121 Sentences With "anti Marxist" | Random Sentence Generator

Organizers of the gathering, which was marketed as an anti-Marxist rally, had been denied a permit.

The San Francisco Chronicle reported that several dozen "anti-Marxist" protesters arrived at Civic Center at 12:30 p.m.

A "Rally Against Hate" was organized to protest a planned anti-Marxist gathering in the Bay Area city, home of the University of California, Berkeley.

The standoff itself pitted a group of proton conservatives calling themselves anti-Marxist against a much larger group of anti-fascists better known as the radical leftist group Antifa.

When President Reagan tried to bolster anti-Marxist insurgencies in the Western Hemisphere, the Democratic House of Representatives opposed his vision and proscribed assistance to Nicaraguan rebels battling the leftist Sandinista government.

"Not only has fascism traditionally opposed Marxism, rather than simple opposition to Communism in the spirit of many traditional conservative ideologies, but anti-Marxist principles are at the core of its ideology," he writes.

Their legal policy innovations intensified in Mr. Reagan's second term, after Mr. Barr had returned to private practice and senior administration officials were caught steering aid to anti-Marxist militants in Nicaragua despite a law forbidding such assistance.

While the Reagan administration was supporting anti-Marxist guerrillas in Africa, Mr. Rockefeller took a 2850-nation tour of the continent in 290 and declared that African Marxism was not a threat to the United States or to American business interests.

When congressional Democrats used their power to impede Reagan's agenda, like conducting oversight investigations into political appointees at regulatory agencies and outlawing support to anti-Marxist militants in Nicaragua, frustrated Reaganites began looking for ways to achieve their goals without congressional approval.

The major beneficiaries of the Hugenberg press's anti-Marxist campaign were not the DNVP as intended, but rather the National Socialists who were able to portray themselves as the most effective anti-Marxist fighting force.Hamilton, Richard Who Voted for Hitler?, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982 pages 264-265 & 435.

Michael Young, 'Some thoughts on the death of 'anti-Marxist' Maxime Rodinson,' The Daily Star 27 May 2004.

Granville Hicks (September 9, 1901 – June 18, 1982) was an American Marxist and, later, anti-Marxist novelist, literary critic, educator, and editor.

Bismarckjugend logo Bismarckjugend, 'Bismarck Youth', was an anti-Marxist youth movement in Weimar Germany. Bismarckjugend was the youth wing of the monarchist German National People's Party (DNVP).

Drexler approached Hitler and gave him a copy of his pamphlet My Political Awakening, which contained anti-Semitic, nationalist, anti-capitalist, and anti-Marxist ideas. Hitler claims the literature reflected the ideals he already believed in.Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf, 1925.

Apart from PSOE(H), UGT(H) was also joined by members of the Spanish Democratic Socialist Party (PSDE) and Spanish Social Reform (RSE) (two anti-Marxist groups). These parties were also allies of PSOE(H) in the Socialist and Democratic Alliance.

The Conciliator faction was an opposition group within the Communist Party of Germany during the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich. In East Germany, after World War II, the German word for conciliator, Versöhnler, became a term for anti-Marxist political tendencies.

After the war, the German word for conciliator, versöhnler, was used in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) to refer to anti-Marxist tendencies. The term had been previously used by Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky and Joseph Stalin to vilify certain party members. The third party convention of the SED continued the attack on Social Democratism, with propaganda including the fight against all liberalism and conciliatory tendencies as essential to the fight's effectiveness. The 1984 Handbuch der deutschen Gegenwartsprache ("Handbook of German Contemporary Speech") published in the GDR defined versöhnler as "within the labor movement, someone who exhibits unprincipled anti-marxist behavior, fomenting right or left opportunism".

Adriana Puiggrós (born September 12, 1941) is an Argentine writer, academic and politician. Puiggrós was born in Buenos Aires in 1941. Her father was who was a historian and a communist. He changed political direction and joined the Peronist party, which was anti-Marxist, during the 1950s.

Inspired by Primo de Rivera, founder of the Spanish Falange, "Tacuara rejected elections and the parliamentary system, were strongly anti-Marxist, revindicated social justice, proclaimed the Fatherland's and the Catholic religion's superiority over any other and exalted violence as a form of permanent mobilization."Daniel Gutman, Tacuara.

Zhang is an anti-Marxist, and has demanded in an open letter to the Minister of Education of the People's Republic of China that teaching Marxism should be ceased in the Chinese education. Zhang dismisses views that uphold that the Chinese electorate would not be informed enough to practice democracy.

It was voted into office by a landslide.Labour had made significant gains in 1982. The Liverpool Echo claimed, 'City voters clearly rejected [Liberal council leader Sir Trevor Jones'] anti-Marxist campaign, much to the delight of Labour and Tory chiefs who had branded it as a smokescreen.' Liverpool Echo 7 May 1982.

He became a literary critic in the 1950s. His reviews first appeared in the magazines Swadesamitran and Saraswathi. He was a friend and contemporary of fellow literary critic C. S. Chellappa with whom he was involved in a long literary feud. He was considered as a rightwinger and Anti- Marxist by left leaning Tamil writers.

Valkyrien's last film is probably her most remembered, although she had only a secondary role. Bolshevism on Trial was an anti- Marxist melodrama about a wealthy father who purchases an island off the coast of Florida and establishes a commune for his son in order to prove to the idealistic young man that communism can't work.

In the direct aftermath of the Chinese Civil War, the agency represented the People's Republic of China in countries and territories with which it had no diplomatic representation, such as British Hong Kong.Pares, Susan. (2005). A political and economic dictionary of East Asia. Routledge. In 1956, Xinhua began reporting on anti-Marxist and other opinions critical of the party.

Communists, initially led by the moderate Kurt Eisner, briefly attained power in Bavaria in 1919. The revolt was then seized by the radical Eugen Leviné, who helped to establish the Bavarian Soviet Republic. This brief, violent experiment in Munich galvanized anti-Marxist and anti-Semitic sentiment among Munich's largely- Catholic population, and the Nazi movement emerged.Hastings p.

