Trump's economists clearly had a hard time fitting the reality of Nordic societies into their anti-socialist manifesto.
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Who knows if it will actually prove effective with voters, but it's an anti-socialist barrage that stood out.
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What used to be an American "Special Interests" building that blasted anti-Socialist propaganda during the Carter era is now a full-blown embassy.
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You could argue that the socialists are not on the fringes anymore, they are winning converts, and you can see the results in Trump's anti-socialist rhetoric.
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Seventy-eight percent of the voters who are pro-capitalist and anti-socialist are either Republicans or lean Republican, while 63 percent of those who are neutral toward both systems are either Democrats or lean Democratic.
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In central Europe, Hungarian President Viktor Orban, a former Communist who now leads an "anti-socialist" right-wing vanguard, used the specter of coronavirus contagion as an excuse to cut off migrants from seeking asylum in the nation.
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He started acting in 1957 and came up against the authorities less than a decade later, appearing in the East German film "Spur der Steine" (Trace of Stones) that was branded anti-Socialist soon after its release and banned.
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Seeking to show that plenty of rank-and-file churchgoers were behind Maduro, despite church leaders' anti-socialist rhetoric, at one rally Cabello asked for a show of hands from those who both backed the government and were Catholics.
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"After the first three nuclear tests, prominent donju were purged on 'anti-socialist' charges and their assets confiscated by the state," a source inside North Korea told the Daily NK, a Seoul-based website staffed by defectors still in touch with contacts inside North Korea.
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Combined with primary voters overwhelming desire to defeat Trump and key support for Biden in the African-American community, the rise of Sanders in early primaries and fears of anti-socialist backlash down-ticket has prompted a consolidation of moderate support around the vice president.
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"Looking Backward" was so successful that it produced a dozen anti-socialist, anti-utopian replies, including "Looking Further Backward" (in which China invades the United States, which has been weakened by its embrace of socialism) and "Looking Further Forward" (in which socialism is so unquestionable that a history professor who refutes it is demoted to the rank of janitor).
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In New South Wales it was succeeded by the Liberal and Reform Association in 1902, and federally by the Anti-Socialist Party in 1906. In 1909, the Anti-Socialist Party merged with the Protectionist Party to form the Commonwealth Liberal Party.
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Believing that an anti-socialist alliance was necessary, it pressured Deakin and Anti-Socialist Party's new leader, Joseph Cook, to begin merger talks. The main body of Protectionists, including Deakin and his supporters, merged with the Anti-Socialist Party in May 1909 to become the Commonwealth Liberal Party. The more liberal Protectionists joined Labour. The 1910 federal election was a straight two-party contest between Labour and the combined anti-Labour forces.
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Article 55 was defined: :The creation of any type of organization of a fascist, anti-democratic, religious, and anti-socialist character is prohibited. :Fascist, anti-democratic, religious, war-mongering, and anti- socialist activities and propaganda, as well as the incitement of national and racial hatred are prohibited.
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The Fisher government passed a large number of its legislation. A scandalised establishment, believing an anti-socialist alliance was necessary to counter Labor's growing electoral dominance, pressured Deakin and Anti-Socialist Party's new leader, Joseph Cook, to begin merger talks. The more liberal Protectionists opposed a merger.
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Hans Manfred Bock, on the other hand, sees no evidence for Hillmann's influence on the FVdG.Rübner 1994, p. 23; Bock 1989, p. 296; Vogel 1977, p. 33–37. Official publication of the first Anti-Socialist Law, 1878 From 1878 to 1890, the Anti-Socialist Laws forbade all socialist trade unions.
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Chancellor Otto von Bismarck used the actions of Nobiling and Hödel as justification to implement the Anti-Socialist Law in October 1878.
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Due to the Anti-Socialist Laws, the publication had to be distributed illegally into Germany. It was printed in London from 1887.
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He implemented a series of repressive anti-socialist measures. From 1881 to 1892 he was the president of the province of Hesse-Nassau.
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A scandalised establishment, believing an anti-socialist alliance was necessary to counter Labor's growing electoral dominance, pressured Deakin and Anti-Socialist Party's new leader, Joseph Cook, to begin merger talks. The main body of Protectionists, including Deakin and his supporters merged with the Anti- Socialist Party in May 1909 to become the Commonwealth Liberal Party, popularly known as "the Fusion", with Deakin as leader and Cook as deputy leader. The more liberal Protectionists defected to Labour. Deakin now held a majority in the House of Representatives and the Fisher government fell in a vote on 27 May 1909.
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Borovička V. P.: Atentáty, které měly změnit svět. Svoboda 1975. s. 179. (In Czech) The assassination was condemned by the president and many anti-socialist laws were introduced.
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The election result was the continuation of a Protectionist government led by Deakin and supported by Labour, which remained in power largely due to the unwillingness of the Anti-Socialist Party to support a vote of no confidence against it. George Reid adopted a strategy of trying to reorient the party system along Labour vs non-Labour lines – before the election, he renamed his Free Trade Party to the Anti-Socialist Party. Reid envisaged a spectrum running from socialist to anti-socialist, with the Protectionist Party in the middle. This attempt struck a chord with politicians who were steeped in the Westminster tradition and regarded a two-party system as very much the norm.
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The Ratepayers Association was an "anti-socialist alliance" which later changed its name to the Municipal Progressives. They should not be confused with Municipal Reform who were the Conservatives.
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The Christian Workers Union of Sweden () was a short-lived Christian anti- socialist labour organization in Sweden. The organization was founded in July 1899, but was dissolved the following year.
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Het Volk was first published in 1891. It was the only paper controlled by the Christian labour organizations in Ghent. It opposed socialism. It adopted "anti-socialist daily" as its slogan.
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At the next general election Owen faced a straight fight with Mond, the Conservatives having fled the field ceding to Mond (later to defect to the Conservatives) the anti- socialist banner.
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In order to avoid being banned under the Anti-Socialist Laws, in 1879 it renamed itself as the German Book Printers' Support Club, and it moved its funds to Switzerland. This enabled it to become the first German union to offer a national unemployment insurance scheme, in 1880. From 1888, the union was based in Berlin. In 1891, the Anti-Socialist Laws were repealed, and so in 1893, the union reverted to the name, "Union of Book Printers".
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Benn, pp. 49–51 During the campaign Geoffrey Pearl, who had been nominated as an "anti- socialist" candidate, dropped out of the race and called on his supporters to vote for Martell.
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572 Historian Niall Barr has stated that the movement was intended to "form a buttress against Bolshevism": its leader, Conservative Party MP Wilfrid Ashley was also secretary of the Anti-Socialist Union.
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After the expiration of the Anti-Socialist Laws in 1890, Kater had close contacts with the opposition political movement Die Jungen, which was influenced by anarchist ideas. Kater was one of the founders of the Magdeburger Volksstimme, a social democratic newspaper started soon after the sunset of the Anti-Socialist Laws. The editors of the newspaper included several adherents of Die Jungen. At the 1891 Social Democratic Party (SPD) congress, Kater voted against the expelling Die Jungen movement from the party.
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The Anti-Socialist Union was a British political pressure group that supported free trade economics and opposed socialism. It was active from 1908 to 1948 with its heyday occurring before the First World War.
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In 1880 he joined a group of German socialists in Zürich who were supported financially by Karl Höchberg, and who smuggled socialist material into Germany at the time of the Anti-Socialist Laws (1878-1890).
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He was an unsuccessful candidate for the Moira seat at the 1903 federal election. In 1906 he was elected to the Australian House of Representatives for the seat of Echuca as an Anti-Socialist Party candidate, defeating the sitting member for the abolished Moira, Thomas Kennedy, by just 32 votes. This election was declared void by the Court of Disputed Returns, and Palmer won the subsequent by-election more comfortably. Palmer's Anti-Socialist Party merged into the Commonwealth Liberal Party in 1910, which in turn merged into the Nationalist Party in 1917.
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That year, the union was banned under the Anti-Socialist Laws, but the union leaders formed the Hatter's Health and Death Fund to carry on its work, and when the Anti-Socialist Laws were repealed, the union was re-established, as the "German Hat Workers' Union". The union was a founding constituent of the General German Trade Union Confederation in 1919, and by 1928, it had 18,509 members. It was banned by the Nazis in 1933. After World War II, hatters were instead represented by the Textile and Clothing Union.
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Abdelhak Benhamouda (12 December 1946 in Constantine – 28 January 1997) was an Algerian trade unionist. He was secretary-general of the General Union of Algerian Workers (UGTA) from 1990 until his assassination by anti-socialist Islamists in 1997.
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In the 1880s and 1890s the living standards of German Americans had improved, making them better than those in Germany. In addition, agitators and radical emigrant editors stopped coming to Chicago because Bismarck repealed Germany's anti-socialist laws.
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Rock was greatly restricted for most of the period Azerbaijan was under Soviet rule, being viewed by the CPSU as a Western anti-socialist influence. Among the most recognized groups of the Soviet era were Coldünya, Yuxu, Eksulap and Khurramids.
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Between 1934 - 1936 the political campaign of fighting formalism in art began in USSR. Volkov's art was declared formalist and anti-socialist. His canvases were labeled as counterrevolutionary. In 1946 Volkov was awarded the title of the People's Artist of Uzbekistan.
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On 18 February 1937, Ordzhonikidze was found dead in his house, having killed himself. At the Central Committee plenum in February 1937, Stalin, Molotov, Zhdanov and Nikolai Yezhov began accusing leading officials of anti-socialist behavior, but they met opposition. Pavel Postyshev, a Politburo candidate member and First Secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Branch, in response to them accusing a member of the Ukrainian Central Committee of being anti-socialist said; "I don't believe it." When Yezhov proposed killing Bukharin and Rykov, Postyshev along with Stanislav Kosior and Grigory Petrovsky, opposed such a measure, proposing instead of handing them over to the courts.
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After the question of tariffs had largely been settled, Reid cast around for another cause to justify his party's existence. He settled on opposition to socialism, criticising both the Australian Labour Party and the support offered by it to the Protectionist Party, led by Alfred Deakin. Reid adopted a strategy of trying to reorient the party system along Labour vs non-Labour lines – prior to the 1906 election, he renamed the Free Trade Party to the Anti-Socialist Party. Reid envisaged a spectrum running from socialist to anti-socialist, with the Protectionist Party in the middle.
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The result was the Fusion in 1909, composed of Joseph Cook's Anti-Socialist Party (formerly Free Trade Party), and conservative Protectionists. The Fusion soon began calling itself the Liberal Party, proclaiming its adherence to classical liberalism. After Deakin's departure, the fervent anti-socialist Joseph Cook became leader of the party and it became the dominant right-wing force in Australian politics. The pattern of a non-Labor party defining itself as liberal rather than conservative and deriving support from a middle-class base continued to the formation of the present-day Liberal Party, founded in 1945 and led initially by Sir Robert Menzies.
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He was elected as one of the members for Wilmot and served until his defeat in 1912; he was re-elected in 1913 but died in office at Launceston later that year. He was a member of the Anti-Socialist and Liberal parties.
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The Origins of the Russian Civil War. Routledge, 2013. Churchill, the loudest voice in favour of action, was a vehement anti- socialist and saw Bolshevism as socialism's worst form. As a result, he attempted to gain Allied support for intervention on ideological grounds.
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Newman was on the right wing of Conservative politics. He expressed admiration for fascism in his role as vice-president of the Middle Class Union formed in 1919 as an Anti-Socialist group to maintain public services in the event of strike action.
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In World War II Silvercruys was again active on behalf of Belgian relief."Famine in Europe Seen; Mme. Silvercruys Stresses the Burden on Allied Nations", The New York Times, June 4, 1940. After the war she became a prominent anti-Socialist speaker and activist.
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Chautemps was considered one of the chief figures of the 'right' (anti-socialist and pro-liberal) wing of the centre-left Radical-Socialist Party. Between 1924 and 1926, he served in the centre-left coalition governments of Édouard Herriot, Paul Painlevé and Aristide Briand.
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The fourth Labour member in the ministry after Watson, Hughes, and Lee Batchelor, Fisher was promoted to Deputy Leader of the Labour Party in 1905. Fisher in 1904, around the time of the Watson Government George Reid adopted a strategy of trying to reorient the party system along Labour vs non-Labour lines – prior to the 1906 election, he renamed his Free Trade Party to the Anti-Socialist Party. Reid envisaged a spectrum running from socialist to anti-socialist, with the Protectionist Party in the middle. This attempt struck a chord with politicians who were steeped in the Westminster tradition and regarded a two-party system as very much the norm.
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The AWNL was supported in its foundation by the Victorian Employers' Federation and by employer bodies in other states, but it quickly became independent from those male-dominated groups, and formed an anti- socialist alliance with the Farmer's League in 1905. The group aimed to espouse anti-socialist ideas to Australian women who had been given the right to vote in Australian federal elections in 1902. Leading Melbourne establishment figure, Janet, Lady Clarke, held a meeting at her home in August 1903 to discuss the formation of such a conservative women's movement. Months later, in March 1904, Lady Clarke's sister, Eva Hughes, organised a meeting at the Melbourne Town Hall.
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Holyoake accepted the post-war consensus. He believed in the necessity of a mixed economy, championing a Keynesian strategy of public investment to maintain demand and pursuing corporatist policies. However, as an anti- socialist, Holyoake sought to reduce the role of trade unions in industrial relations.
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Early in 1919 the Dortens relocated to Wiesbaden. With the abdication of the Kaiser, Hans Adam turned his attention to politics during the socially and politically turbulent months that ensued. His agenda was anti-Socialist and pro-Rhineland. He financed his activities with his accumulated personal assets.
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He wanted to create an anti-socialist centre party led by former Foreign Secretary Viscount Grey, regarding him as the embodiment of "justice" which had been Britain's "greatest National asset...in foreign affairs... for the last two generations".Cowling, Impact of Labour, p. 62, pp. 64-65.
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John was first elected to the Tasmanian House of Assembly in the electorate of Kingborough on 20 January 1897. He did not have a political party, at this time, but is described as Anti-Socialist. Evans became Premier on 12 July 1904. Holding office until 19 June 1909.
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These articles were later collected in pamphlet form in a tract entitled Berger's Hit and Misses. Similarly, a series of 19 articles by DeLeon in The People written against the ideas of a popular anti-socialist priest, Thomas Gasson, were later gathered into pamphlet form as Father Gassoniana.
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In the 1945 Ontario election, Drew ran an anti-Semitic, union bashing, Red-baiting campaign.MacDonald, p.291-297 The previous two years of anti-socialist attacks by the Conservatives and their supporters, like Gladstone Murray and Montague A. Sanderson, were devastatingly effective against the previously popular CCF.Caplan, p.
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Richard Charles Field (5 November 1866 - 26 January 1961) was an Australian politician. He was born in Westbury in Tasmania, the son of Thomas Field. In 1909 he was elected to the Tasmanian House of Assembly as an Anti-Socialist member for Wilmot. He was defeated in 1912.
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Bismarck believed that Wilhelm was a lightweight who could be dominated, and he showed scant respect for Wilhelm's policies in the late 1880s. The final split between monarch and statesman occurred soon after an attempt by Bismarck to implement a far-reaching anti-Socialist law in early 1890.
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According to his biographer Ian Hancock, "the bank nationalisation issue marked his advance beyond purely local politics and stamped him firmly and publicly as an anti-socialist".Hancock (2002), p. 51. Gorton had been a supporter of the Country Party before the war, along with most of his neighbours.
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As part of the Anti-Socialist laws in 1878, the display of emblems of the Social Democratic Party were banned. To circumvent the law, social democrats wore red bits of ribbons in their buttonholes. These actions, however, led to arrest and jail sentences. Subsequently, red rosebuds were substituted by social democrats.
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Flag of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. In Soviet ideology there exists the concept of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism (UBN) (, (УБН)). This nationalism was presented as a form of an anti-socialist and counterrevolutionary, "bourgeois" movement. All counter-revolutionary activities were persecuted by the Article 58 of the 1922 Russian Criminal Code.
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In July 1909, Burgess chaired the meeting in Launceston that created the Tasmanian Liberal League, the state's first enduring anti-socialist organisation. In 1916 Burgess made a return to Tasmanian politics, winning election to the multi- member seat of Denison as a Liberal; however, he died the following year in Hobart.
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Sutherland was the last editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, serving in that position until the newspaper was incorporated into the Evening Standard in 1923. He then left journalism to become the Secretary and Director of Propaganda for the Anti- Socialist and Anti-Communist Union.Who was Who, 1951-1960, p. 1060.
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The term State Socialism was coined by Bismarck's liberal opposition, but it was later accepted by Bismarck.Feuchtwanger, Edgar (2002). Bismarck. Routeledge. p. 221. . Bismarck was not a socialist and enacted the Anti-Socialist Laws. Rather, his actions were designed to offset the growth of the Social Democratic Party of Germany.
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Rosenberg was forced to emigrate from Germany in 1880 under the pressure of the Anti-Socialist Laws of 1878, landing in America. Rosenberg resumed life as a language teacher in Boston for the Berlitz School of Languages."Noted Author is Guest Here," New Castle [PA] News, Sept. 2, 1930, pg. 12.
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Following the fall of the Gang of Four, apologies and reparations were made. During that time, the government also constantly accused Muslims and other religious groups of holding "superstitious beliefs" and promoting "anti-socialist trends".Israeli (2002), pg. 253 The government began to relax its policies towards Muslims in 1978.
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The General Commission of German Trade Unions () was an umbrella body for German trade unions during the German Empire, from the end of the Anti- Socialist Laws in 1890 up to 1919. In 1919, a successor organisation was named the Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, and then in 1949, the current Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund was formed.
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Other contentious points included the Anti-Socialist Laws (Sozialistengesetze),. the Kulturkampf against the Catholic Church and the septennial military budget (Septennat). Eduard Lasker led the Secession. Other notable members included Ludwig Bamberger, Berlin's mayor Max von Forckenbeck, historian and future Nobel laureate Theodor Mommsen, Friedrich Kapp, Theodor Barth, Heinrich Edwin Rickert and Georg von Siemens.
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Utopian Studies Penn State University Press. No. 1 (1987), (pp. 11–22)"The 1930s saw...a great many anti-socialist, anti-communist novels like William le Petre's The Bolsheviks, Morris Sutherland's The Second Storm and Aelfrida Tillyard's The Approaching Storm. "Andy Croft,Red letter days: British fiction in the 1930s London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1990.
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In 1958, a movement promoted by Edward Martell grew for a formal alliance of Conservatives and Liberals in an "Anti- Socialist Front". The Liberal Party Executive rejected the idea, whereupon Martell demanded a statement from Wade and from Arthur Holt, MP for Bolton West, who had been elected as a result of a similar pact.
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Edward Walker Archer (12 December 1871 – 1 July 1940) was an Australian politician of Queensland.Archer, Edward Walker (1871–1940) -- Australian Dictionary of Biography. Retrieved 23 January 2015. Archer gained election to the Australian House of Representatives electoral Division of Capricornia on an Anti-Socialist platform on 12 December 1906, serving until 13 April 1910.
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In 1874 Reißhaus joined the Social Democratic Party ("Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands" / SPD). By 1878 he had relocated to Berlin. That was the year of Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws, however, and in 1880, as a political activist, he was deprived of his Berlin residence permit.Heinzpeter Thümmler: Sozialistengesetz § 28. Ausweisungen und Ausgewiesene 1878-1890, 1979, p. 151.
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Ciguli Miguli is a 1952 Yugoslav political satire film directed by Branko Marjanović and written by Joža Horvat. It was meant to be the first satirical film of the post-World War II Yugoslav cinema, but its sharp criticism of bureaucracy was politically condemned by the authorities and the film was banned as "anti-socialist".
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Othmar Spann (1 October 1878 – 8 July 1950) was a conservative Austrian philosopher, sociologist and economist whose radical anti-liberal and anti- Socialist views, based on early 19th century Romantic ideas expressed by Adam Müller et al. and popularized in his books and lecture courses, helped antagonise political factions in Austria during the interwar years.
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A political liberal and anti-socialist, Groom was initially affiliated with Deakin's Protectionists, who were later superseded by the Liberals (1909) and Nationalists (1917). He came into conflict with Prime Minister Stanley Bruce during the 1920s, and as speaker in 1929 refused to use his casting vote to save the government on a confidence motion.
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These groups existed from the Second Mexican War to the Great War. They were composed of men who had served in the Army in the same conscription class. The political views of the Soldiers' Circles tended to pro-war, anti- immigrant, and anti-Socialist. Their insignia was a silver circle, with a sword slantwise across it.
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"Anti-Socialist Alliance For L.C.C. Election", The Times, 19 January 1933, p. 9. In the event, Michael Franklin of National Labour and Fordham Flower of Municipal Reform stood as National Municipal candidates, but they failed to win seats.Alan Willis and John Woollard, "Twentieth Century Local Election Results" vol 1, Local Government Chronicle Elections Centre, 2000, p. 30.
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Anti-suffrage movements were present in Australia through the 1880s and 1890s. Anti-suffrage organisations in Australia were "closely associated with the Conservative Party, manufacturing interests and anti-socialist forces." The Australian media took part in the anti-suffrage movement, and depicted women as being "weak and unintelligent," emotional and too involved in domestic and trivial matters.
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Lamerton was born in St Austell in Cornwall. In 1903 he was elected to the Tasmanian House of Assembly as the member for Zeehan, initially for the Labor Party but later as an Independent Labor member. After his defeat in 1906 he joined the Anti-Socialist Party and eventually the Liberal Party. Lamerton died in 1918 at Launceston.
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Alexander Hean (11 June 1859 - 11 January 1927) was a Scottish-born Australian politician. He was born in Lochee in Scotland. In 1903 he was elected to the Tasmanian House of Assembly as the member for Sorell. When proportional representation was introduced in 1909 he was elected as one of the Anti- Socialist members for Franklin.
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Thomas Christopher Hodgman (7 June 1853 - 12 December 1930) was an Australian politician. He was born in Broadstairs in Kent. In 1900 he was elected to the Tasmanian House of Assembly as the member for Brighton, transferring to Monmouth in 1903. In 1909, with the introduction of proportional representation, he was elected as an Anti-Socialist member for Franklin.
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The London County Council Election, Great Municipal Reform Victory, The Times, 4 March 1907, p. 6. He served on the LCC until 1910. Hoare was elected to the House of Commons at the January 1910 general election as Member of Parliament (MP) for Chelsea. In the early years, he was a member of the Anti-Socialist Union.
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Richard John Stevenson McKenzie (6 March 1850 - 13 October 1919) was an Australian politician. He was born in Launceston. In 1906 he was elected to the Tasmanian House of Assembly as the Anti-Socialist member for North Esk. With the introduction of proportional representation in 1909 he was elected as one of the six members for Bass.
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The Times, 29 October 1924 p6 Allen later won election in Burslem at the 1931 general election. Constitutionalist was a label used by some anti-socialist candidates in UK general elections in the early 1920s. Most of the candidates were former Liberal Party members, and many of them joined the Conservative Party soon after being elected.
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Faced with arrest by the authorities under the Anti-Socialist Laws, Grottkau emigrated to the United States of America in 1878. A talented writer and orator, Grottkau found his way to the German émigré community in Chicago, where he immediately landed a job on the staff of the Social Democratic Chicagoer Arbeiter-Zeitung (Chicago Workers' News).
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A Critical Examination of Socialism. London: John Murray, > p. vii. Among his anti-socialist works should be classed his novel, The Old Order Changes (1886). His other novels are A Romance of the Nineteenth Century (1881), A Human Document (1892), The Heart of Life (1895), Tristram Lacy (1899), The Veil of the Temple (1904), and An Immortal Soul (1908).
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It sided strongly with the military against the generally anti-socialist Islamists, and its leader, Abdelhak Benhamouda, was assassinated by the latter on January 28, 1997. In 2000, the organization established a working group, the National Commission of Working Women, to address issues related to women's position. The organization is currently led by Abdelmadjid Sidi Said.
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Official publication of the first Anti-Socialist Law, 1878 The Anti-Socialist Laws or Socialist Laws (; officially Gesetz gegen die gemeingefährlichen Bestrebungen der Sozialdemokratie, approximately "Law against the public danger of Social Democratic endeavours") were a series of acts, the first of which was passed on 19 October 1878 by the Reichstag lasting until 31 March 1881 and extended four times (May 1880, May 1884, April 1886 and February 1888).Lidtke (1966), 339. The legislation gained widespread support after two failed attempts to assassinate Kaiser Wilhelm I of Germany by the radicals Max Hödel and Karl Nobiling. The laws were designed by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck with the goal of reversing the growing strength of the Social Democratic Party (SPD, named SAP at the time) which was blamed for inspiring the assassins.
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George Reid of the Free Trade Party adopted a strategy of trying to reorient the party system along Labour vs. non-Labour lines prior to the 1906 federal election and renamed his Free Trade Party to the Anti- Socialist Party. Reid envisaged a spectrum running from socialist to anti- socialist, with the Protectionist Party in the middle. This attempt struck a chord with politicians who were steeped in the Westminster tradition and regarded a two-party system as very much the norm. Andrew Fisher, Prime Minister 1908–09, 1910–13, 1914–15 Although Watson further strengthened Labour's position in 1906, he stepped down from the leadership the following year, to be succeeded by Andrew Fisher who formed a minority government lasting seven months from late 1908 to mid 1909.
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Reid adopted a strategy of trying to reorient the party system along Labor vs non- Labor lines – prior to the 1906 election, he renamed his Free Trade Party to the Anti-Socialist Party. Reid envisaged a spectrum running from socialist to anti-socialist, with the Protectionist Party in the middle. This attempt struck a chord with politicians who were steeped in the Westminster tradition and regarded a two-party system as very much the norm.Fusion: The Party System We Had To Have? – by Charles Richardson CIS 25 January 2009 Zachary Gorman has argued that this attempt to impose clear 'lines of cleavage' in Federal politics was inspired by Reid's friend Joseph Carruthers who had achieved a political realignment in New South Wales that destroyed the Progressive middle party and created a Liberal-Labor divide.
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The main local issue in the by- election was the importance of agriculture, given the largely rural nature of the constituency. However an interesting question was how far would the fact that Sir Alfred Stephens and the Reverend Owen were both Welsh speakers, whereas Mond was not, affect the attitude of the electors and how far, if at all, this matter would resonate with Welsh national feeling in the area.The Times, 7 August 1924 p9The Times, 11 August 1924 p7 On UK wide issues, the main battleground was the fight between socialist and anti-socialist feeling. Mond took up the anti-socialist crusade with vigour and had Lloyd George come to Carmarthen to support him on this, against the background of the record and statements of the Labour government and Labour ministers.
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The contemporary Liberal Party generally advocates economic liberalism. Historically, the party has supported a higher degree of economic protectionism and interventionism than it has in recent decades. However, from its foundation the party has identified itself as an anti-socialist grouping of liberals and conservatives. Strong opposition to socialism and communism in Australia and abroad was one of its founding principles.
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Frizsche found himself expelled from Berlin in 1879 after passage of the Anti-Socialist Laws. He returned to Leipzig and established a new newspaper there called Der Wanderer (The Wanderer). He was dispatched to London and America for the first time in 1880, where he spoke on behalf of the Socialist Workers' Party, attempting to build international support for the German socialist movement.
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Webster became involved in several far-right groups including the British Fascists,Thomas Linehan, British Fascism 1918-39: Parties, Ideology and Culture, Manchester University Press, 2000, p. 46 the Anti-Socialist Union, The Link, and the British Union of Fascists., page 176 In her books, Webster argued that Bolshevism was part of a much older and more secret, self-perpetuating conspiracy.
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In the first federal election in 1901, Edwards was elected to the Australian House of Representatives as the member for Oxley. Although there was no protectionist organisation in Queensland, he described himself as such and sat with the Protectionist Party in Parliament. In 1906, he defected to the Anti-Socialist Party; after the fusion of 1909, he was a Liberal member.
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He was one of two members for Kingborough from 1886 to 1897 when the seat of Queenborough was incorporated into it; Queenborough was restored in 1897 and Crowther remained its member. With the introduction of proportional representation in 1909 he was elected to the seat of Denison as an Anti-Socialist. He retired in 1912 and died in 1931 in Oyster Cove.
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Still, it rejected Bismarck's Kulturkampf against the Catholic Church as well as the Anti-Socialist Laws. The German People's Party was the most leftist among non-Marxist parties and closest to the social democracy. It was the sole liberal party to cooperate with the socialists in the Reichstag. Most of the party's members were craftsmen, small traders, farmers and clerks.
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ZDF-Magazin was a West German television news magazine, which ran on ZDF from 1969 to 1988. It was presented by Gerhard Löwenthal. It focused on communist- ruled Eastern Europe and was particularly known for reporting on human rights abuses there. The magazine was known for its conservative and anti-socialist views which led to several controversial reactions from viewers and politicians.
