Poliakov subscribed to the "standard emancipationist argument", that promoting emigration will do more harm for the Jews, as it gave antisemites a perfect reason to treat the remaining Jews as "irrevocable aliens".
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Emancipationist Baptists created their own churches in Kentucky around antislavery principles. While emancipationists viewed their cause as one with republican ideals of virtue, the proslavery Baptists insisted there was a boundary between church and state; this allowed them to define slavery as a civil matter. The proslavery position, based on the importance of slave labor on many plantations, became the dominant Baptist belief in Kentucky. Emancipationist leadership declined through death and emigration, and Baptists in the Upper South healed rifts in their churches and associations.
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The Democrats countered with Lazarus Powell. Still friends from their earlier days as law partners, the two often traveled together during the campaign. Cassius Marcellus Clay also entered the contest, representing the emancipationist wing of the Whig Party.Starling, p.
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Pendleton then had his letters published in an emancipationist newsletter, the Louisville Examiner.Harlow, Luke Edward, “From Border South to Solid South: Religion, Race, and the Making of Confederate Kentucky, 1830-1880”, Dissertation, Rice University, Houston, Texas, 2009, Cambridge University Press, 2014.
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Scholars remain divided on whether Jefferson truly condemned slavery and how he changed.Finkelman (1994), p. 215; Finkelman (2012)Alexander, 2010; Davis, 1999, p. 179. Francis D. Cogliano traces the development of competing emancipationist then revisionist and finally contextualist interpretations from the 1960s to the present.
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Pendleton disagreed with Buck and wanted his own letters published in the Baptist Banner; however, Buck would not publish them. Pendleton then had his letters published in an emancipationist newsletter, the Louisville Examiner. [2] Pendleton, Dayton, and Graves articulated and promoted landmark beliefs through their books and newspaper articles in the Tennessee Baptist.
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158 There, Buchanan's opponents would prevent a vote, and the Senate's choice for vice president—certain to be Breckinridge—would become president. There is no evidence that Breckinridge countenanced this scheme.Davis, p. 159 Defying contemporary political convention, Breckinridge spoke frequently during the campaign, stressing Democratic fidelity to the constitution and charging that the Republican emancipationist agenda would tear the country apart.
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Finkelman (2012) Contextualists such as Joseph J. Ellis emphasize a change in Jefferson's thinking from his emancipationist views before 1783, noting Jefferson's shift toward public passivity and procrastination on policy issues related to slavery. Jefferson seemed to yield to public opinion by 1794 as he laid the groundwork for his first presidential campaign against Adams in 1796.Cogliano, 2008, pp. 218–20.
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Cassius Marcellus Clay (October 19, 1810 – July 22, 1903), nicknamed the "Lion of White Hall," was a Kentucky planter, politician, and emancipationist who worked for the abolition of slavery. He was a founding member of the Republican Party in Kentucky, and was appointed by President Abraham Lincoln as the United States minister to Russia. Clay is credited with gaining Russian support for the Union during the American Civil War.
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When the Civil War broke out in 1861, he devoted his time and means to organizing German regiments and sending them to the field. In 1862, he was elected to the Missouri state legislature on the radical emancipation ticket, and positioned himself as an "immediate emancipationist". In 1864, he resumed business pursuits, became editor of the Westliche Post, and took an active part in the presidential campaign. In 1872, he identified himself with the Liberal Republicans.
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Along with Juan Carlos García-Borrón, he ran the magazine Qvadrante, he was editor of the Laye magazine and Quaderns de Cultura (an underground PSUC journal ). He directed and collaborated in Nous Horitzons, and in 1977 was a founder member of the magazine Materiales. In 1979, in collaboration with Giulia Adinolfi, he set up a new magazine, Mientras Tanto. This aimed to reconsider communist-emancipationist ideology through ecologist and feminist criticism and within the original Marxist matrix.
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With the emancipation of its former district neighbor, Italva, which also belonged to the municipality of Campos dos Goytacazes. The development brought about by the autonomy of its former neighboring district was witnessed, and in Cardoso Moreira, an emancipationist movement emerged, made official in 1986. On July 31, 1988, the referral plebiscite finally reached the population of Cardoso Moreira, at the time called as "Dia do Sim". The final result of the election was mostly favorable to emancipation.
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Slavery issues dominated Breckinridge's political career, although historians disagree about Breckinridge's views. In Breckinridge: Statesman, Soldier, Symbol, William C. Davis argues that, by adulthood, Breckinridge regarded slavery as evil; his entry in the 2002 Encyclopedia of World Biography records that he advocated voluntary emancipation.Davis, p. 19 In Proud Kentuckian: John C. Breckinridge 1821–1875, Frank Heck disagrees, citing Breckinridge's consistent advocacy for slavery protections, beginning with his opposition to emancipationist candidates—including his uncle, Robert Jefferson Breckinridge—in the state elections of 1849.
