135 Sentences With "proslavery" | Random Sentence Generator

Buchanan then manipulated the courts to entrench his proslavery views.

California's proslavery roots run much deeper than one might suspect.

Dawson, a proslavery Louisiana congressman, threatened to cut the throat of

This was a brute show of political strength by proslavery representatives, who considered it a grave insult to let abolitionists speak.

A proslavery zealot, Tyler has the unique distinction so far of being the only president to commit treason against his country.

Conservatives — who then were proslavery Democrats — vowed to wreck the system if they could not reinforce it against the change they dreaded.

By then, Brown had already drawn blood for the abolitionist cause when he led an attack on a proslavery settlement in Kansas.

He looked at the 1844 presidential election, where James K. Polk, a proslavery Democrat, narrowly defeated Henry Clay, a moderate antislavery Whig.

Southern Democrats "pushed so hard for such extremely proslavery policies, they drove Northern Democrats away from them," Kate Masur, a historian at Northwestern University, said.

Some politicians saw anti-immigrant fervor as a perfect distraction, which they could use to unite proslavery and antislavery voters against a common foreign enemy.

Although antislavery forces won crucial votes and changed important church policies, aggrieved proslavery church members left -- forming the Methodist Episcopal Church South and the Southern Baptist Convention.

In the initial vote over having electors select the president, the only states voting "nay" were North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia — the three most ardently proslavery states in the convention.

In May 1856, Preston Brooks, a proslavery representative from South Carolina, walked into the United States Capitol and used a cane to beat Senator Charles Sumner, a critic of slavery from Massachusetts.

So the spectacle of proslavery representatives falling over themselves with outrage at even discussing slavery helped convince many in the North that the South really did have something to be ashamed and defensive about.

David Waldstreicher, a professor at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York and the author of "Slavery's Constitution," said this approach created ambiguity about the framers' intentions and the constitutionality of both proslavery and antislavery legislation.

But perhaps the most important aspect of the proslavery theology that far outlasted the high tide of antebellum slaveholding was its fusion of religion with a form of nationalism, a vision of an American Christian nation with hierarchies rooted in the edicts of the Bible.

If you apply that to other arenas in your life, like you&aposre misogynist but you don&apost know it, or you are proslavery but you don&apost know it, this is like -- this is like one step away from "Minority Report," where people can actually read your mind -- GUILFOYLE: Yes, thought police.

It wasn't that he knew because someone more historically aware and actually black filled him in on the long, objectionable tradition of American blackface minstrelsy — an art form in which, initially, white people dressed as black ones as entertainment, on one hand, and as proslavery propaganda on the other (actually, both hands tended to be clasped for that).

African-Americans had long protested these statues, from young black schoolgirls, who chipped away at the proslavery John C. Calhoun's statue in Charleston so that it had to be put on an 80-foot pedestal, to the 15-year NAACP boycott of South Carolina for flying the Confederate battle flag on state grounds that ended in 2015, after the flag came down.

In Kansas he found a sympathetic group to put his ideas into action. The freestaters and abolitionists rebelled against the controlling proslavery government. They often fought those from Missouri who came into the territory to push proslavery agendas. Osawatomie, near the Missouri border, was attacked and burned by proslavery forces on August 30, 1856.

Blue Lodges were secret proslavery societies formed in western Missouri during 1854 to thwart Northern anti-slavery plans to make Kansas a free state under the Kansas-Nebraska Act. They not only promoted the migration of proslavery settlers to Kansas but occasionally crossed the border to participate in the election of proslavery members to the territorial government.

Edward Brown (born circa 1790) was a South Carolina lawyer who wrote an early and robust proslavery tract, Notes on the Origin and Necessity of Slavery.Notes on the Origin and Necessity of Slavery (Charleston: A.E. Miller, 1826). The book was published four years after the Denmark Vesey conspiracy. Brown's tract was a companion to other South Carolina proslavery works by Whitemarsh Benjamin Seabrook and was shortly before the more famous proslavery pamphlet by Chancellor William Harper (South Carolina).

City of Chicago (2010).Defending Slavery: Proslavery Thought in the Old South. Boston, MA: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2003.

The Lost Cause is based on antebellum defenses of slavery (see proslavery) and of states' rights (John C. Calhoun).

By 1855, antislavery immigrants began arriving in force to Kansas, and upon arrival they refused to acknowledge the fraudulently elected proslavery government.Meyer (1982), 338. The antislavery groups elected their own government, with its capital at Topeka by December 1855; however, the proslavery government at Lecompton remained the legally recognized government of the state.

In dissent, Michael Todd Landis joins a growing band of anti-Polk critics who view him as a proslavery sectionalist.

In 1856, James H. Lane, leader of a small band of Free-State men, besieged a group of Proslavery men in the log buildings near Dunavant at Hickory Point. The Proslavery men had attacked Valley Falls (then called Grasshopper Falls). Lane sent to Lawrence for artillery to drive the men out. Reinforcements led by Col.

Also known for her oratory, Rutherford was distinctive in dressing as a southern belle for her speeches. She held strong pro-Confederacy, proslavery views and opposed women's suffrage.

He stayed in the area and kept a diary about local events, including Bleeding Kansas, Civil War events, and area skirmishes. Prior to the American Civil War, the town was primarily proslavery and its residents were often at odds with Topeka residents who wanted Kansas to be a free state. For instance, on August 30, 1856, there were proslavery supporters who caused an incident. The local militia was brought in to prevent fire and theft.

In May 1856, a large proslavery force entered Lawrence and destroyed many buildings and printing presses in what became known as the "Sacking of Lawrence." Shannon failed to intervene to protect the citizens and their property. In retaliation, John Brown and a small group of followers moved along Pottawatomie Creek, 40 miles south of Lawrence, killing five proslavery settlers. The "Pottawatomie massacre", as it came to be known, brought even more violence into the territory.

With the help of Horace Greeley, a howitzer was sent to Lawrence. On August 27, 1855, the proslavery faction in Douglas County (based primarily out of the territorial capital, Lecompton, as well as smaller satellite settlements like Franklin and Lone Star)Litteer (1987), p. 32.Parker and Laird (1976), pp. 14662. got a boost when acting territorial governor Daniel Woodson appointed the zealously proslavery settler Samuel J. Jones to the office of county sheriff.

His idea to rectify social inequality created by capitalismDowling, David (2009). "'Other and More Terrible Evils': Anticapitalist Rhetoric in Harriet Wilson's 'Our Nig' and Proslavery Propaganda," College Literature 36 (3), pp. 116–136.

Then, in October 1855, the outspoken abolitionist John Brown arrived in the Kansas Territory; he brought with him a wagon-load of weapons with which he intended to use to fight off "Satan and his legions" (i.e., proslavery settlers). For much of 1855, the pro- and antislavery factions existed uneasily with one another. Then on November 21, 1855, after an intense verbal altercation, the proslavery settler Franklin N. Coleman shot the Free- Stater Charles Dow in the head, killing him.