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John Hope (23 July 1842 - 12 May 1926) was a Scottish-born Tasmanian politician. He was born in Aberdeen. In 1900 he was elected to the Tasmanian House of Assembly as the member for Devonport. He transferred to Kentish in 1903 and in 1909, with the introduction of proportional representation, he was elected as an Anti-Socialist member for the seat of Wilmot.
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In 1901, Irvine was elected to the Victorian Legislative Council, and became known as among the most liberal in the chamber. In 1906 he transferred to the Australian House of Representatives, representing the seat of Grampians as a member of the Anti-Socialist Party. He supported the Protectionist Alfred Deakin, and later joined Deakin's Commonwealth Liberal Party. He was defeated in 1914.
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After the war Ward was returned to the House of Commons as a Coalition Liberal in 1918, unopposed in his absence. He became increasingly anti-socialist, claiming to have witnessed atrocities committed by the Bolsheviks in Russia. He was also opposed to pacifism. He was re-elected in 1922, with a large majority; and in 1923, with a much smaller majority.
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James Newton Haxton Hume Cook CMG (23 September 1866 – 8 August 1942) was an Australian politician. He was a member of the House of Representatives from 1901 to 1910, after previously serving in the Victorian Legislative Assembly from 1894 to 1900. He was a member of the anti-socialist parties and served as a minister without portfolio under Alfred Deakin.
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The school was created in the tradition of the workers cultural movement with its commercial and Workers' Education Associations ("Arbeiterbildungsverein"). Following the reprisals of the Anti-Socialist Laws, social democratic and worker's associations were newly founded as training associations. Proletarian associations opened workers' libraries, e.g. in 1861 in Leipzig, where August Bebel was chairman of the library commission of the local workers' association.
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In its earliest years, the Social Credit League took the form of a populist protest movement. Like other Social Credit parties in Canada, it eventually became as a party of conservatism while retaining an anti-establishment message. The party's leadership was consistently anti-socialist. The Social Credit Party ran 19 candidates in the provincial election of 1936, five of whom were elected.
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Social-democratic policies were first adopted in the German Empire between the 1880s and 1890s, when the conservative Chancellor Otto von Bismarck put in place many social welfare proposals initially suggested by the Social Democrats to hinder their electoral success after he instituted the Anti-Socialist Laws, laying the ground of the first modern welfare state. Those policies were dubbed as State Socialism by the liberal opposition, but the term was later accepted and re- appropriated by Bismarck. It was a set of social programs implemented in Germany that were initiated by Bismarck in 1883 as remedial measures to appease the working class and reduce support for socialism and the Social Democrats following earlier attempts to achieve the same objective through Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws. This did not prevent the Social Democrats to become the biggest party in parliament by 1912.
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Such a move was seen as a problem by leading figures in the Roman Catholic Church, not least the anti-socialist Cardinal Michael Logue who warned his flock that "socialism as it is preached on the Continent, and as it has commenced to be preached in these countries, is simply irreligion and atheism".Harris, Mary (1993). The Catholic Church and the Foundation of the Northern Irish State.
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"The state created by Napoleon was anti-socialist, but it was not the laissez-faire state of capitalism. The social ideals of the disciples of Saint-Simon were given by Napoleon, for the first time, a military and authoritarian aspect."Liberalism and the Challenge of Fascism, Social Forces in England and France (1815-1870), J. Salwyn Schapiro, McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., NY, 1949.
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Francesco Coppola (September 27, 1878 – 1957) was prominent Italian journalist and politician in the twentieth century who associated with Italian nationalism and later Italian Fascism.Cannistraro, Philip V. 1982. Historical Dictionary of Fascist Italy. Westport, Connecticut; London, England: Greenwood Press. Pp. 136 From 1904 to 1908 Coppola wrote for Il Giornale d'Italia, a Rome newspaper in which he was known for expressing anti-democratic and anti- socialist sentiments.
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The Central Union of Masons () was a trade union representing bricklayers in Germany. Regular conferences of masons were held in Germany in the 1880s. With the repeal of the Anti-Socialist Laws, it was possible to form legal trade unions, and at the 8th Congress of Masons, in Gotha, in May 1891, the Central Union of Masons was established. It adopted Der Grundstein as its journal.
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He also supported Bismarck's Anti- Socialist Laws, however, over time had more and more differences with the Chancellor and finally resigned from office in 1881. Stolberg remained an active politician, serving as Prussian treasurer and Minister of the Royal House. In 1890 he was granted the hereditary title of Prince (Fürst in German) by Emperor Wilhelm II. Stolberg died at Wernigerode Castle, aged 59.
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Frederick Bowden Rattle (13 August 1869 - 13 August 1950) was an Australian politician. He was born in Hobart and was an accountant and solicitor before entering politics. In 1903 he was elected to the Tasmanian House of Assembly as the member for Glenorchy. With the introduction of proportional representation in 1909 he successfully ran for the new seat of Denison as an Anti-Socialist.
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The Vaps Movement was a paramilitary anti-socialist organisation led by former officers of the Russian Tsar's Army,Kasekamp, A. (2000). The Radical Right in Interwar Estonia. United Kingdom: Palgrave Macmillan UK. with most of its base being veterans of the Estonian War of Independence. Early support for the movement came from campaigns to financially uplift Estonian veterans, and redistribute land held by the Baltic German nobility.
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This article provides information on candidates who stood for the 1910 Australian federal election. The election was held on 13 April 1910. The Commonwealth Liberal Party was formed in 1909 as a merger between several conservative groups. Seats previously held by the Protectionist Party, the Anti-Socialist Party, the Western Australian Party, or the Victorian independent Protectionists are considered to be held by the Liberal Party.
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He was expelled from Germany, under the anti- Socialist law, and moved to Zurich. He immediately became active, founding the non-partisan "Verein für Wissenschaft und Leben des Jüdischen Volkes," for the purpose of inculcating nationalism and socialism among the Jewish masses. He engaged in debates between the orthodox and the adherents of the Narodnaya Volya. The latter evolved into the Social Revolutionary Party.
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The Soviets agreed to withdraw their armed forces still in Czechoslovakia after manoeuvres in June and permit the 9 September Party Congress. On 3 August representatives from the "Warsaw Five" and Czechoslovakia met in Bratislava and signed the Bratislava Declaration. The declaration affirmed unshakable fidelity to Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, declared an implacable struggle against "bourgeois" ideology and all "anti-socialist" forces.Navrátil (2006), pp.
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It was very hard to persuade parents at villages to let their daughters to study there. Anti-communist and anti- socialist movements, strong at the time, attacked the schools and lower their reputation in the society. School libraries contained leftist books as well and students were expected to read different political thoughts. Also many landlords that control villages are disturbed by the highly educated teachers coming back.
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In January 1890, the Reichstag refused to extend the Anti-Socialist Laws which had prohibited socialist political parties and trade unions. Despite this, many of those trade unions which did exist, the Free Trade Unions, had come to work closely with the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). Large celebrations marked May Day in 1890. In Hamburg, employers locked out workers who took the day off.
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That year - in its Halle convention - it changed its name to Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD), as it is known to this day. Anti-socialist campaigns were counterproductive. 1878–90 was the SPD's 'heroic period'. The party's new program drawn up in 1891 at Halle was more radical than 1875's Gotha program. From 1881 to 1890 the party's support increased faster than in any other period.
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Socialist Studies is the name of a quarterly socialist periodical and of the group which publishes it. The group was founded in 1991 by sixteen expelled members of the Socialist Party of Great Britain (SPGB) who claim that their expulsions were the result of an anti-socialist conspiracy. Though small, the group has remained an active and vocal critic of the SPGB since its inception.
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The new Sozialgesetzgebung (social laws) of the chancellor, which created the basis for a system of social security, failed to stop that trend. Like many socialists, Hasenclever was active with the trade unions during the anti-socialist laws, independent of his party membership. For example, after 1878 he co-founded the Berliner Arbeiterbund ("Berlin Worker's Association"). His publications were partially written under a pen name.
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Since the 1970s Baldwin's reputation has recovered somewhat.Philip Williamson, "Baldwin's Reputation: Politics and History, 1937–1967", Historical Journal (March 2004) 47#1 pp. 127–68 Labour won the 1923 election, but in 1924 Baldwin and the Conservatives returned with a large majority. McKibbin finds that the political culture of the interwar period was built around an anti-socialist middle class, supported by the Conservative leaders, especially Baldwin.
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Pope Pius X in 1905. In 1904, Pope Pius X informally gave permission to Catholics to vote for government candidates in areas where the Italian Socialist Party might win. Since the Socialists were the arch-enemy of the Church, the reductionist logic of the Church led it to promote any anti-Socialist measures. Voting for the Socialists was grounds for excommunication from the Church.
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Panayi, p. 113. It stood for patriotism, social reform, industrial peace, promotion of the Empire and anti-socialism.Kenneth D. Brown, ‘The Anti-Socialist Union, 1908-49’, in Brown (ed.), Essays in Anti-Labour History (London: Macmillan, 1974), p. 255. On 28 July 1916 the Vice-Presidents of the BEU, Lord and Lady Bathurst, subscribed to a full-page advertisement in The Morning Post stating their objectives: > 1\.
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In the federal election of 12 December 1906, he contested a Tasmanian seat in the Senate as an Anti- Socialist, but was defeated by a small margin. He then turned to Tasmanian state politics, winning the Tasmanian House of Assembly seat of Franklin in April 1909. He would hold the seat for over six years, for the last year of which he was Leader of the Opposition.
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Despite its illegality due to the Anti-Socialist Laws of 1878, the Social Democratic Party of Germany's use of the limited universal male suffrage were "potent" new methods of struggle which demonstrated their growing strength and forced the dropping of the Anti- Socialist legislation in 1890, Engels argued.Engels, 1895 Introduction to Marx's Class Struggles in France 1848-1850 In 1893, the German SPD obtained 1,787,000 votes, a quarter of votes cast. However, before the leadership of the SPD published Engels' 1895 Introduction to Marx's Class Struggles in France 1848-1850, they removed certain phrases they felt were too revolutionary.cf Footnote 449 in Marx Engels Collected Works on Engels' 1895 Introduction to Marx's Class Struggles in France 1848-1850 Marx believed that it was possible to have a peaceful socialist transformation in England, although the British ruling class would then revolt against such a victory.
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In 1890, upon the end of Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws, she joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany and became their delegate in Berlin-Moabit. Being opposed to the First World War, she distributed the Spartacus Letters and in 1917 changed affiliations to the USPD. In 1920 she was elected city councillor for that party in Berlin-Tiergarten. She was a member of the Konsumgenossenschaft Berlin supervisory board.
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Leckie was a member of the Alexandra Shire Council from 1900 to 1911 and was shire president in 1904–05. During his council service, he ran unsuccessfully for the Anti-Socialist Protectionists for the House of Representatives seat of Mernda at the 1906 election. After leaving local government in 1911, he was elected as member for Benambra in the Victorian Legislative Assembly in 1913 as a Commonwealth Liberal Party candidate.
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A by-election was held for the Australian House of Representatives seat of Echuca on 10 July 1907. This was triggered after the result at the 1906 election, which saw Anti-Socialist candidate Albert Palmer narrowly defeat Protectionist MP Thomas Kennedy by just 32 votes. This election was declared void by the Court of Disputed Returns. Palmer was re-elected at the by- election with an increased majority.
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Otto Sillier (7 November 1857 - 4 March 1925) was a German trade union leader. Born in Berlin, Sillier completed an apprenticeship as a printmaker, and joined the Senefelder Union. Due to the Anti-Socialist Laws, this later became a friendly society. He joined the Berlin Union of Lithographer and Lithographic Printers in 1885, and in 1891 became the founding president of the Union of Lithographers and Lithographic Printers.
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The Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions began in 1881 as a federation of different unions that did not directly enrol workers. In 1886, it became known as the American Federation of Labor or AFL. In Germany the Free Association of German Trade Unions was formed in 1897 after the conservative Anti-Socialist Laws of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck were repealed. In France, labour organization was illegal until 1884.
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In 1903, he stood as a Protectionist candidate for the national Parliament in the (Federal) seat of Robertson. He was defeated by Henry Willis (Free-Trade). The Protectionist Party was in decline at this time and would merge with the Anti-Socialist Party in May 1909. Again in 1907 Wall stood as an independent for the NSW State seat of Mudgee, but polled only 3.7% of the votes cast.
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On 4 March 1918 the Ukrainian government accepted the law about the administrative-territorial division of Ukraine. The law stated that Ukraine is divided into 32 zemlia (land) which are administrated by their respective zemstvo. This law was not fully implemented as on 29 April 1918 there was the anti-socialist coup in Kyiv, after which Hetman Pavlo Skoropadsky reverted the reform back to the guberniya-type administration.
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A public meeting chaired by William Burgess was held in Launceston on 20 July 1909, where it was resolved to form a statewide anti-socialist organisation. The meeting adopted the name "Tasmanian Liberal League", and subsequently put forward a seven-point platform and a draft constitution. A second meeting was held in Hobart on 4 August, which elected a provisional state council that included three members of the House of Assembly.
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The Union of the Russian People (URP) (; СРН/SRN) was a loyalist right nationalist political party, the most important among Black-Hundredist monarchist political organizations in the Russian Empire between 1905 and 1917. — p. 71–72. Founded in October 1905, its aim was to rally the people behind 'Great Russian nationalism' and the Tsar, espousing anti-socialist, anti-liberal, and above all antisemitic views. By 1906 it had over 300,000 members.
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The trials and executions of Traicho Kostov and other "Titoists" (though not of Nikola Petkov and other non-Communist victims of the 1947 purges) were officially denounced. The party's militant anti-clericalism was relaxed and the Orthodox Church was no longer targeted. Upheavals in Poland and Hungary in 1956 did not spread to Bulgaria. The Party placed firm restrictions on publicising views considered to be anti-socialist or seditious.
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The KSČ leadership, however, was divided between vigorous reformers (Smrkovský, Černík, and František Kriegel) and hardliners (Vasil Biľak, Drahomír Kolder, and Oldřich Švestka) who adopted an anti-reformist stance.Navrátil (2006), pp. 448–79 Brezhnev decided on compromise. The KSČ delegates reaffirmed their loyalty to the Warsaw Pact and promised to curb "anti-socialist" tendencies, prevent the revival of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party and control the press more effectively.
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Bismarck's diplomatic moves relied on a victorious Prussian military, and these two men gave Bismarck the victories he needed to convince the smaller German states to join Prussia.Dennis E. Showalter, "The Political Soldiers of Bismarck's Germany: Myths and Realities." German Studies Review 17.1 (1994): 59-77. Bismarck took steps to silence or restrain political opposition, as evidenced by laws restricting the freedom of the press, and the anti-socialist laws.
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From 1908 until 1911, he was chairman of the Anti-Socialist Union. Defeated again in Eskdale at the January 1910 election, he regained the seat in December 1910. Aside from his political career, Lowther was also a connoisseur and a student of the theatre, and a friend of Herbert Beerbohm Tree. Lowther's play The Gordian Knot was presented at Her Majesty's Theatre in 1903, but was not at all successful.
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Cecil regarded "class war, whether the class attacked be landowners or Labour, [as] the most insidious form of national disintegration".Cowling, Impact of Labour, p. 60. From 1920, Cecil wanted to bring down Lloyd George and his coalition government by forming a progressive alliance between anti-coalition and anti-socialist forces. He had been an enemy of Lloyd George for longer than any other major politician.Cowling, Impact of Labour, p. 268.
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97 He served as chairman of both this group and Anti-Socialist Union simultaneously in the later 1930s.Thomas P. Linehan, British Fascism, 1918-39: Parties, Ideology and Culture, Manchester University Press, 2000, p. 46 As AGF chairman, Lord Mount Temple (as he now was) visited Germany in mid 1937 and held a meeting with Hitler.N. J. Crowson, Facing fascism: the Conservative party and the European dictators, 1935-1940, Routledge, 1997, p.
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Kenneth D. Brown, 'The Anti-Socialist Union, 1908-49' in Brown (ed.), Essays in Anti-Labour History. Responses to the Rise of Labour in Britain (London: Macmillan, 1974), p. 239. Its first president was Lord Hugh Cecil, who was succeeded by Lord Balfour of Burleigh. Its supporters included the constitutional expert A. V. Dicey, Lord Avebury, Lord Courtney, John St Loe Strachey, Professor Flinders Petrie,Greenleaf, p. 281.
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The Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (, or ACV; , CSC) is the largest of Belgium's three trade union federations. It was founded in 1904, but can trace its origins to the "Anti-Socialist Cotton Workers' Union" founded in 1886. The organisation took its current name in 1923. Today the ACV/CSC has 22 regional federation and 16 sectoral unions, with a membership of 1.7 million (almost 16% of the total Belgian population).
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McDougall joined the Ararat branch of the Political Labor Council in 1903, becoming president in 1904. He stood twice for Ararat Shire Council, succeeding in 1904. In 1906 he was elected to the Australian House of Representatives for the seat of Wannon after a successful campaign targeting the anti-union leanings of the Anti- Socialist sitting member, Arthur Robinson. He rarely spoke in Parliament, but did considerable work for his constituency.
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MacDonald's judgement proved correct, as the Liberals, who were still mostly dependent on former Prime Minister David Lloyd George for funds, ended up financially crippled from the very start of the campaign, while Labour were actually able to expand the scope of their own campaign thanks to increasing support from the workers' unions. It is speculated that the combination of Labour forming its first government in January 1924 and the Zinoviev letter helped to stir up anti- socialist fears in Britain among many traditional anti-socialist Liberal voters, who then switched their support to the Conservative Party. This partly helps to explain the poor performance of the Liberal Party in the general election. The party also had financial difficulties which allowed it to contest only 339 seats, a lack of distinctive policies after the Conservative Party dropped their support for protected trade, and poor leadership under Asquith, who lost his own seat for the second time in six years.
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The lifting of the Anti-Socialist Laws triggered a further consolidated relaunch: that of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) in 1890. Karl Wilhelm Stolle was an activist member throughout these decades. He was a founder of the "International Trades Union Fraternity of Factory and Manual workers" ("Internationale Gewerksgenossenschaft der Manufaktur-, Fabrik- und Handarbeiter"). Between 1869 and 1916 he was a delegate at several social democratic party conferences and sat on various party committees.
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Arkady Sidorov was born in Pochinki, Lukoyanovsky district, Gorky, now Nizhny Novgorod province, on 27 January (8 February) 1900. He became a member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1920 and attended institutions of higher education specifically intended to provide a Marxist training, graduating from the Sverdlov Communist University in 1923 and from the Institute of Red Professors in 1928. He published anti-Menshevik and anti-socialist revolutionary views in the press.
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The Central Union of Potters () was a trade union representing pottery workers in Germany. A union of potters was founded in 1873, but dissolved in 1878 as a result of the Anti-Socialist Laws. From 1884, a series of congresses of potters were held, and the seventh congress, in 1892, established the new Central Union of Potters. This affiliated to the General Commission of German Trade Unions, and by 1904, it had 10,241 members.
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Meanwhile Obote began appealing to DP MPs to defect and join his party in Parliament. He successfully convinced several to do so, including the DP floor leader. On 24 August 1964 Obote, with the UPC having consolidated a majority in Parliament, declared that the coalition with KY was dissolved. In December 1964 Ibingira, under the cover checking on his ranch in Ankole, traveled to the United States to raise funds to support anti-socialist causes.
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It was during this time that Trautmann was exposed to the radical labor ideas that would become his life's work. Trautmann worked throughout Eastern Europe before settling in Germany. In Germany he was a vocal supporter of workers going through the same abuse in the brewing industry that he had gone through. In 1890 he was forced to leave Germany under the new anti-Socialist laws, which marked him as a dangerous radical.
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Immigration had been steadily decreasing prior to the war, with only 1168 people entering in the quarter to October 1914. A high percentage of the non-British immigrants were Russians, but rather than being farm labourers that Queensland required, many were political activists fleeing their home country. The Queensland liberal conservative government was strongly anti-socialist and regarded the Russian immigrants with suspicion. Digby Denham had been Premier of Queensland since 1911.
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The Union was the leading exponent of antisemitism in the wake of the 1905 Revolution.Figes, p. 245 It has been described as 'an early Russian version of the Fascist movement', as it was anti-socialist, anti-liberal, and 'above all anti-Semitic'. The Union of the Russian People called for the 'restoration of the popular autocracy', a concept they believed had existed before Russia had been taken over by 'intellectuals and Jews'.
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Furthermore, he drifted to the right of the Liberal party and became a bitter critic of its policies. Winston Churchill, observing that he never adapted to democratic electoral competition, quipped: "He would not stoop; he did not conquer." Rosebery was a Liberal Imperialist who favoured strong national defence and imperialism abroad and social reform at home, while being solidly anti-socialist. Historians judge him a failure as foreign minister and as prime minister.
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The final break came as Bismarck searched for a new parliamentary majority, as his Kartell was voted from power as a consequence of the anti-socialist bill fiasco. The remaining forces in the Reichstag were the Catholic Centre Party and the Conservative Party. Bismarck wished to form a new block with the Centre Party and invited Ludwig Windthorst, the parliamentary leader, to discuss an alliance. That would be Bismarck's last political maneuver.
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The RSS extended to foreign countries, where Hindus were recruited into organisations such as the Bharatiya Swayamsevak Sangh or the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh. There was a subtle, important shift in the RSS worldview. One of Golwalkar's major innovations was an anti-communist, anti-socialist ideology, with the slogan "Not socialism but Hinduism." According to D. R. Goyal, the RSS' anti-Marxist tinge made it popular with the wealthy sections of society who generously supported it.
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The Liberal Protectionists rejected the agreement, according to John Forrest out of reluctance to serve in a ministry Deakin did not lead. Watson attempted to form an alliance with the Liberal Protectionists in June 1904, but was rebuffed. Deakin felt that the power of the Protectionists would be diminished by Labor's party discipline. He elaborated on his decision-making in an August speech to the National Political League, a newly anti-socialist organisation in Ballarat.
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Fritz Reuter, a humorous poet who wrote in Low German, was his favorite writer. Kater joined the mason's trade union in Magdeburg in 1883 at a time when the Anti-Socialist Laws forbade most union activities. He came into contact with socialists from Berlin and Hamburg soon becoming a socialist himself under their influence. Kater soon began spending much of his spare time reading illegal socialist literature, and became active in the union's clandestine activities.
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The People's Republic of China was founded in 1949. Through many of the early years there were tremendous upheavals which culminated in the Cultural Revolution. During the Cultural Revolution urban youths were encouraged to move to the countryside to "tame the wilderness" and many chose Xinjiang, inadvertently diverting Muslim influence. During that time, the government also accused Muslims, Buddhists, Christians and all other religions in China of holding "superstitious beliefs" and promoting "anti-socialist trends".
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Roman is desperate in his jealousy and informs Warczewski about Kamila's collaboration with the secret services. After the suppression of student riots Władysław Gomułka seizes upon Warczewski as an example of Jewish anti-socialist elements in Polish society. The anti-Semitic campaign that follows forces 15,000 Poles of Jewish descent to leave Poland. At the same time, however, Rożek, whose original Jewish name was "Rosen", is unmasked and dismissed from the security services.
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Reginald Blair entered parliament to speak and vote on a number of issues, including voting against granting the vote to women in 1917. He held the seat until 1922, when Lansbury retook it. Lansbury meanwhile promoted socialism in the Daily Herald and led the Poplar Rates Rebellion of 1921. The WSPU moved away from Lansbury and became increasingly anti- socialist, while this was a decisive point in Sylvia Pankhurst's split from her family towards communism.
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After graduating from high school and a failed attempt to be admitted to the Faculty of the Academy of Performing of Arts in Prague, he began studying economics at Charles University in Prague, specialised in foreign trade. He was unofficially expelled from the school for disseminating anti-socialist texts. Since 1977 he has been active in the popular Czech theatre Sklep as an actor and writer. He played in many Czech films, commercials, and programmes, especially on Czech television.
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Palme was born in Porvoo, Finland as the son of the Swedish politician and artillery officer Sven Palme and Finnish Hanna von Born. He went to school in Stockholm and later studied history at the University of Uppsala. Palme took part of the archaeological excavations in the Medieval Sigtuna and was the founder of the 1916 established Sigtuna museum. Palme was known as a keen anti-socialist who was radicalized after the 1906 Hakaniemi riot in Helsinki.
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With 65% of the workers belonging to a union Belgium is a country with one of the highest percentages of labour union membership. Only the Scandinavian countries have a higher labour union density. The biggest union with around 1.7 million members is the Christian democrat Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (ACV-CSC) which was founded in 1904. The origins of the union can be traced back to the "Anti-Socialist Cotton Workers Union" that was founded in 1886.
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For example, they linked immigrant politics with domestic English radicalism beneath the clubs' rooves. The latter ranged from national organisations such as the O'Brienite Nationalists to local London groups, including the Stratford Dialectical and Radical Club. The origins of the Rose Street Club lay in the late-19th century European reaction to radical ideas. Particularly formative were the German Anti-Socialist Laws of 1878, and, more broadly, the Paris Commune of 1871 and the collapse of the First International.
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Amongst his touted achievements as an MP was winning support for the Burnie breakwater and the Ulverstone-Burnie railway extension. He retired from the House at the 1909 election and contested the Legislative Council seat of Russell, but was unsuccessful. He remained politically involved, and was appointed the inaugural honorary secretary of the Wynyard branch of the Anti-Socialist League following his defeat. Mackenzie died at his home in Somerset in August 1921 and was buried at Somerset Cemetery.
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Dragiša was born in Užice in 1867. The family moved to Požega when Lapčević was the age of three or four. There he completed his grammar school education, after which he continued to educate himself by attending lectures in political science and economics and reading smuggled socialist material into the Kingdom of Serbia at a time when Anti-Socialist Laws were instituted. Initially, he worked as an unskilled laborer, first in a bakery and in a mechanic shop.
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After the Six- Day War of 1967, Maneli was ordered to sign a petition criticizing Israel, which he refused, thus leading to charges that he was a "Zionist". In July 1968, Maneli was fired from as the Dean of Law as part of the "anti-Zionist" campaign and fled to the United States. The reasoning for sacking Maneli besides for his alleged "Zionism" (i.e that he was a Jew) concerned his "anti- socialist ideas and lectures".
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Bismarck had spotted a new and more serious threat in the rise of the Social Democratic Party, and was aware that he could not go without the Catholics' support to enact his Anti-Socialist Laws. Pope Pius IX died on 7 February 1878, and in the negotiations with his successor Leo XIII the implications of the May Laws were attenuated. Diplomatic relations were resumed in 1882 and the Kulturkampf officially ended by the "Peace Laws" of 1886/87.
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The impetuous young Kaiser rejected Bismarck's "peaceful foreign policy" and instead plotted with senior generals to work "in favour of a war of aggression". Bismarck told an aide, "That young man wants war with Russia, and would like to draw his sword straight away if he could. I shall not be a party to it." Bismarck, after gaining an absolute majority in favour of his policies in the Reichstag, decided to make the anti-Socialist laws permanent.
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He became the dominating figure in the Erfurt district SPD, a position he retained till his death in 1921. In the context of the Anti-Socialist Laws, the 1884 Health Insurance Law ("Krankenkassengesetz") offered one route for progressive political work that could be undertaken legally. The Erfurt Social Democrats received a visit from Wilhelm Liebknecht in February 1882 and in July of that year there was a visit from . The purpose was to offer support and encouragement.
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He served on the faculty of the Catholic University of Chile from 1963 to 1973. After the Pinochet coup, he went to the Departmento Ecuménico de Investigaciones in Sabanilla, Costa Rica. He has written extensively and critically about the neoliberal economic model, anti-utopian and anti-socialist views within religion and politics as well as the syncretism of Marxism and Christianity. His criticisms include those of the economists Milton Friedman, Friedrich Hayek as well as the philosopher Karl Popper.
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After 1918, the Coalition Government-supporting NDP was wound up and many of its members joined Lloyd George's National Liberal party as did Jarrett. When the Unionist party decided to end the Coalition in 1922 and force an election, Jarrett continued to support the idea of an anti-socialist coalition. For the 1922 General Election he switched constituencies, to contest the Labour seat of Dartford, Kent, held by John Edmund Mills. He stood as a National Liberal candidate.
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Over time, he became frustrated with the party's frequent squabbles with the Liberal Party and its willingness to cooperate with the Labor Party.Hancock (2002), p. 52. After the Victorian Country Party withdrew from its coalition with the Liberals in December 1948, Gorton became involved in efforts to form a new anti-socialist movement that would absorb both parties. At some point he was introduced to Magnus Cormack, the state president of the Liberals, who became something of a mentor.