Later, he declared the faction to be decidedly anti-Marxist. Neither right nor left by Zeev Sternhell, David Maisel, pg 170 He eventually abandoned any form of socialism and briefly served as Minister of the Interior for Philippe Pétain.From the other shore By André Liebich, pg 270 Later, like Déat, he became a supporter of Pierre Laval.

By the late 1920s, the Soviet Union's first leader, Vladimir Lenin, had died and been replaced by Joseph Stalin. Being both Roman Catholic and politically right-wing, Wallez was opposed to the atheist, anti-Christian, and extreme left-wing Soviet government, and wanted Tintin's first adventure to reflect this, to persuade its young readers with anti-Marxist and anti-communist ideas. Later commenting on why he produced a work of propaganda, Hergé said that he had been "inspired by the atmosphere of the paper", which taught him that being a Catholic meant being anti-Marxist, and since childhood he had been horrified by the Bolshevik shooting of the Romanov family in July 1918. Bolsheviks force people to vote for them at gunpoint in a scene appropriated from Joseph Douillet's (1928).

Arbeitertum (meaning Labour in English) was a fortnightly German newspaper aimed at working class readers and edited by Reinhold Muchow. It was founded with anti-Marxist and anti-Capitalist intentions.Waldo Chamberlin, Industrial Relations in Germany 1914-1939, p. 102. In the early 1930s, it was sponsored by the Nazi Party and in 1933 it became the official publication of the German Labor Front.

This had considerable success, Common Wealth gaining three seats during the Parliament. Mackay's position came under fire from several groups within Common Wealth. The London Region complained that he was a careerist and an anti-Marxist, while some Christians in the organisation argued that he was destroying the party's idealism in pursuit of electoralism. Mackay became increasingly interested in electoral reform.

Her brother Karl Federn was a lawyer who, after fleeing to the UK, became known for his anti-Marxist writings. Her sister Else Federn was a social worker in Vienna, active in the Settlement Movement. A park in Vienna was named for her in 2013. Etta Federn's first husband was Max Bruno Kirmsse, a German teacher of children with mental disabilities.

Chávez's connection to Marxism was a complex one, though he had described himself as a Marxist on some occasions. In May 1996, he gave an interview with Agustín Blanco Muñoz in which he remarked, "I am not a Marxist, but I am not anti-Marxist. I am not communist, but I am not anti- communist."Quoted in Jones 2007. p. 236.

539 was regarded as the harbinger of such dangers. The fear of left-wing politics began to grow in the minds of Sri Lankan politicians of the era. The colonial government responded to the agitation of the leftists by imprisoning N. M. Perera, Colvin R. de Silva and other left leaders. Anti Marxist feelings were shared by the mainstream Sinhalese and Tamil leaders alike.

Gil- Robles attended an audience at the Nazi Party rally in Nuremberg and was influenced by it, henceforth becoming committed to creating a single anti- Marxist counterrevolutionary front in Spain. CEDA was largely the party of the Catholic middle-class and Northern Spanish smallholders. It would ultimately be the most popular individual party in Spain in the 1936 elections.Payne, Stanley G. The Franco Regime, 1936–1975.

Condemned to 15 years of jail, he managed to escape from the prison and spent time hiding in his uncles' houses in Tirana. Communist dictator Enver Hoxha showed no sympathy for him, and had already secretly instructed Nako Spiru on 4 April 1944 to silently execute him, as being "not a good one". Luckily Mala escaped execution this time. Hoxha would later refer to Mala as a "confusing anti- Marxist".

" An editorial in the Revisionist newspaper Hazit Haam praised Cohen's "brilliant speech." It continued, that "Social Democrats of all stripes believe that Hitler's movement is an empty shell (but) we believe that there is both a shell and a kernel. The anti-Semitic shell is to be discarded, but not the anti-Marxist kernel. The Revisionists would fight the Nazis only to the extent that they were anti-Semites.

The Central Committee, however, flipped on Xoxe, stripping him of his posts and expelling him from the party. In November 1948, he and many others were arrested. The Soviets wanted to paint Tito as the mastermind of anti-Marxist and anti-Albanian activities with the trials of Xoxe and the others. Xoxe was tortured in prison repeatedly until he confessed to conspiring with Tito against the Albanian government.

Communist Albanian leader Enver Hoxha, for instance, strongly condemned Khrushchev as "revisionist" and severed diplomatic relations.Reject the Revisionist Theses of the XX Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Anti- Marxist Stand of Krushchev's Group! Uphold Marxism-Leninism! The speech was also seen as a catalyst for 1956 uprisings in Poland and Hungary, and was seen as a "major stimulus" to the Sino–Soviet split.

They regarded the scheme set out in the Bullock Report as a good idea, whereas most of the left opposed it.Bullock to all that A small faction disagreed with the B&ICO; leadership's stance on Workers' Control, (which it criticised as "Fabian" and "fundamentally anti-Marxist") and split to form the Communist Organisation in the British Isles.What is the Communist Organisation in the British Isles? in Proletarian, No. 1, c. 1974.

In his report, he stated that it was 'necessary to reject the formation of any kind of bloc between the Communist Party and the national-reformist opposition' in the colonies. Moreover, he claimed that parties like WPP could develop into petty bourgeois parties. Leon Trotsky concurred with this view. In June 1928, he had submitted a document which called WPP an invention of Joseph Stalin and that the party was a 'thoroughly anti-Marxist formation'.

Although the party was not officially royalist, Theotokis was a noted royalist, giving the party somewhat of an association with the monarchist right. The party merged into New Democracy before the 1981 election, mollified by some concessions from George Rallis, and giving as a reason its desire to avoid splitting the "anti- Marxist" front. Theotokis, by that time the EP's leader, gained a parliamentary seat in the election as a New Democracy deputy.

The KdP was constituted as a political party in July 1928 in Nálepkovo/Wagendrüssel, with their eyes on the upcoming parliamentary election. The KdP was chaired by Dr. Roland Steinacker until 1933. The party had a Christian and anti-Marxist outlook, and positioned itself as a party loyal to the Czechoslovak state. A key concern of the founders of the KdP was to steer Germans in Slovakia away from Magyar- dominated parties.