Emancipationist Baptists created their own churches in Kentucky around antislavery principles. While emancipationists viewed their cause as one with republican ideals of virtue, the proslavery Baptists insisted there was a boundary between church and state; this allowed them to define slavery as a civil matter. The proslavery position, based on the importance of slave labor on many plantations, became the dominant Baptist belief in Kentucky. Emancipationist leadership declined through death and emigration, and Baptists in the Upper South healed rifts in their churches and associations.

Franklin was a small town established in 1854 in Douglas County, Kansas Territory. Established as a proslavery stronghold, the town played a key role in the "Bleeding Kansas" conflict that troubled the territory in the 1850s.

William Cecil Price (1816–1901) was a United States lawyer and judge who was active in the proslavery faction of the Missouri Democratic Party from the 1840s on, and who served as Treasurer of the United States from 1860 to 1861.

For the 2017 inaugural luncheon, the featured painting was George Caleb Bingham's The Verdict of the People, which depicts a Missouri town and its citizens both celebrating and mourning the election victory of what historians say was a likely proslavery candidate.

In response to the killing, a group of Missourians known as the Westport Sharpshooters attempted to capture Brown, but they were themselves captured by him. In August 1856, however, another group of proslavery Missourians invaded Kansas and burned the town of Ossawotamie, which was home to Brown's headquarters. By 1857, a substantial population of antislavery settlers had arrived in Kansas, and their votes overwhelmed those of the proslavery Missourians who crossed the border for the October territorial election. Despite the victory of the antislavery forces at the ballot box, violence continued along the border of Missouri and Kansas.

James A. Harvey arrived the next day, and the skirmish ended with 4 Proslavery men wounded, 1 killed, and 5 Free-State men injured. A Kansas Historical Marker for the Battle of Hickory Point stands a half mile away, on today's U.S. Route 59.

Cobb's Inquiry represented the capstone of proslavery legal thought and has been called one of the most comprehensive American proslavery treatise.Alfred L. Brophy, University, Court, and Slave: Pro-Slavery Thought in Southern Colleges and Courts and the Coming of Civil War (2016): 227-53. It drew together examples from world history of slavery, which he used to argue that slavery was close to ubiquitous in human history and thus natural. He also drew on evidence of slavery's economic necessity and on then popular ideas of "science," which supported white supremacy and slavery.Alfred L. Brophy, Antislavery Women and the Origins of American Jurisprudence, Texas Law Review 94 (2015): 115, 123-25.

Support for this plan in Congress was lacking.Johnson, pp. 233–234 Geary soon began to fear for his personal safety after his private secretary, Dr. John Gihon, was assaulted by proslavery ruffians. Geary submitted his resignation to incoming President James Buchanan, expecting that he would be reappointed.

Map of Mayorasgo de Koka drawn by Zephaniah Kingsley.Mayorasgo de Koka was a tract of land purchased by Zephaniah Kingsley in 1837 as part of his "colonization experiment" in Haiti.Stowell, Daniel (ed.) (2000). Balancing Evils Judiciously: The Proslavery Writings of Zephaniah Kingsley, University Press of Florida.

In Leavenworth, he also ran for the position of city marshal in 1858.City Officers Western Home Journal (Lawrence Kansas) 8 Apr 1858, page 7, accessed at Newspapers.com Spicer reported being part of a party held captive, and robbed by a proslavery territorial militia in an 1859 claim for property lost in September 1856.

See also Alfred L. Brophy, University, Court, and Slave: Proslavery Thought in the Southern Academy and Judiciary and the Coming of Civil War (2016): 133 (discussing Venable's speech at Princeton). and at Wake Forest in 1858.Speech of the Hon. A.W. Venable Before the Literary Societies, Wake Forest College, ... June 8th, 1858 (Raleigh, 1858).

This resistance made law enforcement nearly impossible for territorial officials. Time after time the territorial governors called out federal troops from Fort Leavenworth or Fort Riley to maintain order. In January 1857 the second territorial legislative assembly met on the upper floor. Although still firmly proslavery, this group removed some of the earlier laws that their antislavery neighbors opposed.

In both 1855 and 1857, Lawrence received a charter from the proslavery government in Lecompton, but the citizens, being adamant in their opposition to the "Bogus Legislature", refused to accept it, as it would have organized Lawrence under proslavery laws.. In July 1857, the citizens of Lawrence then attempted to secure an "official" city charter from the extralegal Free-State legislature before issuing one themselves. This act was seen as one of bold-faced insurrection by the newly-installed territorial governor Robert J. Walker; as a result, on July 15, 1857 Walker ordered William S. Harney to send a regiment of soldiers to watch over the city and impose martial law. These troops remained in the vicinity of Lawrence until the territorial elections in October of that year.United States Congress (1922), p. 71.

In 1724, in response to a questionnaire sent by Bishop of London on the conversion of infidels, eleven out of twenty-eight of the respondents noted that they were interested in obtaining slave conversions.Irons, Charped F. The Origins of Proslavery Christianity: White and Black Evangelicals in Colonial and Antebellum Virginia. University of North Carolina Press, 2008. . Accessed 27 May 2020.

On October 6, 2011, during a live interview conducted on the sports cable television network, ESPN, Zirin referred to Hank Williams, Jr. as racist and proslavery after Williams, the writer and singer of ESPN's then-Monday Night Football theme song, made a political statement in which he compared multiracial US President Barack Obama to former German national socialist leader, Adolf Hitler.

Far > too often throughout American history, statues and civic spaces have been > ostensibly weaponized as a means of empowerment or oppression. > Unquestionably, Confederate monuments reflect the politicized racial > attitudes of their communities but in this case somebody’s heroes are > usually someone else’s villains. Many Americans consider them racist because > they openly honor secessionist proslavery war heroes--and traitors. None > denounces slavery.

Dean carried his Methodist values into the period leading up to the Civil War. He opposed the extension of slavery. He opposed the Lecompton Constitution written by proslavery Kansans and supported the popular sovereignty view of Stephen Douglas. He did not support the continuation of slavery in the nation, but he believed that slaves should be freed through government purchase over time.

The "Squatter's Court" were settlers who did not recognize the land claims granted to proslavery settlers. Upon the arrival of Little's force, a parley ensued, but ended without resolution. Little advanced on the house and four of his men were wounded. Retreating and regrouping, Little and ten men attempted a second attack on Fort Bain, which was also unsuccessful but without any casualties.

To calm the increasingly belligerent settlers, the governor of the Kansas Territory, Wilson Shannon, called on the Kansas militia to intervene and keep the peace. Shannon had intended for the militia to be composed of Kansans, but Jones mustered a small army of 1,200–1,500 proslavery men, all but about 50 came from Missouri.Litteer (1987), pp. 1314.Cordley (1895), p. 54.