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Among the dead were General James West Pegram, a lawyer and banker, whose sons (General John Pegram and Colonel William Pegram) would become important Confederate officers in the Civil War. Pegram was also an important leader in the Whig party.Simmons, The Pegrams of Virginia And Their Descendants Special Postal Agent Samuel Mansfield Brown of Lexington, Kentucky, was also identified as a victim.Louisville Journal, October 28, 1844 Brown had been one of the protagonists in a famous frontier brawl at Russell Cave, Kentucky, with Cassius Marcellus Clay, a Louisville newspaperman, emancipationist, and distant cousin of Henry Clay.
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With its emphasis upon "personal witness", the "New Reformation" appeared to transcend the ecclesiastical differences between the different Protestant denominations The leading Presbyterian evangelist, Henry Cooke took the occasion to preach "Protestant Unity". In 1834, at a mass demonstration hosted upon his estate by the 3rd Marquess of Downshire, a disillusioned "Emancipationist", Cooke proposed a "Christian marriage" between the two main Protestant denominations. Setting their remaining differences aside, they would cooperate on all "matters of common safety". Presbyterian voters tended to favour reform-minded Whigs or, as they later emerged, tenant-rights Liberals over the Conservative and Orange-Order candidates of the landed Ascendancy.
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Everman in Governor James Garrard, p. 63 Although the candidates themselves rarely spoke negatively of each other, opponents of each candidate independently raised issues that they felt would hurt that candidate. John Breckinridge, Garrard's long-time political nemesis, tried to goad Garrard into making another impassioned plea for emancipation of slaves, which was a minority position in the state, but Garrard recognized Breckinridge's tactics and refused to express any bold emancipationist sentiments during the campaign. The fact that the slavery protections in the new constitution were even stronger than those in the previous document ensured that the incumbent's previous anti-slavery sentiments were not a major concern to most of the electorate.
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Theory of mind can also help historians to more properly understand historical figures' character, e.g. Thomas Jefferson, who emancipationists, like Douglas L. Wilson and scholars at the Thomas Jefferson Foundation, view as an opponent of slavery all his life, noting that Jefferson did what he could within the limited range of options available to him to undermine it, his many attempts at abolition legislation, the manner in which he provided for slaves, and his advocacy of their more humane treatment. This is in contrast to the revisionists like Paul Finkelman, criticizes Jefferson for racism, slavery, and hypocrisy. Emancipationist views on this hypocrisy recognize that if he tried to be true to his word, it would have alienated his fellow Virginians.
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The emancipationist view, held by the various scholars at the Thomas Jefferson Foundation, Douglas L. Wilson, and others, maintains Jefferson was an opponent of slavery all his life, noting that he did what he could within the limited range of options available to him to undermine it, his many attempts at abolition legislation, the manner in which he provided for slaves, and his advocacy of their more humane treatment.TJF – Thomas Jefferson's Monticello "Slave Dwellings"Landscape of Slavery – Mulberry Row at Monticello: TreatmentCogliano, 2008, p. 209. The revisionist view, advanced by Paul Finkelman and others, criticizes Jefferson for racism, for holding slaves, and for acting contrary to his words. Jefferson never freed most of his slaves, and he remained silent on the issue while he was president.
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In 1986 Kennedy moved to San Francisco, where he continued his historical research, now on the beginnings of the gay movement in Germany. He has over 200 publications in several languages, from an analysis of the mathematical manuscripts of Karl Marx and a revelation of Marx's homophobia, to theoretical genetics and a proof of the impossibility of an organism that requires more than two sexes in order to reproduce. In addition, Kennedy has written biographies of the Italian mathematician Giuseppe Peano and the German homosexual emancipationist/theorist Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, and has edited the collected writings of Ulrichs. His translations of the boy-love novels of the German anarchist writer John Henry Mackay and his investigations of the writings of Mackay have helped establish Mackay's place in the gay canon.
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He was admitted to the bar in 1813 and began practicing law in Glasgow, Kentucky. Underwood served among Glasgow's town trustees and as county auditor until 1823. He was a member of the Kentucky House of Representatives from 1816 to 1819. In 1823, he moved to Bowling Green, Kentucky, and again was elected to the State House of Representatives, serving from 1825 to 1826. He ran unsuccessfully for lieutenant governor of Kentucky in 1828, then served as a judge of the Court of Appeals from 1828 until 1835, following the Old Court-New Court controversy. An opponent of Andrew Jackson and outspoken emancipationist, Underwood was elected as a Whig to the United States House of Representatives, serving Kentucky's District 3 from March 4, 1835 until March 3, 1843.
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The Reconstruction era was the period in American history that lasted from 1863 to 1877 following the American Civil War (1861–65) and is a significant chapter in the history of American civil rights. Reconstruction ended the remnants of Confederate secession and abolished slavery, making the newly freed slaves citizens with civil rights ostensibly guaranteed by three new constitutional amendments. Reconstruction also refers to the attempt to transform the 11 Southern former Confederate states, as directed by Congress, and the role of the Union states in that transformation. Three visions of Civil War memory appeared during Reconstruction: the reconciliationist vision, which was rooted in coping with the death and devastation the war had brought; the white supremacist vision, which included racial segregation and the preservation of white political and cultural domination in the South; and the emancipationist vision, which sought full freedom, citizenship, male suffrage, and constitutional equality for African Americans.
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