humanitarian duties" toward the Palestinian people, while Hamas said it was a "treacherous stab in the back of the Palestinian people" and claimed the agreement was a "free reward" for Israeli "crimes and violations against the Palestinian people." , senior adviser to President Mahmoud Abbas, read an official statement in which the Palestinian leadership rejected the agreement, terming it a betrayal against Jerusalem, Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Palestinians. The Palestinian National Authority (PNA) recalled its ambassador from Abu Dhabi.
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''''' ("South German Monthly", also credited as ') was a German magazine published in Munich between January 1904 and September 1936. After beginnings as an art and literary venue, liberal but highly critical of modernism, it made a turn toward politics before World War I. Especially supportive of German conservatism, it was also sympathetic toward Völkisch ideologists, and published propaganda in favor of militarist politicians such as Alfred von Tirpitz. Having for its founder and editor Paul Nikolaus Cossmann, an assimilated Jew, ' was generally antisemitic—strongly so after 1920, when it hosted calls for racial segregation. Its publication of conspiracy theories such as the stab-in-the-back myth paved the way for Nazi propaganda, but ' was more closely aligned with the mainstream right.
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Paul von Hindenburg and Adolf Hitler presided over the abolition of German democracy in 1933 The Nazi Party, led by Adolf Hitler, blamed Germany's ruined economy on the harshness of the Versailles Treaty, on faults of democracy, and on the stab-in-the-back legend. In Germany, as in post-Austro-Hungarian Austria, citizens recalled the pre-war years under autocratic rule as prosperous but the post-war years under weak democratic rule as chaotic and economically disastrous. The situation was further aggravated by the worldwide economic depression that followed the Wall Street Crash of 1929. Left- and right-wing anti-democratic parties in the Reichstag—the German parliament—obstructed parliamentary work, while different cabinets resorted to government by Article 48 of the Weimar constitution.
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Poster of the Reichsregierung against the Kapp Putsch, 13 March 1920 After Germany had lost World War I (1914–1918), the German Revolution of 1918–1919 ended the monarchy. The German Empire was abolished and a democratic system, the Weimar Republic, was established in 1919 by the Weimar National Assembly. Right-wing nationalist and militarist circles opposed the new republic and promoted the stab-in-the-back myth, claiming that the war had been lost only because the efforts of the undefeated German military had been undermined by civilians at home. In 1919–20, the government of Germany was formed by the Weimar Coalition, consisting of the Social Democratic Party (SPD), German Democratic Party (DDP, left-of-centre liberals), and Zentrum (conservative Catholics).
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This resulted in the stab-in-the-back legend, which attributed Germany's defeat not to its inability to continue fighting (even though up to a million soldiers were suffering from the 1918 flu pandemic and unfit to fight), but to the public's failure to respond to its "patriotic calling" and the supposed intentional sabotage of the war effort, particularly by Jews, Socialists, and Bolsheviks. The Allies had much more potential wealth they could spend on the war. One estimate (using 1913 US dollars) is that the Allies spent $58 billion on the war and the Central Powers only $25 billion. Among the Allies, the UK spent $21 billion and the US$17 billion; among the Central Powers Germany spent $20 billion.
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" During the incident the U.S. praised Egypt's efforts to save the lives of the hostages, never criticized Mubarak personally, but did make it clear that they were displeased by Egypt's "independent" decision to give the hijackers safe passage. White House spokesman Larry Speakes told reporters at the time "The United States wants to emphasize the fundamental and durable interest that the United States and Egypt share, interests which transcends this difficult incident." Mubarak described what the U.S. had done as a "stab in the back". The Reagan administration sent a diplomatic envoy led by Deputy Secretary of State John C. Whitehead to Egypt for a "thorough and friendly discussion" telling Mubarak that they hoped to "put our recent differences behind us.