604 (New York: W.W. Norton & Company). After 1782, inspired by the rhetoric that had driven the revolution, it became popular to free slaves. The free African-American population in Virginia rose from some 3,000 to more than 20,000 between 1780 and 1800; the 1800 United States Census tallied about 350,000 slaves in Virginia, and the proslavery interest re-asserted itself around that time.Tomasky, Michael.

The young Brown was a star student of Myrtilla Miner, an abolitionist who ran a school for black girls in the virulently proslavery Washington region. Brown was often frustrated with Miner's open condescension toward her black charges. But she supported Miner's overall mission: In the late 1850s, Brown briefly taught at the school alongside Emily Howland. She and Howland became longtime friends and correspondents.

Was the use of violence to oppose the violence of slavery and the breaking of proslavery laws morally defensible? Which of Stowe's characters should be emulated, the passive Uncle Tom or the defiant George Harris?Bellin, Joshua D. "Up to Heaven's Gate, down in Earth's Dust: the Politics of Judgment in Uncle Tom's Cabin", American Literature 1993 65(2): 275–295. Fulltext online at Jstor and Ebsco.

His first novel, Wild Western Scenes, was serialized in the Visitor. Jones became editor of the pro-Tyler the Madisonian, later being rewarded for his efforts with the U.S. consulship at Naples. In 1857 he founded and edited the proslavery paper the Southern Monitor, in Philadelphia. After the outbreak of the American Civil War, he abandoned the paper, left his family behind, and fled to Montgomery, Alabama.

In an effort to keep Baker from receiving the required majority of 26 votes, six proslavery senators left the meeting and hid in a barn to prevent a quorum. They were brought back, and the legislators reached a compromise on October 7 and elected James Nesmith, a Douglas Democrat, and Baker. The Douglas Democrats supported Baker because of his sincerity and support of popular sovereignty.

By this time, it seemed as if the struggles of Lawrence's early citizens were coming to fruition. In the election of 1857, free-staters gained the upper hand and were able to oust the proslavery majority from the territorial legislature. By the start of the next year, Samuel Joneslong the enemy of Lawrence's free state populationresigned his post as sheriff and left the territory.Adams (1896), p. 276.

Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994: 176–177. Child's argument includes a distrust of the growing political power of the Southern states which she perceived as a proslavery oligarchy. She addresses her concern in a chapter titled "Influence of Slavery on the Politics of the United States" and specifically uses the Missouri Compromise as an example.Karcher, Carolyn L. The First Woman in the Republic: A Cultural Biography of Lydia Maria Child.

Gresham, v. 1, p. 42. In border states such as Indiana, some individuals supported slavery while others opposed it or had neutral opinions about the issue and did not take any action. Despite the disagreements within his own state, Indiana's U.S. Senator Noah Noble, who was elected governor of Indiana in 1831, supported the antislavery sentiment by voting against granting statehood to Missouri in 1820 because of its proslavery stance.

Geary accepted Pierce's appointment as governor of the Kansas Territory on July 31, 1856. Proslavery forces opposed Geary, favoring instead either acting governor Daniel Woodson or Surveyor General John Calhoun (an Illinois politician). Geary spent a month preparing for his new position and then left for the territory. While traveling up the Missouri River, his boat docked at Glasgow, Missouri, where he happened upon recently fired governor Wilson Shannon.

As slavery disputes intensified in the 19th century, there emerged two doctrines within the Methodist Church. Churches in the South were primarily proslavery, while northern churches started antislavery movements. The apologia of the Southern churches was largely based in Old Testament scriptures, which often represent slavery as a part of the natural order of things. New Testament writings were sometimes used to support the case for slavery as well.

They sometimes fought hand-to-hand for their share of the rich lands that were opening for settlement. The government was removing the Native Americans from Kansas to make their lands available to whites. Upstairs the district court periodically met to try to enforce the territorial laws. Most free-state people refused to obey these laws because they had been passed by the proslavery territorial legislature, which they called "bogus".

Bisset's Biographical Sketch of the Authors of the Spectator, the first volume of an eight-volume edition of the Spectator, included sketches of Addison, Steele, Thomas Parnell, John Hughes, Eustace Budgell, Laurence Eusden, Thomas Tickell and Alexander Pope. His Life of Edmund Burke (1798) praised Burke highly, defending his political consistency against detractors. Bisset also wrote two novels, two proslavery tracts, "and a spate of polemical, antidemocratic writing".

While both sides were ready for a fight, an outright clash between the two militias was prevented at least in part by the harsh Kansas winter. On December 8, Shannon had had enough and ordered representatives from both sides to meet at the proslavery stronghold of Franklin to sign a peace treaty. Terms were agreed to, and eventually, after much persuading, the Missouri army reluctantly left the area.Fitzgerald (1988), pp. 7475.

He was also a professor of moral and intellectual philosophy at the college. Smith was proslavery and published a series of lectures titled "Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery, as Exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States: with the Duties of Masters to Slaves" in 1856. In 1866, Smith resigned from his position as president. He went on to become the pastor of Centenary Church in St. Louis, Missouri.

He would print news items from the South that were proslavery and then critique them. The paper was the target of at least two episodes of mob violence in the city. One incident occurred on July 30, 1836, when rioters broke into the printing offices of the paper and vandalized the interior, scattering the types throughout the streets. The mob continued to the Pugh's house and the residence of Birney, leaving both places undisturbed.

Colfax was identified with the Radical Republicans in Congress, and was an energetic opponent of slavery. His June 21, 1856 "Kansas Code" speech attacking laws passed by the proslavery Legislature in Kansas became the most widely requested Republican campaign document. Then, as the 1860 presidential election approached, Colfax traveled frequently, delivered many speeches, helping to bind the various Republican and antislavery factions together into a unified party that could win the presidency.

Young mimicked proslavery apologetics when he argued that slaves were better off than European workers and that slavery was mutually beneficial to slave and master. Young feared that abolishing slavery would result in blacks ruling over whites. At the end of 1852, Young commented that he was glad the black population was small. Young was generous with the black servants and slaves in his life, but that did not change their lack of rights.

Dickson was a frequent lecturer; his addresses included a Phi Beta Kappa Address at Yale in 1842.S. Henry Dickson, An Oration Delivered at New Haven, Before the Phi Beta Kappa Society, August 17, 1842 (New Haven, B.L. Hamlen, 1842). See also Address of Dr. S.H. Dickson Delivered at the Inauguration of the Public School, Fourth of July, 1856 (Charleston, Walker and Evans 1856). In recent years, he has received attention for his proslavery writings.

Instead, this aroused proslavery advocates to create secret societies known as the Blue Lodges, taking place in Massachusetts. The members of the Blue Lodges were so closely associated with the Watie party that they were known primarily by that name or by the Southern Rights Party. They were referred jokingly by their enemies as “the Knaves of the Godless Communion”. Some think that Stand Watie was also the leader of many Lodges.

Our Nig did not sell well because rather than criticizing slavery in the South, it indicts the economy of the north, specifically: the practice of keeping poor people as indentured servants, and the poor treatment of blacks by whites. Critic David Dowling, in "Other and More Terrible Evils: Anticapitalist Rhetoric in Harriet Wilson's Our Nig and Proslavery Propaganda", states that the northern abolitionists did not publicize her book because it criticized the North.