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Democratic Alliance () was a Swedish anti-Socialist organisation. It was known for its support of the United States in the Vietnam War, the support for NATO and strong criticism of Olof Palme then Prime Minister of Sweden. The organization spoke out strongly against the Afrikaner-ruled South Africa under apartheid and the military dictatorships in Chile, Argentina and Greece. The heritage of DA has been passed on by Contra, a foundation which publishes a magazine by the same name.
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From 1932 to 1934, Kanitz was a member of the Federal Council of Austria. Kranitz's pamphlet Kämpfer der Zukunft was banned by the Nazi beginning with their first book burnings in 1933. He was one of the many socialist authors of the inter-war period who were forced to move out of Austria after the 1934 anti-socialist crackdown. It is taken for granted that sooner or later he returned to Austria out of home-sickness.
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The Preconditions of Socialism Eduard Bernstein Bismarck's strict anti-socialist legislation was passed on 12 October 1878. For nearly all practical purposes, the SPD was outlawed and throughout Germany, it was actively suppressed. However, it was still possible for Social Democrats to campaign as individuals for election to the Reichstag, which they did, despite the severe persecution subjected to the party, and actually increased its electoral success, gaining 550,000 votes in 1884 and 763,000 in 1887.
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There he died, reliant on support by staff and mentally incapable, on 3 July 1889, aged 52. He did not experience the end of the anti-socialist laws and the renaming of the SAP to Social Democratic Party of Germany (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands, SPD) a year later. He was buried on the Friedhof der freireligiösen Gemeinde Berlins ("Cemetery of the independently religious community of Berlin") on Prenzlauer Berg in Pankow. About 15000 workers attended the funeral.
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Some Hui criticize Uyghur separatism and generally do not want to get involved in conflict in other countries. Hui and Uyghur live separately, attending different mosques. During the Cultural Revolution, mosques along with other religious buildings were often defaced, destroyed or closed and copies of the Quran were destroyed and cemeteries by the Red Guards. During that time, the government also constantly accused Muslims and other religious groups of holding "superstitious beliefs" and promoting "anti- socialist trends".
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In December 1905, true to his word, he himself was defeated by 2,692 votes. Long continued to distrust 'Birmingham & Co' as he called Chamberlain's struggle for a policy of Tariff recognition, which was already driving the party away from the Free Trade north. Nonetheless he continued to co-operate transnationally with conservative parties in Germany, such as Reichspartei right up until the second Moroccan crisis in 1911.with his colleague in the Anti-Socialist Union, Claude Lowther MP.
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Molotov and Kliment Voroshilov, supported a compromise brokered by Stalin, which handed over Bukharin and Rykov to the NKVD. Despite this opposition, Stalin and his closet associates began purging officials nationwide. In May 1937, Jānis Rudzutaks became the first Politburo member to be purged. In 1938, four other Politburo members were purged; Chubar, who personally telephoned Stalin crying trying to assure his innocence, Kosior, who confessed for anti-socialist crimes after his daughter was raped in front of him, Postyshev and Eikhe.
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These actions also led to arrest and jail sentences. The judge ruled that in general everyone has a right to wear any flower as suits their taste, but when socialists as a group wear red rosebuds, it becomes a party emblem. Due to the Anti-Socialist laws, which banned social democratic activities, hundreds of socialists were fined, imprisoned, or exiled from Germany. Subsequently, the German exiles spread the red rose symbol of socialism across Europe and to the United States.
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But the polemical tone of Fagerberg's books and articles in the 1980s has contributed to his waning popularity. Whilst Fagerberg's anti-socialist critique has now become uncontroversial, his attacks on the Social Democrats and his simplistic neoliberalism did not make good literature. The consensus among Swedish critics is that Fagerberg is forgotten but his early books are worth reading.Review of Höknatt in Östgöta Correspondenten 17 May 2001; Maria- Pia Boëthius, ETC 4 May 2008; David Andersson, Ystads Allehanda 7 March 2006.
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The Fadden Government lasted just 40 days, before the independents crossed the floor bringing Labor's John Curtin to the Prime Ministership just prior to the outbreak of the Pacific War. Labor's John Curtin proved a big war time leader and the Curtin Government won in a landslide in the 1943 election. In the aftermath of this defeat, the UAP began to disintegrate, and Australian conservatives and anti-socialist liberals looked to form a new political movement to counter the Australian Labor Party.
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The Commonwealth Liberal Party (CLP, also known as the Deakin–Cook Party, The Fusion, or the Deakinite Liberal Party) was a political movement active in Australia from 1909 to 1917, shortly after Federation. The CLP came about as a result of a merger between the two non-Labor parties, the Protectionist Party and the Anti-Socialist Party (formerly Free Trade Party) which most of their MPs accepted. The CLP is the earliest direct ancestor of the current Liberal Party of Australia.
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Julius Motteler (18 June 1838 – 29 September 1907) was a pioneering German Socialist and Businessman. Julius Motteler was a leading member of the early German Labour movement and was repeatedly elected a member of the Reichstag (German national parliament). During the period 1878 - 1890, defined politically in Germany by the Anti-Socialist Laws, he organised the party's underground press activities. He was also instrumental in the establishment of trades unions in Germany, and an early champion of the Proletarian Women's Movement (Proletarische Frauenbewegung).
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After the sunset of the Anti-Socialist Laws in 1890, he was part of the left-wing opposition known as Die Jungen in the SPD, as the delegate of Wanzleben at the party convention. In the same year, he became editor of the Magdeburger Volkstimme. His articles for this newspaper led to several convictions, which he avoided by fleeing to Switzerland. In Zurich, he joined the Association of Independent Socialists founded by members of Die Jungen, who were expelled from the SPD.
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Gibbs' 1937 book Ordeal In England was a study of poverty and also an anti-socialist critique of English Journey by J. B. Priestley and The Road to Wigan Pier by George Orwell.Juliet Gardiner, The Thirties :An Intimate History London : HarperPress, 2010. (p. 384). Ordeal In England was later republished by the conservative Right Book Club. The outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 brought Gibbs a renewed appointment as a war correspondent, this time for the Daily Sketch.
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Investigations into the Meta-Communicative Lexicon of English: A Contribution to Historical Pragmatics. John Benjamins Publishing Company. p. 145. Despite the recognition of his work in Australia and the United States, and the circulation of his books within those countries, Field preferred to work from his isolated Nelson homestead. In his later years, Field wrote a series of self-published tracts on his interpretations of economics, anti-socialist articles about the New Zealand Labour Party and trade union movement, and related matters.
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After World War II in 1952 he was officially sentenced by the Soviet authorities to 25 years in prison for his anti- socialist and clerical policies in pre-war Lithuania. Released after Joseph Stalin's death in 1956, he was allowed to emigrate, yet he refused and returned to Lithuanian SSR. Stulginskis settled in Kaunas, where he died on September 22, 1969, aged 84, the last of the Signatories of the Act of Independence of Lithuania. Aleksandras Stulginskis in a Lithuanian poster.
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Anthony James Joseph St Ledger (18 February 1859 - 17 April 1929) was an English-born Australian politician. Born in Barnsley, England, he migrated to Australia as a child and was educated at St Killan College in Ipswich, Queensland. He became a teacher with the Queensland Education Department, but studied law, eventually becoming a barrister. In 1906, he was elected to the Australian Senate as an Anti-Socialist Senator for Queensland, joining the Commonwealth Liberal Party when the Anti-Socialists were absorbed in 1909.
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Thomas Drinkwater Chataway (6 April 1864 - 5 March 1925) was an English-born Australian politician. Born in Wartling, Sussex, he was educated at Charterhouse School before migrating to Australia in 1881, where he became a grazier and mill-owner in New South Wales and then Queensland. He was a leader among Queensland cane growers, sitting on Mackay Council and serving as mayor in 1904. In 1906 he was elected to the Australian Senate as an Anti-Socialist Senator for Queensland.
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The Carlists were so anti-socialist that they opposed both Hitler and Mussolini because of their supposed socialistic tendencies. The Carlists were led by Manuel Fal Condé and held their main base of support in Navarre. The Carlists along with the Falange were the original supporters of the military coup d'état against the republic. The Carlists held a long history of violent opposition to the Spanish state, stemming back to 1833 when they launched a six-year civil war against the state.
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Joseph Vardon (27 July 1843 - 20 July 1913) was an Australian politician. Born in Adelaide, he received a primary education before becoming a farm worker and apprentice printer, running his own printing business by 1871. He sat on Hindmarsh, Unley, and Adelaide City councils, and was President of the South Australian Liberal Union. He was elected to the Australian Senate as an Anti- Socialist Senator for South Australia in the 1906 Election, but his election was declared void on 31 May 1907.
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Vargas Llosa's bold exploration of humanity's propensity to idealize violence, and his account of a man-made catastrophe brought on by fanaticism on all sides, earned the novel substantial recognition. Because of the book's ambition and execution, critics have argued that this is one of Vargas Llosa's greatest literary pieces. Even though the novel has been acclaimed in Brazil, it was initially poorly received because a foreigner was writing about a Brazilian theme. The book was also criticized as revolutionary and anti-socialist.
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In 1920, he announced himself as a People's League parliamentary candidate for East LeytonThe Times, December 17, 1920 and, in 1921, as an Anti-Waste League candidate.The Times, August 1, 1921 He became General Secretary of the Empire Producers' Organization. He was also a member of the Anti-Socialist Union and was for a time part of a tendency within that group that was close to the British Fascists.Stephen Dorril, Blackshirt: Sir Oswald Mosley & British Fascism, Penguin Books, 2007, p.
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For Reid anti-socialism was a natural product of his long-standing belief in Gladstonian classical liberalism. Reid referred to Labor publicly using a damaging visual negative image of Labor as a hungry socialist tiger that would devour all.Julian Fitzgerald On Message: Political Communications of Australian Prime Ministers 1901–2014 Clareville Press 2014, p 64 The anti-socialist campaign led to the Protectionist vote and seat count dropping significantly at the 1906 election, while both Reid's party and Labor won 26 seats each.
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In the 1970s Kaczyński was an activist in the pro-democratic anti- communist movement in Poland, the Workers' Defence Committee, as well as the Independent Trade Union movement. In August 1980, he became an adviser to the Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee in the Gdańsk Shipyard and the Solidarity movement. After the communists imposed martial law in December 1981, he was interned as an anti-socialist element. After his release, he returned to trade union activities, becoming a member of the underground Solidarity.
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The Central Union of Carpenters and Kindred Trades of Germany () was a trade union representing carpenters in Germany. The union was established in 1883 in Berlin, as the Union of German Carpenters, with 2,232 members. Its headquarters moved to Hamburg in 1887, and with the end of the Anti-Socialist Laws in 1890, it was joined by the Free Alliance of German Carpenters. In 1893, August Bringmann, former secretary of the Free Alliance, became the first editor of the union's journal, Der Zimmerer.
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The Central Union of Shoemakers of Germany (, ZVdSch) was a trade union representing people working in the shoemaking industry in Germany. The union was founded in August 1883 at a meeting in Gotha, as the Support Association of German Shoemakers. Due to the Anti-Socialist Laws, it could not describe itself as a trade union, but it operated unemployment and relocation funds for workers. It established headquarters in Offenbach am Main, and in 1887 renamed itself as the Union of German Shoemakers.
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The party wound up splitting as a result. The main body, including Deakin and his supporters, merged with the Anti-Socialist Party in May 1909 to become the Commonwealth Liberal Party (CLP), popularly known as "the Fusion Party", with Deakin as leader and Cook as deputy leader. The more liberal Protectionists defected to Labour. Deakin and the new CLP now held a majority on the floor of the House of Representatives and the Fisher government fell in a vote on 27 May 1909.
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The elections also saw the first time that Conservatives contested local elections on a Conservative ticket. Previously the Conservative party had not contested local elections, with their place being instead fulfilled by local anti-socialist groups known as the Progressives. Despite these organisational differences however, the Progressives were seen be the electorate as Tories, and the two shared the same ideology. The Conservative party's decision to partake in local elections was largely driven out of a desire to increase party efficiency.
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The British Workers League was a 'patriotic labour' group which was anti- socialist and pro-British Empire. The League operated from 1916 to 1927. The league's origins lay in a split in the British Socialist Party in 1915, primarily over the need to win the First World War. A group, dissenting from the pacifism of the Labour Party, would be formed by Victor Fisher and supported "the eternal idea of nationality" and aimed to promote "socialist measures in the war effort".
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On 26 August 1989, a pronouncement from the Central Committee of the Communist Party was read during the opening 19 minutes of Vremya, the main evening news program on Soviet television. It was a sternly worded warning about growing "nationalist, extremist groups" which advanced "anti-socialist and anti-Soviet" agendas. The announcement claimed that these groups discriminated against ethnic minorities and terrorised those still loyal to Soviet ideals. Local authorities were openly criticised for their failure to stop these activists.
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The main beneficiaries of this defection were the Conservative forces, supporting the protectionist, colonist and anti-socialist policies of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck. In the 1887 federal election, the party again lost half of their seats, dropping down to 32 Reichstag mandates. Though urged by his wife Princess Royal Victoria, Crown Prince Frederick William did not dare to meet trouble with Bismarck by openly taking the party's side. His early death in 1888 and the accession of his son William II terminated all liberal hopes.
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After leaving school Aloys Rink trained as an industrial metal worker. Supporting himself as a skilled metal worker and living in Urberach, he joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD) in 1896. The government had allowed Bismarck's "Anti- Socialist Laws" to lapse in 1890, meaning the party was no longer outlawed, but at the time when Rink joined it the SPD was still regarded by most commentators as something from outside the political mainstream. He would resign from the party in 1919, but rejoined in 1922.
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Chen Xitong accused anti-socialist actors from Hong Kong of facilitating the student protest by providing weapons and money. He also denounced Liu Xiaobo's connection with dissidents in New York. Chen Xitong maintained that protesters were influenced by foreign actors and did not invite foreign news agencies to his press conferences until March 7, 1990. Scholar of East Asian studies, Ezra Vogel, presents the argument that Chen Xitong exaggerated the dangers posed by the initial protests in his April 24 report to the PSC.
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In 1878, Bismarck instituted a variety of anti-socialist measures, but despite this, socialists continued gaining seats in the Reichstag. To appease the working class, he enacted a variety of paternalistic social reforms, which became the first type of social security. In 1883 the Health Insurance Act was passed, which entitled workers to health insurance; the worker paid two-thirds and the employer one-third of the premiums. Accident insurance was provided in 1884, while old-age pensions and disability insurance followed in 1889.
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Also during the 20th century, the order established the Commission on Religious Prejudices, and the Knights of Columbus Historical Commission which combated racism. It was also supportive of trade unionism, and published the works "of the broad array of intellectuals", including George Schuster, Samuel Flagg Bemis, Allan Nevins, and W. E. B. DuBois. During the Cold War, the order had a history of anti-socialist, anti-communist crusades. They lobbied to add "under God" to the Pledge of Allegiance, as a religious response to Soviet atheism.
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The Central Union of Construction Workers () was a trade union representing building labourers in Germany. The first national congress of local unions of building labourers was held in May 1889, and it agreed to launch a national journal, Der Bauarbeiter. With the repeal of the Anti-Socialist Laws, it was possible to form legal trade unions, and at the 3rd Congress of Construction Workers, in Halle, on 6 April 1891, the Central Union of Masons was established. It adopted Der Bauarbeiter as its journal.
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Baker White graduated from Malvern College in 1920.Spies at Work, Chapter 3, "Section D" Retrieved 11 January 2010 In the early 1920s he was a member of the Anti- Socialist Union and was part of a tendency within that group that sought to co-operate with the British Fascists.Stephen Dorril, Blackshirt: Sir Oswald Mosley & British Fascism, Penguin Books, 2007, p. 196 He then worked for the Economic League, a privately funded anti-Communist pressure group and intelligence organization, serving as its Director from 1926 to 1939.
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Brezhnev decided on compromise. The KSČ delegates reaffirmed their loyalty to the Warsaw Pact and promised to curb "anti-socialist" tendencies, prevent the revival of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party, and control the press by the re- imposition of a higher level of censorship. In return the USSR agreed to withdraw their troops (still stationed in Czechoslovakia since the June 1968 maneuvers) and permit 9 September party congress. Dubček appeared on television shortly afterwards reaffirming Czechoslovakia's alliance with the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact.
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The team arrived in London in June 1888, accompanied by 16 large crates of scrupulously archived and indexed documentation. "Der Sozialdemokrat" was printed in London from October 1888 till September 1890. By this time relations within the team producing the newspaper had become acutely frayed, while back in Germany Bismarck had finally retired, in March 1890. The retirement came about after the Reichstag had refused, in January 1890, to renew the Anti-Socialist Laws, which had come to be seen increasingly as wrong, ineffective or counter- productive.
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All politics and attitudes that were not strictly RCP were suppressed, under the premise that the RCP represented the proletariat and all activities contrary to the party's beliefs were "counterrevolutionary" or "anti-socialist." Most rich families fled to exile. During 1917 to 1923, the Bolsheviks/Communists under Lenin surrendered to Germany in 1918, then fought an intense Russian Civil War against multiple enemies especially the White Army. They won the Russian heartland but lost most non-Russian areas that had been part of Imperial Russia.
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In the 1945 election, Premier Drew ran an anti- Semitic, union bashing, Red-baiting campaign. The previous two years of anti- socialist attacks by the Conservatives and their supporters, like Gladstone Murray and Montague A. Sanderson, were devastatingly effective against the previously popular CCF. Much of the source material for the anti-CCF campaign came from the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP)'s Special Investigation Branch's agent D-208: Captain William J. Osbourne-Dempster. His office was supposed to be investigating war-time 5th column saboteurs.
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The 1922 and 1925 elections were, for the most part, not run on party lines. In 1928 the majority of the council were described as "Moderate", with Labour forming an opposition. Labour continued to make advances at the 1931 election, and this led to the formation of a Middlesex Municipal Association "representative of all anti- Socialist members". The association was supported by the various Conservative Party organisations of the county although it was not officially affiliated to the party, and controlled the council until 1946.
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Foster was an unsuccessful Labor candidate for the New South Wales Legislative Assembly for The Macquarie at the 1895 election and 1898 election. He was also unsuccessful at the 1904 election for Gough and the 1904 Bingara by-election. At the 1906 election, he was selected as the Labor candidate for the seat of New England, and went on to defeat Anti-Socialist candidate Edmund Lonsdale. He was re-elected to a second term at the 1910 election, defeating Commonwealth Liberal candidate William Fleming.
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This system was equally anti- capitalist and anti-socialist. The corporatisation of the working class was accompanied by strict legislation regulating business. Workers' organisations were subordinated to state control, but granted a legitimacy that they had never before enjoyed and were made beneficiaries of a variety of new social programs. Nevertheless, it is important to note that even in the enthusiastic early years, corporatist agencies were not at the centre of power and therefore corporatism was not the true base of the whole system.
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Anger at the country's ongoing economic problems remained high, however, and many saw Forbes and Coates as jointly responsible for the situation. In addition, Albert Davy had founded a new "anti-socialist" party, the Democrats, which took votes away from the coalition. Forbes, still the nominal leader of the coalition, appeared tired and apathetic. These factors all added up to a decisive defeat of the coalition by the Labour Party, and the appointment of Michael Joseph Savage as New Zealand's first Labour Prime Minister.
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In the aftermath of the Berlin bricklayers' strike of 1885, he and the strike's leader, Karl Behrend, with another bricklayer trade unionist, Fritz Wilke, were expelled from Berlin in June 1886 under the Anti-Socialist Law. He settled in Brunswick from where he edited Der Baugewerkschafter and Das Vereinsblatt before returning to Berlin in 1890. In 1889, he was a delegate at the Second International's founding congress in Paris. He was editor of the socialist newspaper Volksblatt für Teltow-Beeskow-Storkow-Charlottenburg after 1890.
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Emma Ihrer was born at a time when women were disenfranchised, and under the reactionary Prussian Association law of 1850 were forbidden participation in political associations. The authorities could define "political" as they chose. In October 1878 the first of the Anti- Socialist Laws arbitrarily deprived members of the Social Democratic Party and those associated with it of the right of association. It was not until the Association Act of 15 May 1908 that women were allowed to take part in political activities and organizations.
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Following the end of the war, Pilcher contested the seat of Thornbury in the 1918 general election. He opposed the sitting Liberal member Athelstan Rendall, a Coalition Coupon candidate, representing the splinter right-wing National Party of Conservatives opposed to the Coalition. He was heavily defeated, taking only 38% of the vote in what had previously been a relatively close seat. He continued a loose association with right-wing politics, chairing the anti-Bolshevik National Security Union, and joining the anti- socialist and protectionist British Commonwealth Union.
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The Deakin government continued with Labor support for the time being, despite only holding 16 seats after losing 10, although with another 5 independent Protectionists. Reid's anti-socialist campaign had nevertheless laid the groundwork for the desired realignment, and liberalism would come to sit on the centre-right of Australian politics. In 1907–08, Reid strenuously resisted Deakin's commitment to increase tariff rates. When Deakin proposed the Commonwealth Liberal Party, a "Fusion" of the two non-Labor parties, Reid resigned as party leader on 16 November 1908.
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Cover of the 1st English-language edition, published by Charles H. Kerr & Co. of Chicago in 1902. The first edition of Der Ursprung der Familie appeared in Zurich in October 1884, with the possibility of German publication forestalled by Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Law. Two subsequent German editions, each following the first Zurich edition exactly, were published in Stuttgart in 1886 and 1889. The book was translated into a number of European languages and published during the decade of the 1880s, including Polish, Romanian, Italian, Danish, and Serbian.
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Worried by the growth of the socialist movement, the Social Democratic Party in particular, Bismarck instituted the Anti-Socialist Laws in 1878. Socialist organizations and meetings were forbidden - except the SPD, which was allowed to take part in the elections - as was the circulation of socialist literature. Police officers could stop, search and arrest socialist party members and their leaders, a number of whom were then tried by police courts. Despite these efforts, the socialist movement steadily gained supporters and seats in the Reichstag.
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State Socialism () was a set of social programmes implemented in the German Empire that were initiated by Otto von Bismarck in 1883 as remedial measures to appease the working class and detract support for socialism and the Social Democratic Party of Germany following earlier attempts to achieve the same objective through Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws.Bismarck, Otto (15 March 1884). "Bismarck's Reichstag Speech on the Law for Workers' Compensation". German History in Documents and Images. Retrieved 27 December 2019.Gregory, Paul R.; Stuart, Robert C. (2003).
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It was banned by the Anti-Socialist Laws of 1878, but Fritzsche maintained an underground organisation through the magazine, Der Wanderer, and its successor, Der Tabakarbeiter. On 22 November 1882, the union was re- established, at a meeting in Bremen, as a "Travel Support Association". From 1889, it could operate legally once more, renaming itself again as the "German Tobacco Workers' Union", and it grew to have 14,538 members by 1890. In 1912, the small Union of Cigar Sorters and Box Gluers in Germany merged in.
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Franco- British support was offered on the condition it was given free passage through non-belligerent Sweden instead of taking the road from the Soviet-occupied Petsamo. According to the dominant view in Sweden's foreign ministry, Finland's foreign policy had, since its independence and 1918 civil war, been "unsteady and adventurous". In addition, Finland's domestic politics were viewed with great suspicion by Swedish Social Democrats. After the Socialists' defeat in the civil war, anti-parliamentarism and anti-socialist policies dominated Swedish impressions of Finland.
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6, Advertiser 18 February 1931 p.6. Prior to the 1906 election, supporters of the Anti-Socialists in Cameron's electorate decided to switch their support to a new candidate, Llewellyn Atkinson, as they believed Atkinson was more popular in the electorate and did not wish to split the vote. However, some newspapers such as The Hobart Mercury still listed him as the endorsed Anti-Socialist candidate in Wilmot. He was defeated by Atkinson and out-polled by the Labor candidate, finishing with 12.1 percent of the vote.
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Whether Churchill was a conservative or a liberal, he was nearly always opposed to socialism because of its propensity for state planning and his belief in free markets. The exception was during his wartime coalition when he was completely reliant upon the support of his Labour colleagues. Although the Labour leaders were willing to join his coalition, Churchill had long been regarded as an enemy of the working class. His response to the Rhonda Valley unrest and his anti-socialist rhetoric brought condemnation from socialists.
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His journalistic debut was an article there titled "Socialismul la sate" ("Socialism in the Villages"). He also wrote for the socialist Lumea nouă from 1896, becoming editor in 1898. Following a split in the movement, he joined the group led by V. A. Urechia, vocally renouncing his former ideas and, between 1898 and 1903, writing a series of articles with anti-socialist declarations. Other publications in which his work appeared include Apărarea națională, Depeșa, Dorobanțul, Literatorul, Lumea nouă literară și științifică, România ilustrată, România jună and Sămănătorul.
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The localists rejected the centralization in the labor movement following the sunset of the Anti-Socialist Laws in 1890 and preferred grassroots democratic structures. The lack of a strike code soon led to conflict within the organization. Various ways of providing financial support for strikes were tested before a system of voluntary solidarity was agreed upon in 1903, the same year that the name Free Association of German Trade Unions was adopted. During the years following its formation, the FVdG began to adopt increasingly radical positions.
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He was variously an indoor and outdoor speaker, a writer for the Socialist Standard, Party delegate to the Amsterdam Congress of the Second International in August 1904, secretary of Romford Division branch in 1904–1905, an Executive Committee member in 1905–1906 and finally Treasurer in 1907–1908. Kent resigned on 30 March 1908, probably as he did not want politics to prejudice his career advancement. After leaving the SPGB he helped organise the ‘Constitutionalists’, a popular anti-socialist organisation, later joining the Conservative Party.
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Lord Kilbracken, one of Gladstone's secretaries added: > It will be borne in mind that the Liberal doctrines of that time, with their > violent anti-socialist spirit and their strong insistence on the gospel of > thrift, self-help, settlement of wages by the higgling of the market, and > non-interference by the State.... I think that Mr. Gladstone was the > strongest anti-socialist that I have ever known among persons who gave any > serious thought to social and political questions. It is quite true, as has > been often said, that “we are all socialists up to a certain point”; but Mr. > Gladstone fixed that point lower, and was more vehement against those who > went above it, than any other politician or official of my acquaintance. I > remember his speaking indignantly to me of the budget of 1874 as “That > socialistic budget of Northcote's,” merely because of the special relief > which it gave to the poorer class of income-tax payers. His strong belief in > Free Trade was only one of the results of his deep-rooted conviction that > the Government's interference with the free action of the individual, > whether by taxation or otherwise, should be kept at an irreducible minimum.
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Hedwig Hennig was born in Leipzig. Her father, Auguste Hedwig, was a metal worker from Dessau and an early member of the Social Democratic Party ("Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands" / SPD): he had, in consequence, fallen foul of the Anti-Socialist Laws enacted by the Bismarck government between 1878 and 1881. It was because of this that he had been obliged to leave Dessau, settling briefly in Leipzig before moving on again, to Halle, which is where his family grew up. After leaving school Hedwig took a clerical job with the local health insurance organisation (Krankenkasse).
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He married Eliza Dunn Paltridge on 11 June 1884 at the home of her father William Paltridge at Compton, South Australia. In 1898, he auction house in Mount Gambier and he became mayor of Mount Gambier in 1899. In 1899, Livingston was elected as the member for Victoria in the South Australian House of Assembly and retained the seat after it was renamed to Victoria and Albert in 1902 but lost the seat in 1906. Livingston won the federal seat of Barker at the 1906 election for the Anti-Socialist Party.
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He often insisted that she avoid overwork, to little avail, sometimes pleading "Bed, woman!" They otherwise usually kept their careers separate; an exception was when Thatcher accompanied his wife on a 1967 visit to the United States sponsored by the International Visitor Leadership Program. Thatcher was consistently strongly against the death penalty, calling it "absolutely awful" and "barbaric" and said he was against because of innocent people being wrongly hanged and because juries could also be afraid to convict for fear of making a mistake. Like his wife, Thatcher was consistently anti-socialist.
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The Western Australian Party (WAP) was a short-lived Australian political party that operated in 1906. It was intended as a liberal party to protect the rights of Western Australians and to oppose the increasingly successful Labour Party, and drew its supporters from the Protectionist Party and the Anti- Socialist Party. John Forrest, a minister in Alfred Deakin's government, accepted the leadership of the party. Candidates were endorsed for all electorates in the 1906 federal election, including Forrest, but by the time of the election enthusiasm for the venture had diffused.
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The 1906 Australian federal election was held in Australia on 12 December 1906. All 75 seats in the House of Representatives, and 18 of the 36 seats in the Senate were up for election. The incumbent Protectionist Party minority government led by Prime Minister Alfred Deakin retained government, despite winning the fewest House of Representatives votes and seats of the three parties. Parliamentary support was provided by the Labour Party led by Chris Watson, while the Anti-Socialist Party (renamed from the Free Trade Party), led by George Reid, remained in opposition.