In 1902, the translation of Karl Marx's critique of family and marriage left Goldstein in no doubt about the real aims of the ideology he had served. As a result, he and his allies resigned from the Socialist movement and became a fervent anti-Marxist. With Martha Moore Avery, Goldstein published a book, Socialism: The Nation of Fatherless Children, in 1903. At first, the Socialist press treated the work to a full scale media blackout.

The RSS extended to foreign countries, where Hindus were recruited into organisations such as the Bharatiya Swayamsevak Sangh or the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh. There was a subtle, important shift in the RSS worldview. One of Golwalkar's major innovations was an anti-communist, anti-socialist ideology, with the slogan "Not socialism but Hinduism." According to D. R. Goyal, the RSS' anti-Marxist tinge made it popular with the wealthy sections of society who generously supported it.

The Communist Organisation in the British Isles (COBI) was a Marxist-Leninist political party in Britain and Ireland. It was founded in 1974 by members of the British and Irish Communist Organisation (BICO) who disagreed with BICO's stance on workers' control, which the COBI described as reducing "the working class to a plastic object of bourgeois history" and "fundamentally anti- Marxist". What is the Communist Organisation in the British Isles? in Proletarian, No. 1.

In 1948, two separate Forward Blocs had emerged, a 'Forward Bloc (Marxist)' (out of which the Forward Bloc of today emerged) and a 'Forward Bloc (Ruiker)' (led by R.S. Ruiker).Thevar himself consequently kept a pragmatic attitude towards the ideological debates of the party at the national level, and kept aloof from taking sides in the splits. Although he himself refuted Marxism, he did not align with the anti-Marxist elements on the national level. See Bose, pp.

He insisted that officers share his political views and, as head of the Kriegsmarine, formally joined the Nazi Party on 1 February 1944, as member 9,664,999. He was awarded the Golden Party Badge for his loyalty to the party later that year. Dönitz's influence over naval officers contributed to none joining the attempts to kill Hitler. From an ideological standpoint, Dönitz was anti-Marxist and antisemitic who believed that Germany needed to fight the "poison of Jewry".

The communist regime integrated the whole Romanian heritage into their national ideology. For instance, right-wing historian Nicolae Iorga was rehabilitated for being "anti-fascist" (being assassinated by the Iron Guard), his works being republished with the exception of those that directly argued against communism. Eugen Lovinescu's History Modern Romanian Civilization was republished in an abridged version and the introduction said Lovinescu's work was not anti-Marxist polemic and that it had common points with historical materialism.Boia, p.

In May nearly all Soviet troops on the Orikum naval base were withdrawn, leaving the Albanians with 4 submarines and other military equipment. On 7 November 1961, Hoxha made a speech in which he called Khrushchev a "revisionist, an anti-Marxist and a defeatist". Hoxha portrayed Stalin as the last Communist leader of the Soviet Union and he began to stress Albania's independence. By 11 November, the USSR and every other Warsaw Pact nation broke relations with Albania.

Nikolaus “Klaus” Barbie (25 October 1913 – 25 September 1991) was an SS and Gestapo functionary during the Nazi era. He was known as the "Butcher of Lyon" for having personally tortured prisoners of the Gestapo – primarily Jews and members of the French Resistance – while stationed in Lyon under the collaborationist Vichy regime. After the war, United States intelligence services employed him for his anti-Marxist efforts and also aided his escape to Bolivia. The West German Intelligence Service later recruited him.

Throughout his life, Flanders underwent changes to his political affiliations and foci. His political and intellectual development began with a focus on socialism, so much so that he migrated to Germany to join the ISK and pursue his interest in the topic through learning at the organization’s Walkemuhle, or training school at 18, in 1929.Kelly, 7. He continued to pursue and write on anti- Marxist, Leninist socialism for decades until the postwar 1940s when he worked for the UK government.

Carl also had a substantial library consisting of socialist literature of all colors. Rocker was particularly impressed by the writings of , a federalist and opponent of Bismarck's centralized German Empire; Eugen Dühring, an anti-Marxist socialist, whose theories had some anarchist aspects; novels like Victor Hugo's Les Misérables and Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward; as well as the traditional socialist literature such as Karl Marx's Capital and Ferdinand Lasalle and August Bebel's writings.; ; . Rocker became a socialist and regularly discussed his ideas with others.

His thesis on Fyodor Dostoyevsky was condemned as "anti- Marxist" and as a result he was barred from admission to post-graduate studies in 1939. He went on to lecture at the Tula Pedagogical Institute in 1940. During the Second World War, Pomerants volunteered to the front, where he fought as a Red Army infantryman. He was wounded in the leg, as a result of which he was assigned as a writer to the editorial office of the divisional newspaper.

Allemane voted with the majority for adhesion to the Third International, because its radicalism appealed to him. Nevertheless, he did not join the PCF. Instead, in the 1920s, he flirted with the National Socialist party of Gustave Hervé (formerly an anti-militarist socialist but, since 1914, a staunch nationalist). This group sought to unite socialists who had taken a 'patriotic' position during the First World War, but it also attracted old Boulangist and anti-Dreyfusard elements, as well as anti-Marxist syndicalists.

After the election he moved to Berlin. The other ADAV representatives were Friedrich Wilhelm Fritzsche and the anti-Prussian, anti-Marxist Johann Baptist von Schweitzer, who had become president of the ADAV the same year. Also present in the Reichstag was the Social Democratic Workers' Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, SDAP), with Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel. The party, which was revolutionary and Marxist, had been formed 1869 in Eisenach, Kingdom of Saxony, from the left wing of the Saxon People's Party (Sächsische Volkspartei).

Anthony Barnett, reviewing Democracy Realized in the Times Literary Supplement, praised the book highly: > A short, exceptionally sustained argument .... Here [Unger] is in top form, > as he advocates the need for democracy. He is neither earnest nor > predictable. ... Unger's arguments really are different from both sides of > the familiar Lefts and Rights. His is an anti-Marxist, anti-Keynesian > critique of neoliberalism ... In the course of it, he combines high theory > with striking comparisons of Indian, American and Brazilian democracy.