Price was active in the proslavery wing of the Missouri Democratic Party. Price claimed that he had originated the idea that the Missouri Compromise must be repealed. In 1844, he traveled through Missouri, warning slaveholders of the dangers to their situation if the Missouri Compromise were not repealed. Price was a supporter of the leader of the Missouri pro-slavery Democrats, Claiborne Fox Jackson, and opposed the Bentonite faction of the Missouri Democratic Party.

Cannibals All!, or Slaves Without Masters (1857) was a critique further developing the themes that Fitzhugh had introduced in Sociology for the South. Both the book's title and its subtitle were phrases taken from the writing of Thomas Carlyle, the Scottish social critic and a great hero to Fitzhugh's generation of proslavery thinkers.Dodd, William E. (1918). "The Social Philosophy of the Old South," American Journal of Sociology 23 (6), pp. 735–746.

The Verdict of the People is an 1854 painting by George Caleb Bingham, currently owned by the Saint Louis Art Museum. The last painting of Bingham's Election Series, The Verdict of the People tells the end of the story represented in the series. Within this painting, Bingham hid several political motives and ideas similar to the rest of the Election Series. Historians say the painting depicts public reaction to a likely proslavery candidate's election victory.

Introduction – Social Aspects of the Civil War , National Park Service. As the United States expanded, the Southern states attempted to extend slavery into the new western territories to allow proslavery forces to maintain their power in the country. The new territories acquired by the Louisiana purchase and the Mexican cession were the subject of major political crises and compromises. By 1850, the newly rich, cotton- growing South was threatening to secede from the Union, and tensions continued to rise.

Meyer (1982), 336. Although only 2,800 ballots were cast, it is likely the proslavery candidate would have been elected without the Missourians' voter fraud. In the March 1855 election to select the territorial legislature, more than 4,000 Missourians entered Kansas to cast ballots; even the University of Missouri sent a student delegate to cast in favor of slavery. According to the polls, 6,307 persons had voted, although Kansas had at the time only 2,095 eligible voters.Meyer (1982), 337.

During the years of 1855 and 1856, tensions erupted into open warfare between proslavery and antislavery forces along the border.Meyer (1982), 340. In May 1856, a group of Missourians sacked the town of Lawrence, Kansas; the town's hotel, printing press, and several houses were destroyed, and several Kansans were killed. In response to the sacking, a group of Missouri settlers were attacked and massacred at Pottawatomie Creek in Kansas by John Brown and his group of abolitionists.

111: "The most prominent feature of the voting at this stage was its apparently sectional character." Northern Jeffersonian Republicans formed a coalition across factional lines with remnants of the Federalists. Southern Jeffersonian united in almost unanimous opposition. The ensuing debates pitted the northern "restrictionists", antislavery legislators who wished to bar slavery from the Louisiana Territory and all future states and territories, and southern "anti-restrictionists", proslavery legislators who rejected any interference by Congress that inhibited slavery expansion.

Buchanan appointed Robert J. Walker to replace John W. Geary as territorial governor, with the expectation he would assist the proslavery faction in gaining approval of a new constitution. However, Walker wavered on the slavery question, and there ensued conflicting referendums from Topeka and Lecompton, where election fraud occurred. In October 1857, the Lecompton government framed the pro-slavery Lecompton Constitution and sent it to Buchanan without a referendum. Buchanan reluctantly rejected it, and he dispatched federal agents to arrange a compromise.

" Free People of Color," The Evening and the Morning Star, July 1833, p. 109. According to a letter written by John Whitmer and Phelps, proslavery Missourians responded with an outraged manifesto, in which Mormons were decried as "...deluded fanatics, or weak and designing knaves..." and so forth. Letter from John Whitmer and William W. Phelps, 29 July 1833, The Joseph Smith Papers, accessed 1 February 2012. The mob destroyed Phelps' printing office and numerous incomplete copies of the Book of Commandments.

After the Territorial Legislature in Shawnee Mission began passing proslavery laws in July 1855, Free-Staters met to decide how to respond. In August 1855, Goodnow attended the first territory-wide meeting of Free-State leaders. Ultimately, the group decided to form a shadow government and drafted the Topeka Constitution, although Goodnow did not participate in the constitutional convention. In 1858, Goodnow was a delegate to the Leavenworth Constitutional Convention, which produced the most liberal of the three proposed Free-State constitutions.

Although Franklin was incorporated in 1857, its importance to the southern cause had been greatly diminished. In the late 1850s and early 1860s, the town's political leanings changed; according to Daniel Fitzgerald, "[By 1861] Franklin residents who were adamant in their proslavery sentiments kept it to themselves, for the spirit of the community was decidedly antislavery."Fitzgerald (1988), p. 76. With this shift in politics came a shift in demographics, and in time, many African Americans came to live in the town.

Willey, 169. Although the Free Church may have challenged the conscience of the older Presbyterian bodies, it dwindled with the coming of the American Civil War. The synod itself did not meet after 1863, and most of the presbyteries failed to meet after 1865, though some Free Churches may have briefly survived the war.Murray, 118-26; Willey, 167-70; John R. McKivigan, The War Against Proslavery Religion: Abolitionism and the Northern Churches, 1830-1865 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984), 102-05.

Northern majorities in the House did not translate into political dominance. The fulcrum for proslavery forces resided in the Senate, where constitutional compromise in 1787 had provided for two senators per state, regardless of its population. The South, with its smaller free population than the North, benefited from that arrangement. Since 1815, sectional parity in the Senate had been achieved through paired admissions, which left the North and the South, during the application of Missouri Territory, at 11 states each.

Detweiler, "Congressional Debate", 604. Proslavery Congressmen led by Senator Nathaniel Macon of North Carolina argued that the Declaration was not a part of the Constitution and therefore had no relevance to the question.Detweiler, "Congressional Debate", 605. With the antislavery movement gaining momentum, defenders of slavery such as John Randolph and John C. Calhoun found it necessary to argue that the Declaration's assertion that "all men are created equal" was false, or at least that it did not apply to black people.

"To a Southern Slaveholder" was an anti-slavery essay written by the Unitarian minister Theodore Parker in 1848, as the abolition crisis was heating up in the United States. The tone of the essay is akin to that of someone correcting someone else about a fact they got wrong. However, Parker says several times throughout that is not trying to antagonize slave owners and that he is their friend. Parker points out flaws in the proslavery idea that slavery is allowed by the Bible.

Ellis writes, "in the years leading up to the Civil War the nullifiers and their proslavery allies used the doctrine of states' rights and state sovereignty in such a way as to try to expand the powers of the federal government so that it could more effectively protect the peculiar institution." By the 1850s, states' rights had become a call for state equality under the Constitution.Ellis, pg. 198. Madison reacted to this incipient tendency by writing two paragraphs of "Advice to My Country," found among his papers.