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Watson resigned as Labour leader in October 1907 and was replaced by Andrew Fisher. The Protectionist minority government fell in November 1908 to Labour, a few days before Reid resigned as Anti-Socialist leader, who was replaced by Joseph Cook. The Labour minority government fell in June 1909 to the newly formed Commonwealth Liberal Party led by Deakin. The party was formed on a shared anti-Labour platform as a merger between Deakin, leader of the Protectionists, and Cook, leader of the Anti-Socialists, in order to counter Labour's growing popularity.
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Wasilewska wrote to her friend Nikita Khrushchev to complain of the 1955 publication of Poemat dla dorosłych ('A Poem for Adults') by Adam Ważyk, which she saw as one of the manifestations of the increasingly present in Poland anti-socialist agitation. However, after Khrushchev's assumption of the Soviet leadership and his reforms, she seemed primarily preoccupied with her family affairs and by the tending her grandson Peter in particular. She was often visited by family members and friends from Poland. Among other guests Wasilewska and Korniychuk entertained was the writer John Steinbeck.
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William Ernst Trautmann (July 1, 1869 – November 18, 1940) was founding general-secretary of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) and one of 69 people who initially laid plans for the organization in 1904. He was born to German parents in New Zealand in 1869 and raised in Europe. After completing a brewing apprenticeship in Poland, he worked as a masterbrewer in Germany before being expelled for labor activities under Bismark's anti-socialist laws. In 1890 he moved to the United States, where he joined the Brewers Union.
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Many commentators blamed the coalition's failure to win seats on vote splitting by the Democrat Party, an "anti-socialist" group founded by a former organiser for the governing coalition, Albert Davy, and headed by Thomas Hislop, the Mayor of Wellington. Perhaps as many as eight seats were an unexpected bonus to Labour because of the three-way split. The Democrats won 7.8% of the vote, but no seats. Two future National MPs stood unsuccessfully: Frederick Doidge stood as an Independent for and came second, and Matthew Oram stood for the Democrats in and came fourth.
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An artillery school set up by the anti-socialist "Whites" during the Finnish Civil War, 1918 Civil wars in the 19th century and in the early 20th century tended to be short; civil wars between 1900 and 1944 lasted on average one and half years.Hironaka, 2005, p. 1 The state itself formed the obvious center of authority in the majority of cases, and the civil wars were thus fought for control of the state. This meant that whoever had control of the capital and the military could normally crush resistance.
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The Report was submitted in August 1920, though never published, and was critical of both sides. The report blamed the Zionists, 'whose impatience to achieve their ultimate goal and indiscretion are largely responsible for this unhappy state of feeling’Sahar Huneidi,A Broken Trust: Herbert Samuel, Zionism and the Palestinians 1920-1925, I.B.Taurus, 2001 p.35 and singled out Amin al-Husayni and Ze'ev Jabotinsky in particular. The latter, however, was not, as the Court believed, an exponent of 'Bolshevism', which it thought 'flowed in Zionism's inner heart', but rather fiercely anti-Socialist.
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Simon in 1912 Josef Simon (23 May 1865 - 1 April 1949) was a German trade unionist and politician. Born in Schneppenbach, Simon completed an apprenticeship as a shoemaker, and worked in a factory. In 1885, he heard Wilhelm Liebknecht speak, and was inspired to join the Social Democratic Party of Germany and the Support Association of German Shoemakers. Although, due to the Anti-Socialist Laws, this operated as a mutual benefit organisation rather than a trade union, Simon led a strike in Offenbach am Main later in the year.
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The New Zealand Co-operative Party or the United Liberal Co-operative Party was a short-lived political party in New Zealand. It was founded in December 1941 by anti-socialist political organiser Albert Davy after he left the People's Movement. Davy had previously managed a number of successful political campaigns for other parties, but had frequently fallen out with his colleagues over ideological differences. The Co-operative Party was strongly rooted in Davy's strong hostility to the left-wing Labour Party, which was in government at the time.
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Carl Hauptmann was a student of Ernst Haeckel, and Gerhart Hauptmann and Ploetz attended some of his lectures. The group expanded and developed a plan of founding a colony in one of the pacific states and established itself as the "Pacific association". They planned a "community on friendly, socialist and maybe also pan-Germanic basis". In consequence of the prosecution of socialistically minded persons in application of Otto von Bismarck's anti-socialist laws (1878–1890), in 1883 Ploetz fled to Zurich, where he continued to study political economy with Julius Platter (1844–1923).
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Threats of violence against Socialists began in Oklahoma in 1916. The drive towards American intervention in Mexico against Pancho Villa inflamed patriotic sentiments throughout the Southwest, causing an anti-Socialist editor to opine of one local Socialist of purportedly pro- Mexican sympathies that "such a man does not deserve the protection of the American government" and hint broadly of a popular desire for a lynching rope.Burbank, When Farmers Voted Red, pg. 112. A Socialist newspaper editor was driven from his home after stating a desire that any American who invaded Mexico should be buried there.
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It chose a provisional committee and elected Lady Clarke as its inaugural president On 25 October 1907, the League conducted the first Pan-Australian Conference of Anti-Socialist Women's Organisations. The League played an important role in achieving women's suffrage (right to vote) throughout Australia. By 1908, it had 10,000 members in Victoria alone, and helped convince the male conservative members of parliament that women voters would not necessarily be left-wing in disposition. In 1909, Lady Clarke died and was succeeded as president by her sister Eva who stayed in charge until 1922.
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The Manx People's Political Association (MPPA) was a political party active in the Isle of Man. They first contested elections in the 1946 election to the House of Keys. They were formed as a conservative and anti-socialist alternative to the Manx Labour Party which was running a high-profile electoral campaign and had hopes of emulating the British Labour Party's success in the previous year's United Kingdom general election. They were similar in many ways to the previous National Party that had been active in Manx politics.
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A social democrat since the 1940s, Kravchenko felt increasingly alienated from American politics, both from the anti-socialist right-wing and a decreasingly anti-communist left-wing. He then chose different ways to counteract exploitation and Stalinist development by living in Peru and New York City. These included investing his profits made from I Chose Freedom and mining ventures that were successful into an attempt to create through mining ventures better living conditions and a better society for the workers. His South American ventures failed, due to official obstruction and corrupt activities by business associates.
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The Liberal Party released a pamphlet putting forward ideas on housing, education, traffic, and the rating of land values. The Municipal Reform Party and the Liberal Party had a limited pact, with the two jointly backing anti-socialist candidates in Hackney South and the three divisions of Southwark. In the two divisions of Bethnal Green, and in Lambeth North, the Municipal Reformers backed the Liberal candidates. The Times noted that the Liberals were planning a much smaller campaign than in 1928, due to their losses that year, and a shortage of funds.
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At the start of 1890 the Reichstag refused to renew Chancellor Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws and what now became the Social Democratic Party was effectively unbanned, rebranded and relaunched. The 1850 Prussian Association Law prohibiting "female persons, school children and pupils" ("Frauenpersonen, Schülern und Lehrlingen") from membership of political organisations Angelika Schaser: Frauenbewegung in Deutschland 1848-1933. WBG, Darmstadt 2006, , pp. 18-21. had been adopted across Germany following unification and would remain in force till 1908, but outside the old Prussian heartland it was enforced and interpreted with varying levels of conviction.
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On 26 January 1918, a workers' uprising sparked the Finnish Civil War and the establishment a few days later of the Finnish Socialist Workers' Republic. More Jägers and equipment arrived from Germany to bolster the anti-socialist Finnish forces on 17 and 25 February. The armistice with the Central Powers expired on 18 February, and Soviet Russia and the Finnish workers' republic signed a treaty of friendship on 1 March 1918. Nevertheless, on 3 March Russia signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and made peace with the Central Powers.
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John Singleton Clemons (24 March 1862 – 10 November 1944) was an Australian politician. Clemons was elected to the Australian Senate for Tasmania at the first federal election in 1901, representing the Free Trade Party—it was later renamed the Anti-Socialist Party and in 1909 it became part of the Commonwealth Liberal Party. Clemons was appointed Minister without portfolio in the Cook Ministry from June 1913 until its defeat at the September 1914 election. At the same time Clemons lost his seat in the Senate with immediate effect, as it was a double dissolution.
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The 1909 Tasmanian state election was held on Friday, 30 April 1909 in the Australian state of Tasmania to elect 30 members of the Tasmanian House of Assembly. At the 1909 election there was a reduction in the number of members from 35 to 30 and the first statewide use of the Hare-Clark proportional representation systemHouse of Assembly Elections, Parliament of Tasmania. — six members were elected from each of five electorates. The election saw an increase in Labour seats from 7 to 12, at the expense of the Anti-Socialist Party.
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Soon after, however, he started becoming increasingly disillusioned with the SPD, and particularly the Free Trade Unions, the unions allied with that party. He was frustrated by the SPD's focus on parliamentary rather than revolutionary action and by the unions' political neutrality. He blamed the socialist movement's inability to gain influence rather than just votes after the end of the Anti-Socialist-Laws on these two policies. Friedeberg came into contact with the Free Association of German Trade Unions (FVdG), a federation, more radical than the Free Trade Unions, which had been founded in 1897.
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Mutesa proceeded to instruct Baganda MPs to join the UPC with the goal of bolstering Ibingira's position and unseating Obote, thus allowing for a reorientation of the UPC-KY alliance that would be more favorable to Buganda. As his working relationship with Mutesa improved, Ibingira amassed a coalition of non-Baganda southerners, dubbed the "Bantu Group". In December 1964 he, under the cover checking on his ranch in Ankole, traveled to the United States to raise funds to support anti-socialist causes. Upon his return, he successfully used the money to expand his following.
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Hugh Sinclair (6 June 1864 - 3 August 1926) was an Australian politician. He was a member of the Australian House of Representatives from 1906 until 1919, representing the electorate of Moreton for the Anti-Socialist Party and its successors the Commonwealth Liberal Party and Nationalist Party. Sinclair was born at Cambewarra on the South Coast of New South Wales and was raised on his family's farm. He took an interest in the development of dairy co-operatives in the region and became a successful butter factory manager, at the Bengelala Dairy Company and Foley Bros.
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In 1878, Germany's chancellor Otto von Bismarck imposed anti-socialist laws. As a result, thousands were arrested and hundreds exiled, political newspapers were closed and all political activity except elections was made illegal. During this period, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) declared itself to be revolutionary and repudiated the parliamentary road to socialism. The SPD's platform gave expression to the concerns of the urban working class in Germany and its share of the vote grew from 312,000 in the 1881 federal elections to more than 1.4 million in the 1890 elections.
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In 1890, anti-socialist laws were lifted and a wave of strikes and trade union militancy followed. Fearing that the strikes would "scare off" conservative members or that repression might return, SPD leaders renounced the more revolutionary aspects of their program. At the 1891 Erfurt Congress, the party program enshrined Marxism—and the overthrow of capitalism—as the "official" thinking of the SPD, but argued for practical tasks appropriate for a time when revolution was not on the immediate agenda. Leading German socialist Eduard Bernstein was one of the authors of the Erfurt Programme.
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The 1969 election was a watershed in Manitoba politics, and resulted in a dramatic shift in Desjardins's career. Under Edward Schreyer's leadership, the social-democratic NDP moved from third to first place, winning 28 seats out of 57 in the assembly. This was one short of a majority, and there was initial uncertainty as to which party or parties would form government. There was some consideration of an "anti-socialist coalition", which would have brought together all parties except the NDP under the leadership of former Liberal leader Gildas Molgat.
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In 1901 he was elected to the Australian Senate as a Protectionist Senator for Tasmania. (His brother, Norman Cameron, was elected to the House of Representatives at the same election as a Free Trader.) He was defeated in 1903 but was re-elected as an Anti-Socialist in 1906. He was defeated again (as a Liberal) in 1913, and despite several attempts to re-enter the Senate, including a number as an independent, his political career was over. He became a pastoralist, and served in World War I 1914–1918.
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In addition both the American and French occupying powers favoured Adenauer and did all they could to assist his campaign; the British remained neutral. Further, the onset of the Cold War, and particularly the behaviour of the Soviets and the German Communists in the Soviet Zone, produced an anti- socialist reaction in Germany as elsewhere. While the SPD would very plausibly have won an election in 1945, the tide had turned against them by 1949. This came even as the SPD became increasingly critical of the new East German government.
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William Kimber & Co. 1968, pp 32, 54 Initial reaction within the Eastern Bloc was mixed, with Hungary's János Kádár expressing support, while Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev and others grew concerned about Dubček's reforms, which they feared might weaken the Eastern Bloc's position during the Cold War. On 3 August, representatives from the Soviet Union, East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia met in Bratislava and signed the Bratislava Declaration, which affirmed unshakable fidelity to Marxism–Leninism and proletarian internationalism and declared an implacable struggle against "bourgeois" ideology and all "anti-socialist" forces.
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Fagerholm had in his youth briefly been chairman (1920-1923) of the Barbers' Union. In 1930, he was elected member of Finland's Parliament. In the 1920s and the 1930s, the main challenge for the Social Democrats was the rehabilitation after the Finnish Civil War, in which the Social Democrats had belonged to the defeated side. A revival of anti-socialist opinion had in Finland like in many countries in Continental Europe led to a right-wing shift in public opinion and the emerge of the semi-fascist Lapua Movement.
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Bismarck was sixteen years older than Friedrich; before the latter became terminally ill, Bismarck did not expect he would live to see Wilhelm ascend to the throne and thus had no strategy to deal with him. Conflicts between Wilhelm and his chancellor soon poisoned their relationship. Their final split occurred after Bismarck tried to implement far-reaching anti- socialist laws in early 1890. The Kartell majority in the Reichstag, including the amalgamated Conservative Party and the National Liberal Party, was willing to make most of the laws permanent.
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Keeping with his active policy in government, he routinely interrupted Bismarck in Council to make clear his social views. Bismarck sharply disagreed with Wilhelm's policies and worked to circumvent them. Even though Wilhelm supported the altered anti-socialist bill, Bismarck pushed for his support to veto the bill in its entirety. When his arguments could not convince Wilhelm, Bismarck became excited and agitated until uncharacteristically blurting out his motive to see the bill fail: to have the socialists agitate until a violent clash occurred that could be used as a pretext to crush them.
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Unlike the prior German nationalism of 1848 that was based upon liberal values, the German nationalism utilized by supporters of the German Empire was based upon Prussian authoritarianism, and was conservative, reactionary, anti-Catholic, anti-liberal and anti-socialist in nature. The German Empire's supporters advocated a Germany based upon Prussian and Protestant cultural dominance. This German nationalism focused on German identity based upon the historical crusading Teutonic Order. These nationalists supported a German national identity claimed to be based on Bismarck's ideals that included Teutonic values of willpower, loyalty, honesty, and perseverance.
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Richter left the civil service, and became the parliamentary correspondent of the Elberfelder Zeitung in Berlin. In 1867 he entered the Reichstag, and after 1869 also became a member of the Prussian Lower House. He became the leader of the German Progress Party (Deutsche Fortschrittspartei), after 1884 the German Freeminded Party (Deutsche Freisinnige Partei), after 1893 the Freeminded People's Party (Freisinnige Volkspartei), and was one of the leading critics of the policies of Otto von Bismarck. Richter opposed the Anti-Socialist Laws of 1878 that banned the Social Democratic Party.
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Stanton, on the other hand, was Vice-President of the British Workers League, a 'patriotic labour' group which was anti-socialist and pro-war. (Query - did Stanton hold this office in November 1915? The Wikipedia article on the BWL states it was set up in 1916. And Ivor Rees' article on Stanton in the National Library of Wales Journal states that 'Stanton and Ben Tillett ... among others founded the British Workers' National League in March 1916 (with Stanton as a vice- president)' Stanton had fought East Glamorganshire as a Labour candidate in December 1910.
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Ferdinand August Bebel (22 February 1840 – 13 August 1913) was a German socialist politician, writer, and orator. He is best remembered as one of the founders of the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany (SDAP) in 1869, which in 1875 merged with the General German Workers' Association into the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany (SAPD). During the repression under the terms of the Anti-Socialist Laws, Bebel became the leading figure of the social democratic movement in Germany and from 1892 until his death served as chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Germany.
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Sir Joseph Cook, (7 December 1860 – 30 July 1947) was an Australian politician who served as the sixth Prime Minister of Australia, in office from 1913 to 1914. He was the leader of the Commonwealth Liberal Party from 1913 to 1917, after earlier serving as the leader of the Anti-Socialist Party from 1908 to 1909. Cook was born in Silverdale, Staffordshire, England, and began working in the local coal mines at the age of nine. He emigrated to Australia in 1885, settling in Lithgow, New South Wales.
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Cook was re-elected with an increased majority at the 1903 election. He stood for the deputy leadership of the opposition when parliament resumed, but was defeated by Dugald Thomson, and was overlooked for ministerial office when Reid formed a government in August 1904. By 1904, Cook had become stridently anti-socialist, in line with Reid's decision to reposition the Free Traders as the party of anti-socialism. Some of his previous political positions were abandoned, possibly to gain the trust of party colleagues who had been suspicious of his links with the labour movement.
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At the time, the Anti-Socialist Laws made trade unions illegal, but the Travel Support Association fulfilled some of the same role. Stühmer was drawn to the potential of trade unions to improve pay and working conditions, and in 1888 he moved to Hamburg, then the centre of the German labour movement. In 1888, the German Union of Tailors was formed, and Stühmer was appointed as its secretary, then soon moved to become its Hamburg branch representative. In 1891, he began editing the union's newspaper, becoming the first employee of the union.
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The Bratislava Declaration was the result of the conference held on 3 August 1968 for the representatives of the Communist parties and Worker's parties of Bulgaria, Hungary, East Germany, Poland, the USSR, and Czechoslovakia. The declaration was a response to the Prague Spring. It affirmed unshakable fidelity to Marxism–Leninism and proletarian internationalism, and declared an implacable struggle against "bourgeois" ideology and all "anti-socialist" forces. The Soviet Union also expressed its intention to intervene in any Warsaw Pact country if a "bourgeois" system – a pluralist system of several political parties – was ever established.
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In March 1956, when Edward Ochab became the party's first secretary, Gierek became a secretary of the Central Committee, even though he publicly expressed doubts about his own qualifications. On 28 June 1956 he was sent to Poznań, where a workers' protest was taking place. Afterwards, delegated by the Politburo, he headed the commission charged with investigating the causes and course of the Poznań events. They presented their report on 7 July, blaming a hostile anti-socialist foreign inspired conspiracy that took advantage of worker discontent in Poznań enterprises.
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Many social democrats opposed to the Third Way overlap with democratic socialists in their commitment to a democratic alternative to capitalism and a post- capitalist economy. Those social democrats have not only criticized the Third Way as anti-socialist and neoliberal, but also as anti-social democratic in practice. Some democratic socialists and others have rejected the Third Way's centrism, for the political centre moved decidedly to the right during the neoliberal years. Social-democratic parties such as the British Labour Party and the Social Democratic Party of Germany have been described as effectively representing a new centre-right or neoliberal party.
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This was a time when many people left Mexico due to the Revolution of 1912. Blis was strongly Zionist in orientation, vehemently anti-socialist and anti- Communist, and identified himself as a Reform Jew, having studied in Reform rabbinical seminaries in Berlin and Cincinnati. He had affiliated himself with the United Hebrew Congregation, but he also accepted honorary membership in the Sephardic Chevet Ahim Synagogue and in the Centro Israelita (from which he was expelled for “irregular” behavior). In 1916, David Blis suggested to United Hebrew Congregation (UHC) president Jacob D. Barker that the young men of the community form a club.
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With the NSL and the SLID working together so often, sentiment in favor of amalgamation began to form within both groups. The NSL took the first steps toward unity by inviting the SLID to the Student Congress Against War in Chicago in December 1932. Though organized on the basis of the Communist-led World Congress Against War that had been held that August in Amsterdam, the NSL succeeded in toning down the Third Period anti-socialist rhetoric, and succeeded in getting the SLID behind the Congress, as well as many pacifist organizations.Cohen, When the Old Left was Young, pp. 86-89.
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By the time of the 1918 general election Guest had become one of Lloyd George's closest advisers and his patronage must have been useful to Lewis in securing the nomination to become Coalition Liberal candidate for the Pontypridd Division of Glamorgan. It is not clear if Lewis was the recipient of the Coalition Coupon as he was opposed by a Conservative candidate at Pontypridd as well as by Labour. However the anti-socialist votes clearly migrated to Lewis as the Tory managed only 1.1% of the poll and lost his deposit. Lewis was elected with a majority 3,175 votes.
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Hollway hoped this would unite the two "anti-socialist" parties of Liberal Party and Country Party together, an idea supported by Liberal Party and Country Party voters. A merger of the Liberal and Country parties had already happened in South Australia with the formation of the Liberal and Country League in 1932. The Liberal Party conference on 22 February 1949 endorsed the idea of a merger. However, the idea was reputed by the Country Party and argued it was a takeover attempt of the Country Party, and to eliminate the Country Party from Victorian politics entirely.
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The judge ruled that in general everyone has a right to wear any flower as suits their taste, but it becomes a party emblem when socialists as a group wear red rosebuds. In a final display of protest against this clause of the anti-socialist laws, female socialists began wearing red flannel petticoats. When female socialists wanted to show a sign of solidarity, they would lift their outer-skirts. Female socialists would display in protest their red petticoats to the police, who were constrained by social norms of decency from enforcing this new sign of socialist solidarity.
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The election was won by François Mitterrand of the Socialist Party (PS), which gave the political left national power for the first time in the Fifth Republic; he then dissolved the National Assembly and called a snap legislative election. The PS attained its best ever result with an absolute majority in the 1981 legislative election. This "socialist takeover" led to a radicalisation in centre-right, anti-communist, and anti-socialist voters. With only three weeks to prepare its campaign, the FN fielded only a limited number of candidates and won only 0.2% of the national vote.
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On 1 December 1934, Kirov was shot dead – whether he was the victim of a madman or killed on Stalin's orders remains unknown. Not long after, on 21 January 1935, Valerian Kuybyshev died of natural causes, and a month later, Anastas Mikoyan and Vlas Chubar were elected Politburo full members. Andrei Zhdanov, the First Secretary of the Leningrad City Committee and member of the Secretariat, and Robert Eikhe, the First Secretary of the Siberian and West-Siberian District Committee, were elected Politburo candidate members. 1936 signaled the beginning of the Great Purge, a nationwide purge of what Stalin deemed as anti-socialist elements.
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Drew (at the centre) at the Dominion-Provincial Conference on Reconstruction During the spring 1945 Ontario election, Premier Drew ran a Red-baiting campaign against the CCF's Ontario section. The previous two-years of anti-socialist attacks by the Conservatives and their supporters, like Gladstone Murray and Montague A. Sanderson, were devastatingly effective against the previously popular CCF. Much of the source material for the anti-CCF campaign came from the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP)'s Special Investigation Branch's agent D-208: Captain William J. Osbourne-Dempster. His office was supposed to be investigating war-time 5th column saboteurs.
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However, fascism and its variants such as Falangism and Nazism, among other fascist-inspired military regimes, are considered by scholars to be a far-right, anti-socialist ideologies that largely adopted corporatist, liberal market economic policies, with economic planning relegated to war efforts. Mises criticised left- leaning, social liberal policies such as progressive taxation as socialism, getting up during a Mont Pelerin Society meeting and referring to those "expressing the view that there could be a justification" for them as "a bunch of socialists".Doherty, Brian (June 1995). "Best of Both Worlds: An Interview with Milton Friedman". Reason.
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Otto von Bismarck implemented a set of social programs between 1883 and 1889 following his anti-socialist laws, partly as remedial measures to appease the working class and detract support for the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD). Bismarck's biographer A. J. P. Taylor wrote: "It would be unfair to say that Bismarck took up social welfare solely to weaken the Social Democrats; he had had it in mind for a long time, and believed in it deeply. But as usual he acted on his beliefs at the exact moment when they served a practical need".Taylor, A. J. P. (1955). Bismarck.
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In the years before the First World War, J. Hugh Edwards became well known for his anti-Socialist campaigning. In 1918, after extensive changes to the Glamorgan Parliamentary boundaries, J. Hugh Edwards was returned for Neath with a majority of more than 8,000 votes over the Labour candidate. At the 1922 general election, Edwards lost his seat to William Jenkins, a miners' leader and chairman of Glamorgan County Council who won a 6,235 majority over Edwards. Although a Welsh nationalist, J. Hugh Edwards would never sit for a Welsh Seat again, a sign of the weakening Liberal grip of Wales.
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After completing his studies with a doctorate, Gerlich became an archivist. He also began to contribute political articles that were anti-socialist and national-conservative in the publications Süddeutsche Monatshefte, which was edited by Paul Nikolaus Cossmann, and Die Wirklichkeit (in 1917). In 1917, he also became active in the German Fatherland Party (Deutsche Vaterlandspartei) and after it was dissolved in the Anti-Bolshevist League (Antibolschewistische Liga) (1918/19). In 1919, he published the book Communism as the Theory of the Thousand Year Reich (Der Kommunismus als Lehre vom Tausendjährigen Reich), where Gerlich compared communism with the phenomenon of redemption religion.
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He was the first hispanic member of the Chicago City Council. As a Chicago City Council member, Rodriguez targeted the city's transit companies, which he charged were making exorbitant profits and billing the public for unnecessary "public service messages" in the press. Rodriguez was targeted in the 1918 City Council race in the climate of anti-Socialist nationalism and the Republicans and Democrats in his ward united behind a "fusion" candidate, who won by 266 votes. In 1918, Rodriguez became involved in the Labor Party of Cook County, a forerunner of the Labor Party of the United States.
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Storm was born in Bloomington, California to German parents who may have been refugees fleeing anti-socialist fervor following the failed Revolutions of 1848. He studied engineering at Stanford University and entered the emerging field of radio. He traveled in South and Central America, including long spells in Nicaragua and Peru. He served two years with a United States Army hospital during World War I. Storm died of accidental electrocution on December 11, 1941, a few days after the attack on Pearl Harbor, while rushing to complete a large radio transformer for the Army Signal Corps in a laboratory in San Francisco.
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As a woman lecturing for the Owenite movement, and on such controversial topics as divorce, Chappellsmith often faced bitter public condemnation. On one occasion, in the town of Paisley, Scotland for example, she was met by a mob of women who stoned and abused her. Similarly, in South Shields she was followed by a violent crowd who shouted, 'Are you her with the seven husbands?' Such accusations were no doubt fuelled by an article in The Antidote, or, The Anti-Socialist Gazette (1841) which alleged that Chappellsmith had left her husband and embarked upon a series of affairs with socialist men.
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Also, more than half of the Magonistas were Anglo-Americans though the political leaders were Mexicans. The appearance of so many white men in a Mexican rebel army dissuaded the local population of Baja California to support Magon's rebellion. Ultimately the Magonista's Second Division was not well armed, short on ammunition and reinforcements but also suffered from racial and anti-socialist problems. The First Division in Mexicali surrendered on June 17 to a peace commission authorized by Francisco I. Madero, the rebel ruler but not yet president of Mexico who had just recently defeated the Mexican government forces of President Porfirio Diaz.
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Sawyer sweet talks Edith into admitting another deranged vagrant into Shady Palms, a Polish immigrant named Mischa Rudinski. Shortly after Mischa arrives, Shady Palms is visited by Charity Chandler, twin sister of Sawyer's predecessor Faith Chandler, who was murdered by Edith. After Charity, who is looking into the disappearance of her sister, leaves, Edith murders Mischa, having grown tired of listening to his incessant anti-socialist rants. Suspicious of Shady Palms, Charity seeks aid from Sergeant Gallagher, but he is of no help, simply telling Charity that he may question Edith if Faith does not reappear in a day or two.
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Also noted as an eccentric who published poetry, he was often ridiculed for his claim to a Byzantine aristocratic descent from the Komnenos. Comnen returned to serve briefly in the Romanian Assembly of Deputies, during which time he became a prominent anti-socialist. He was a National Liberal and close to that party's leadership, before embarking on a full-time diplomatic career, originally as Romania's envoy to Switzerland and to the League of Nations (1923–1927). He had a steady climb during the early interwar, with alternating missions in Weimar Germany and at the Holy See.
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This process happened at the same time as the expropriation of large landowners and Junkers, who were also often former Nazi supporters.Taylor (2011), pp. 236–241. Because part of the intended goal of denazification in the Soviet zone was also the removal of anti-socialist sentiment, the committees in charge of the process were politically skewed. A typical panel would have one member from the Christian Democratic Union, one from the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany, three from the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, and three from political mass organizations (who were typically also supportive of the Socialist Unity Party).