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Germany’s defeat in World War I forced them to take complete responsibility for the war, completely humiliating the German people. Additionally, the stab-in-the-back myth or the idea that Germany was actually winning the war and was undermined by domestic revolutions, emerged and added anger to the equation. The Thule Society, an organization encompassing people from all classes centered around hopes for a counterrevolution, emerged as a result of German humiliation and anger and attempted to fill the gap felt by Germans that the Weimar Republic was “out of touch,” with lower classes. The society approached Karl Harrer, a member and sports reporter for the right-wing publication Münchner-Augsburger Abendzeitung, to start a political activist group in Munich.
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He also became, between 1917 and 1918, a member of the short- lived nationalist German Fatherland Party (Deutsche Vaterlandspartei / DVLP). In 1925 Fester drew widespread attention to himself in the context of the Munich "Stab in the back" trial by accusing the Social Democratic movement of treason. Régime change early in 1933 triggered the launch in Germany of a twelve-year Nazi dictatorship. After 1935 Fester emerged from retirement to work at the antisemitic National Institute for the History of the New Germany ("Reichsinstitut für Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands"), serving on the institute's "Committee of Experts". Here he issued various antisemitic speeches and essays, such as one describing Judaism as a "Ferment of National Decomposition" (»Ferment der nationalen Dekomposition», 1940) and as a "Destructive element of the Nation" (»Zersetzungselement der Völker», 1941).
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Disagreement persists over who originated the metaphor of a "stab in the back" as an explanation for losing the First World War. What emerges clearly from Thaer's observations is that the idea of off-loading responsibility for military defeat away from the military leadership originated in the Supreme Army Command. Even though Hindenburg and Ludendorff tried to shift the blame for the threatened defeat - and therefore the failure of their own predications to come true - during the later years of the war, away from the army, there was not at this point any talk of a planned or treacherous conspiracy. But there was talk of the forces having been let down by shortcomings on the homefront, whereby inadequate soldiers and insufficient war resources had been supplied by the civilian authorities.
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The 2016 Fort McMurray Wildfire in Alberta was a collective trauma for not only that local community but also the large Canadian Province of Alberta despite causing no direct deaths yet the much larger Peshtigo Fire responsible for thousands of deaths is largely forgotten. Responses to national trauma also vary. A nation that experiences clear defeat in war which had mobilized the nation to a high degree will almost inevitably also experience national trauma but the way in which that defeat is felt can change the response. The former peoples of the Confederate South in the American Civil War and the German Empire in World War I both created post-war mythologies (the Lost Cause in the former and the Stab-in-the-back Myth in the latter) of "glorious" defeat in unfair fights.
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On 8 June, in an effort to reduce the financial burden on the state, and appease Sarrail's suspicions about a stab in the back, Athens decided to begin the demobilization of the Greek army: twelve older classes were demobilized entirely, while a two-month furlough was given to those hailing from southern Greece. This was not enough, and on 21 June the Allied ambassadors demanded the complete demobilization of the army, the resignation of the government and new elections. Informed in advance of these demands, Skouloudis had already resigned, and King Constantine entrusted the veteran politician Alexandros Zaimis with forming a government and satisfying the Allied demands. Elections were proclaimed for 8 October, the army was demobilized, and even a few police officers whose dismissal had been requested were replaced.
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Throughout his career, he railed against the "November criminals" of 1918, who had stabbed the German Army in the back. The German historian Friedrich Meinecke attempted to trace the roots of the expression "stab-in-the-back" in a June 11, 1922 article in the Viennese newspaper Neue Freie Presse. In the 1924 national election, the Munich cultural journal Süddeutsche Monatshefte published a series of articles blaming the SPD and trade unions for Germany's defeat in World War I, which came out during the trial of Adolf Hitler and Ludendorff for high treason following the Beer Hall Putsch in 1923. The editor of an SPD newspaper sued the journal for defamation, giving rise to what is known as the Munich Dolchstoßprozess from October 19 to November 20, 1925.