After college he moved to Illinois and then Iowa and taught in schools for African Americans. In 1856, Foster joined abolitionist John Brown in a series of attacks on proslavery settlements in Kansas known as Bleeding Kansas. He later moved to Nebraska and in 1862 enlisted in the 1st Regiment Nebraska Volunteer Infantry to fight in the American Civil War (1861–1865). After African American soldiers were authorized to join the Union Army in 1863, Foster volunteered to serve as an officer for a black regiment.

She was the niece of John's sons Howell Cobb, who served six terms as a Democratic Congressman and Speaker of the House for two years, and the lawyer Thomas R. R. Cobb, one of the founders of the University of Georgia School of Lawhe "codified Georgia's state laws", "wrote the wartime state constitution of 1861", and was a prominent proslavery propagandist; T. R. R. Cobb founded Lucy Cobb Institute in response to a letter that Laura Rutherford had sent anonymously to the local paper.

89 Settlements in the southeast and eastern portion of the territory opposed slavery and Harrison's aristocratic manner, which were similar to Jennings's beliefs, while the western portion of the territory and Vincennes area remained proslavery.Woolen, p. 30Mills, p. 92When the Indiana Territory was organized in 1800 the people living in the territory favored slavery; however, after it was divided into the Indiana and Illinois territories in 1809 and the Illinois group was removed, the Indiana Territory's remaining proslavery element became much smaller. See Riker, p. 288-89.

This conflict, despite its rather diminutive size and scale, would later be known as the "Wakarusa War". Free State Hotel after the 1856 Sacking of Lawrence In the spring of 1856, the proslavery forces, hoping to diminish the power of the anti-slavery settlers, singled out the Kansas Free State, the Herald of Freedom, and the Free State Hotel (the latter of which was owned and operated by the NEEAC) as "nuisances" that needed to be stopped. On April 23, 1856 Sheriff Jones entered into Lawrence and attempted to arrest about a dozen members of the extralegal Free-State legislature (a rogue governing body which had been set up in opposition to the official proslavery territorial government). During the commotion, Jones was non-fatally shot by a sniper named Charles Lenhart, and Lawrence residents promptly drove the sheriff out of town.Connelley (2018) [1900], p. 53. The people of Lawrence disavowed the act, and they offered a $500 bounty for the sniper's arrest.Cordley (1895), p. 88. A few weeks later, on May 11, Federal Marshal Israel B. Donaldson proclaimed the act had interfered with the legal execution of warrants against select antislavery settlers.Ball (2001), p. 174.

Twohig 2001 pp. 125–126 He had a keen sense both of the fragility of the fledgling Republic and of his place as a unifying figure, and he was determined not to endanger either by confronting an issue as divisive and entrenched as slavery.Twohig 2001 pp. 126–128Morgan 2000 pp. 290, 295 He was president of a government that provided materiel and financial support for French efforts to suppress the Saint Domingue slave revolt in 1791, and implemented the proslavery Fugitive Slave Act of 1793.Wiencek 2003 pp.

66-68 Reynolds was fluent in German, as was his French-born wife. Early on in St. Louis, he had good relations with the influential German community. Republicans, however, consciously and aggressively pursued a Free Soil policy that fed on white fears that slavery and the Democratic Party would serve to debase white labor as it was forced to compete with slave labor. Reynolds, as a proslavery Democrat, lost the support of the German community and the Republican editor of the Missouri Democrat, Gratz Brown particularly drew Reynolds’ ire.

569: The Whig platform "did not even mention Texas..." The Whig party leadership was acutely aware that any proslavery legislation advanced by its southern wing would alienate its anti-slavery northern wing and cripple the party in the general election.Freehling, 1991, p. 426-427: "Southern Whigs thus had to weigh the possibility that Texas might be abolitionized [by Great Britain] against the certainty that campaigning for [Texas] annexation would split their party." In order to preserve their party, Whigs would need to stand squarely against acquiring a new slave state.

Goodnow had been a committed abolitionist since at least 1840. After hearing a speech given by New England Emigrant Aid Company founder Eli Thayer in December 1854 about the need to fight against the proslavery influence in Kansas Territory, Goodnow decided that he would emigrate to Kansas Territory with the Company the following spring. Thereafter, he also began writing editorials and letters encouraging others to join the cause. On March 6, 1855, Goodnow departed Boston, Massachusetts, with a group of New England emigrants that would ultimately number 75.

Several Missouri politicians, including Senator David R. Atchison and former Attorney General B.F. Stringfellow, encouraged Missourians to settle in the newly opened lands in 1854 as a bulwark against antislavery settlers arriving from New England.Meyer (1982), 335. As early as June 1854, suggestions were made by proslavery groups that only armed resistance would prevent the antislavery forces from overtaking Kansas. Although the territorial governor of Kansas had declared that only Kansas residents be permitted to vote, some 1,700 Missourians crossed the border in November 1854 to vote in the Congressional election.

The proslavery faction of the territorial government adopted legislation in 1803 that allowed involuntary servitude to circumvent Article VI of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 that prohibited slavery. Passage of an indenture act in 1805 also allowed slaveholders to bring slaves purchased outside the territory into Indiana and bind them into service as indentured servants.Barnhart and Riker, pp. 347–48. In addition, passage of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 and the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 enforced slaveholders' rights to pursue, retrieve, and return African Americans to bondage in the South.

Values and beliefs often ascribed to the American South include religious conservatism, particularly Protestantism, culture of honor,Kenneth S. Greenberg, Honor & Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts, Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, the Proslavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South (Princeton University Press, 1996) Southern hospitality, military tradition, agrarian ideals and American nationalism. Besides the cultural influence, some said that the South had infiltrated the national political stage.Michiko Kakutani (March 17, 2006). "Tying Religion and Politics to an Impending U.S. Decline".

Jefferson and his allies, by contrast, have come > across as naïve, dreamy idealists. At best according to many historians, the > Jeffersonians were reactionary utopians who resisted the onrush of > capitalist modernity in hopes of turning America into a yeoman farmers' > arcadia. At worst, they were proslavery racists who wish to rid the West of > Indians, expand the empire of slavery, and keep political power in local > hands – all the better to expand the institution of slavery and protect > slaveholders' rights to own human property.Sean Wilentz, "Book Reviews", > Journal of American History Sept.

At the Democratic Convention in Baltimore, Maryland in May 1844, Calhoun's supporters, with Calhoun in attendance, threatened to bolt the proceedings and shift support to Tyler's third party ticket if the delegates failed to produce a pro-Texas nominee. Calhoun's Pakenham letter, and its identification with proslavery extremism, moved the presumptive Democratic Party nominee, the northerner Martin Van Buren, into denouncing annexation. Therefore, Van Buren, already not widely popular in the South, saw his support from that region crippled. As a result, James K. Polk, a pro-Texas Jacksonian and Tennessee politician, won the nomination.