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Wolf was born 19 January 1923, in Hechingen, Province of Hohenzollern (now Baden- Württemberg), to a Jewish father and a non-Jewish mother. His father was the writer and physician Friedrich Wolf (1888–1953) and his mother was the teacher Else Wolf ( Dreibholz; 1898–1973). He had one brother, the film director Konrad Wolf (1925–1982). His father was a member of the Communist Party of Germany, and after the anti-socialist and anti-Semitic Nazi Party gained power in 1933, Wolf emigrated to Moscow with his father, via Switzerland and France, because of their communist convictions and because Wolf's father was Jewish.
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In 1889 Ihrer and Clara Zetkin (1857–1933) went as SPD delegates to the International Socialist Congress in Paris. This was the founding congress of the Second International. They presented a motion against discrimination against female employment that ensured that women had equal rights in the trade union movement. In the fall of 1890 the Prussian government abolished the Anti-Socialist laws, making it possible to conduct union work with relatively little interference. On 16–17 November 1890 the historic first conference of German trade unions was held, at which a Generalkommission der Gewerkschaften Deutschlands ("General Commission of German Trade Unions") was established.
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In 1906, he was elected to the Australian House of Representatives as the Anti-Socialist member for Moreton. After the "fusion" of 1909, Sinclair, together with the rest of the Anti-Socialists, merged with the Protectionist Party to form the Commonwealth Liberal Party, which in turn merged into the Nationalist Party in 1917. During his time in federal parliament, he was chairman of a Royal Commission into electoral laws and was the deputy chairman and then chairman of the Commonwealth Dairy Produce Pool Committee. Sinclair held Moreton until his retirement due to ill health in 1919.
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At the 1906 federal election, Sampson was elected to the House of Representatives in the Division of Wimmera, winning 51.6 percent of the vote against four other candidates. He won the endorsement of the local Protectionist Associations, but refused to guarantee support for the Deakin Government and sat in parliament as an "independent Protectionist and anti- Socialist". Sampson eventually joined the new Commonwealth Liberal Party in 1909 and then the Nationalist Party in 1917. He was re-elected unopposed in 1914 and 1917, but in 1919 lost his seat to Percy Stewart of the Victorian Farmers' Union.
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Albert Clayton Palmer (1859 – 14 August 1919) was an Australian politician. He was a member of the Australian House of Representatives from 1906 to 1907 and from 1907 until his death, representing the electorate of Echuca for the Anti- Socialist Party and its successors the Commonwealth Liberal Party and Nationalist Party. Palmer was born in the Melbourne suburb of Collingwood, and later moved to Euroa with his father and brother when his father purchased the Euroa flour mill. Upon the death of their father, the brothers inherited the mill and operated the business as Palmer Brothers; Palmer also held grazing interests.
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The Democratic Party, initially known as Our Party, was formed in May 1969 by Desmond Donnelly, who had been a Labour MP for Pembrokeshire, but had resigned the whip in January 1968 and been expelled by the party two months later. His Constituency Labour Party supported him and was disaffiliated from the party along with Donnelly's expulsion. The party had an anti-socialist agenda and supported UK intervention in the Vietnam War. In some respects, the party was to the right of the Conservatives, advocating the abolition of the welfare state, sweeping changes to the taxation system, and the return of national service.
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Given the lack of historical francophone support for the NDP in Manitoba, it was unclear if Desjardins would be re- elected in the provincial election of 1973, and his riding was targeted by a right-wing "citizen's" group in the amalgamated city of Winnipeg (which included St. Boniface). This group convinced the Progressive Conservative Party to withdraw their candidate in St. Boniface, so as to provide a single "anti-socialist" alternative to the NDP. Desjardins's sole opponent in June 1973 was Liberal candidate J. Paul Marion. Following a very close race, Marion was declared the winner by a single vote (4301 to 4300).
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The campaign to declare political opponents mentally sick and to commit dissenters to mental hospitals began in the late 1950s and early 1960s. As Vladimir Bukovsky commented on the emergence of the political abuse of psychiatry,Vladimir Boukovsky, Jugement a Moscou, Robert Laffont: Paris, 1996, "Le Goulag psychiatrique", p. 190. Nikita Khrushchev reckoned that it was impossible for people in a socialist society to have an anti-socialist consciousness. Whenever manifestations of dissidence could not be justified as a provocation of world imperialism or a legacy of the past, they were self- evidently the product of mental disease.
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These included the so-called Mr Cube Campaign (Tate and Lyle) of 1949/50, against the possibility of the nationalisation of the sugar industry. The 'Aims of Industry', an anti- socialist pressure group formed in 1942 by a group of well-known British industrialists, with representatives from Fords, English Electric, Austin, Rank, British Aircraft, Macdougall's and Firestone Tyres. There were also smaller campaigns by the Cement Makers Federation, the Iron and Steel Federation and by the insurance companies represented by the British Insurance Association. The Road Haulage Association sponsored the anti-nationalisation campaigns by the British Housewives' League, led by Dorothy Crisp.
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The ÖVP is conservative. For most of its existence, it has explicitly defined itself as Catholic and anti-socialist, with the ideals of subsidiarity as defined by the encyclical Quadragesimo anno and decentralisation. For the first election after World War II, the ÖVP presented itself as the Austrian Party (), was anti-Marxist and regarded itself as the Party of the Center (). The ÖVP consistently held power—either alone or in so-called black–red coalition with the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ)—until 1970, when the SPÖ formed a minority government with the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ).
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Engels' first inclination was to seek publication in Germany despite passage of the first of the Anti-Socialist Laws by the government of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck. On April 26, 1884 Engels wrote a letter to his close political associate Karl Kautsky in which he noted that he sought to "play a trick on Bismarck" by writing something "that he would be positively unable to ban".Frederick Engels in London to Karl Kautsky in Zurich, April 26, 1884, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works: Volume 47: Engels, 1883-86. New York: International Publishers, 1995; pp. 131-132.
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In 1980, he was awarded his PhD by Gdańsk University. In 1990, he completed his habilitation in labour and employment law. He later assumed professorial positions at Gdańsk University and Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw. During the communist period, Kaczyński was an activist in the pro-democratic anti-communist movement in Poland, the Workers' Defence Committee, as well as the Independent Trade Union movement. In August 1980, he became an adviser to the Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee in the Gdańsk Shipyard and the Solidarity movement. After the communists imposed martial law in December 1981, he was interned as an anti-socialist element.
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Portrait of Pope Pius X Due to the evolving relationship between the Catholics and the Italian liberal state, in the 1910s Giolitti saw a way to further his clout and sway over the masses after the extension of suffrage to all adult males. In 1904, Pope Pius X informally gave permission to Catholics to vote for government candidates in areas where the Italian Socialist Party might win. Since the Socialists were the arch-enemy of the Church, the reductionist logic of the Church led it to promote any anti- Socialist measures. Voting for the Socialists was grounds for excommunication from the Church.
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Reflecting changes in the convoluted marriage of democratic and royal laws and customs of Great Britain, the novel has an underlying theme of social transformation. The ailing and death of old Lord Warbeck are a symbol of old order and traditions disappearing. He is sorry for his son, Robert, who "have had the misfortune to be born into the first generation of the dispossessed". Robert Warbeck, opposing the new course of the Labour government that "has gone about to destroy tradition — to destroy us — to destroy our country", has organized a fascist League of Liberty and Justice, an antisemitic and anti-socialist organization.
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Till Death Us Do Part is a British television sitcom that aired on BBC1 from 1965 to 1975. The show was first broadcast as a Comedy Playhouse pilot, then in seven series until 1975. Six years later in 1981, ITV continued the sitcom for six episodes, calling it Till Death.... The BBC produced a sequel from 1985 until 1992, In Sickness and in Health. Created by Johnny Speight, Till Death Us Do Part centred on the East End Garnett family, led by patriarch Alf Garnett (Warren Mitchell), a reactionary white working-class man who holds anti-socialist views.
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Many Social Democrats were forced to emigrate to neighboring countries, others were jailed for breaching the anti-socialist laws or were expelled from the towns they were living in as "agitators". When the government declared the so-called Kleiner Belagerungszustand (small state of siege) on several cities that were Social Democrat strongholds, these sanctions further increased. Hasenclever, Liebknecht, Bebel and other SAP party members kept their seats in the Reichstag and continued to oppose Bismarck's politics and the parties that supported him. However, they were not allowed to publicly represent Social Democracy within the Reich's borders outside the Reichstag.
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Even though these heavy sanctions, their seats were confirmed in the next Reichstag elections, in which the SAP continued to gain additional votes. Against Bismarck's intentions, the anti-socialist laws had led to a surge of solidarity in the working class that politicized the workers and moved them closer to the party. Between 1881 and 1890 the number of Reichstag votes for the SAP rose from 312000 in 1881 to more than 1.4 Million in 1890, an increase of more than 450%. That made the SAP the party with the highest number of votes in the Reich.
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59–60 It was responsible for the passage of the Conciliation and Arbitration Act 1904. Reid denounced the Labour Party as the "Socialist tiger". Watson encouraged Alfred Deakin to abandon the Free Traders, saying: "We, and especially me, don't want office, but I have the utmost anxiety to stop the retrogressive movement which Reid is heading." Deakin commenced his second term as Prime Minister in July 1905, with Labour's support Reid adopted a strategy of trying to reorient the party system along Labour vs non-Labour lines – prior to the 1906 election, he renamed his Free Trade Party to the Anti-Socialist Party.
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The right-wing press, and the Nazi Party in particular, used the Barmat scandal as a vehicle to express its underlying anti-Semitic, anti-socialist and anti-democratic sentiments.Fulda p. 103-05. An Austrian commentator perceptively noted that the right-wing press and propaganda campaign, using the Barmat scandal as the excuse and opportunity for expressing its sentiments, was more dangerous than the military coups to which the Republic had been subjected. The press campaign appealed to the hearts and minds of those who sought an excuse and a reason for the hardships and perceived injustices that Germany continued to suffer.
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He did not run in 1910, and the seat was taken by Socialist George Klenzendorff. He was elected to the Assembly for the last time in 1912 to succeed Klenzendorff (who did not run for re-election), running as a fusion anti-Socialist candidate on the Democratic ticket, even though there was also a Republican nominee. Estabrook received 1,338 votes, to 924 for Socialist Fred Leviash, 602 for Republican former Assemblyman Christoph Paulus (who had won the Republican primary election), and 41 for Prohibitionist George H. Schultz. He resumed his old post as chairman of what was now called the Committee on Municipalities.
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On 19 March 1924, alienated by Liberal support for Labour, Churchill stood as an independent anti-socialist candidate in the Westminster Abbey by-election but was defeated. In May, he addressed a Conservative meeting in Liverpool and declared that there was no longer a place for the Liberal Party in British politics. He said that Liberals must back the Conservatives to stop Labour and ensure "the successful defeat of socialism". In July, he agreed with Conservative leader Stanley Baldwin that he would be selected as a Conservative candidate in the next general election, which was held on 29 October.
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Spargo indicated that he believed Walling to have fallen "entirely on the side of anti-socialist forces in this country" and to have become a party to a "dangerous assault on the fundamental principles of political democracy." With neither a pressing moral mission, nor a united leadership, nor a widely read official organ, nor an active membership, nor a coherent program, nor financial resources, the Social Democratic League rapidly withered and died during the first half of 1920.Hendrickson, "The Pro-War Socialists, the Social Democratic League, and the Ill-Fated Drive for Industrial Democracy in America," pg. 322.
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This effort has > elicited from the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, and Bulgaria > the most massive and vicious propaganda assault on the AFL–CIO [...] in > many, many years. The ominous tone of the most recent attacks leaves no > doubt that if the Soviet Union invades, it shall cite the aid of the AFL-CIO > as evidence of outside anti-Socialist intervention aimed at overthrowing the > Polish state.Opening statement by Tom Kahn in All this is by way of > introducing the AFL–CIO's position on economic aid to Poland. In formulating > this position, our first concern was to consult our friends in Solidarity > [...].
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Brown entered the Victorian Legislative Assembly in 1886 as a moderate protectionist in the seat of Mandurang. Defeated in 1889, and unsuccessful in his attempts to return in 1892 (in Gunbower), 1893 and 1894, he was elected to the Assembly again in 1897 for the seat of Shepparton and Euroa as a supporter of Sir George Turner. He was unsuccessful in his attempt to transfer to Goulburn Valley in 1904. In 1906, Brown entered the federal House of Representatives as a member of the Anti-Socialist Party, and was noted for his opposition to the ministry of Alfred Deakin.
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The First Fisher Ministry (Labour) was the 6th ministry of the Government of Australia. It was led by the country's 5th Prime Minister, Andrew Fisher. The First Fisher Ministry succeeded the Second Deakin Ministry, which dissolved on 13 November 1908 after Labour withdrew their support and Alfred Deakin was forced to resign. The ministry was replaced by the Third Deakin Ministry on 2 June 1909 after the Protectionist Party and the Anti-Socialist Party merged into the Commonwealth Liberal Party "fusion" and withdrew their support in order to form what became the first majority government in federal Australian history.
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On April 29, 1918, what is believed to be as, an anti-socialist coup d'état brought to power a conservative in his political views former Russian General, a well-respected military specialist throughout the region, an elected Hetman of the Free Cossacks Association, Pavlo Skoropadsky. The Congress of the All-Ukrainian Union of Landowners the same day proclaimed him as the Hetman of Ukraine. A well organized coup was supported by the German Armed forces Command that was stationed in the Kiev- city. The historical evaluation of the Skoropadsky's regime that lasted less than year still requires a substantial analysis and a balanced approach.
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Under the new board of Eugen Richter, Ludwig Loewe, Albert Hänel and Albert Traeger, the party developed to a pan-German liberal democratic party, rejecting Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws as well as his free trade restrictions. In the federal election of 1881, the Progress Party reached its best results ever with 12.7% of the votes cast and 56 seats in the Reichstag, becoming the second strongest faction after the Catholic Centre Party. To unite the left-wing liberal forces, the party finally merged on 5 March 1884 with the Liberal Union (a split-off of the National Liberals) into the German Free-minded Party.
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Strecker openly held anti-democratic and anti-socialist political positions and had a contempt of the Weimar government, which fact he blamed for his lack of advancement. Strecker was transferred to Berlin in 1927 to command one of the police districts in the city. In 1931 he was transferred back to Münster, eventually being promoted to Lieutenant Colonel and taking command of his old police academy there. Strecker worked with the SA to suppress left-wing demonstrations and was generally held in favor by the Nazi government, being quickly promoted to Majorgeneral and given command of the newly restructured Stettin police district in April 1934.
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A board of directors controlled the operations of the institution, which included both anti-socialist clerics and pro-socialist lay members of the church. In an intense economic and political environment, marked by labor strikes and the emergence of the Finnish Socialist Federation among the immigrant community, these factions vied for control of the school. The students of the Finnish People's College and Theological Seminary resisted the school's educational regime, which imposed mandatory prayer while forbidding discussion of social issues. This led to a strike of the student body in the Fall of 1904, with all but two students walking out of a mandatory prayer meeting in protest.
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Cover of Hagerty's pamphlet Economic Discontent and Its Remedy, published by Eugene and Theodore Debs in 1902. Hagerty was employed as a touring organizer for the Socialist Party in 1903, traveling the breadth of the United States to deliver lectures on behalf of the party. Hagerty proved of value to the Socialists for his ability to appeal to Catholic workers on the basis of the social gospel, standing in contrast to the conservative church establishment, which remained staunchly and outspokenly anti-socialist. Hagerty proved to be a skillful orator and authored several pamphlets as a written adjunct to his activities as a party lecturer.
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In 1892, he was appointed Prime Minister of Prussia in succession to Leo von Caprivi, who however remained Chancellor of Germany. Though Caprivi had recommended the experienced administrator Eulenburg for this appointment, the new prime minister soon made life difficult for Caprivi, and often thought of pressing for his removal. Both Caprivi and Eulenburg were eventually dismissed by Wilhelm II following the renewal of anti-Socialist moves (and an anti-subversion bill) in 1894. Eulenburg often thought of himself as the only possible successor to Caprivi, and he was extremely unhappy to be dismissed at what he regarded as the moment of his destiny.
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Dutch-American radical Philip Van Patten was the first National Secretary of the SLP The years 1880 and 1881 saw a new influx of political refugees from Germany, activists in the socialist movement fleeing the crackdown on radicalism launched with the Anti- Socialist Laws of 1878. This influx of new German members, coming during a time of low ebb of the English-speaking membership, extended Germanic influence in the SLP. Excluded from the voting booth by their lack of citizenship status, many of the newcomers had little use for electoral politics. An SLP German militia sued on Second Amendment grounds to keep and bear arms in Chicago parades.
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Flag of the North German Confederation (1866–71) and the German Empire (1871–1918) Imperial Germany 1871–1918 Chancellor Otto von Bismarck determined the political course of the German Empire until 1890. He fostered alliances in Europe to contain France on the one hand and aspired to consolidate Germany's influence in Europe on the other. His principal domestic policies focused on the suppression of socialism and the reduction of the strong influence of the Roman Catholic Church on its adherents. He issued a series of anti-socialist laws in accord with a set of social laws, that included universal health care, pension plans and other social security programs.
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While this environment gave rise to dystopian novels, in the pulps, this influence more often give rise to speculations about societies (or sub-groups) arising in direct opposition to "totalitarianism". Ayn Rand's novel Atlas Shrugged is a strong (perhaps the strongest) influence with an anti-socialist attitude and an individualist ethic that echoes throughout the genre. Of more direct relevance to the science fiction end of this genre is the work of Robert A. Heinlein, particularly his novel The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress, which is highly regarded even by non-libertarian science fiction readers. Some other prominent libertarian science fiction authors include S. Andrew Swann and Michael Z. Williamson.
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The British Commonwealth Union (BCU) was a protectionist organisation formed in the United Kingdom in 1916 to "found a solid business group in parliament" and to "press for the protective tariffs and restrictions on imports discussed at the Paris Economic Conference of 1916 and in the Balfour of Burleigh Committee on post-World War I commercial policy." Conservative Patrick Hannon was a key figure.Capie, F. (1998) "The Sources and Origins of Britain's Return to Protection, 1931-2", in , p.250 (Google Books) As well as being protectionist, the BCU was strongly opposed to trade unionism, and supported a number of anti-socialist and anti-labour activities.
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Childe has typically been seen as a Marxist archaeologist, being the first archaeologist in the West to use Marxist theory in his work. Marxist archaeology emerged in the Soviet Union in 1929, when the archaeologist Vladislav I. Ravdonikas published a report titled "For a Soviet History of Material Culture". Criticising the archaeological discipline as inherently bourgeois and therefore anti-socialist, Ravdonikas's report called for a pro-socialist, Marxist approach to archaeology as part of the academic reforms instituted under Joseph Stalin's rule. It was during the mid-1930s, around the time of his first visit to the Soviet Union, that Childe began to make explicit reference to Marxism in his work.
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Most of the Left SRs who opposed the uprising were gradually freed and allowed to keep their government positions, but were unable to organize a new central organ and gradually splintered into multiple pro-Bolshevik parties, all of which would eventually join the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) by 1921. The Right SRs supported the Whites during the Russian Civil War of 1917-1922, but the White movement's anti- socialist leadership increasingly marginalized and ultimately purged them. A small Right-SR remnant, still calling itself the Socialist Revolutionary Party, continued to operate in exile from 1923 to 1940 as a member of the Labour and Socialist International.
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Unemployment remained a major issue in Bethnal Green at the 1929 general election, both workers and for rate-payers, who had seen high rates to pay for relief for those out of work, leading to closure of factories. The Conservative campaign of Captain Alan Bell focused on de-rating, and the Liberal candidate Major Harry Nathan stressed the employment-generating prospects of LLoyd George's plans to cut armaments and boost road-building. Bell and Nathan blamed each other for splitting the anti-Socialist vote, but when the votes were counted Bell's 7.7% was low enough to allow Nathan to take the seat from Windsor with a majority of 589 votes (2.5%).
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In this he was wrong, and he along with new Minister of the Interior Sándor Zöld, were criticised for not doing a proper enough job to remove the anti-socialist movement within the country.Gough 2006, pp. 50–51. Kádár would later refute most of the allegations the Rákosi leadership put against, but to no avail, and for every letter he wrote to refute an allegation another allegation was put against him. He eventually gave up and in one letter Kádár even admitted to his faults; claiming that he was still "politically backward" and "ideologically untrained" when he headed the pre-war Communist Party as First Secretary.
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Joseph Heller: The Birth of Israel, 1945–1949: Ben-Gurion and His Critics p. 277–279. University Press of Florida, 2000 Herut's socio- economic platform represented a clear shift to the right, with support for private initiative, but also for legislation preventing the trusts from exploiting workers. Begin was at first careful not to appear anti-socialist, stressing his opposition to monopolies and trusts, and also demanding that "all public utility works and basic industries must be nationalized". Herut was from the outset inclined to sympathise with the underdog, and, according to Hannah Torok Yablonka, "tended to serve as a lodestone for society's misfits".
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Fritz Köster (2 February 1855 – 1934) was a German anarchist editor and trade unionist. Born in Rodenberg, Hesse (now in Lower Saxony), Köster was active in the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) starting in the early 1880s. He moved to Groß Ottersleben, near Magdeburg, where he participated in the socialist movement, which was illegal at the time because of the Anti- Socialist Laws, and was a leader in the trade union of the town. For these activities he was sentenced to prison multiple times, most notably in 1886 for three months for libel, and in 1887 for eighteen months for the dissemination of illegal literature.
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Bismarck, feeling pressured and unappreciated by the young Emperor and undermined by his ambitious advisors, refused to sign a proclamation regarding the protection of workers along with Wilhelm, as was required by the German Constitution. The final break came as Bismarck searched for a new parliamentary majority, with his Kartell voted from power due to the anti- Socialist bill fiasco. The remaining powers in the Reichstag were the Catholic Centre Party and the Conservative Party. Bismarck wished to form a new bloc with the Centre Party, and invited Ludwig Windthorst, the party's parliamentary leader, to discuss a coalition; Wilhelm was furious to hear about Windthorst's visit.
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Paulley was one of several MLAs in the Winnipeg area to be targeted by a conservative "citizen's group" in the election of 1973. The group in question convinced the Progressive Conservative and Liberal parties to avoid competing against each other in certain ridings, such that a single "anti- socialist" candidate could be offered. Facing Tory Phil Rizzuto as his only opponent, Paulley nevertheless won re-election by 6275 votes to 4151. Paulley continued to serve as Minister of Labour throughout the second Schreyer government, also taking responsibility for the Civil Service Superannuation Act and Public Servants Insurance Act, and (after September 22, 1976) the Pension Benefits Act.
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The media of Chile were in many ways under American influence. Chilean television networks imported much of their content from the United States, with American television being popular in the country.Mirrlees (2013), p. 30 The indigenous cinema of Chile was underdeveloped. More than 80% of the films viewed in the country were imported from the United States, indicating that American cinema dominated the market.Mirrlees (2013), p. 30 Several major newspapers and magazines of Chile were owned by Agustín Edwards Eastman, who was affiliated with an American corporation, PepsiCo.Mirrlees (2013), p. 30 The daily newspaper El Mercurio was funded by the CIA, and served as part of an anti-socialist cultural front.
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His choice of subjects and his perceived harshness were the subject of several controversies, and, in 1894, he defended the Adevărul office building from rioting anti-socialist students. Over the following years, Bacalbașa drifted away from both Adevărul and the PSDMR, switching his allegiance to the political club formed around Nicolae Fleva. At the time of his death, aged 34, Bacalbașa had served in the Assembly of Deputies as a representative of the Conservative Party. Despite this change in politics, he is mainly credited for his early contributions to Romanian literature, most of which reflect his critique of the political mainstream in the monarchical era.
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As he tried to make the working class break with the liberals, this would eventually led to an alliance with the reactionary Prince Bismarck. In 1864, Lassalle made several secret appeals to Bismarck, later the main proponent of the Anti-Socialist Laws, in favor of the immediate implementation of progressive policies such as universal suffrage. He also asked for the protection of his own publications from police seizure. Lassalle attempted to make common cause with the conservative Bismarck in his book Herr Basitat-Schulze, declaring that he "must inform Your Excellency that this work will bring about the utter destruction of Liberals and the whole Progressive bourgeoisie".
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He felt this goal unrealizable owing to Morgan's discussions of the nature of monogamy and the relationship between private ownership of property and class struggle, however, these making it "absolutely impossible to couch in such a way as to comply with the Anti-Socialist Law".Engels to Kautsky, April 26, 1884, pg. 132. Engels viewed Morgan's findings as providing a "factual basis we have hitherto lacked" for a prehistory of contemporary class struggle. He believed that it would be an important supplement to the theory of historical materialism for Morgan's ideas to be "thoroughly worked on, properly weighed up, and presented as a coherent whole".
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Barton J held in Blundell v Vardon, that the election of Anti-Socialist Party candidate Joseph Vardon as the third senator for South Australia was void due to irregularities in the way the returning officers marked some votes. The Parliament of South Australia appointed James O'Loghlin. Vardon sought to have the High Court compel the Governor of South Australia to hold a supplementary election, however the High Court held in R v Governor of South Australia; Ex parte Vardon that it had no power to do so. Vardon then petitioned the Senate seeking to remove O'Loghlin and rather than decide the issue, the Senate referred the matter to the High Court.
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Gibbon's criticism of Christianity reflects the values of the Enlightenment; his ideas on the decline in martial vigor could have been interpreted by some as a warning to the growing British Empire. In the 19th century socialist and anti-socialist theorists tended to blame decadence and other political problems. More recently, environmental concerns have become popular, with deforestation and soil erosion proposed as major factors, and destabilizing population decreases due to epidemics such as early cases of bubonic plague and malaria also cited. Global climate changes of 535–536, perhaps caused by the possible eruption of Krakatoa in 535, as mentioned by David Keys and others, is another example.
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He later became suspicious of their humanitarian motives and denounced socialist leaders as an 'aristocracy of brigands' who threatened to despoil the country and criticized the government of Giovanni Giolitti for not taking a tougher stance against worker strikes. Growing unrest among labor in Italy led him to the anti-socialist and anti-democratic camp. His attitude toward fascism in his last years is a matter of controversy. Pareto's relationship with scientific sociology in the age of the foundation is grafted in a paradigmatic way in the moment in which he, starting from the political economy, criticizes positivism as a totalizing and metaphysical system devoid of a rigorous logical-experimental method.
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The party was founded on 23 May 1863 by Ferdinand Lassalle under the name Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein (ADAV, General German Workers' Association). In 1869, August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht founded the Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei (SDAP, Social Democratic Workers' Party of Germany), which merged with the ADAV at a conference held in Gotha in 1875, taking the name Socialist Workers' Party of Germany (SAPD). At this conference, the party developed the Gotha Program, which Karl Marx criticized in his Critique of the Gotha Program. Through the Anti-Socialist Laws, Otto von Bismarck had the party outlawed for its pro- revolution, anti-monarchy sentiments in 1878; but in 1890 it was legalized again.
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Bernstein later noted that it was Liebknecht, considered by many to be the strongest Marxist advocate within the Eisenacher faction, who proposed the inclusion of many of the ideas that so thoroughly irritated Marx. In the 1877 elections, the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) gained 493,000 votes. However, two assassination attempts on Kaiser Wilhelm I the next year provided Chancellor Otto von Bismarck a pretext to introduce a law banning all socialist organisations, assemblies and publications. There had been no Social Democratic involvement in either assassination attempt, but the popular reaction against "enemies of the Reich" induced a compliant Reichstag to approve Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Laws.
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In 1901, Cook was elected to the new federal parliament representing the Division of Parramatta. He became deputy leader of the federal Free Trade Party (later renamed the Anti-Socialist Party), again under George Reid, and in 1908 replaced Reid as party leader and Leader of the Opposition. In what became known as "the fusion", Cook agreed to merge his party with Alfred Deakin's Protectionist Party in 1909, forming a unified anti-Labor party for the first time. He became deputy leader of the new Commonwealth Liberal Party, allowing Deakin to become prime minister again, and served as Minister for Defence until the government's defeat at the 1910 election.
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He instead came to espouse liberalism, regarding its views about personal freedom as closely aligned with Methodism's understanding of the role of the individual in developing morality. In 1905 he accepted the position of deputy chairman of the Australian Liberal League, an organisation formed to support the anti-socialists in the lead-up to the next election. During the Reid Government, Cook filled a role similar to the later position of Leader of the House, assisting Reid with parliamentary tactics without being burdened by a ministerial portfolio. Reid had hoped to call an early election and entrusted Cook with organising the anti-socialist campaign.
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Because of the steady increase of support for the social democrats Bismarck tried to suppress the party and related associations more firmly. Two assassination attempts on Kaiser Wilhelm I in May and June 1878 gave him the opportunity to act. Even though he knew the contrary was true, he accused the SAP of commissioning the assassins. After a majority decision of the Conservative and the National Liberal representatives of the Reichstag Bismarck submitted the Gesetz gegen die gemeingefährlichen Bestrebungen der Sozialdemokratie ("Law against the highly dangerous endeavors of Social Democracy", known today as the Sozialistengesetze in German and "Anti-Socialist Laws" in English) for the Kaiser to sign.