Gordon was said to have shown little competency in anti-Marxist argument, falling into "easily avoided mistakes." The Review of Metaphysics assessed the book more positively, describing how Gordon successfully accomplished his explicit goal of demonstrating how Cohen, Elster and Roemer had failed to "rehabilitate Marx's economic theories". The review said that Gordon's book suggested an unstated second goal, that of Gordon justifying his own libertarian stance, and that this portion of the book was "by far the most stimulating".

Initially two labor parties were founded by immigrants to Palestine of the Second Aliyah (1904–1914): the pacifist and anti-militarist Hapo'el Hatza'ir (Young Worker) party and the Marxist Poale Zion party, with Poale Zion roots. The Poale Zion Party had a left wing and a right wing. In 1919 the right wing, including Ben-Gurion and anti-Marxist non-party people, founded Ahdut HaAvoda. In 1930 Ahdut HaAvoda and Hapo'el Hatza'ir fused into the Mapai party, which included all of mainstream Labor Zionism.

In 1968 during a big student revolt in the streets of Belgrade, he daily criticized official press coverage of the protests in front of hundreds of protesting students. For this reason he was denounced by semi- official newspaper Politika. He was a leading anti-Marxist intellectual in Serbia during the 1970s and 1980s. In the 1970s he criticized severely Vladimir Lenin's involvement in pre-revolutionary robberies and this had powerful echo and undermined pro-Marxist intelligentsia in Yugoslavia that supported the government of Josip Broz Tito.

Sartre, 21–22. Marxism became a tool for the security and policies of the Soviet Union. The Soviets halted the organic conflict and debate that develops a philosophy, and turned Marxist materialism into an idealism in which reality was made to conform to the a priori, ideological beliefs of Soviet bureaucrats. Sartre points to the Hungarian Uprising of 1956 where Soviet leaders assumed that any revolt must be counter-revolutionary and anti-Marxist when, in fact, the Hungarian revolt came directly from the working class.Sartre, 23–24.

Furthermore, the PKI argued that PKI Merah was the product of anti- Marxist/anti-Communist reaction. However, immediately after the split PKI tried to downplay the importance of PKI Merah (Sardjono called PKI Merah a mere 'atom in the universe of international communism'). However, PKI soon shifted its attitude to the splinter party, and in Magelang a special meeting was held to condemn PKI Merah. In July 1948, PKI Merah was one of twenty political parties that signed a declaration in support of the National Program.

481 It was at this time that Carr started to admire the Soviet Union. In a 1932 book review of Lancelot Lawton's Economic History of Soviet Russia, Carr dismissed Lawton's claim that the Soviet economy was a failure, and praised the British Marxist economist Maurice Dobb's extremely favourable assessment of the Soviet economy.Davies, R.W. "Carr's Changing Views of the Soviet Union" pp. 91–108 from E.H. Carr: A Critical Appraisal ed. Michael Cox, London: Palgrave, 2000 p. 98 Carr's early political outlook was anti-Marxist and liberal.

Baranov's ideas were often ahead of his time, and he was engaged in some disputes with other Soviet scientists.Ben-Yami, M. 2010. From F.I. Baranov to fishing quotas: on the problems of the contemporary fisheries management Scientific Conference at the Kaliningrad State Technical University Many of Baranov’s peers felt that his theories were anti-Marxist, and he even risked being sent to a Gulag labor colony, only to be saved by N. N. Andreev, another fisheries technologist (and former student of Baranov) and secretary of the Communist Party Committee at the Fisheries Institute.

Mussolini informed Hitler that he was satisfied with the presence of the anti- Marxist government of Dollfuss in Austria, and warned Hitler that he was adamantly opposed to Anschluss. Hitler responded in contempt to Mussolini that he intended "to throw Dollfuss into the sea". With this disagreement over Austria, relations between Hitler and Mussolini steadily became more distant. Hitler attempted to break the impasse with Italy over Austria by sending Hermann Göring to negotiate with Mussolini in 1933 to convince Mussolini to press the Austrian government to appoint members of Austria's Nazis to the government.

Described as a far-right or an extreme right party, the NF has both commonalities and differences with older far-right groups. Political scientists and historians characterise it as fascist, or neo-fascist. The political psychologist Michael Billig noted that the NF displayed many of fascism's recurring traits: an emphasis on nationalism and racism, an anti- Marxist stance, statism and support for capitalism, and a hostile view of democracy and personal freedom. The historian Martin Durham stated that the NF—like France's National Front and Germany's The Republicans—represented "the direct descendants of classical fascism".

He was forced to resign the faculty because of openly expressing his anti-Marxist opinions, while Anne faced increasing peer pressure to leave him for the same reason. Harsanyi remained in Hungary for the following two years attempting to sell his family's pharmacy without losing it to the authorities. After it became apparent that the communist party would confiscate the pharmacy in 1950, he fled with Anne and her parents by illegally crossing the border into Austria and then going to Australia where Klauber's parents had some friends.

Adolf Hitler's DAP card with the membership number 7 (altered from the original) After World War I ended, Adolf Hitler returned to Munich. Having no formal education or career prospects, he tried to remain in the army for as long as possible. In July 1919, he was appointed Verbindungsmann (intelligence agent) of an Aufklärungskommando (reconnaissance commando) of the Reichswehr to influence other soldiers and to investigate the DAP. While monitoring the activities of the DAP, Hitler became attracted to founder Anton Drexler's anti-Semitic, nationalist, anti-capitalist, and anti-Marxist ideas.

It was a pioneer as a disseminating publication of the Falangist ideology in the rebel zone after the beginning of the war. In its editorial line, anti-Marxist, but also anti- Semitic and anti-Masonic approaches were manifested. In its first copy, the ideology of the same was clear: In November 1936, after the proliferation of the bonfires, from the pages of the publication had to ask for restraint and to respect private libraries. However, as the struggle progressed, the newspaper maintained the dialectic of the first days.