During the secession crisis and the early part of the American Civil War in 1861, California was divided between supporters of the union and supporters of southern secession. In the months leading up to the war some opposed to the government in Los Angeles County and San Bernardino County showed support for secession by flying variants of the Bear Flag instead of the Stars and Stripes. Original photograph of the JP Gillis Flag, flown by proslavery Californians on a street in Sacramento, CA, July 4th 1861. Captured by Unionists July 4th 1861.

After seizing the house of Charles Robinson (who had recently been arrested in Missouri, and was held in prison near Lecompton on grounds of treason) to serve as his headquarters, Jones and his men attacked the offices of the antislavery newspapers. The attackers smashed the presses, tossed the type into the nearby Kansas River, and threw already-printed copies of the newspapers into the wind. After this was done, the proslavery mob shot the Free State Hotel with a cannon before burning it down. Jones and his men then pillaged $30,000 worth of valuables.

New York: Harper & Row, Publishers. 1971; Floyd J. Miller, The Search for a Black Nationality: Black Emigration and Colonization 1781–1863, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1975; Edwin S. Redkey, Black Exodus: Black Nationalist and Back-to-Africa Movements, 1890–1910, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969; P. J. Staudenraus, The African Colonization Movement 1816–1865, New York: Columbia University Press. (1961). By the 1980s and 1990s, historians were going even further in reimagining the ACS. Not only were they focusing on the racist rhetoric of the Society's members and publications, but some also depicted the Society as proslavery organization.

The balance of free and slave states and territories in 1858, after the admission of Minnesota The Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854 created the Kansas Territory and allowed the settlers there to decide whether to allow slavery. This resulted in violence between "Free-Soil" (antislavery) and pro-slavery settlers, which developed into the "Bleeding Kansas" crisis. The antislavery settlers, with the help of Northern abolitionists, organized a government in Topeka. The more numerous proslavery settlers, many from the neighboring slave state Missouri, established a government in Lecompton, giving the Territory two different governments for a time, with two distinct constitutions, each claiming legitimacy.

Woodson was appointed secretary of the Kansas Territory by President Franklin Pierce on June 29, 1854 and took the oath of office in Washington, D.C., on September 28, drawing an annual salary of $2,000. Because he was fully sympathetic to those who wanted to make Kansas a slave state, he agreed with the wishes of the proslavery forces in the territory. While Governor Andrew Reeder was away from the territory, Woodson became acting governor, signing the first laws passed by the territorial legislature. Even though this first territorial legislature was accepted by the federal government, free staters called the laws "bogus laws".

There, Spencer gained distinction as a preacher, and in the spring of 1832 he was solicited to move to the Second Presbyterian Congregation of Brooklyn, where he was installed on March 23, 1832. Spencer remained in Brooklyn for the rest of his life, where he wrote extensively, and "published verbatim reports of pastoral conversations that other ministers could use as a guide".E. Brooks Holifield, God's Ambassadors: A History of the Christian Clergy in America (2007), p. 106. Spencer has been categorized as pro-slavery,Larry E. Tise, Proslavery: A History of the Defense of Slavery in America, 1701-1840 (2004), p. 366.

An artistic depiction of the massacre The Marais des Cygnes massacre (, also ) is considered the last significant act of violence in Bleeding Kansas prior to the outbreak of the American Civil War. On May 19, 1858, approximately 30 men led by Charles Hamilton, a Georgian native and proslavery leader, crossed into the Kansas Territory from Missouri. They arrived at Trading Post, Kansas in the morning and then headed back to Missouri. Along the way they captured 11 Free-Staters, none of whom were armed and, it is said, none of whom had participated in the ongoing violence.

By the time of the 1856 presidential election, however, he had completely reversed his position and had become intimate friends with Charles Robinson and Samuel Pomeroy. Additionally, he totally distrusted the proslavery forces and in letters to President Pierce, he blamed them for the deprivations in the territory. Geary even went so far as to reject his candidacy from the Democratic party of Kansas for the U.S. Senate. Instead, he worked with the Free-staters to create a plan for Kansas to be admitted to the Union under the Topeka constitution as a free state, with himself as governor of a Democratic administration.

He disagreed with the Supreme Court's Dred Scott decision that Congress had no ability to regulate slavery in the territories. When Buchanan supported the Lecompton Constitution and the pro-slavery position on Kansas, Douglas fought him in a long battle that gained Douglas the 1860 Democratic nomination but ripped his party apart. Graham Peck finds that while several scholars have said that Douglas was personally opposed to slavery despite owning a plantation in Mississippi, none has presented "extensive arguments to justify the conclusion". He cites recent scholarship as (equally briefly) finding Douglas "insensitive to the moral repugnance of slavery" or even "proslavery".

To that end, he sponsored a proposed Constitutional Amendment, which later became known as the Corwin Amendment, which forbade the Federal Government from outlawing slavery. It read: Corwin's amendment restated what most Americans already believed, that under the Constitution the Congress had no power to interfere with slavery in the states where it existed. This doctrine is known as the Federal Consensus, and it was subscribed to by everyone from proslavery radicals like John C. Calhoun and abolitionist radicals like William Lloyd Garrison. Abraham Lincoln, like most Republicans, agreed that in peacetime the federal government could not abolish slavery in a state.

The term dates from the mid-19th century in the American context. Advocates for abolition of slavery argued that the institution was contradictory to the United States Declaration of Independence's statements that "all men are created equal" and possessed natural rights to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." Proslavery opponents countered that the Declaration was a collection of inspirational statements intended for revolution, rather than a concrete set of principles for civil society. Rufus Choate, a Whig senator from Massachusetts, likely brought the term into general discourse in his August 1856 public letter to the Maine Whig Committee.

When Jones left the city, he and his men lit Robinson's house on fire for good measure. Although the city was thoroughly ransacked, the human cost of the attack was low: only one persona member of Jones's possesdied during the attack when he was struck by a piece of falling masonry. In late September 1856, another sack seemed nigh when, according to the Kansas State Board of Agriculture 1878 Biennial Report, "2,700 proslavery men appeared in sight of Lawrence, and the city was temporarily defended by Free-State men, under the command of Maj. J. B. Abbott".

Lawrence during Quantrill's Raid, as illustrated in Harper's Weekly Eyewitness Sherman Enderton's sketch of Quantrill Raid on Lawrence Quantrill's Raid, as illustrated in Harper's Weekly. The ruins of the Eldridge House are in the foreground. On October 4, 1859, the Wyandotte Constitution was approved in a referendum by a vote of 10,421 to 5,530, and after its approval by the U.S. Congress, Kansas was admitted as a free state on January 29, 1861. By the time the Wyandotte Constitution was framed in 1859, it was clear that the proslavery forces had lost in their bid to control Kansas.