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Even before the laws were officially passed, the Nazis banned sexual relations and marriages between party members and Jews. Party members found guilty of Rassenschande were severely punished; some party members were even sentenced to death. The Nazis claimed that Bismarck was unable to complete German national unification because Jews had infiltrated the German parliament and they claimed that their abolition of parliament had ended this obstacle to unification. Using the stab-in-the-back myth, the Nazis accused Jews—and other populations who it considered non-German—of possessing extra-national loyalties, thereby exacerbating German antisemitism about the Judenfrage (the Jewish Question), the far-right political canard which was popular when the ethnic völkisch movement and its politics of Romantic nationalism for establishing a Großdeutschland was strong.
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Eckart's admiration for Weininger may have played a part in his conversion. In December 1918, Eckart founded, published and edited the anti-Semitic weekly Auf gut Deutsch ("In plain German"), working with Alfred Rosenberg, whom he called his "co-warrior against Jerusalem", and Gottfried Feder. A fierce critic of the German Revolution and the Weimar Republic, he vehemently opposed the Treaty of Versailles, which he viewed as treason, and was a proponent of the so-called stab-in-the-back legend (Dolchstoßlegende), according to which the Social Democrats and Jews were to blame for Germany's defeat in the war. Eckart's anti-Semitism was influenced by the fraudulent publication The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, which has been brought to Germany by "white Russian" emigrés fleeing the October Revolution.
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Stumpf wrote his diary out of personal interest so as to have a reminder of his war memories. When in the beginning of the 1920s an intense debate about the stab-in-the-back myth began, Stumpf realized that his diary could contribute to the elucidation of the role of naval officers, and he handed it to Joseph Joos of the Centre Party (Germany), who recognized the value of the records and ensured they were read before the enquiry commission of the German Weimar Republic parliament (Reichstag). Book edition of the publisher J.H.W. Dietz Nachfolger, Berlin (Germany) 1927. In 1927 the USPD-MP Wilhelm Dittmann published an abbreviated version under the title: "Warum die Flotte zerbrach – Kriegstagebuch eines christlichen Arbeiters (Why the fleet broke up - war diary of a Christian worker)"Stumpf, R., Warum die Flotte zerbrach – Kriegstagebuch eines christlichen Arbeiters, Hrsg.
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Speaking before military lawyers, he said, "...similar circumstances exist with subversive remarks, which may be seen as violations of the Treachery Act. Protracted submission [of documents] to the Minister of Justice to order a criminal prosecution is unnecessary if you approach the statement as undermining the military, which will be possible in almost every case." The regulations created by the Wehrmacht in the course of preparing for World War II served during the war years as an instrument of terror to maintain the soldiers' "will to persevere" through coercion. Especially in the later stages of the war, the Nazi and Wehrmacht leadership were greatly afraid of repetition of the events during the German Revolution that occurred after World War I. Every act of resistance was to be suppressed so that a reoccurrence of the "stab-in-the-back" be prevented.
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It was in the post- World War I period that the Austrian-born Adolf Hitler, under the influence of the stab-in-the-back myth, first took up German nationalist ideas in his Mein Kampf. Hitler met Heinrich Class in 1918, and Class provided Hitler with support for the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch. Hitler and his National Socialist friends shared most of the basic pan-German visions with the Pan-German League, but differences in political style led the two groups to open rivalry. The German Workers Party of Bohemia cut its ties to the pan-German movement, which was seen as being too dominated by the upper classes, and joined forces with the German Workers Party led by Anton Drexler, which later became the National Socialist German Workers Party (Nazi party) that was to be headed by Adolf Hitler from 1921.
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He also replaced Heydrich as President of the International Criminal Police Commission (ICPC), the organization today known as Interpol. Fear of a collapsing home-front due to the Allied bombing campaigns and that another "stab-in-the-back" at home could arise, as a result, caused Kaltenbrunner to immediately tighten the Nazi grip within Germany. From what historian Anthony Read relates, Kaltenbrunner's appointment as RSHA chief came as a surprise given the other possible candidates like head of the Gestapo, Heinrich Müller, or even SD foreign intelligence chief, Walter Schellenberg. Historian Richard Grunberger also added the name of Dr. Wilhelm Stuckart, the future minister of the German Interior as another potential candidate for head of the RSHA; however, he suggests that Kaltenbrunner was most likely selected since he was a comparative "newcomer" who would be more "pliable" in Himmler's hands.