The New Constitution Party is a white supremacist associated, anti-Semitic, and self-described "anti-Marxist" group based in Toronto, led by James Sears. It is not registered by Elections Canada as a political party in Canada, and focuses its activities on spreading what some consider hate speech through its 'National Socialist' themed website Your Ward News and YouTube videos posted by Sears. The New Constitution Party has close ties to members or former members of the defunct white supremacist group the Heritage Front such as Gary Schipper.

Politischer Arbeiter-Zirkel met periodically for about a year, generally in a small group of three to seven consistent members. Members shared a similar and traditional outlook as highly nationalist, anti- Marxist and anti-Semitic. They also discussed emerging ideas of the time such as Jews as the enemy to Germany, various aspects of the defeat of World War I, and anti-English sentiment, generally thought to be brought on by the Treaty of Versailles. During the meetings Harrer lead the group in studying the Russian Revolution in hopes of finding an escape for Germany.

In the French public debate following the Bolshevik Revolution, far right was used to describe the strongest opponents of the far left, i.e. those who supported the events occurring in Russia. A number of thinkers on the far-right nonetheless claimed an influence from an anti-Marxist and anti-egalitarian definition of socialism, based on a military comradeship that rejected Marxist class analysis, and sometimes described by scholars as a form of "socialist revisionism". They included Charles Maurras, Benito Mussolini, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck and Ernst Niekisch.

Her Philosophical Essays, published in 1906, were acknowledged by both the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks as the definitive rebuttal of the 'neo-Kantians' Nikolai Berdyaev and Pyotr Struve, former Marxists who had broken with the revolutionaries. She was critical of both Alexander Bogdanov and Vladimir Lenin during their debate over Empiriocriticism in 1908–1909, branding their ideas anti-Marxist. In 1910, in St Petersburg, she joined the Central Trade Union Bureau, which was also illegal. After the outbreak of war in 1914, like Plekhanov, she argued that Germany was the aggressor and Russia had a right to defend itself.

A far right or extreme right party, the National Front had both commonalities and differences with older far-right groups. Political scientists and historians characterise it as fascist, or neo-fascist. The political psychologist Michael Billig noted that the NF displayed many of fascism's recurring traits: an emphasis on nationalism and racism, an anti-Marxist stance, statism and a support for the retention of capitalism, and a threatening stance towards democracy and personal freedom. The historian Martin Durham stated that the NF—like France's National Front and Germany's The Republicans—represented "the direct descendants of classical fascism".

Aron Yakovlevich Gurevich (also spelled Aaron Gurevich ; May 12, 1924, Moscow – August 5, 2006, Moscow) was a Russian medievalist historian, working on the European culture of the Middle Ages. Gurevich's work was informed by Jacques Le Goff and Georges Duby, and he considered himself a member of their Annales School. He was also influenced by ideas of Mikhail Bakhtin, challenging some of them at the same time. Gurevich's work was considered anti-Marxist and met with hostility in the Soviet Union, but enjoyed support abroad among the Annales School, although he was not allowed to travel abroad before Perestroika.

Under Captain Mayr "national thinking" courses were arranged at the Reichswehrlager Lechfeld near Augsburg, with Hitler attending from 10–19 July. During this time Hitler so impressed Mayr that he assigned him to an anti- bolshevik "educational commando" as 1 of 26 instructors in the summer of 1919. As an appointed Verbindungsmann (intelligence agent) of an Aufklärungskommando (reconnaissance commando) of the Reichswehr, Hitler's job was to influence other soldiers and to infiltrate the German Workers' Party (DAP). While monitoring the activities of the DAP, Hitler became attracted to the founder Anton Drexler's antisemitic, nationalist, anti-capitalist, and anti-Marxist ideas.

Europe has a long history of expelling Jews and the auto-da-fé of the Inquisition. While he studied the activities of the German Workers' Party (DAP), Hitler became impressed with founder Anton Drexler's antisemitic, nationalist, anti- capitalist and anti-Marxist ideas. Drexler was impressed with Hitler's oratory skills, and invited him to join the DAP on 12 September 1919. On the orders of his army superiors, Hitler applied to join the party and within a week was accepted as party member 555 (the party began counting membership at 500 to give the impression they were a much larger party).

Initially siding with the anti- Marxist side of the 1872 split, his subsequent debates with the anarchists of the Jura Federation such as Paul Brousse and Adhémar Schwitzguébel over the "Public Service Question" led him to defend the necessity of a workers' state to provide social services like a public health service.David Stafford, "From Anarchism to Reformism: A Study of the Political Activities of Paul Brousse, 1870-90", London 1971."No Gods, No Masters", ed. Daniel Guérin, AK Press, 2005 At the end of 1877 De Paepe, Joseph Favre, Benoît Malon and Ippolito Perderzolli co-founded the review Le Socialisme progressif in Switzerland.

In spite of the Revisionist Maximalists' opposition to the anti-Semitism of the Nazi Party, Achimeir was initially controversially supportive of the Nazi Party in early 1933, believing that the Nazis' rise to power was positive because it recognized that previous attempts by Germany to assimilate Jews had finally been proven to be failures.Larsen, p. 379. In March 1933, Achimeir wrote about the Nazi party, stating, "The anti-Semitic wrapping should be discarded but not its anti-Marxist core...." Achimeir personally believed that the Nazis' anti-Semitism was just a nationalist ploy that did not have substance.Larsen, p. 381.

The ÖVP is conservative. For most of its existence, it has explicitly defined itself as Catholic and anti-socialist, with the ideals of subsidiarity as defined by the encyclical Quadragesimo anno and decentralisation. For the first election after World War II, the ÖVP presented itself as the Austrian Party (), was anti-Marxist and regarded itself as the Party of the Center (). The ÖVP consistently held power—either alone or in so-called black–red coalition with the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ)—until 1970, when the SPÖ formed a minority government with the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ).