John David Smith of North Carolina State University argues:New Georgia Encyclopedia: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips (1877-1934) > [He was] a conservative, proslavery interpreter of slavery and the slaves > ... In Life and Labor in the Old South Phillips failed to revise his > interpretation of slavery significantly. His basic arguments—the duality of > slavery as an economic cancer but a vital mode of racial control—can be > traced back to his earliest writings. Less detailed but more elegantly > written than American Negro Slavery, Phillips's Life and Labor was a general > synthesis rather than a monograph. His racism appeared less pronounced in > Life and Labor because of its broad scope.

10 However, to a large degree Phillips' interpretive model of the dynamic between master and slave was revived by Eugene Genovese, who wrote that Phillips's "work, taken as a whole, remains the best and most subtle introduction to antebellum Southern history and especially to the problems posed by race and class."Genovese, In Red and Black: Marxian Explorations in Southern and Afro-American History (1971) 275-76 In 1963, C. Vann Woodward wrote: "Much of what Phillips wrote has not been superseded or seriously challenged and remains indispensable."Woodward, "Introduction" to 1963 edition of Life and Labor in the Old South page v. Phillips denied he was proslavery.

Historians have especially examined the culture of honour in the American South.Bertram. Wyatt-Brown, Southern honor: Ethics and behavior in the Old South (Oxford University Press, 2007)Kenneth S. Greenberg, Honor & Slavery: Lies, Duels, Noses, Masks, Dressing as a Woman, Gifts, Strangers, Humanitarianism, Death, Slave Rebellions, the Proslavery Argument, Baseball, Hunting, and Gambling in the Old South (Princeton University Press, 1996) Social scientists have looked at specialised subcultures such as South Asian Muslims in Britain.Pnina Werbner, "Honor, shame and the politics of sexual embodiment among South Asian Muslims in Britain and beyond: An analysis of debates in the public sphere." International Social Science Review 6#1 (2005): 25–47.

Maury stance on the institution of slavery is one that has been termed "proslavery international". Maury, along with other politicians, newspaper editors, merchants, and United States government officials, envisioned a future for slavery that linked the United States, the Caribbean Sea, and the Amazon basin in Brazil. He believed the future of United States commerce lay in South America, colonized by white southerners and their enslaved people. There, Maury claimed, was “work to be done by Africans with the American axe in his hand.” In the 1850s he studied a way to send Virginia's slaves to Brazil as a way to gradually phase out slavery in the state.

Matthewson, Tim, 1996 Jefferson and the Nonrecognition of Haiti, p. 30 The French media also played an important role in the Haitian Revolution, with contributions that made many French upstarts quite interested in the young, passionate Toussaint's writings of freedom. There were many written discussions about the events in Haiti during the revolution in both France and England, however, they were generally written by anonymous authors. These texts also generally fell into two camps — one being proslavery authors who warned of a repetition of the violence of St. Domingue wherever abolition occurred; and the other being abolitionist authors who countered that white owners had sowed the seeds of revolution.

The measure then went to the Senate, which rejected both amendments.. A House–Senate conference committee proved unable to resolve the disagreements on the bill, and so the entire measure failed. The ensuing debates pitted the northern "restrictionists" (antislavery legislators who wished to bar slavery from the Louisiana territories) against southern "anti-restrictionists" (proslavery legislators who rejected any interference by Congress inhibiting slavery expansion). During the following session, the House passed a similar bill with an amendment, introduced on January 26, 1820, by John W. Taylor of New York, allowing Missouri into the union as a slave state. Initially, Monroe opposed any compromise that involved restrictions on slavery's expansion in federal territories.

Ruffin strongly supported slavery and what he considered the Southern way of life. He became increasingly outspoken as sectional hostilities heightened in the 1850s. Some called him a Fire Eater because he advocated secession and armed conflict in defense of the South. Noting how his audience had changed, he wrote in his diary in January 1859, "I have had more notice taken on my late pamphlet [on slavery] than on anything I ever wrote before."Drew Gilpin Faust, The Ideology of Slavery: Proslavery Thought in the Antebellum South, 1830--1860 (Google Ebook), LSU Press, 1981 Scarborough, William K., "Propagandists for Secession: Edmund Ruffin of Virginia and Robert Barnwell Rhett of South Carolina," South Carolina Historical Magazine 112 (July–Oct.

The only Confederate flag captured in California during the Civil War. Digital reproduction of the Gillis flag During the war, Union soldiers protected the West against secessionists who ran up Confederate flags in many places, including above the California statehouse in Sacramento, then disappearing before they could be caught. On July 4, 1861, during Independence Day celebrations in Sacramento, Democrat and veteran, Maj. J. P. Gillis celebrated the independence of the United States from Britain and the secession of the Confederacy by unfurling a flag based on the first Confederate flag, the Stars and Bars, but containing seventeen stars rather than the Confederate banner's seven, and marching down the street to the cheers of proslavery individuals.

Encyclopedia Virginia, "James W. Hunnicutt" A proslavery man who opposed the establishment of an African American Baptist Church in Fredericksburg in 1854, in 1857 he was one of the city's delegation to the Southern Commercial Convention in Knoxville, Tennessee.Encyclopedia Virginia, "James W. Hunnicutt" A Unionist, Hunnicutt sought a fusion between the two Democratic Party factions in Virginia and the Constitutional Union Party. Its candidate John Bell won Virginia's Electoral College votes, and during the Virginia Secession Convention of 1861 in March 1861, Hunnicutt held a pro- Union meeting in Fredericksburg. It was disrupted by local secessionists who pressured him to suspend the Christian Banner and vote publicly for secession at the May 23 referendum to retain his congregation.

270) Slaves have to work even while being shaken by fever (p. 207). It may be worthwhile contrasting this reality with proslavery politicians of the same period stating that the "old and infirm slave ... in the midst of his family and friends, under the kind superintending care of his master and mistress" was better of than the "pauper in the (European) poorhouse" in his "forlorn and wretched condition".John C. Calhoun's 1837 speech in the US Senate Slavery a Positive Good Several methods of torture are described in detail. On one occasion, he cites a fellow slave relating the discussion of the slaveholders on how "the greatest degree of pain could be inflicted on me, with the least danger of rendering me unable to work" (p. 116).

During the Civil War, age prevented him from enlisting, and the Platte Bridge Railroad Tragedy (which destroyed a crucial bridge on the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad on September 3, 1861) and defeats of the Missouri State Guard may have changed his proslavery sympathies. B.F. Stringfellow continued his law practice through the war and concentrated on promoting the area's economic development. He worked with former antislavery adversary Cyrus K. Holliday, who had organized the Atchison and Topeka Railway Company in 1859, which reorganized in 1863 as the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway. Using their political connections and funds (government railroad bonds and land grants) allotted by the Pacific Railroad Acts, they connected their lines to the First Transcontinental Railroad at Council Bluffs in 1869.

As the southern part of the state, known as "Egypt", was largely settled by migrants from the South, the section was hostile to free blacks and allowed settlers to bring slaves with them for labor. Proslavery elements tried to call a convention to legalize slavery, but they were blocked by Governor Edward Coles who mobilized anti-slavery forces, warning that rich slave owners would buy up all the good farm lands.David Ress, Governor Edward Coles and the Vote to Forbid Slavery in Illinois, 1823–1824 (2006) A referendum in 1823 showed 60% of the voters opposed slavery, so efforts to make slavery official failed. Nevertheless, some slaves were brought in seasonally or as house servants as late as the 1840s.