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On 7 October, a White House Office press statement noted that Turkey would be "moving forward with its long-planned operation into northern Syria" and declared that while U.S. forces would not support the operation, they would withdraw from the area and permit it to take place. The statement reportedly suggested that U.S. President Donald Trump approved of the Turkish offensive after Turkish President Erdogan assured him that Turkey would take over the detention of ISIL prisoners held in SDF captivity. Trump's sudden approval of a Turkish incursion was seen as a reversal of the objectives of the Buffer Zone agreement and was received controversially within the United States. Spokesmen of the SDF said the U.S. move was a "stab in the back" and asserted that the SDF would "defend north-east Syria at all costs".
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Thus, by a mixture of cunning, intrigue, and inept manoeuvres, Schleicher had inadvertently paved the way for Adolf Hitler. In 1964 a revised edition of The Nemesis of Power appeared, in which Wheeler-Bennett continued his narrative up to the 20 July Plot of 1944. He contended that under the leadership of Werner von Blomberg and Werner von Fritsch, the German Army had chosen to acquiesce to the Nazi regime as the kind of government best able to achieve what the Army wanted; namely a militarised society that would ensure in the next war that there would be no repeat of the "stab in the back" (an explanation of the collapse of Germany in November 1918 supported by Hitler and others). By agreeing to support the Nazi dictatorship, the Army had tolerated a regime that quietly and gradually dismantled the "State within the state".
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31 more than a month after the election.Burleigh, Michael (2000) The Third Reich: A New History, New York: Hill and Wang, p. 40 As he was on his way to the Landtag to announce his resignation, Eisner was shot dead by the right-wing nationalist Anton Graf von Arco auf Valley, a decorated aristocratic former cavalryman now a student at the University of Munich, who was a believer in the "stab-in-the-back myth", which held that Jews, socialists and other undesirable elements had caused Germany to lose World War I. As a Jew, a socialist, a Bohemian, and a Berliner, Eisner was the perfect target. Arco-Valley had been humiliated when a Leftist mob tore off his cockade from his hat after the war, and then endured further humiliation when he was rejected from membership in the anti-Semitic Thule Society because of Jewish ancestry on his mother's side.
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Germany in 1919 was bankrupt, the people living in a state of semi-starvation and having no commerce with the remainder of the world. The Allies occupied the Rhine cities of Cologne, Koblenz and Mainz, with restoration dependent on payment of reparations. In Germany a Stab-in-the-back myth (Dolchstoßlegende) was propagated by Hindenburg, Ludendorff and other defeated generals, that the defeat was not the fault of the 'good core' of the army but due to certain left-wing groups within Germany who signed a disastrous armistice; this would later be exploited by nationalists and the Nazi party propaganda to excuse the overthrow of the Weimar Republic in 1930 and the imposition of the Nazi dictatorship after March 1933. France lost more casualties relative to its population than any other great power and the industrial north-east of the country was devastated by the war.
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When Frost met Bonington down at Camp II he firmly told him he thought the stab in the back of Estcourt and Boysen had wrecked the morale of the expedition – all the same he maintained his close relationship with Bonington. On 17 May Boysen, Whillans and Haston carried equipment to the top of the Flat Iron to a suitable site for Camp VI but on the way Boysen had to return to camp to recover. Whillans and Haston found a site for Camp VI but that night at Camp V the ridge tent was crushed with an avalanche of snow so Estcourt and Haston went down to the upper dump to collect the one intended for Camp VII and to get more food. Climbing back to Camp VI on 19 May, Haston's rucksack, containing his personal gear and food for Camp VI, fell down the mountain.