Even after losing favor with Stalin during his leadership, Molotov still argued in favor of Stalin's regime, opposing de-Stalinization and criticizing Stalin's successors. Mao Zedong along with some other communist leaders, while initially supporting the struggle against the "cult of the individual", criticized Khrushchev as an opportunist who merely sought to attack Stalin's leadership and policies in order to implement new different policies that in the Stalin-era would have been considered anti-Marxist Revisionism. De- Stalinization was still taking place fifty years later. Noticeably however, this didn't mean it was the end in the traditional role and practice that the leadership came with, a monopolized rule.

The October Revolution of 1917—in which Bolshevik communists led by Vladimir Lenin seized power in Russia—greatly influenced the development of fascism. In 1917, Mussolini, as leader of the Fasces of Revolutionary Action, praised the October Revolution, but later he became unimpressed with Lenin, regarding him as merely a new version of Tsar Nicholas. After World War I, fascists have commonly campaigned on anti-Marxist agendas. Liberal opponents of both fascism and the Bolsheviks argue that there are various similarities between the two, including that they believed in the necessity of a vanguard leadership, had disdain for bourgeois values and it is argued had totalitarian ambitions.

The 1930 cantonal elections had given 37 legislative seats of the Grand Conseil to the Socialist Party of Geneva, but none in the executive at the Conseil d'État. The political climate was significantly deteriorated by a series of scandals such as that of the Bank of Geneva, which bankrupted owners of small portfolios, compromised traditional right-wing parties, and led a Radical council member to resign. In December 1930, Georges "Géo" Oltramare founded the Ordre politique national, a fascist political party, whose virulent anti-Marxist stance seduced a part of the bourgeoisie in Geneva.Genève, son histoire et ses institutions au XXe siècle sur la FAO du 23 juillet 2001.

The same anti-Marxist viewpoints led Adenauer to denounce the Social Democrats as the heirs to Prussianism and National Socialism. Adenauer's ideology was at odds with many in the CDU, who wished to unite socialism and Christianity. Adenauer worked diligently at building up contacts and support in the CDU over the following years, and he sought with varying success to impose his particular ideology on the party. Adenauer's leading role in the CDU of the British zone won him a position at the Parliamentary Council of 1948, which had been called into existence by the Western Allies to draft a constitution for the three western zones of Germany.

Nikolai Yakovlevich Marr (, Nikolay Yakovlevich Marr; , Nikoloz Iak'obis dze Mari; - 20 December 1934) was a Georgia-born historian and linguist who gained a reputation as a scholar of the Caucasus during the 1910s before embarking on his "Japhetic theory" on the origin of language (from 1924), now considered as pseudo-scientific,See e.g. В.М.Алпатов "Марр, марризм и сталинизм" and related speculative linguistic hypotheses. Marr's hypotheses were used as a rationale in the campaign during the 1920–30s in the Soviet Union of introduction of Latin alphabets for smaller ethnicities of the country. In 1950, the "Japhetic theory" fell from official favour, with Joseph Stalin denouncing it as anti- Marxist.

One of the strikers, Luis Bravo Morales, was shot dead in Rancagua city. On June 29, the Blindados No. 2 tank regiment under the command of Colonel Roberto Souper, attacked La Moneda, Chile's presidential palace. Instigated by the anti-Marxist militia Patria y Libertad ("country and freedom"), the armoured cavalry soldiers hoped other units would be inspired to join them. Instead, armed units led by generals Carlos Prats and Augusto Pinochet quickly put down the coup attempt. In late July, 40,000 truckers, squeezed by price controls and rising costs, tied up transportation in a nationwide strike that lasted 37 days, costing the government US$6 million a day.

Still, there was little motion among the world communist movement towards construction of a broader united front with the socialist movement and their affiliated trade unions, with the Comintern continuing to train its rhetorical guns on the social democratic movement, which was held to have sabotaged the effort of the Communist Party of Germany to wage battle against fascism by propagating what the communists characterized as its "anti-Marxist theory of a 'peaceful,' 'democratic' road to socialism" among the German workers' movement.The quoted words are those of an unsigned editorialist in the official magazine The Communist International, no. 9 (1935), cited in Carr, Twilight of the Comintern, pg. 148.

When liberal leader Anastasio Somoza García took power in 1936, the Church abandoned their loyalties to the Conservatives and became dedicated to the Somoza regime. Their new loyalties stemmed from the fact that Somoza stated himself as an anti-Marxist and did not continue the persecution of the Church as liberals before him had, but also, that Somoza was responsible for Sandino’s death. A new constitution was born under the Somoza regime in 1950; it was a negotiation between previous anticlerical measures and traditional church privileges. The Catholic Church was recognized as the official religion, and despite the legal separation of church and state, church-run schools continued to flourish.

Hitler in conversation with Ernst Hanfstaengl and Hermann Göring, 21 June 1932 Adolf Hitler's rise to power began in Germany in September 1919 when Hitler joined the political party then known as the Deutsche Arbeiterpartei – DAP (German Workers' Party). The name was changed in 1920 to the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei – NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers' Party, commonly known as the Nazi Party). It was anti-Marxist and opposed to the democratic post-war government of the Weimar Republic and the Treaty of Versailles, advocating extreme nationalism and Pan-Germanism as well as virulent anti-Semitism. Hitler attained power in March 1933, after the Reichstag adopted the Enabling Act of 1933 in that month, giving expanded authority.

He gave him a copy of his pamphlet My Political Awakening, which contained anti-Semitic, nationalist, anti-capitalist, and anti-Marxist ideas. On the orders of his army superiors, Hitler applied to join the party, and within a week was accepted as party member 555 (the party began counting membership at 500 to give the impression they were a much larger party). Around this time, Hitler made his earliest known recorded statement about the Jews in a letter (now known as the Gemlich letter) dated 16 September 1919 to Adolf Gemlich about the Jewish question. In the letter, Hitler argues that the aim of the government "must unshakably be the removal of the Jews altogether".

" Hoxha delivered his speech to the Conference on November 16, where he spoke "of the tremendous Soviet pressures to which the Albanian party and government had been subjected after the Bucharest meeting ... The only crime his régime had committed, the Albanian leader added, was that it did not agree that the Chinese communist party should be summarily and unjustly condemned. For this it had been treated in a manner that was shabby, anti-Marxist and uncomradely. Hoxha's speech had a shattering effect on the Moscow gathering." According to Krushchev, Hoxha said—amongst other things—that the Party of Labour and Albania itself "should merely applaud and approve, but express no opinion of its own.