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As NDP strategist and historian Gerald Caplan put it: "June 4, and June 11, 1945, proved to be black days in CCF annals: socialism was effectively removed from the Canadian political agenda." The anti-socialist crusade by the Ontario Conservative Party, mostly credited to the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) special investigative branch's agent D-208 (Captain William J. Osborne- Dempster) and the Conservative propagandists Gladstone Murray and Montague A. Sanderson,Caplan, pp.168–169 diminished the CCF's initially favourable position:Caplan, p.193 the September 1943 Gallup poll showed the CCF leading nationally with 29 percent support, with the Liberals and Conservatives tied for second place at 28 percent.
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Wang describes himself as an anti-communist, anti-socialist and pro- democracratic activist. A staunch supporter of separatism in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Tibet and Xinjiang, Wang regards China's hegemony detrimental to democracy and freedom. Likewise, he often criticizes the pro-democracy camp in Hong Kong that does not actively seek independence, as well as the Kuomingtang in Taiwan that advocates for reunification with China. Unlike many pro- democratic activists from China, he opposed the policy adopted by the U.S. government to differentiate the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people, on the ground that the Chinese culture, rather than communism, is the bedrock for collectivism and dictatorship.
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The Third Deakin Ministry (Commonwealth Liberal) was the 7th ministry of the Government of Australia. It was led by the country's 2nd Prime Minister, Alfred Deakin. The Fourth Deakin Ministry succeeded the First Fisher Ministry, which dissolved on 2 June 1909 after the Protectionist Party and the Anti- Socialist Party merged into the Commonwealth Liberal Party "fusion" and withdrew their support in order to form what became the first majority government in federal Australian history. The ministry was replaced by the Second Fisher Ministry on 29 April 1910 following the federal election that took place on 13 April which saw the Labour Party defeat the Commonwealth Liberals.
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An early member of the British Fascisti, Blakeney succeeded Leopold Ernest Stratford George Canning, 4th Baron Garvagh as president of the movement in 1924, and at the same time was made editor of their journal The Fascist Week. In his role as President he developed a rigid military style structure for the BF, whilst also ensuring that it altered its name from the Italian "Fascisti" to the more English "Fascists".Richard Thurlow, Fascism in Britain: A History, 1918-1985, Basil Blackwell, 1987, p. 53 He insisted that the BF be run in "the spirit of intelligent patriotism" and sought to build links with mainstream right-wing pressure groups such as the Anti-Socialist Union.
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Markku Ruotsila, British and American Anticommunism Before the Cold War, Routledge, 2001, p. 8 The group went on hiatus during the First World War before being revived initially under the name Reconstruction Society before becoming the Anti-Socialist and Anti-Communist Union, attacking such figures as Harold Laski and Maurice Dobb whilst also attempting to prove links between the Labour Party and the Soviet Union. By this time however its role had largely been usurped by the British Empire Union and with no local branch structure it struggled for influence. Nonetheless the group claimed that between 1918 and 1922 it organised around ten thousand meetings.Thomas Linehan, British Fascism 1918-39: Parties, Ideology and Culture, Manchester University Press, 2000, p.
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Under the control of the party, all politics and attitudes that were not strictly RCP (Russian Communist Party) were suppressed, under the premise that the RCP represented the proletariat and all activities contrary to the party's beliefs were "counterrevolutionary" or "anti-socialist." During the years of 1917 to 1923, the Soviet Union achieved peace with the Central Powers, their enemies in World War I, but also fought the Russian Civil War against the White Army and foreign armies from United States, United Kingdom, and France, among others. This resulted in large territorial changes, albeit temporarily for some of these. Eventually crushing all opponents, the RCP spread Soviet style rule quickly and established itself through all of Russia.
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Haden-Guest may not have anticipated the Liberal intervention in the by- election which he wanted to contest as a straight fight between a socialist and an anti-socialist candidate. He had envisaged his by-election as a chance to ask working class voters in particular to choose his brand of ‘patriotism’ over the attitude of the Labour Party.The Times, 29 March 1927 p14 In the event, Strauss profited from the split in the socialist voteJohn Campbell, Lloyd George: The Goat in the Wilderness, 1922–1931; Cape, 1977 p162 gained the seat with a majority of 1,167 over Isaacs with Haden-Guest in third place with less than 20% of the poll.
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Rock was greatly restricted for most of the period Armenia was under Soviet rule, being viewed by the CPSU as a Western anti-socialist influence. Yet, by the early 1970s, there were a range of popular bands in the capital city of Yerevan strong enough to compete with their Soviet counterparts - Arthur Meschian's "Arakyalner", "1+2", "Kaleidoscope" and "Bliki". By the eighties, combining Armenian folk music with rock, the Armenian folk-rock groups were founded with notable, and popular even in 2000's, representatives - Bambir, founded 1978 in Leninakan and Vostan Hayots, founded in 1986 in Yerevan. In 1982 Bambir won the "Folk Music Award" at the International Festival in Lida, Belarus.
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William Heath, 1830 Many anonymous promotional pamphlets were printed depicting the Bunkers in artwork and literature, comprising early fiction pieces on the "Siamese twins"; the twins were used more metaphorically in later works. Edward Bulwer-Lytton's satirical poem The Siamese Twins was published while they toured Britain. Mentioning them in his novels The Confidence-Man and Billy Budd, Herman Melville also alludes to the Bunkers in Moby-Dick. The anti-socialist political cartoonist Thomas Nast in 1874 drew "The American Twins", in which a worker ("Labor") wears an apron next to a businessman ("Capital") with a sack of money who are joined at the chests with a band labeled "The Real Union".
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He was charged several times for his activities and spent nine months in prison. Adler, both a moderate and charismatic social democrat, was able to unite the Austrian labour movement under his leadership, fighting against the anti-socialist laws implemented by the Cisleithanian government of Minister President Eduard Taaffe in 1884. At an 1888 conference in Hainfeld he formed the Social Democratic Workers' Party and became first chairman. As a member of the Imperial Council parliament from 1905, he played a leading role in the fight for universal suffrage, finally achieved under Minister President Max Wladimir von Beck in 1906, whereafter the Social Democrats emerged as winner from the 1907 Cisleithanian legislative election.
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He was elected to the Australian House of Representatives of Wilmot at the 1906 election and held it until his defeat by Joseph Lyons at the 1929 election, representing successively the Free Trade Party, the Anti-Socialist Party, the Commonwealth Liberal Party, the Nationalist Party and the Country Party, an independent and then Nationalist again. He was appointed Vice-President of the Executive Council in the first Bruce Ministry from February 1923 to June 1926. In 1931, he was elected as a Nationalist to the Tasmanian Legislative Council seat of Wilmot, but was defeated for re-election in 1934. He died at Latrobe in 1945 and was buried at the Latrobe General Cemetery.
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Hislop laying the foundation stone of the Wellington Public Library, 25 August 1938. Thomas Charles Atkinson Hislop (29 November 1888 – 21 June 1965) was the Mayor of Wellington from 1931 to 1944. He was a Wellington City Councillor from 1913 to 1915, when he resigned to serve in the Wellington Regiment in World War I. He became a Councillor again from 1927 to 1931, and then Mayor from 1931 to 1945. He was the political leader of the Democrat Party organised by Albert Davy in 1934–35. The party was anti-socialist, but in the 1935 general election its main effect was to split the anti-Labour vote, and it disappeared soon afterwards.
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Running in the Division of Dalley, in Sydney's eastern suburbs, Siggins won 17.7 percent of the vote to finish runner-up to William Wilks of the Free Trade Party. She thereby saved her £25 deposit. Libby Stewart of the Museum of Australian Democracy has observed that "although the efforts of Goldstein to be elected to Federal Parliament a further four times are well documented [...] the later lives of the other three women, who were without doubt female leaders of their time, are largely unknown to most Australians". Prior to the 1906 federal election, Siggins announced that she would stand for the Division of East Sydney, opposing former prime minister and Anti-Socialist leader George Reid.
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Blundell v Vardon, was the first of three decisions of the High Court of Australia concerning the 1906 Election for Senators for South Australia. Sitting as the Court of Disputed Returns, Barton J held that the election of Anti-Socialist Party candidate Joseph Vardon as the third senator for South Australia was void due to irregularities in the way the returning officers marked some votes. The Parliament of South Australia appointed James O'Loghlin. Vardon sought to have the High Court compel the Governor of South Australia to hold a supplementary election, however the High Court held in R v Governor of South Australia; Ex parte Vardon that it had no power to do so.
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In 1906, Thomson was elected to the Australian House of Representatives as a Protectionist, defeating Henry Lee of the Anti-Socialist Party for the seat of Cowper. In 1909 he became a member of the Commonwealth Liberal Party, the result of a fusion between the Protectionists and the Anti-Socialists. In 1911, he was part of the parliamentary party that visited England as guests for the Coronation of George V and Mary. He was a member of the Royal Commission on the Fruit Industry from 1912 to 1914, temporary chairman of committees from 1913 to 1917, a member of the Joint Committee on Public Accounts from 1914 to 1919 and its chairman from 1917.
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The Catholic community remained a strong source of support for the Liberal Party throughout this campaign. They were said to be susceptible to appeals against socialism because of the dangers inherent under a socialist regime to special religious interests. The Liberals made use of a statement by Cardinal Bourne condemning class warfare in their campaign literature.The Times, 24 June 1925 p9 At this stage the Unionists were careful not to be formally associated with Wiggins’ nomination or to say publicly how they would advise their supporters to vote but leading local Unionists were making no secret of their belief that normally Unionist voters would, in the circumstances of this by-election, support Wiggins as the anti-socialist candidate.
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Konstantin Zetkin, always identified as "Kostja" in family correspondence and in almost all other sources, was born in Paris. Kostja's father, Ossip Zetkin (1850–1889), was a Russian revolutionary and socialist who had suffered persecution on account of his involvement in the Narodniks movement and fled to Leipzig where, as a young man, he had supported himself as a carpenter and become active in student politics. That was how he met the trainee teacher, Clara Eißner (1857–1933). In the context of the recently enacted Anti- Socialist Laws Ossip Zetkin was arrested at a political meeting in 1880, identified as a "burdensome foreigner" ("lästiger Ausländer") and deprived of his Leipzig residence permit.
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In the 1970s, the IPA and IPA NSW cooperated to establish Enterprise Australia. This organisation had as "an immediate target … the removal of the present Labor Government in Canberra", while the IPA ostensibly stayed at arm's length in an attempt to be perceived as above party politics. From its founding to the late 1970s, the IPA had been associated with anti-socialist Keynesian economics and protectionist industry., p 112-118, 196-200, 301 The appointment of Rod Kemp (CD Kemp's son) as executive director in 1982, along with other administrative changes that had occurred in the late 1970s and early 1980s, marked a shift to neo-liberal ideology that continues to this day.
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Staines is a libertarian who described in a 2000 publication how he became a libertarian in 1980 after reading Karl Popper's The Open Society and its Enemies. He joined the Young Conservatives whilst at Humberside College of Higher Education, "because they were the only people around who were anti-Socialist or at least anti-Soviet". Having joined the Federation of Conservative Students, he described his politics as "Thatcher on drugs". He relates that at college he was a "right-wing pain in the butt who was more interested in student politics than essays", who went on "to work in the various right-wing pressure groups and think tanks that proliferated in the late eighties".
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The Social Democratic Party (SPD) in Germany became the largest and most powerful socialist party in Europe, despite working illegally until the anti-socialist laws were dropped in 1890. In the 1893 elections it gained 1,787,000 votes, a quarter of the total votes cast, according to Engels. In 1895, the year of his death, Engels emphasised the Communist Manifesto's emphasis on winning, as a first step, the "battle of democracy".Marx, Engels, Communist Manifesto, Selected Works, p52 Since the 1866 introduction of universal male franchise the SPD had proved that old methods of, "surprise attacks, of revolutions carried through by small conscious minorities at the head of masses lacking consciousness is past".
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By 1878 the chancellor, whose tolerance of liberalism and socialism had always may always have been largely tactical, felt able to revert to the comfortable conservatism of the Junker class into which he had been born. The "Gesetz gegen die gemeingefährlichen Bestrebungen der Sozialdemokratie" known in English language sources as the Anti-Socialist Laws was/were one particularly far-reaching manifestation. A more personal manifestation of the new political climate followed a speech Motteler gave on 4 and 5 June 1878 in which he protested against state sponsored defamation of the SDAP. The speech, which came in the wake of two serious (albeit failed) assassination attempts against the Kaiser was very widely reported.
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Williams, p. xxxix. In 1898 he became a leader write for the Daily Mail. He attacked Lord Curzon, a friend of the wife of the owner of the Daily Mail, and so was forced to resign. During 1899–1904 he wrote leading articles for the Financial News and protectionist articles for the Daily Express.Williams, p. xxxix. In 1903 the journal Commercial Intelligence commissioned Williams and Harold Cox to write a "fiscal duel" on free trade.E. E. Williams and Harold Cox (1903) Free Trade v. Protection, articles from Commercial Intelligence via Internet Archive In later life Williams abandoned socialism, becoming a liberal individualist and chairman of The Freedom Association and a member of the executive of the Anti-Socialist Union.
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United managed to secure Labour's support, and formed a government, but Davy was displeased at this development – far from fighting the left-wingers, United was now dependent on their support, and was implementing many of the same policies that had caused Davy to quit Reform. Davy came to believe that as long as United and Reform remained enemies, the left would hold the balance of power, and would therefore be able to dictate terms. As such, Davy began to advocate an "anti-socialist" grand coalition between United and Reform, hoping to shut the left out altogether. In early 1930, Davy publicly attacked Ward, accusing him of authoritarianism and of caving in to Labour's demands too readily.
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In general, it attempted to provide citizens with the ability to choose the local leadership, express claims, oversee and evaluate local policy and its results, and become involved in projects of community benefit.” The pair concluded that “we ought to consider Municipal Assemblies as a remarkable step forward in building democracy”. American political scientist Peter Roman's work on the subject led him to believe that Cuba's “grassroots democracy” goes beyond the power to vote freely for one of several candidates representing both pro or anti- socialist positions. He argues that at the “people level” democracy exists in Cuba today and that this democracy has been strengthened during the 1990s by conscious decisions made at the top.
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Jiří Wolf (5 January 1952, Jindřichův Hradec, Czechoslovakia) is a signatory of Charter 77, former political prisoner, anticommunist, author of storybooks, and radical opponent and critic of the "nobility of the Charter", which, in his opinion, includes Václav Havel and several other persons close to the former Czech president. Wolf was for the first time arrested on 16 February 1978 after the police found "subversive, anti-Party, and anti-socialist documents" during a house search. As result, he was sentenced to three years in prison for subversion. After Wolf claimed that his confession had been forced by physical and psychological pressure, he was prosecuted for false accusation and his punishment was increased by another six months in prison.
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Rumors suggested that the move was related to a fall in revenue caused in part by a boycott of the paper by anti- socialist businesses in Hancock and in part due to the large sums of money the Työmies contributed to workers during the Copper Country strike of 1913–14.Kaunonen, Gary. Challenge Accepted: A Finnish Immigrant Response to Industrial America in Michigan’s Copper Country. Michigan State University Press, 2010. pp.174-175 However, internal divisions and perhaps a desire to relocate closer to Minnesota’s booming iron ranges, which offered a greater chance to expand their organization, led to the Työmies’ departure from Hancock; the search for a new location preceded the unrest caused by the Copper Miners’ strike.
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Now a prominent local figure, he was appointed to four council committees within his first six months, and by 1928 he chaired the council's education, finance, markets, and valuation committees. That year, he made a popular decision to reduce the gap between market stalls, allowing more to be set up, despite this being in violation of national law. He also won a series of libel cases against newspapers which had incorrectly associated him with corrupt electoral practices, namely paying hackney carriages to take voters to the polling station. Davis was active in the Federation of Synagogues, and became a leading figure in the opposition to its unpopular anti-socialist leader, Louis Montagu.
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After the war he was involved in the establishment of the ex-service group Associazione Nazionale dei Combattenti, as well as the more overtly political Alleanza di Difesa Cittadina, an anti- socialist group with a strong military bent that was involved in battles with leftists. An early member of the Italian fascist movement, Giunta was the leader of fascio in Florence before in 1920 being sent the Julian March (Venezia Giulia) to aid Professor Ruggero Conforto in establishing the fascist movement in the region. Having garnered a reputation as a good organiser, he was subsequently sent to Trieste that same year to work under Gabriele D'Annunzio.Paul H. Lewis, Latin Fascist Elites, 2002, p.
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Li, along with Chen Xitong, was described as part of a group of conservatives who advocated for a military response to the student protests in Tiananmen Square in 1989, though Li himself did not play a public role in the official crackdown. As reported in the Tiananmen Papers, published in 2001, Li and Chen foreclosed the option of negotiating with the students by describing the protests as an "anti-party and anti-Socialist political struggle". In Beijing, the resulting military actions on the night of June 3–4, 1989 left many civilians dead or injured, with reported tolls ranged from 200–300 (PRC government figures) and to 2,000–3,000 (Chinese student associations and Chinese Red Cross).
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The 1973 Manitoba general election was held on June 28, 1973 to elect Members of the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Manitoba, Canada. It was won by the social-democratic New Democratic Party, which took 31 of 57 seats to win government in its own right for the first time. The Progressive Conservative Party finished second with 21, while the Manitoba Liberal Party took the remaining five. A right-of-centre municipal organization known as the Independent Citizens' Election Committee convinced the Progressive Conservative and Liberal parties to avoid competing against each other in certain Winnipeg-area ridings, such that a single "anti-socialist" alternative to the NDP could be offered.
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The Reichstag was dissolved in June 1878 because it refused Bismarck's Anti-Socialist Law. Chancellor Bismarck in the newly elected parliament relied on a broad agro-conservative majority with the slogan: Agriculture is owed by the state the same attention as industry; if both do not go hand in hand, the strength of one will not suffice for a lack in the other.Der Landwirtschaft schuldet der Staat die gleiche Beachtung wie der Industrie; wenn beide nicht Hand in Hand gehen, wird keine ohne die andere stark genug sein sich zu helfen. quoted in Bismarck helped foster support from these conservatives by enacting several tariffs protecting German agriculture, and incidentally industry, from foreign competition.
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The vehemence of Bernstein's opposition to the government of Bismarck made it desirable for him to leave Germany. Shortly before the Anti-Socialist Laws came into effect, Bernstein went into exile in Zurich, accepting a position as private secretary for the social-democratic patron Karl Höchberg, a wealthy supporter of social democracy. A warrant subsequently issued for his arrest ruled out any possibility for him to return to Germany, and he was to remain in exile for more than 20 years. In 1888, Bismarck convinced the Swiss government to expel a number of important members of German social democracy and so Bernstein relocated to London, where he associated with Friedrich Engels and Karl Kautsky.
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He attended school in Danzig and Kranenburg, and undertook his apprenticeship at Kaldenkirchen, near the Dutch border, in the extreme west of the country. Having learned the complementary trades of a locksmith and a plumber, he worked at these trades in various Rhine Province towns: by 1892 he was employed as a locksmith's assistant. He had already, in 1881, joined the (by some criteria illegal between 1878 and 1891) Social Democratic Party ("Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands" / SPD). He had also served, between 1877 and 1880, in the 4th Westphalia Infantry Regiment. At the start of 1890 the Reichstag refused to renew the Anti-Socialist Laws and a couple of months later Chancellor Bismarck resigned.
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It executive included Edward Carson, Leo Maxse, H.G. Wells and fifteen Labour MPs including Will Crooks and John Hodge.Scally, Robert James The Origins of the Lloyd George Coalition: The Politics of Social-Imperialism, 1900–1918 Princeton University Press (1975) p263 Hodge would preside as chairman, and James Andrew Seddon was chairman of the organization committee.Hendley, Matthew C. Organized Patriotism and the Crucible of War McGill-Queen's University Press (2012) note 189 p244 The Australian prime minister, Billy Hughes, spoke at the party's inaugural meeting.Tyler, Paul Labour's Lost Leader: The Life and Politics of Will Crooks Tauris (2007) p209 Now avowedly anti-socialist, it described itself as a "patriotic labour" group and focused on support for the war.
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He formed and led a group of authors who shared his views, such as Ludvig Levin Jacobson, Moshe Kamyonski, Isaac Kaminer, and Tzvi ha- Kohen Scherschewski. Ha-Emet ('The Truth'), the first Jewish socialist publication, made its debut in May 1877 with Liebermann as its publisher and editor, thanks to the financial contribution of Johann Most. The Viennese authorities shut the periodical down after the third issue and arrested Liebermann in February 1878 on charges of carrying a false U.S. passport and setting up an illegal and subversive organization. After spending nine months in prison, he was extradited by the Prussian police under anti-socialist laws and sentenced to nine additional months in prison in Berlin.
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After the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian revolt in early November 1956 and the outbreak of rural riot in Quynh Luu, the liberal stage of Nhan Van-Giai Pham ended. Instead,the Viet Minh began to strike back against the intellectuals by publishing editorials and commentaries and even "letters from audiences" to condemn anti-socialist elements. In the meanwhile, government began to harass the editors of Nhan Van-Giai Pham by accusing them of breaking the law for failing to deposit three copies of the journal with the Central Press Office prior to publication. A more aggressive campaign against Nhan Van-Giai Pham was launched after the sixth issue of Nhan Van was seized.
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46 After the German invasion of France in 1940 and the ensuing Nazi occupation of France, the relationship between the Communists and the German occupiers fluctuated. The domestic leadership, led by Maurice Tréand with the knowledge of Jacques Duclos, petitioned the Germans to allow the republication of L'Humanité, which would take a neutral stance on the occupation. But these negotiations were a disaster for the party, as Hitler disavowed Otto Abetz and Vichy was successfully able to oppose the legalization of the PCF. Nevertheless, the PCF limited openly anti-German or anti-occupation actions and instead adopted virulently anti-British, anti-imperialist, anti-socialist and anti- Vichy/Pétain rhetoric which shied away from directly attacking the Nazi occupiers.
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Degrelle later falsely claimed that Tintin had been based on him, while he and Hergé fell out when Degrelle used one of his designs without permission; they settled out-of-court. Although Hergé wanted to send his character to the United States, Wallez instead ordered him to set his adventure in the Soviet Union, acting as a work of anti-socialist propaganda for children. The result, Tintin in the Land of the Soviets, began serialisation in Le Petit Vingtième on 10 January 1929, and ran until 8 May 1930. Popular in Francophone Belgium, Wallez organized a publicity stunt at the Gare de Nord station, following which he organized the publication of the story in book form.
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On 26 June 1953, a special meeting of the Soviet Politburo was held by Malenkov. Beria came to the meeting with an uneasy feeling because it was called hastily—indeed, Zhukov had ordered General Kirill Moskalenko to secretly prepare a special force and permitted the force to use two of Zhukov's and Bulganin's special cars (which had black glass) in order to safely infiltrate the Kremlin. Zhukov also ordered him to replace the MVD Guard with the guard of the Moscow Military District. In this meeting, Khrushchev, Malenkov and their allies denounced "the imperialist element Beria" for his "anti-Party", "anti-socialist" activities, "sowing division", and "acting as a spy of England," together with many other crimes.
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The congress decided that the proletariat should separate itself from all the bourgeois parties and form a new party. At first the party represented artisans such as hatters and shoemakers, but not weavers, miners or foundry workers. The new party had to compete for the attention of the workers with the Blanquists, the Anarchists, after 1881 with the Possiblists, and after 1890 with the Allemanists. Although the launch of the Parti Ouvrier (Party of Labour) by the 1879 congress has been treated by socialist and communist historians as the date when Marxist socialism was born in France, the new "party" was a loosely defined movement dominated by anti-political anarchists and anti-socialist radicals, with few members with recognizably Marxist views.
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Cammack claims that Giddens devotes a lot of energy into criticizing conventional social democracy and socialism—such as Giddens' claim that conventional socialism has died because Marx's vision of a new economy with wealth spread in an equitable way is not possible—while at the same time making no criticism of capitalism. Cammack condemns Giddens and his Third Way for being anti-social-democratic, anti-socialist and pro-capitalist that he disguises in rhetoric to make it appealing within social democracy. British political theorist Robert Corfe, a social-democratic proponent of a new socialism free of class-based prejudices, criticized both Marxist classists and Third Way proponents within the Labour Party. Corfe has denounced the Third Way as developed by Giddens for "intellectual emptiness and ideological poverty".
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When a deceiving outcome in the 1959 election launched an internal party debate over aging ÖVP Chancellor Julius Raab, Gorbach, backed by the Styrian regional association, succeeded him as party chairman and on 11 April 1961 also as Austrian chancellor. Chancellor Gorbach led his party into the 1962 election with an anti-Socialist campaign, only to continue the grand coalition with the SPÖ under Vice-Chancellor Bruno Pittermann afterwards. The People's Party achieved a slightly better result and became the strongest party five seats ahead of the Socialists, however, it failed to reach an absolute majority. After three years as chancellor, conciliatory Gorbach had to vacate his position in favour of the less pragmatic ÖVP "reformers" around his successor Josef Klaus.
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The republicans, however, prevailed and the French tricolor flag remained the national flag. The provisional government as a compromise decreed that: "As a sign of rallying and as a remembrance of recognition for the last act of the popular revolution, members of the provisional government and other authorities will wear the red rosette, which will also be placed at the flagstaff." During the Paris Commune in 1871, the red flag solidified its link with socialism when it flew as the flag of the Communards' short-lived government. Following the collapse of the Paris Commune, German Chancellor Bismarck out of fear of the growing strength of the socialists in Germany had parliament pass the Anti-Socialist laws to suppress the activities of the Social Democratic Party.
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In 1920, she became a foundation member of the Islington Branch of the Communist Party but left in 1923 as she no longer agreed with it policies and attitudes. In October 1922, Lillian became a sub-agent for Shapurj Saklatvala, a member of the British Communist Party, who successfully stood with the backing of the Labour Party in Battersea North. Saklatvala was born in India in 1874 and was only the third Indian to become an MP in the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Lillian carried on her political work during the 1924 general election and was heavily involved in the July 1924 by-election in the Abbey division of Westminster supporting Fenner Brockway against Winston Churchill who stood as an independent anti-Socialist.
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These operas were the only approved opera form and other opera troupes were required to adopt or change their repertoire. The model operas were also broadcast on the radio, made into films, blared from public loudspeakers, taught to students in schools and workers in factories, and became ubiquitous as a form of popular entertainment and the only theatrical entertainment for millions in China. In 1966, Jiang Qing put forward the Theory of the Dictatorship of the Black Line in Literature and Arts where those perceived to be bourgeois, anti- socialist or anti-Mao "black line" should be cast aside, and called for the creation of new literature and arts. Writers, artists and intellectuals who were the recipients and disseminators of the "old culture" would be comprehensively eradicated.
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In the Reichstag, they had to face the rivalry of the Free Conservative secession, which comprised bureaucratic elite leaders as well as Rhenish business magnates, who had supported Bismarck's politics from the beginning. During Bismarck's time in office, German conservatives more and more turned to statism and paternalism in the rising conflict between economic liberalism as promoted by the National Liberals and the labour movement represented by the Social Democratic Party. They supported the Chancellor's Anti-Socialist Laws, but also strongly embraced the implementation of a social insurance (pensions, accident insurance and medical care) that laid the ground for the German welfare state. Likewise, conservative politicians appreciated the enforcement of what they called national interests during the Kulturkampf against the Catholic Church and the Centre Party.
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Nevertheless, in the longer term this union can be seen as a forerunner of the German Textile Workers' Union ("Deutscher Textilarbeiterverband") founded in 1891 following the lifting of the Anti-Socialist Laws (although later closed down by the Nazis in 1933). In addition to campaigning actively for women's rights long before most of the issues involved found their way into mainstream socialist politics, Motteler also argued vehemently against the use of child labour in factories. He actively backed the creation of various consumer cooperatives, workers' associations and labour unions. With Stolle, in 1870 he founded a co- operative printing press to produce the "Crimmitschau Citizens' and Farmers' Friend" ("Crimmitschauer Bürger- und Bauernfreund"), identified by some as Germany's first regional Social Democratic newspaper.
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Coming from a rural background, he studied agriculture at the University of Chile.Library of the Chilean National Congress Biography He first became involved in politics in the 1950s, initially with the youth movement of the Agrarian Labor Party before becoming involved in the National Action with Jorge Prat. He was instrumental in the formation of the National Party in 1966 and served as leader of the opposition to the left-wing government and, from 1971, editor of the anti-socialist journal Tribuna. Elected to the Senate of Chile in the 1973 election, Jarpa became a diplomat following the 1973 Chilean coup d'état, serving as a delegate to the United Nations and before becoming ambassador to Colombia (1976-1978) and then Argentina (1978-1983).