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On 7 October, US forces began to withdraw from the Northern Syria Buffer Zone, as US President Donald Trump reportedly gave a "green light" to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to invade and occupy territories held by the NES/SDF at that time. As a result of this action, which SDF forces deemed a "stab in the back", they announced their intention to renew negotiations with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in order secure a deal that could see the entry of Syrian Army units into SDF-held territories, which they hope would forestall the planned Turkish invasion. Syria's Foreign Minister urged Kurdish forces to hand over several areas controlled by them to the Syrian Government, stating that should they refuse to do so, they would be faced with "abyss" in the face of Turkey. On 8 October, the SDF accused the Syrian Army of preparing to capture the SDF-held city of Manbij.
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Because the military believed that Germany had not been defeated in World War I, the lesson that the Wehrmacht took from this was for the need for a draconian military justice system that would ruthlessly stamp out anything that might lead to any new "stab in the back". It had been neither forgotten nor forgiven by the military that the November Revolution had started with the High Seas mutiny. In August 1917, there had been a mutiny in the High Seas Fleet, which after it was crushed, saw the execution of its leaders' Max Reichpietsch and Albin Köbis with the rest of the mutineers given long prison sentences. The "lesson" drawn by the Navy and the rest of the Wehrmacht had been that if only the High Seas Fleet mutiny of 1917 been followed up with more executions instead of just Reichpietsch and Köbis, then the much more serious mutiny of November 1918 would have been avoided.
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In exile, Ludendorff wrote numerous books and articles about the German military's conduct of the war while forming the foundation for the , the "stab-in-the-back theory," for which he is considered largely responsible,Nebelin, Manfred: Ludendorff: Diktator im Ersten Weltkrieg, Munich: Siedler Verlag--Verlagsgruppe Random House, 2011 insisting that a domestic crisis had sparked Germany's surrender while the military situation held firm, ignoring that he himself had pressed the politicians for an armistice on military grounds. Ludendorff was convinced that Germany had fought a defensive war and, in his opinion, that Kaiser Wilhelm II had failed to organize a proper counter-propaganda campaign or provide efficient leadership. Ludendorff was extremely suspicious of the Social Democrats and leftists, whom he blamed for the humiliation of Germany through the Versailles Treaty. Ludendorff claimed that he paid close attention to the business element (especially the Jews), and saw them turn their backs on the war effort by—as he saw it—letting profit, rather than patriotism, dictate production and financing.
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The special situation of the Eastern Campaign > therefore demands special measures [an euphemism for killing] which are to > be carried out free from bureaucratic and administrative influence and with > a willingness to accept responsibility. While so far the regulations and > orders concerning prisoners of war were based solely on military > considerations, now the political objective must be attained, which is to > protect the German nation from Bolshevik inciters and forthwith take the > occupied territory strictly in hand. As such, all Soviet POWs considered to be commissars together with all Jewish POWs were to be handed over to the Einsatzgruppen to be shot. The OKW attached great importance to the killings of POWs believed to be commissars as it was believed that if the captured commissars reached POW camps in Germany that they would stage another German Stab-in-the-back like that believed to have caused Germany's defeat in World War I. Between July–October 1941, between 580,000–600,000 POWs in Wehrmacht custody were turned over to the SS to be killed.
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The military commanders had arranged it so that they would not be blamed for suing for peace, but the republican politicians associated with the armistice would: the signature on the armistice document was of Matthias Erzberger, who was later murdered for his alleged treason. Given that the heavily-censored German press had carried nothing but news of victories throughout the war, and that Germany itself was unoccupied while occupying a great deal of foreign territory, it was no wonder that the German public was mystified by the request for an armistice with the Allies, especially as they did not know that their military leaders had asked for it. Thus the conditions were set for the "stab-in-the-back myth", in which Hindenburg and Ludendorff were held to be blameless and the socialist politicians were accused of betraying Germany. Further blame was laid at their feet after they signed the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, which led to territorial losses and serious financial pain for the shaky new republic, including a crippling schedule of reparation payments.