Leszek Kołakowski described Marcuse's views as essentially anti-Marxist, in that they ignored Marx's critique of Hegel and discarded the historical theory of class struggle entirely in favor of an inverted Freudian reading of human history where all social rules could and should be discarded to create a "New World of Happiness." Kołakowski concluded that Marcuse's ideal society "is to be ruled despotically by an enlightened group [who] have realized in themselves the unity of Logos and Eros, and thrown off the vexatious authority of logic, mathematics, and the empirical sciences." The philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre asserted that Marcuse falsely assumed consumers were completely passive, uncritically responding to corporate advertising. MacIntyre frankly opposed Marcuse.

In contrast to the Strasserite NF's increased centralisation as a response to perceived state repression, the Flag Group gave autonomy to its branches, seeking to focus on local issues. Following the NF's declining vote share in the late 1970s, both groups had effectively abandoned interest in electoral participation. Reflecting the Nouvelle Droite's influence, the Strasserite Official NF promoted support for "a broad front of racialists of all colours" who were seeking an end to multi-racial society and capitalism, praising black nationalists like Louis Farrakhan and Marcus Garvey. Their publication, Nationalism Today, featured positive articles on the governments of Libya and Iran, presenting them as part of a global anti-capitalist and anti-Marxist third force in international politics.

Gaddafi was staunchly anti-Marxist, and in 1973 declared that "it is the duty of every Muslim to combat" Marxism because it promotes atheism. In his view, ideologies like Marxism and Zionism were alien to the Islamic world and were a threat to the ummah, or global Islamic community. Nevertheless, Blundy and Lycett noted that Gaddafi's socialism had a "curiously Marxist undertone", with political scientist Sami Hajjar arguing that Gaddafi's model of socialism offered a simplification of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels' theories. While acknowledging the Marxist influence on Gaddafi's thought, Bearman stated that the Libyan leader rejected Marxism's core tenet, that of class struggle as the main engine of social development.

Historian Zeev Sternhell frequently mentions Sorelin Ni Droite, ni gauche (Neither Right nor Left), a book originally published in 1983 as one of the men who led the way to the fusion of the left-wing revisionists and of the right-wing ultranationalists into what later became fascism. Sorel's vision of socialism was "a-Marxist, anti-Marxist, eventually post-Marxist revisionist".Ni droite ni gauche, l'idéologie fasciste en France, Zeev Sternhell, p. 196, French edition Folio Histoire 2012 Sternhell says that "the socialism designed as 'ethical socialism' by Sorel, Robert Michels and Arturo Labriola [...] will play a huge role in the evolution of the socialist nationalist synthesis, in the eve of 1914 and in the Interwar".

Members wore light blue shirts, dark blue trousers, berets and armbands bearing the party symbol as a uniform, although the uniform was not as ubiquitous as in other far right movements. Despite the Communist origins of much of its leadership (which retained the name Politburo), the party was virulently anti-Marxist, which it came to regard as a Jewish pseudo-socialism which was not working for real improvements to the situation of the French working-classes. Physical violence by PPF members (especially the PPF paramilitary wing, the Service d'Ordre) against Communist Party supporters and other perceived enemies was not uncommon. The PPF, in its initial, working class, phase, was economically populist and anti-banking.

In 1975 he published the anti-Marxist book La Cuisinière et le Mangeur d'Hommes - subtitled Réflexions sur l'État, le marxisme et les camps de concentration, in which he argued that Marxism leads inevitably to totalitarianism, tracing parallels between the crimes of Nazism and Communism. In his next book Les maitres penseurs, published in 1977 and translated into English as Master Thinkers (Harper & Row, 1980), he traced the intellectual justification for totalitarianism back to the ideas articulated by various German philosophers such as Fichte, Hegel, Marx, and Nietzsche. In the years of the Vietnam War, Glucksmann rose to national prominence after expressing his support for Vietnamese boat people. He began working with Bernard-Henri Lévy criticizing Communism.

75 and corresponding with the old-time party leader Manuel Fal tended to accept at least some criticism.late 1970, commenting to Fal on memorandum of Jesús Evaristo Casariego, which defined Carlism as anti-capitalist but also anti- marxist, he noted "me preocupa honradamente el hecho de que en algunos panfletos o memorandums – como el de Casariego, pintoresco personaje – pueda haber algo de crítica aprovechable, que nosotros debieramos traducir en autoconfesión", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 138, compare also his letter to Fal critical about Partido Carlista, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 197 As a result, Pascual's relationship with Partido Carlista deteriorated, especially that co-managing a state-ran news agency in the early 1970s he could not afford demonstrating radical political sympathies.

By June 1947, the Central Committee of Yugoslavia began publicly condemning Hoxha, accusing him of talking an individualistic and anti-Marxist line. When Albania responded by making agreements with the Soviet Union to purchase a supply of agricultural machinery, Yugoslavia said that Albania could not enter into any agreements with other countries without Yugoslav approval.. Koçi Xoxe tried to stop Hoxha from improving relations with Bulgaria, reasoning that Albania would be more stable with one trading partner rather than with many. Nako Spiru, an anti- Yugoslav member of the Party, condemned Xoxe and vice versa. With no one coming to Spiru's defense, he viewed the situation as hopeless and feared that Yugoslav domination of his nation was imminent, which caused him to commit suicide in November.

Counter- protests across the city that weekend were peaceful, with most counter- protesters opting to hold a large dance party instead of a violent confrontation, and there was only one arrest for public intoxication. After cancelling the August 26 event at Alamo Square, Gibson then said that Patriot Prayer members would instead be attending an anti-Marxist rally in nearby Berkeley, but also called that event off as well. A September 26, 2017 Patriot Prayer demonstration near Sproul Plaza resulted in violence between the group and left-wing activists, including BAMN. The demonstration continued in a march to People's Park, where Kyle "Stickman" Chapman, a self-described American nationalist, claimed there was "a war on whites" and a "battle for Berkeley".