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Zimmerman describes the arms supplies for the uprising as "limited but real". Specifically, Jewish fighters of the ŻZW received from the Polish Home Army: 2 heavy machine guns, 4 light machine guns, 21 submachine guns, 30 rifles, 50 pistols, and over 400 grenades for the uprising. During the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, ŻZW is reported to have had about 400 well-armed fighters grouped in 11 units, with 4 units including fighters from the Polish Home Army. Due to the ŻZW's anti-socialist stand and close ties with the Polish Home Army (which was subsequently outlawed by the Soviets), the Soviets suppressed publication of books and articles on ŻZW after the war and downplayed its role in the uprising, in favour of the more socialist ŻOB.
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However he soon fell out with Geddes and resigned just two months after being appointed.The Times, 27 November 1919 In 1923, Rhys-Williams was approached by the Aberavon Liberal Association to stand as their candidate in the forthcoming general election in opposition to Labour leader Ramsay MacDonald but he declined.The Times, 16 November 1923 By the 1930s, Rhys-Williams had become more anti-socialist in stance. Never a great party man, in March 1931 he tried to get the Liberal candidate at the by-election at Pontypridd, Captain G Crawshay, to make a public statement that as soon as the Labour government introduced what he described as any openly socialist measure he would vote to try and turn out the government.
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Grappling with business-related problems with the newspaper, he accepted a loan of £25,000 from Max Aitken, which was key to the press baron's subsequent assumption of ownership of the newspaper in 1917. Blumenfeld remained editor of the paper until 1929, but he gradually found himself marginalized as Beaverbrook (as Aitken was subsequently ennobled) assumed an intrusive role in editorial matters. Politically Blumenfeld was a strong supporter of laissez- faire economics and a harsh critic of socialism and to this end he established the Anti-Socialist Union in 1908 and succeeded in linking the group closely to the Conservative Party.Peter Barberis, John McHugh, Mike Tyldesley, Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations: Parties, Groups and Movements of the 20th century.
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Control Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, "Action Plan of the (Prague, April 1968)" in Dubcek's Blueprint for Freedom: His original documents leading to the invasion of Czechoslovakia. William Kimber & Co. 1968, pp 32, 54 Initial reaction within the Eastern Bloc was mixed, with Hungary's János Kádár expressing support, while Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev and others grew concerned about Dubček's reforms, which they feared might weaken the Eastern Bloc's position during the Cold War. On 3 August, representatives from the Soviet Union, East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia met in Bratislava and signed the Bratislava Declaration, which declaration affirmed unshakable fidelity to Marxism- Leninism and proletarian internationalism and declared an implacable struggle against "bourgeois" ideology and all "anti-socialist" forces.
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The government's reaction to the appearance of Charter 77 was harsh. The official press described the manifesto as "an anti-state, anti-socialist, and demagogic, abusive piece of writing," and individual signatories were variously described as "traitors and renegades," "a loyal servant and agent of imperialism," "a bankrupt politician," and "an international adventurer." As it was considered to be an illegal document, the full text of Charter 77 was never published in the official press. However an official group of artists and writers was mobilized into an "anti-charter" movement which included Czechoslovakia's foremost singer Karel Gott as well as prominent comedic writer Jan Werich who later claimed he had no idea of what he was doing whilst signing the anti- charter.
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Higgins was Attorney-General in the Labour government of 1904 (Labour did not have a lawyer to appoint), and Isaacs was Attorney-General in 1905 in the Deakin government. The Free Trade Party recognised that the issue of tariffs had been settled and that the main issue was the Labour resurgence. Before the 1906 federal election, held in December, it changed its name to the Anti-Socialist Party. At the election, the Protectionists, whose protectionist policies were by then redundant, won only 16 seats to Labour's 26, but Labour still led by Watson continued to support Deakin who formed the well known third Deakin Protectionist government. Labour now under Andrew Fisher withdrew its support of the Deakin government on 13 November 1908 and formed a minority government.
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Free from international war, the Red Army confronted an internecine war against a variety of opposing anti-Communist forces, including the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine, the "Black Army" led by Nestor Makhno, the anti-White and anti-Red Green armies, efforts to restore the defeated Provisional Government, monarchists, but mainly the White Movement of several different anti-socialist military confederations. "Red Army Day", 23 February 1918, has a two-fold historical significance: it was the first day of drafting recruits (in Petrograd and Moscow), and the first day of combat against the occupying Imperial German Army. cited in . In June 1918, Trotsky abolished workers' control over the Red Army, replacing the election of officers with traditional army hierarchies and criminalizing dissent with the death penalty.
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The Ukrainian State (Українська держава, Ukrainska Derzhava), sometimes also called the Hetmanate (Гетьманат, Hetmanat), was an anti-socialist government that existed on most of the modern territory of Ukraine (except for West Ukraine) from 29 April to 14 December 1918.Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States: 1999, Routledge, 1999, (page 849) It was installed by German military authorities after the socialist-leaning Central Council of the Ukrainian People's Republic was dispersed on 28 April 1918. Ukraine turned into a provisional dictatorship of Hetman of Ukraine Pavlo Skoropadskyi, who outlawed all socialist-oriented political parties, creating an anti-Bolshevik front. It collapsed in December 1918, when Skoropadskyi was deposed and the Ukrainian People's Republic returned to power in the form of the Directorate.
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LEGISLATURE ENDS AFTER 37–HOUR SESSION; PASSES BEER AND ANTI-SOCIALIST BILLS; FAVORS TEACHERS' AND EX-SOLDIERS BONUS in NYT on April 25, 1920 During this last session, Marguerite L. Smith occupied for about half an hour the Speaker's chair.ACTING SPEAKER SMITH in NYT on April 26, 1920; the editorialist of the New York Times envisioned a woman being elected Speaker of the New York Assembly in some near future, but to date, almost hundred years later, no woman has ever been elected to the office. On August 12, Gov. Al Smith called a special session of the Legislature for September 20, and ordered special elections to be held on September 16 to fill the vacancies caused by the expulsion of the Socialist members.
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Wanting to follow the Liberal and Country League in South Australia, there had been intentions to merge the Liberal Party and CDL in Western Australia, and the idea was supported by many supporters of both parties. However, this was repeatedly refused by senior figures of the CDL. On 30 March 1949, local branches of the Liberal Party and CDL met together in Beverley and formed the Liberal and Country League of Western Australia (LCL), in opposition to the merger decisions of their parent parties. About a month later, on 3 May 1949, the Liberal Party saw merit in the new organisation, dissolved itself and merged into the new organisation, in the hope to unite "all anti-socialist forces in Western Australia".
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The 1912 Tasmanian state election was held on Tuesday, 30 April 1912 in the Australian state of Tasmania to elect 30 members of the Tasmanian House of Assembly. The election used the Hare-Clark proportional representation systemHouse of Assembly Elections, Parliament of Tasmania. — six members were elected from each of five electorates. Elliott Lewis was elected as an Anti- Socialist at the 1909 election, and was Premier of Tasmania from 27 October 1909. He was urged by his predecessor, John Evans (premier from 11 July 1904 to 19 June 1909), to organise anti-Labor forces against a resurgent Labor Party (which won 12 seats at the 1909 election) and to support the formation of the Tasmanian Liberal League (not directly related to the modern Liberal Party).
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Control Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, "Action Plan of the (Prague, April 1968)" in Dubcek's Blueprint for Freedom: His original documents leading to the invasion of Czechoslovakia. William Kimber & Co. 1968, pp 32, 54 Initial reaction within the Eastern Bloc was mixed, with Hungary's János Kádár expressing support, while Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev and others grew concerned about Dubček's reforms, which they feared might weaken the Eastern Bloc's position during the Cold War. On August 3, representatives from the Soviet Union, East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia met in Bratislava and signed the Bratislava Declaration, which declaration affirmed unshakable fidelity to Marxism- Leninism and proletarian internationalism and declared an implacable struggle against "bourgeois" ideology and all "anti-socialist" forces.
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In Britain, the achievement of the legalization of trade unions under the Trade Union Act 1871 drew British trade unionists to believe that working conditions could be improved through parliamentary means. At the Hague Congress of 1872, Marx made a remark in which he admitted that while there are countries "where the workers can attain their goal by peaceful means", in most European countries "the lever of our revolution must be force". In 1875, Marx attacked the Gotha Program that became the program of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SDP) in the same year in his Critique of the Gotha Program. Marx was not optimistic that Germany at the time was open to a peaceful means to achieve socialism, especially after German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck had enacted the Anti- Socialist Laws in 1878.
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The theoretical development of Marxist archaeology was first developed in the Soviet Union in 1929, when a young archaeologist named Vladislav I. Ravdonikas published a report entitled "For a Soviet history of material culture". Within this work, the very discipline of archaeology as it then stood was criticised as being inherently bourgeois, therefore anti-socialist and so, as a part of the academic reforms instituted in the Soviet Union under the administration of Premier Joseph Stalin, a great emphasis was placed on the adoption of Marxist archaeology throughout the country.Trigger 2007. pp. 326–40. These theoretical developments were subsequently adopted by archaeologists working in capitalist states outside of the Leninist bloc, most notably by the Australian academic V. Gordon Childe, who used Marxist theory in his understandings of the development of human society.
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SPD membership statistics (in thousands) since 1945 The SPD finds its origins in the General German Workers' Association, founded in 1863, and the Social Democratic Workers' Party, founded in 1869. The two groups merged in 1875 to create the Socialist Workers' Party of Germany (). From 1878 to 1890, the Anti-Socialist Laws banned any grouping or meeting that aimed at spreading socialist principles, but the party still gained support in elections. In 1890, when the ban was lifted and it could again present electoral lists, the party adopted its current name. The SPD was the largest Marxist party in Europe and consistently the most popular party in German federal elections from 1890 onwards, although it was surpassed by other parties in terms of seats won in the Reichstag due to the electoral system.
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Reid envisaged a spectrum running from socialist to anti- socialist, with the Protectionist Party in the middle. This attempt struck a chord with politicians who were steeped in the Westminster tradition and regarded a two-party system as very much the norm.Fusion: The Party System We Had To Have? - by Charles Richardson CIS 25 January 2009 At the election of 1906, which now permitted postal voting, Watson increased Labour House seats to 26. Though they had more seats than the Protectionist Party with 16, Labour supported Deakin as Prime Minister. Watson resigned as leader in 1907 and was succeeded by Andrew Fisher. Fisher withdrew its support of the Deakin government on 13 November 1908 and formed a minority government. The Fisher government passed a large number of its legislation.
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Bezlova "The Princeling and the Protesters" An editorial published in the People's Daily on 26 April and bearing the name of Deng Xiaoping, denounced the demonstrations as "premeditated and organized turmoil with anti-Party and anti-socialist motives". This article had the effect of worsening the demonstrations by angering its leaders, who then made their demands more extreme. Zhao Ziyang later wrote in his autobiography that, although Deng had stated many of these sentiments in a private conversation with Li Peng shortly before the editorial was written, Li had these comments disseminated to Party members and published as the editorial without Deng's knowledge or consent.Zhao 10–12 Li strictly refused to negotiate with the Tiananmen protesters out of principle, and became one of the officials most objected to by protesters.
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Various reforms were also introduced during, including an extension of the period in which workers could claim accident insurance (1900), the making of industrial arbitration courts compulsory for towns with a population of more than 20,000 (1901) and an extension of health insurance and further controls on child labour (1903). A polling booth law was introduced that improved the secret ballot in 1904. Two years later, payment for Reichstag deputies was introduced.Sally Waller. AQA History: The Development of Germany, 1871-1925 (2014) In preparation for the 1906 election Bülow created the “Bülow Bloc” of parties that were fervently anti-socialist and anti-clerical, devoutly patriotic, enthusiastically imperialist, and loyal to kaiser and fatherland. What Bebel labeled the “Hottentot election” was a disaster for the Social Democrats, who lost almost half their seats.
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It lasted only a few months, as in June 1909 Deakin returned as prime minister at the head of the new Commonwealth Liberal Party (a merger of the Protectionists and the Anti-Socialist Party). Fisher returned as prime minister after the 1910 election, which saw Labor attain majority government for the first time in its history. Fisher's second government passed wide-ranging reforms – it established old-age and disability pensions, enshrined new workers' rights in legislation, established the Commonwealth Bank, oversaw the continued expansion of the Royal Australian Navy, began construction on the Trans-Australian Railway, and formally established what is now the Australian Capital Territory. At the 1913 election, however, Labor narrowly lost its House of Representatives majority to the Liberal Party, with Fisher being replaced as prime minister by Joseph Cook.
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Lynd Ward brought the genre to the United States in 1929 when he produced , which inspired other American wordless novels and a parody in 1930 by cartoonist Milt Gross with He Done Her Wrong. Following an early-1930s peak in production and popularity, the genre waned in the face of competition from sound films and anti-socialist censorship in Nazi Germany and the US. Following World War II, new examples of wordless novels became increasingly rare, and early works went out of print. Interest began to revive in the 1960s when the American comics fandom subculture came to see wordless novels as prototypical book- length comics. In the 1970s, the example of the wordless novel inspired cartoonists such as Will Eisner and Art Spiegelman to create book-length non- genre comics—"graphic novels".
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The National Liberals' period of great dominance was between 1871 and 1879, when they were Bismarck's chief allies in the Reichstag where they were avid supporters of the anti-Catholic Kulturkampf measures and the Anti-Socialist Laws. In the first all-German federal election held on 3 March 1871, the party reached 30.1% of the votes, becoming the strongest group in the Reichstag parliament with 119 seats. The Reichstag faction remained the political centre of power as the party never attained a large number of members. The stabilization of the new state was in a large degree only feasible because of National Liberals' support as de facto ruling party and their guidance of Bismarck´s domestic policies, especially in regards to national economics and the legal foundations of the German Empire.
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Evangelical Church in Brazil The rise of the Evangelical Church in Latin America refers to the growing political influence and activism of the Evangelical Christian community in the region. Marginal at first, different news reports and political analysts have pointed the important weight that such community has and its impact in electoral politics, even helping in the electoral victories of conservative candidates. The movement is generally characterized by its staunch cultural conservatism (even for Latin American standards) with a very strong opposition to same-sex marriage, LGBT rights, legalization of abortion, drug liberalization and marijuana legalization, "gender ideology" and identity politics, gun control and globalism. Some may hold strong anti-communist and anti-socialist positions and endorse neoliberal and pro-free market capitalist ideas in part due to the Prosperity Theology that many hold.
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Though a liberal in his first stint in state politics, O'Loghlin unsuccessfully contested the 1901 federal election for the Australian Labor Party. Whilst O'Loghlin was not a candidate at the 1906 federal election, when Anti-Socialist Senator Joseph Vardon's election was declared void, O'Loghlin was appointed by the Parliament of South Australia to the vacancy in the Australian Senate on 11 July 1907. However, on 20 December of the same year, O'Loghlin's appointment was declared void, and he and Vardon contested a special election on 15 February 1908, which was won by Vardon. In between his two stints in federal politics, O'Loghlin had a brief return to state politics, holding Flinders, in the South Australian House of Assembly for one term from 1910 until his defeat in 1912.
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Charmley sums up his feelings about Winston Churchill in Churchill: The End of Glory: :Churchill stood for the British Empire, for British independence and for an 'anti-Socialist' vision of Britain. By July 1945 the first of these was on the skids, the second was dependent solely upon America and the third had just vanished in a Labour election victory. Charmley has also tried to rehabilitate Neville Chamberlain. F. M. Leventhal, in a review of Chamberlain and the Lost Peace, suggested that while Charmley's work portrayed a courageous leader with "a deep and humane desire to leave no stone unturned to avoid war," Chamberlain's inability to recognise Hitler's ambition meant that "perhaps that is why Winston Churchill's reputation remains largely untarnished, while Chamberlain's, Charmley's initiative notwithstanding, cannot be resuscitated".
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The pretext for continuing the coalition after the end of the Second World War was to prevent the CCF, which had won a surprise victory in Saskatchewan in 1944, from ever coming to power in British Columbia. The CCF's popular vote was high enough in the 1945 election that they were likely to have won three-way contests and could have formed government; however, the coalition prevented that by uniting the anti- socialist vote. In the post-war environment the government initiated a series of infrastructure projects, notably the completion of Highway 97 north of Prince George to the Peace River Block, a section called the John Hart Highway and also public hospital insurance. In 1947 the reins of the Coalition were taken over by Byron Ingemar Johnson.
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Carter, an anti-socialist, tightened the embargo placed on Pakistan and placed a pressure through the United States Ambassador to Pakistan, Brigadier-General Henry Byroade. The socialist orientation, and Bhutto's proposed left-wing theories, had badly upset the United States, further clinging the bell tolls in the United States as fearing Pakistan's loss as an ally in the Cold war. The leftists and Bhutto's policy towards Soviet Union was seen sympathetic and had built a bridge for the Soviet Union to have gain access in Pakistan's warm water ports, that something both the United States and the Soviet Union had lacked. During the course of 1976 presidential election, Carter was elected as U.S. President, and his very inaugural speech Carter announced the determination to seek the ban of nuclear weapons.
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The event is often considered the catalyst for the further political polarisation that ensued, the Falange and other right-wing individuals, including Juan de la Cierva, had already been conspiring to launch a military coup d'état against the government, to be led by senior army officers. When the antifascist Castillo and the anti-socialist Calvo Sotelo were buried on the same day in the same Madrid cemetery, fighting between the Police Assault Guard and fascist militias broke out in the surrounding streets, resulting in four more deaths. The killing of Calvo Sotelo with police involvement aroused suspicions and strong reactions among the government's opponents on the right. Although the nationalist generals were already planning an uprising, the event was a catalyst and a public justification for a coup.
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He also focused his rhetoric on attacks against the liberal government of Giovanni Giolitti, who had withdrawn Italian troops from Albania and did not press the Allies to allow Italy to annex Dalmatia. This helped to draw disaffected former soldiers into the Fascist ranks. Fascists identified their primary opponents as the socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I. The Fascists and the rest of the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites. The Fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.
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But at the same time, recent social issues gained significant political attention; by appeasing the working class, the party also hoped to reduce the threat of revolutionary tendencies. During the governments led by Lindman, several reforms for social progress were made, and it was his first government that initiated the public state pension. The second cabinet of Arvid Lindman in 1928 In the 1920s, the Swedish right slowly started to move towards a classical liberal view on economic issues, mainly under the influence of the liberal economist Gustav Cassel, but the economic downturn following the Great Depression frustrated the possible liberal transition of their economic policy. Before that occurred the party gained its greatest success yet with 29.4% in the general election of 1928, often called the Cossack Election, on a clearly anti-socialist programme.
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In regard to Solidarity, as they saw it, there was still a chance for its healthy, working class current to prevail, not the KOR-instigated anti-socialist, troublemaking elements. President Jimmy Carter and President-elect Ronald Reagan made urgent phone calls to Brezhnev and the intervention was postponed. In the meantime Solidarity, not quite aware of the looming danger, did its revolutionary work, practicing democracy in the union movement and pushing for sovereign society in a number of ways. The autonomous labor unions, united under the Solidarity banner, strove to "recapture public life from the monopoly control of the party". On 16 December 1980, the Monument to the Fallen Shipyard Workers of 1970 was officially unveiled in Gdańsk in a ceremony that marked the high point in the ascent of Solidarity.
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He vigorously opposed compulsory arbitration, and voted against the Conciliation and Arbitration Bill. Re-elected as an Anti-Socialist in 1906, Walker expressed the view that the three-party system of the Australian Parliament's first decade was dysfunctional, and implored electors to vote "for either socialism or anti-socialism, and so end this triangular government". He continued to support the transcontinental railway and lamented the slow progress of the decision on a site for the federal capital, and supported a higher rate of immigration and the watering down of the Immigration Restriction Act. In 1908, he introduced the Commonwealth Companies Reserve Liabilities Bill, which permitted special reserve funds for banks to assist shareholders during a financial crisis, and in 1910 followed with the similar Commonwealth Banking Companies Reserve Liabilities Bill.
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It is attributed to Francisco II the launch of Alberto João Jardim's political career, who would become President of the Regional Government of Madeira for 37 years, the longest time in office for an elected Portuguese politician. Such was due to the fact that Francisco II choose João Jardim, on October 24, 1974, to be the director of the Diocese's newspaper, who then became a mouthpiece to the Church's anti-communist and anti-socialist sentiment in revolution's aftermath, therefore influencing the political set-up of Madeira in the early years of Autonomy. During his time in office he frequently attack Communism and Socialism during his masses by stating that: "marxist socialism, where the agents of international communism cleverly hide, intends to assault our archipelago of Madeira to colonize it" and by calling Communism an utopia.
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The group had a reasonably good relationship with the British Union of Fascists, the main fascist organisation in the UK and one that frequently had a fractious relationship with other actors on the far-right, and MCP material was on sale in the BUF bookshop in Canterbury. It became close to the Nordic League and the two groups worked together in attempting to influence members of the government away from involvement in any action against Germany. The group also worked closely with the National Citizens Union, an originally anti-socialist group that had moved increasingly to anti-Semitism during the 1930s. The MCP affiliated to the Coordinating Committee, an umbrella group established by Archibald Maule Ramsay that also included the British Democratic Party, the National Citizens Union and the British Empire Union.
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Both Solidarity and the communist party were badly split and the Soviets were losing patience. Kania was re-elected at the Party Congress in July, but the collapse of the economy continued and so did the general disorder.. At the first Solidarity National Congress in September–October 1981 in Gdańsk, Lech Wałęsa was elected national chairman of the union with 55% of the vote. An appeal was issued to the workers of the other East European countries, urging them to follow in the footsteps of Solidarity.. To the Soviets, the gathering was an "anti-socialist and anti-Soviet orgy" and the Polish communist leaders, increasingly led by Jaruzelski and General Czesław Kiszczak, were ready to apply force. In October 1981, Jaruzelski was named first secretary of the PZPR.
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In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy and 1919 and 1920 were known as the "Red Years". Mussolini and the Fascists took advantage of the situation by allying with industrial businesses and attacking workers and peasants in the name of preserving order and internal peace in Italy. Fascists identified their primary opponents as the majority of socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I. The Fascists and the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites. The Fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.
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The Progress Party, initially known as the Workers Party, was a minor political party in Australia in the mid-to-late 1970s. It was formed on 26 January (Australia Day) 1975 as a free-market right-libertarian and anti- socialist party by businessmen John Singleton and Sinclair Hill in reaction to the economic policies of Labor prime minister Gough Whitlam. It operated and ran candidates in Western Australia, Northern Territory, South Australia, Queensland and New South Wales, but it did not have a central federal structure and its Western Australian affiliate which additionally advocated secession from the rest of Australia, Accessed at Battye Library, Perth. did particularly well in the area surrounding Geraldton in the state's Mid West. However, the party failed to win seats at any level of government and passed out of existence by 1981.
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After Rosa Luxemburg called for disobedience and rejection of war in the name of the entire party as a representative of the left wing of the party, the Imperial government planned to arrest the party leaders immediately at the onset of war. Friedrich Ebert, one of the two party leaders since 1913, travelled to Zürich with Otto Braun to save the party's funds from being confiscated. After Germany declared war on the Russian Empire on 1 August 1914, the majority of the SPD newspapers shared the general enthusiasm for the war (the "Spirit of 1914"), particularly because they viewed the Russian Empire as the most reactionary and anti-socialist power in Europe. In the first days of August, the editors believed themselves to be in line with the late August Bebel, who had died the previous year.
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Carruthers had deliberately moved the party away from the tariff issue, which was now a Federal responsibility, and established a broad platform embodying the principles of Gladstonian classical liberalism. He positioned his support for enterprise and economic freedom against what he saw as the increasingly socialistic policies of the Progressive Minister for Public Works Edward William O'Sullivan and the Labor Party, arguing that politics required clear 'lines of cleavage' with a two-party system to give people a clear choice at elections. In doing so Carruthers placed his liberal party on the centre-right of the political divide, a move George Reid would copy with his Federal anti-socialist campaign. Carruthers party won the July 1904 election on "an alliance of Liberalism, temperance and Protestantism". The middle Progressive Party was isolated by Carruthers 'lines of cleavage' rhetoric, leaving them with only 16 seats.
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Carl Bildt. In response to the perceived failure of the Social Democrats to handle the economy and in protest over what was seen as outdated socialist policies (state-run monopolies in for example television, radio, telephone services & hospital care), newly formed reformist-populist party Ny demokrati made a successful surprise push for the Riksdag in the 1991 elections, enabling a new centre-right government to be formed. Under the leadership of Carl Bildt, the new government was determined to profile itself as anti-socialist and cosmopolitan, with the aim of initiating many reforms. Blaming some of the excesses of the Nordic model for the economic crisis, it wanted to initiate reforms and started dismantling of state-run monopolies, lowering of taxes, reshaping and internationalization of higher education, and laid the foundation for Sweden's subsequent entry into the European Union.
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The SPD also had occasional successes in raising wages and improving the working conditions of municipal labourers. SPD pressure in the Reichstag in the late nineteenth century supported an expansion in the system of factory inspection, together with a minor reform in military service under which the families of reservists, called up for training or manoeuvres, could receive an allowance. In the 1880s, SPD deputies in Saxony successfully agitated in support of improved safety for miners and better control of mines. In 1908, the same year the government legalized women's participation in politics, Luise Zietz became the first woman appointed to the executive committee of the SPD. Despite the passage of anti-socialist legislation, the SPD continued to grow in strength in the early twentieth century, with a steady rise in membership from 384,327 in 1905/06 to 1,085,905 in 1913/14.
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At the time of the Anti-Socialist Laws beginning to be drafted but not yet published in 1878, Marx spoke of the possibilities of legislative reforms by an elected government composed of working-class legislative members, but also of the willingness to use force should force be used against the working class. In his study England in 1845 and in 1885, Engels wrote a study that analysed the changes in the British class system from 1845 to 1885 in which he commended the Chartist movement for being responsible for the achievement of major breakthroughs for the working class. Engels stated that during this time Britain's industrial bourgeoisie had learned that "the middle class can never obtain full social and political power over the nation except by the help of the working class". In addition, he noticed a "gradual change over the relations between the two classes".
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The second consecutive double dissolution 1975 federal election in December was held owing to the dismissal of the Whitlam Government by Governor General John Kerr, and the subsequent appointment of federal Liberal leader Malcolm Fraser as caretaker Prime Minister. Prior to the dismissal, the Liberal Party had used its majority in the Australian Senate to block supply bills. Hall voted in favour of the supply bills being passed, and objected to the federal Liberals' actions.Ozpolitics. The Dismissal. Retrieved 2 March 2007.Parkin, Summers and Woodward (2006), pp. 57–61 Hall had been praised for his stance on supply, but the Liberals attacked him, accusing him of being "Labor in a purple disguise" and saying that Fraser needed a compliant senate "not hampered by independents sitting on the fence". Hall countered by saying he was preferencing the Liberals and therefore not Labor-aligned, and that he was a "dedicated anti-socialist".
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Donna Przybylowicz maintained that the novel revealed a conflict between contradictory fascist and liberal humanist tendencies within Lawrence's work. She compared Lawrence to Leavis and Eliot, suggesting that like Eliot, Lawrence believed that "all crises of a capitalistic post-war society of class-conflict could be transcended by ignoring history and replacing it with myth", although with the difference that Eliot's views were Christian and Lawrence's "paganistic". She argued that The Plumed Serpent, by depicting the proletariat and Indian peasants as needing to be controlled by a dictatorial leader, revealed Lawrence as "basically anti-democratic and anti-socialist", and that it also presented a "Western stereotyped notion" of "the dark races" as "lazy, dirty, resentful, covetous, irresponsible, and aimless". She believed that Lawrence "correctly portrays the crisis of Mexican society as resulting from reification and social fragmentation", but criticised him for repudiating "revolutionary political change" and wanting to maintain class divisions.
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Free Trade leader George Reid declined to take office, which saw Watson become the first Labour Prime Minister, and the world's first Labour head of government at a national level (Anderson Dawson had led a short-lived Labour government in Queensland in December 1899), though his was a minority government that lasted only four months. He was aged only 37, and is still the youngest Prime Minister in Australia's history. After Watson's government fell, Deakin became prime minister again for a short period, to be followed by the Free Trade Party's Reid, who had Labour's Conciliation and Arbitration Act 1904, which was the cause of the political upheaval, passed. George Reid of the Free Trade Party adopted a strategy of trying to reorient the party system along Labour vs non-Labour lines – prior to the 1906 federal election, he renamed his Free Trade Party to the Anti- Socialist Party.