It was the result of forty years of study. It is the concentrated information derived from over seven hundred volumes of writings of the most noted doctors, bishops, deans, cardinals, saints, and popes of the Romish Antichurch, and of the Greek, Oriental, and English Church, and of the "Fathers" and historians of the first four centuries. It contains a chronological table By his Picture of Slavery, and by his labors among the Methodist Churches, North, he aroused many of the Northern preachers to that enthusiasm for liberty which culminated in the division of the M E Church. The Southern Churches regarded Bourne as an agitator, a firebrand, a disturber of their peace, and the Northern proslavery ministers and presses opposed and calumniated him with much vigor.

There were several thriving literary societies, including the Erosophic and the Phi Beta Kappa societies, which frequently had lectures by such distinguished politicians and literary figures as United States Supreme Court justice John A. Campbell, novelist William Gilmore Simms, and Professor Frederick Barnard (later president of Columbia University). The addresses to those societies reveal a vibrant intellectual culture in Tuscaloosa; they also illustrate the proslavery ideas that were so central to the university and the state.Alfred L. Brophy, The Law of Descent of Thought: Law, History, and Civilization in Antebellum Literary Addresses, Law and Literature (2008) 20:343–402 Discipline and student behavior was a major issue at the university almost from the day it opened. Early presidents attempted to enforce strict rules regarding conduct.

245-246 Indeed, he was a proponent of the slavery of African-Americans in the United States.Larry E. Tise, Proslavery: A History of the Defense of Slavery in America, 1701-1840, Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press, 1990, p. 415 However, his religious service during the war was not without controversy. In a letter to Governor Andrew Johnson (1808–1875) on April 22, 1862, Presbyterian lawyer Adrian Van Sinderen Lindsley (1814-1885) blamed him for encouraging secessionist activities in Nashville, as opposed to more moderate Methodists like Reverend Holland Nimmons McTyeire (1824–1889), Reverend John B. Somers (1801-1876), Reverend James L. Houston (1806-1888) and Alexander Little Page Green (1806-1874).Andrew Johnson, The Papers: 1822-1851, Knoxville, Tennessee: University of Tennessee Press, Volume 5, p.

The day before his death, Buchanan predicted that "history will vindicate my memory". Historians have defied that prediction and criticize Buchanan for his passivity as the debate over slavery tore at and disrupted the country in the late 1850s. In terms of his legacy to American history, historian Michael Todd Landis Links and closely to his top advisor Jehu Glancy Jones: :Leading Northern Democrats such as Jones and Buchanan were not romantic defenders of working men, as some scholars have claimed; nor were they moderates striving to save the Union from extreme sectionalism. Rather, they were proslavery activists whose willful actions had direct and disastrous effects on the nation. Their policies enraged free-state voters and caused the fatal split in the Democratic Party that resulted in Lincoln’s election, which, in turn, triggered disunion.

The Pottawatomie Rifles was a group of about one hundred abolitionist (or free state) Kansas settlers of Franklin and Anderson counties, both of which are along the Pottawatomie Creek. The band was formed in the fall of 1855, during the Bloody Kansas period, as an armed militia to counter growing proslavery presence (an influx of men known as Border Ruffians) in the area and along the Missouri border. Led by John Brown's son, John Brown Jr., men from the Pottawatomie Rifles took part in much of the violence known as Bleeding Kansas, including the Battle of Osawatomie and the Pottawatomie massacre. Although John Brown, who was famous for his own raids, such as the raid on Harpers Ferry, frequently accompanied his son, he was not officially a member of the group.

His sudden conversion was due to his conservative brand of Calvinism; he felt that reformers may have been going too far in their zeal against slavery. Despite the president's views regarding slavery, which stemmed in large part from his belief that the institution was predicated on sin, Lord permitted several African Americans to attend the college. Lord believed that any group of people who sinned against God could be enslaved (including whites).Chesley A. Homan, From Antislavery to Proslavery: The Presidency and Resignation of Nathan Lord, B.A. Honors Thesis, (Hanover: Dartmouth College, 1996), 40; Luis-Alejandro Dinnella-Borrego, At Freedom's Gate, 32–34; John King Lord, A History of Dartmouth College 1815–1909, Vol. II, (Concord: The Rumford Press: 1913), 332; Leon Burr Richardson, History of Dartmouth College, Vol.

The Choctaw nation further barred those of partial African heritage from being recognized as Choctaw citizens, but a white man married to a Choctaw woman would be eligible for naturalization. In response to proslavery ideology in the Native American nations creating a climate of animosity toward free African Americans, the Choctaw General Council enacted legislation in October 1840 that mandated the expulsion of all free black people "unconnected with the Choctaw & Chickasaw blood" by March 1841. Those who remained were at risk of being sold at an auction and enslaved for life. W.P.A. interviews conducted varied among former slaves of the Choctaw tribe, one former slave Edmond Flint asserted that his bondage by the Choctaw didn't differ from being a slave under a white household, but indicated that within the Choctaw there were humane and inhumane masters.

Furstenberg 2006 pp. 84–85 In the eulogies of the antislavery faction, the inconvenient fact of Washington's slaveholding was downplayed in favor of his final act of emancipation. Washington "disdained to hold his fellow-creatures in abject domestic servitude," wrote the Massachusetts Federalist Timothy Bigelow before calling on "fellow-citizens in the South" to emulate Washington's example. In this narrative, Washington was a proto-abolitionist who, having added the freedom of his slaves to the freedom from British slavery he had won for the nation, would be mobilized to serve the antislavery cause.Furstenberg 2006 pp. 84–86 An alternative narrative more in line with proslavery sentiments embraced rather than excised Washington's ownership of slaves. Washington was cast as a paternal figure, the benevolent father not only of his country but also of a family of slaves bound to him by affection rather than coercion.Furstenberg 2006 pp.

They published numerous articles in literary and short-lived magazines, promoting a stewardship role for masters to improve conditions under slavery.Drew Gilpin Faust, A Sacred Circle: The Dilemma of the Intellectual in the Old South, 1840-1860, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1977Drew Gilpin Faust, The Ideology of Slavery: Proslavery Thought in the Antebellum South, 1830--1860 (Google Ebook), LSU Press, 1981 Later Ruffin gained more attention as one of a number of secessionist fire-eaters; he traveled to South Carolina and is credited with firing one of the first shots at Fort Sumter in 1861. Despondent after General Lee's surrender in 1865, he left a note proclaiming his "unmitigated hatred to Yankee rule—to all political, social and business connections with Yankees, & to the perfidious, malignant, & vile Yankee race" and committed suicide at Redmoor in Amelia County. He is buried on the grounds of Marlbourne.