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Instrument of Surrender document Representatives of the then three Allied Powers, the United States, the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom, working through the European Advisory Commission (EAC) throughout 1944, sought to prepare an agreed surrender text to be used in the potential circumstances of Nazi power being overthrown within Germany either by military or civil authorities, and a post-Nazi government then seeking an armistice. By 3 January 1944, the Working Security Committee in the EAC proposed: The committee further suggested that the instrument of surrender be signed by representatives of the German High Command. The considerations behind this recommendation were to prevent the repetition of the stab-in-the-back legend, created in Germany following defeat in the First World War; since the act of surrender in November 1918 had been signed only by representatives of the civilian German government; militarist circles subsequently claimed that the High Command of the Army carried no responsibility for the instrument of defeat or for the defeat itself. Not everyone agreed with the Working Security Committee's predictions regarding the war's ending.
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Unaware of Hindenburg's direct testimony of Germany's military defeat, Germans adopted the Dolchstoss or stab-in-the-back myth that Germany had only lost the war because it was betrayed at home by "the socialists, the Communists and the Jews," which served as Nazism's explanation for Germany's defeat. "If the Hindenburg interview had been passed by Pershing's censors at the time, it would have been headlined in every country civilized enough to have newspapers and undoubtedly would have made an impression on millions of people and became an important page in history," wrote Seldes. "I believe it would have destroyed the main planks on which Hitler rose to power, it would have prevented World War II, the greatest and worst war in all history, and it would have changed the future of all mankind." However, it was Hindenburg himself, who in a hearing before a committee of the German National Assembly investigating the causes of the World War and Germany's defeat, on November 18, 1919, a year after the war's end, declared, "As an English general has very truly said, the German Army was 'stabbed in the back'," grossly misrepresenting General Frederick Barton Maurice's book, The Last Four Months.
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Relations between both countries however, have seen an unprecedented level of tensions following the Egyptian president Anwar Sadat's decision to visit to Israel on 19–21 November 1977 and his intentions to negotiate with the Israelis, which Algeria, and several other Arab states, considered a stab in the back. Libya's Muammar Gaddafi denounced the visit as soon as it was announced and when it eventually took place, he called for a summit meeting in Tripoli on December 2 that included Algeria, Syria, Iraq, South Yemen and the PLO who later called themselves the "Front of Steadfastness and Confrontation" in what was officially termed the Tripoli Declaration intended to put pressure on Egypt to withdraw its decisions to make peace with Israel. During this meeting, Algeria along with other participants called for Egypt's expulsion from the Arab League and which concluded with all member states freezing their ties with Egypt calling on all Arab states to give their full support to Syria as the main point of confrontation and condemned Sadat's actions as "high treason". In response, Sadat severed ties with every country that participated in the initiative, including Algeria, and gave their ambassadors 24 hours to leave the country.
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Brighton notes that while both believed in the Stab-in-the-back myth, Rommel was able to succeed using peaceful methods because he saw the problem in empty stomachs rather than in Judeo-Bolshevism – which right-wing soldiers such as Hitler blamed for the chaos in Germany. Rommel and Adolf Hitler in Goslar, 1934 On 1 October 1920 Rommel was appointed to a company command with the 13th Infantry Regiment in Stuttgart, a post he held for the next nine years. He was then assigned as an instructor at the Dresden Infantry School from 1929 to 1933, and during this time was promoted to major, in April 1932. While at Dresden, he wrote a manual on infantry training, published in 1934. In October 1933 he was promoted to Oberstleutnant (lieutenant colonel) and given his next command, the 3rd Jäger Battalion, 17th Infantry Regiment, stationed at Goslar. Here he first met Hitler, who inspected his troops on 30 September 1934. In September 1935 Rommel was moved to the War Academy at Potsdam as an instructor, for the next three years. His book Infanterie greift an (Infantry Attacks), a description of his wartime experiences along with his analysis, was published in 1937.
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