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Control Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, "Action Plan of the (Prague, April 1968)" in Dubcek's Blueprint for Freedom: His original documents leading to the invasion of Czechoslovakia. William Kimber & Co. 1968, pp 32, 54 Initial reaction within the Eastern Bloc was mixed, with Hungary's János Kádár expressing support, while Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev and others grew concerned about Dubček's reforms, which they feared might weaken the Eastern Bloc's position during the Cold War. On August 3, representatives from the Soviet Union, East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Czechoslovakia met in Bratislava and signed the Bratislava Declaration, which declaration affirmed unshakable fidelity to Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism and declared an implacable struggle against "bourgeois" ideology and all "anti-socialist" forces. On the night of August 20–21, 1968, Eastern Bloc armies from four Warsaw Pact countries – the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Poland and Hungary – invaded Czechoslovakia.
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1, 2002, , 9788470903205 p. 240 Some students claim that the Integrist intransigence and their insistence on the annihilation of the opposition hardened ideological divisions, fuelled aggressive political militancy and contributed to sectarian politics of the 1930s.Schumacher 1962, p. 364 Despite vehemently anti-Francoist stand of key former Integrists,like Manuel Fal, Jose Luis Zamanillo or Manuel Senante; in their perspective, Francoist omnipotent state, centralization, monopolist party, arbitrarily designed representation, aggressive syndicalism and Church subservient to state were incompatible with the Integrist vision of a withdrawn state, regionalisation, abolishment of parties, corporative representation, anti-socialist stand and state subservient to Church there are authors who maintain that Integrism enjoyed its triumph in the Francoist Spain;some scholars classified Nocedal as a predecessor of the extreme Spanish Right, see Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, Las tradiciones ideologicas de la extrema derecha española, [in:] Hispania LXI/I (2001), p.
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A number of commentators have traced the origins of Thatcherism in post-war British politics. The historian Ewen Green claimed there was resentment of the inflation, taxation and the constraints imposed by the labour movement, which was associated with the so- called Buttskellite consensus in the decades before Thatcher came to prominence. Although the Conservative leadership accommodated itself to the Clement Attlee government's post-war reforms, there was continuous right-wing opposition in the lower ranks of the party, in right-wing pressure groups like the Middle Class Alliance and the People's League for the Defence of Freedom and later in think tanks like the Centre for Policy Studies. For example, in the 1945 general election the Conservative Party chairman Ralph Assheton had wanted 12,000 abridged copies of The Road to Serfdom (a book by the anti- socialist economist Friedrich Hayek later closely associated with Thatcherism),Vinen, p.
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The 1910 Australian federal election was held in Australia on 13 April 1910. All 75 seats in the House of Representatives, and 18 of the 36 seats in the Senate were up for election. The incumbent Commonwealth Liberal Party (the result of a merger between the Protectionist Party and the Anti-Socialist Party) led by Prime Minister Alfred Deakin was defeated by the opposition Labour Party, led by Andrew Fisher. The election represented a number of landmarks: it was Australia's first elected federal majority government; Australia's first elected Senate majority; the world's first Labour party majority government at a national level; after the 1904 Chris Watson minority and Fisher's former minority government the world's third Labour party government at a national level; the first time it controlled both houses of a bicameral legislature and the first time that a prime minister, in this case Deakin, got voted out in an election.
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The MWT worked for the independent organisation of the working class within the ANC and openly criticised the leadership. This resulted in four of its leading members' suspension in 1979 and expulsion from the ANC without a hearing in 1985. In 1996 the MWT left the ANC when it adopted in government the neo-liberal Growth Employment and Redistribution policy (GEAR). The MWT believed that the working class would increasingly come into conflict with the ANC leadership as it embraced the maintenance of capitalism and worked to demobilise the mass movement that had forced the end of apartheid by subordinating Cosatu within the Tripartite Alliance under the influence of the anti-socialist ideas of the South African Communist Party. The MWT’s perspective anticipated that developments toward independent working class organisation would increasingly take place outside of the ANC and in direct opposition to it.
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The Anti- Socialist Party (previously known as the Free Trade Party) was a coalition of conservative parliamentarians, exhorted by incumbent Premier John Evans to combine their forces against the threat from the Labour Party who had won an unprecedented 12 seats. Evans offered to resign if asked, and in June was taken to his word, with Elliott Lewis elected as leader and premier with a pledge of twelve months loyalty. A faction of Liberals led by Norman Ewing undermined Lewis' leadership, culminating in a no-confidence motion in October 1909 which led to the Governor of Tasmania Sir Harry Barron calling on John Earle to form Tasmania's first Labour ministry, a minority government which lasted only a week before being voted out by the House.Scott Bennett, 'Lewis, Sir Neil Elliott (1858 - 1935)', Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume 10, Melbourne University Press, 1986, pp 94-95.
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Hindu relief, Quanzhou Museum Hinduism in China faced even more obstacles during the rise of Communism in China, when the Chinese Communist government discouraged any practice of religion, as it was considered anti-socialist, as well as a symbol of feudalism and foreign colonialism. During the Communist Cultural Revolution, a movement which took place from 1966 to 1977, religious people of all faiths were persecuted, and during this time, many religious buildings and services were closed down and repurposed to serve as non religious buildings for more materialistic services. However, from 1977 onwards, the government eased their restrictions on religion as the Constitution of the People's Republic of China was signed and many of the Chinese were allowed to practice their religious and personal beliefs once again. Even so, the government is still very suspicious of other religious activities, specifically if it involves foreign nations.
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An anonymous critic sent the Oxford Union a box containing 275 white feathers, one for each vote for the resolution. A second box followed, and Hardie announced that each member who had voted 'aye' could have two feathers. Winston Churchill condemned the motion in a speech on 17 February 1933 to the Anti-Socialist and Anti-Communist Union: "That abject, squalid, shameless avowal... It is a very disquieting and disgusting symptom": > My mind turns across the narrow waters of Channel and the North Sea, where > great nations stand determined to defend their national glories or national > existence with their lives. I think of Germany, with its splendid clear-eyed > youths marching forward on all the roads of the Reich singing their ancient > songs, demanding to be conscripted into an army; eagerly seeking the most > terrible weapons of war; burning to suffer and die for their fatherland.
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The Free Conservative Party (, FKP) was a moderate right-wing political party in Prussia and the German Empire which emerged from the German Conservative Party in the Prussian Landtag in 1866. In the federal elections to the Reichstag parliament from 1871, it ran as the German Reich Party (, DRP). The Free Conservative Association achieved party status in 1867, comprising German nobles and East Elbian Junkers (land owners) like Duke Victor of Ratibor and Karl Rudolf Friedenthal, industrialists and government officials like Johann Viktor Bredt, Hermann von Hatzfeldt, Hermann von Dechend, Prince Karl Max von Lichnowsky or General Hans Hartwig von Beseler and scholars like Hans Delbrück and Otto Hoetzsch. It was distinguished from the German Conservative Party established in 1876 by its unqualified support of German unification and was seen as the political party which beside the National Liberals was closest in views to those of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, including his Anti-Socialist Laws and Kulturkampf policies.
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Theoretic foundations of the Left School combined elements of classic Marxism, Leninism, Trotskyism, and French atheist existentialism (primarily, Jean-Paul Sartre, Albert Camus and Antoine de Saint-Exupéry). The political regime, which existed in the Soviet Union, was seen by the Left School as anti-socialist and petty bourgeois (philistine and bureaucratic by nature). Power overtake by a group of Joseph Stalin's supporters within the All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks) and the Soviet Government in the late 1920s and early 1930s was thought to be the reason for this regime to be established. The group of Stalin's supporters expressed the interests of counter-revolutionary forces and its regime was seen by the Left School as socially futile, condemning the country to cultural and social stagnation, holding back personal development of the Soviet citizens, imposing primitivism, depriving people of political initiative and the right to participate in public affairs, driving the most talented people to escapism (alcoholism, religion) and, ultimately, to emigration.
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20 The Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 Likewise, Stanley Payne agrees that the constitution generally accorded a wide range of civil liberties and representation with the notable exception of the rights of Catholics, a circumstance which prevented the formation of an expansive democratic majority. Frances Lannon, addressing the fears of the Left that Church influence in the schools was a danger to the republic has observed that, "it was demonstrably the case the ideological ambience and spirit of the congregations was anti-socialist, illiberal, and pervaded with the values of the political Right." She gives as one example, "to convey the wider reality", a journal kept by a women's community with a prestigious convent school in Seville. It laments, in April 1931, the departure of the King, its wariness of the Republic antedating any moves against the Church, in November 1933 they go to vote, 'a sacred duty', 'in grave circumstances', the Right's victory greeted as 'better than we could have hoped'.
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The Social Democratic Party of Germany became the largest and most powerful socialist party in Europe despite being an illegal organisation until the anti-socialist laws were officially repealed in 1890. In the 1893 German federal election, the party gained about 1,787,000 votes, a quarter of the total votes cast according to Engels. In 1895, the year of his death, Engels highlighted The Communist Manifesto's emphasis on winning as a first step the "battle of democracy". Friedrich Engels, a Marxist socialist who attempted to bring closer reformists and revolutionaries In his introduction to the 1895 edition of Karl Marx's The Class Struggles in France, Engels attempted to resolve the division between gradualist reformist and revolutionary socialists in the Marxist movement by declaring that he was in favour of short-term tactics of electoral politics that included gradualist and evolutionary socialist policies while maintaining his belief that revolutionary seizure of power by the proletariat should remain a key goal of the socialist movement.
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In the midst of this crisis, the Polish episcopate was also criticized in the press for making no progressive contribution to the Second Vatican Council and Cardinal Wyszyński was reproached for supposedly calling "for the condemnation of atheism, the preservation of the old, anti-socialist and pro-fascist social doctrine of the Church in all spheres of social life. " To punish the Church for its behaviour, several seminaries were closed and seminarians were made subject to the military draft, Wyszyński was denied privilege to travel to Rome and Paul VI was barred from coming to the Millennium celebrations. The government staged rival secular celebrations at the same time as the religious celebrations took place, in order to blunt enthusiasm in the religious celebrations. Despite all of this (and in contrast to the USSR), the number of parishes, priests and nuns reached higher figures than it had prior to the coming of Communism.
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In fall 1889, Holstein attempted to frustrate this maneuver by having Eulenburg arrange for Wilhelm to issue a press statement in favour of the Kartell.Röhl, John The Kaiser and His Court, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994 p.37. When Bismarck ignored the press statement, Holstein had Eulenburg send two telegrams to the Kaiser, who was visiting Constantinople, which led in turn to Wilhlem sending a telegram to Bismarck on 6 November 1889 saying that “under no circumstances and in no way whatsoever can and will His Imperial Majesty permit the return of the Redemptorists to Germany”. Checked in this maneuver, Bismarck proceed to destroy the Kartell by bringing a new Anti- Socialist Bill, which led to the moderate right-of-the-center parties suffering heavy losses in the elections of 20 February 1890. With the government unable to have bills passed by the Reichstag, Bismarck then launched plans for a coup d’état with the aim of making himself dictator.
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The Anti- Socialist Laws that came into force in October 1878 were a watered down version of the original proposal that Bismarck had tried, and failed, to get through the Reichstag in May 1878. They nevertheless included or were accompanied by a range of repressive measures including the outlawing of trades unions and the closing down of 45 leftwing journals and newspapers. Social Democrats responded by standing for election not as SAP members but as independent candidates, while a number of prominent party members relocated to Switzerland where there was no ban on producing Social Democratic newspapers for distribution in Germany. Motteler moved, with his wife Emilie, to Zürich in November 1879 from where he organised the production of Der Sozialdemokrat (a weekly newspaper), and its distribution into Württemberg and from there, using an increasingly sophisticated network of trusted "Red postmen", right across Germany, earning himself the soubriquet "der Roter Feldpostmeister" ("The red army postmaster").
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Georges Remi—best known under the pen name Hergé—was employed as editor and illustrator of ("The Little Twentieth"), a children's supplement to ("The Twentieth Century"), a staunchly Roman Catholic, conservative Belgian newspaper based in Hergé's native Brussels which was run by the Abbé Norbert Wallez. In 1929, Hergé began The Adventures of Tintin comic strip for , revolving around the exploits of fictional Belgian reporter Tintin. Wallez ordered Hergé to set his first adventure in the Soviet Union as anti-socialist propaganda for children (Tintin in the Land of the Soviets), to set his second adventure in the Belgian Congo to encourage colonial sentiment (Tintin in the Congo), and to set his third adventure in the United States to use the story as a denunciation of American capitalism (Tintin in America). In January 1930, Hergé also introduced Quick & Flupke (Quick et Flupke), a new comic strip about two street kids from Brussels, in the pages of Le Petit Vingtième.
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Privately, Bjelke-Petersen and Sparkes had come to detest one another, with "their hatred for each other overwhelming the courtly setting and polite manners". Bjelke-Petersen would later claim that Sparkes was responsible for the subsequent failure of the "Joh for PM" campaign. The formal notice approving Bjelke-Petersen's run for the prime ministership was passed by a Queensland National Party Central Council in February 1987. It read: : That the National Party of Australia (Qld) fully supports the move by Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen to attain the Prime Ministership so that he can put in place an anti-socialist federal government equipped with appropriate policies and the will to implement those policies.... Despite their success in the Queensland branch, Bjelke-Petersen and his newly independent Nationals faction received a humiliating setback in the Northern Territory election on 2 March, with the National Party failing to achieve much success despite Bjelke-Petersen's patronage and the Country Liberals continuing to dominate the territory.
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Georges Remi—best known under the pen name Hergé—was employed as editor and illustrator of ("The Little Twentieth"), a children's supplement to ("The Twentieth Century"), a staunchly Roman Catholic, conservative Belgian newspaper based in Hergé's native Brussels which was run by the Abbé Norbert Wallez. In 1929, Hergé began The Adventures of Tintin comic strip for , revolving around the exploits of fictional Belgian reporter Tintin. Wallez ordered Hergé to set his first adventure in the Soviet Union as anti-socialist propaganda for children (Tintin in the Land of the Soviets), to set his second adventure in the Belgian Congo to encourage colonial sentiment (Tintin in the Congo), and to set his third adventure in the United States to use the story as a denunciation of American capitalism (Tintin in America). Wallez was subsequently removed from the paper's editorship following a scandal, although Hergé was convinced to stay on the condition of a salary increase.
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A vehement anti-Peronist and anti-socialist, Alsogaray forged an alliance with the late Juan Perón's Justicialist Party in 1989, following their nomination of pro-market Governor Carlos Menem, and endorsed Justicialist candidate Eduardo Vaca that year in a tightly-contested seat in the Argentine Senate representing the City of Buenos Aires. Argentine Senators were indirectly elected at the time, and Alsogaray's endorsement in the electoral college gave Vaca the seat, despite the latter's coming in second to centrist UCR candidate Fernando de la Rúa.La Nación (April 2, 2005) The Universidad Francisco Marroquín granted Alsogaray an honorary doctorate in 1985.Honorary Doctoral Degrees at Universidad Francisco Marroquín A vocal supporter of the era's privatizations, he prevailed on President Menem to appoint his daughter, María Julia, Secretary of the Environment, in which post she served from 1991 to 1999, and himself served in numerous consultative posts during the Menem presidency, endorsing the populist-turned-conservative president in his 1995 re-election bid.
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He was fascinated by new techniques in the medium – such as the systematic use of speech bubbles – found in such American comics as George McManus' Bringing up Father, George Herriman's Krazy Kat and Rudolph Dirks's Katzenjammer Kids, copies of which had been sent to him from Mexico by the paper's reporter Léon Degrelle, stationed there to report on the Cristero War. Hergé developed a character named Tintin as a Belgian boy reporter who could travel the world with his fox terrier, Snowy – "Milou" in the original French – basing him in large part on his earlier character of Totor and also on his own brother, Paul. Although Hergé wanted to send his character to the United States, Wallez instead ordered him to set his adventure in the Soviet Union, acting as a work of anti-socialist propaganda for children. The result, Tintin in the Land of the Soviets, began serialisation in Le Petit Vingtième on 10 January 1929, and ran until 8 May 1930.
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In a public statement, minister for the Presidency Yerko Núñez said, "January 22 is a holiday by presidential decree. We are going to respect that decree and our president is evaluating if she is going to make a report about the pillars of this government, which are transition, pacification and management." Áñez gave the traditional address, in which she thanked the indigenous people of Bolivia for "having accompanied the process with wisdom and firm decision". On 6 March 2020, The Washington Post reported that "Since being sworn in, the fiercely anti-socialist Áñez has presided over the detention of hundreds of opponents, the muzzling of journalists and a 'national pacification' campaign that has left at least 31 people dead, according to the national ombudsman and human rights groups". On 7 June 2020, The New York Times echoed this, writing that Áñez's government "has persecuted the former president’s supporters, stifled dissent and worked to cement its hold on power".
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Similar agreements were concluded in Szczecin (the Szczecin Agreement) and in Silesia. The key provision of these agreements was the guarantee of the workers' right to form independent trade unions and the right to strike. Following the successful resolution of the largest labor confrontation in communist Poland's history, nationwide union organizing movements swept the country. Edward Gierek was blamed by the Soviets for not following their "fraternal" advice, not shoring up the communist party and the official trade unions and allowing "anti-socialist" forces to emerge. On 5 September 1980, Gierek was replaced by Stanisław Kania as first secretary of the PZPR.. Delegates of the emergent worker committees from all over Poland gathered in Gdańsk on 17 September and decided to form a single national union organization named "Solidarity".. While party–controlled courts took up the contentious issues of Solidarity's legal registration as a trade union (finalized by November 10), planning had already begun for the imposition of martial law.
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Democratic socialism is also distinguished from Third Way social democracy on the basis that democratic socialists are committed to systemic transformation of the economy from capitalism to socialism whereas social democratic supporters of the Third Way were more concerned about challenging the New Right to win social democracy back to power. This has resulted in analysts and critics alike arguing that in effect it endorsed capitalism, even if it was due to recognising that outspoken anti-capitalism in these circumstances was politically nonviable, or that it was not only anti-socialist and neoliberal, but anti-social democratic in practice. Some maintain this was the result of their type of reformism that caused them to administer the system according to capitalist logic while others saw it as a liberal and modern form of democratic socialism theoretically fitting within market socialism, distinguishing it from classical socialism, especially in the United Kingdom. While having socialism as a long-term goal, some democratic socialists who follow social democracy are more concerned to curb capitalism's excesses and supportive of progressive reforms to humanise it in the present day.
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The group played an important part in the direct action wing of the early-1960s peace movement (including the Committee of 100 and Spies for Peace), in local and national agitation on housing policy and in squatting throughout the 1960s and 1970s, in protests and actions against the Greek colonels and other right-wing dictatorships in the same period, in the anti-Vietnam war movement, in support of dissidents in the Soviet Union, eastern Europe and China, and in the feminist movement. In later years, Solidarity members tended to get involved in whatever took their fancy, though there were several concerted interventions, the last of them to help set up the Polish Solidarity Campaign in the early 1980s. The group's distinctive features in its interventions were its rejection of the leftist fashions both for "respectability" – the bugbear of first-wave CND as it saw it – and for supporting "national liberation struggles" in the third world and, closer to home, Ireland. Solidarity was also anti-Zionist (in Brinton's 1974 essay "The Malaise on the Left" Zionism is described as "anti-Arab" and "anti-socialist").
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The American historian Harold Green commented that Stoecker associating with a disreputable individual like Grüneberg, a swindler and blackmailer showed the "demagogic and unsavory" character of Stoecker, who for his all self-righteousness often associated with disreputable people. Much to Stoecker's fury, a group of Social Democrats, led by Johann Most, showed up to hijack the meeting as Most gave a speech denouncing the Lutheran church for being subservient to the state and declared that only the Social Democrats represented the working class, which prompted loud cheers from the working-class audience. Most led the audience out of the meeting hall, all behind him, while Stoecker was left fuming, as his would be supporters had been taken away by Most. The German chancellor, Prince Otto von Bismarck, brought the first of the Anti-Socialist Laws later in 1878 with the aim of crushing the SPD, and Stoecker's foray into politics was secretly supported by the government, which hoped that Stoecker might be able to win the working class from the Social Democrats.
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Poster for the 1933 film King Kong, whose protagonist would serve as Hergé's inspiration for Ranko Georges Remi—best known under the pen name Hergé—was employed as editor and illustrator of ("The Little Twentieth"), a children's supplement to ("The Twentieth Century"), a staunchly Roman Catholic, conservative Belgian newspaper based in Hergé's native Brussels which was run by the Abbé Norbert Wallez. In 1929, Hergé began The Adventures of Tintin comic strip for , revolving around the exploits of fictional Belgian reporter Tintin. Wallez ordered Hergé to set his first adventure in the Soviet Union as anti-socialist propaganda for children (Tintin in the Land of the Soviets), to set his second adventure in the Belgian Congo to encourage colonial sentiment (Tintin in the Congo), and to set his third adventure in the United States to use the story as a denunciation of American capitalism (Tintin in America). Wallez was subsequently removed from the paper's editorship following a scandal, although Hergé was convinced to stay on the condition of a salary increase.
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Rees, despite his public support for the traditional Liberal policy of Free TradeThe Times, 20 November 1923 was not an ideological free-trader. He voted in Parliament for the Safeguarding of Industries Act and was in favour of some measure of protection for home markets, an attitude typical of the Bristol merchant class. Despite this, Rees took his stand as a free-trader again at the 1923 general election, presumably to enable him to benefit from the Liberal campaign nationally in support of free trade following Stanley Baldwin's calling of the election to gain a mandate for imposing tariffs. This approach allowed the Liberals to gain the votes of free-trade Conservatives while retaining their traditional support in rural seats.David Dutton, A History of the Liberal Party in the Twentieth Century; Palgrave Macmillan, 2004 pp 91–92 In Bristol South, Rees again had the full support of the local Conservative AssociationBristol Times & Mirror, 20 November 1923 as well as the Liberals in his fight against the Labour candidate D J Vaughan on an avowedly anti-socialist ticket.
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Joseph J. Ettor, who had been arrested in 1912, giving a speech to barbers on strike A newspaper editorial cartoon from 1917, critical of the IWW's antiwar stance during World War I Anti-socialist cartoon in a railroad-sponsored magazine, 1912 The IWW's efforts were met with "unparalleled" resistance from Federal, state and local governments in America; from company management and labor spies, and from groups of citizens functioning as vigilantes. In 1914, Wobbly Joe Hill (born Joel Hägglund) was accused of murder in Utah and, on what many regarded as flimsy evidence, was executed in 1915. On November 5, 1916, at Everett, Washington, a group of deputized businessmen led by Sheriff Donald McRae attacked Wobblies on the steamer Verona, killing at least five union members \-- also reported 20 IWW and 20 Everett citizens were wounded (six more were never accounted for and probably were lost in Puget Sound). Two members of the police force — one a regular officer and another a deputized citizen from the National Guard Reserve — were killed, probably by "friendly fire".
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O'Loghlin was sworn in as a Senator and assumed his seat on 17 July 1907.. Vardon followed the lead of the High Court and petitioned the Senate against the right of O'Loghlin to sit, vote, and act as a senator pursuant to section 47 of the Constitution.. Section 47 provided that in relation to disputed elections : > Until the Parliament otherwise provides, any question respecting the > qualification of a senator or of a member of the House of Representatives, > or respecting a vacancy in either House of the Parliament, and any question > of a disputed election to either House, shall be determined by the House in > which the question arises. Vardon's petition was referred to the Senate Committee of Disputed Returns and Qualifications, which consisted of two Labour Senators, de Largie and Turley and five Anti-Socialist Senators, Macfarlane, Colonel Neild, Sir Josiah Symon, Walker and Dobson.. The Committee sat in camera before tabling a report. The report emphasised the need for Senators to be "directly chosen by the people", to which the appointment to fill a casual vacancy was the exception. The Senate seat had not become vacant, but rather it had never been filled.
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During this interval, Van Patten fulfilled a dual Secretarial role, not just heading the SLP but also serving as Secretary of the governing General Executive Board of the Noble and Holy Order of the Knights of Labor, an early trade union federation largely composed of ethnic Irish and English members.Bruce C. Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's Anarchists, 1870-1900. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1988; pg. 45. In this organization Van Patten was a voice which advocated closer relations between the Knights and the existing radical, ethnic German-dominated local unions of the Chicago Central Labor Union (CLU), from which anti-Socialist unionists and the Knights had seceded in 1880. Close relations and joint parades, picnics, and demonstrations of the CLU and the Knights after 1881 were largely a product of Van Patten's efforts in this regard. Van Patten and his electorally-oriented comrades sought to field a socialist candidate in the Presidential election of 1880, or to at least support an alternative to the so-called "old party" candidates that was not inimical to the Socialist Labor Party's goals.
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Assen: Van Gorcum, 1972, p. 342f. In the Outlines of the Critique of Political Economy (Grundrisse, 1859), he criticized the statist, anti-socialist arguments of the French economist Frédéric Bastiat; and about fetishes and fetishism Marx said: In A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (1859), Marx referred to A Discourse on the Rise, Progress, Peculiar Objects, and Importance of Political Economy (1825), by John Ramsay McCulloch, who said that "In its natural state, matter ... is always destitute of value", with which Marx concurred, saying that "this shows how high even a McCulloch stands above the fetishism of German 'thinkers' who assert that 'material', and half a dozen similar irrelevancies are elements of value". Furthermore, in the manuscript of "Results of the Immediate Process of Production" (c. 1864), an appendix to Capital: Critique of Political Economy, Volume 1 (1867), Marx said that: Hence did Karl Marx apply the concepts of fetish and fetishism, derived from economic and ethnologic studies, to the development of the theory of commodity fetishism, wherein an economic abstraction (value) is psychologically transformed (reified) into an object, which people choose to believe has an intrinsic value, in and of itself.
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Kazimierz Dejmek was born in Kowel (now in Ukraine) in 1924 and attended school in Rzeszów. During World War II he was a partisan in the Peasants' Party Special Units and in 1943 joined Poland's Home Army. Shortly after leaving the army in 1944, he made his debut as an actor in Rzeszów playing Jasiek in Stanisław Wyspiański's The Wedding. In the years 1945 - 1949 he performed in the Lower Silesian Theatre in Jelenia Góra (now Cyprian Norwid Theatre) and the Wojska Polskiego Theatre in Łódź and studied at the National Higher School of Theatre. In 1950, he abandoned acting as a career to become the artistic director of the New Theatre. He served there until 1962, when he became the manager of the National Theatre in Warsaw. At the end of November 1967, the National Theatre presented Adam Mickiewicz's 1824 play Dziady (Forefathers' Eve) directed by Dejmek. The production was to have considerable repercussions for his career and for Poland itself. After the 14th performance (on 30 January 1968), Poland's Communist government banned any further performances of the play on the grounds that it contained "anti-Russian" and "anti-socialist" references.
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Though Bismarcks's Anti-Socialist Laws were not renewed, Wilhelm's government continued to implement measures against Socialist ideas. Nevertheless, the Social Democratic Party continued to grow in strength and became the largest faction in the Reichstag parliament upon the 1912 elections. With stronger influence, the internal developments were characterised by an increasing loyalty of the party establishment towards Emperor and Reich; an attitude that was condemned as "revisionism" by its opponents and culminated in the Burgfrieden policy of granting loans to fund the German effort in World War I. Foreign policies were founded on Wilhelm's imperialist ambitions and directed towards the establishment of Germany as a world power (Weltmacht); the desire for a "place in the sun" as coined by Secretary of State Bernhard von Bülow was shared by a large number of German citizens and intellectuals. German nationalism achieved a short-lived high point, following the acquisition of some colonial possessions on the African continent and in the South Seas, while external relations deteriorated: in 1890, Germany had refused to prolong the secret Reinsurance Treaty with Russia, concluded by Bismarck in 1887, and had to witness the forming of the Franco-Russian Alliance presenting a new two-front war scenario.
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Sir Walter Henry Lee KCMG (27 April 18741 June 1963) was an Australian politician and member of the Tasmanian House of Assembly. He was Premier of Tasmania on three occasions: from 15 April 1916 to 12 August 1922; from 14 August 1923 to 25 October 1923; and from 15 March 1934 to 22 June 1934. Lee was born in Longford in Tasmania's north-east, where he was educated to primary level at Longford State School. He joined his father's business, and later went into business with his brother as a wheelwright with Lee Bros. Lee was elected to the Tasmanian House of Assembly at the 1909 election, representing the rural seat of Wilmot for the Anti-Socialist Party, which became the Tasmanian Liberal League and later the Nationalist Party. In 1915, Lee became Leader of the Opposition, and after the Liberals won 15 out of 30 seats at the 1916 election, Lee was sworn in as Premier of Tasmania (also serving as Minister for Education; and Chief Secretary until 1922). In spite of World War I, the first term of Lee's government was relatively smooth, and as the Nationalist Party, they retained government in the 1919 election with a one-seat majority.Scott Bennett, Lee, Sir Walter Henry (1874–1963), Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume 10, Melbourne University Press, 1986, pp 52–53.
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