Kristallnacht of November 1938, smashed window front of Jewish shop Nazi gold in Merkers Salt Mine Funk, who was a nationalist and anti-Marxist, resigned from the newspaper in the summer of 1931 and joined the Nazi Party, becoming close to Gregor Strasser, who arranged his first meeting with Adolf Hitler. Partially because of his interest in economic policy, he was elected a Reichstag deputy in July 1932, and within the party, he was made chairman of the Committee on Economic Policy in December 1932, a post that he did not hold for long. After the Nazi Party came to power, he stepped down from his Reichstag position and was made Chief Press Officer of the Third Reich, a post which involved censorship of anything deemed critical of Nazi policies. His boss was Joseph Goebbels.

The philosopher Seyla Benhabib argued that Eros and Civilization continues the interest in historicity present in Hegel's Ontology and the Theory of Historicity and that Marcuse views the sources of disobedience and revolt as being rooted in collective memory. Stephen Frosh found Eros and Civilization and Life Against Death to be among the most important advances towards a psychoanalytic theory of art and culture. However, he considered the way these works turn the internal psychological process of repression into a model for social existence as a whole to be disputable. The philosopher Richard J. Bernstein described Eros and Civilization as "perverse, wild, phantasmal and surrealistic" and "strangely Hegelian and anti-Hegelian, Marxist and anti-Marxist, Nietzschean and anti-Nietzschean", and praised Marcuse's discussion of the theme of "negativity".

Embarrassed by it, he labeled it a "transgression of [his] youth". Jean-Marc and Randy Lofficier believed that another factor in his decision might have been the story's virulently anti-Marxist theme, which would have been unpopular amidst growing West European sympathies for Marxism following the Second World War. In an article discussing Hergé's work which was published in the magazine Jeune Afrique ("Young Africa") in 1962, it was noted that despite the fact that fans of his work visited the Bibliothèque Nationale to read the copy of Land of the Soviets that was held there, it "will never (and with good cause) be republished". In 1961, Hergé wrote a letter to Casterman suggesting that the original version of the story be republished in a volume containing a publisher's warning about its content.

In 1928, Maurice Spector, while attending the Sixth Congress of the Comintern in Moscow, accidentally got hold of a copy of Trotsky's Critique of the Draft Programme of the Communist International, which criticised the position of Nikolai Bukharin and Joseph Stalin, and especially exposed the anti-Marxist theory of "socialism in one country". This critique was a landmark in the ideological arming of the International Left Opposition. In a truly prophetic statement, Trotsky warned that if this position were adopted by the Communist International, it would inevitably mark the beginning of a process that would lead to the nationalist and reformist degeneration of every Communist Party in the world. Three generations later, his prediction - which was ridiculed by the Stalinists at the time - has been shown to be correct.

Having risen to power on an anti-Marxist agenda, Pinochet found common cause with the military dictatorships of Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and later, Argentina. The six countries eventually formulated a plan known as Operation Condor, in which the security forces of participating states would target active Marxist subversives, guerrillas, and their alleged sympathizers in the allied countries. Pinochet's government received tacit approval and material support from the United States. The exact nature and extent of this support is disputed. (See U.S. role in 1973 Coup, U.S. intervention in Chile and Operation Condor for more details.) It is known, however, that the American Secretary of State at the time, Henry Kissinger, practiced a policy of supporting coups in nations which the United States viewed as leaning toward Communism.

The term National Bolshevism has sometimes been applied to Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and his brand of anti-communism.G. Hosking, A History of the Soviet Union, London: Fontana, 1990, pp. 421–2 However, Geoffrey Hosking argues in his History of the Soviet Union that Solzhenitsyn cannot be labelled a National Bolshevik since he was thoroughly anti-Marxist and anti-Stalinist and wished a revival of Russian culture that would see a greater role for the Russian Orthodox Church, a withdrawal of Russia from its role overseas and a state of international isolationism. Solzhenitsyn and his followers, known as vozrozhdentsy (revivalists), differed from the National Bolsheviks, who were not religious in tone (although not completely hostile to religion) and who felt that involvement overseas was important for the prestige and power of Russia.

Initially, Nazi political strategy focused on anti-big business, anti-bourgeois, and anti-capitalist rhetoric, although this was later downplayed to gain the support of business leaders, and in the 1930s the party's main focus shifted to antisemitic and anti-Marxist themes. Pseudoscientific racist theories were central to Nazism, expressed in the idea of a "people's community" (Volksgemeinschaft). The party aimed to unite "racially desirable" Germans as national comrades, while excluding those deemed either to be political dissidents, physically or intellectually inferior, or of a foreign race (Fremdvölkische). The Nazis sought to strengthen the Germanic people, the "Aryan master race", through racial purity and eugenics, broad social welfare programs, and a collective subordination of individual rights, which could be sacrificed for the good of the state on behalf of the people.

Mueller, faced with crisis, sought President Paul von Hindenburg's help, asking for power to rule by decree pursuant to Article 48 -- a power that had been granted in 1923 to Chancellor Gustav Stresemann by President Friedrich Ebert in economic crises and that would soon be granted by Hindenburg to each of Mueller's successors as Chancellor. The haughty, aristocratic and thoroughly anti-democratic Hindenburg, having no use for any Social Democrat, refused, having decided earlier to use the opportunity to oust the SPD from its position of power in the government; he relished the chance to have formed an anti-parliamentary and anti-Marxist government. Kershaw pp. 323-324. The result was, in accordance with Hindenburg's plan, the appointment of Heinrich Brüning, a Centrist, as Chancellor with no SPD members in his cabinet.

The DAP had been formed by Anton Drexler, Karl Harrer and others, through amalgamation of other groups, on 5 January 1919 at a small gathering in Munich at the restaurant Fuerstenfelder Hof. While he studied the activities of the DAP, Hitler became impressed with Drexler's antisemitic, nationalist, anti- capitalist and anti-Marxist ideas. Hitler's membership card for the German Workers' Party (DAP) During the 12 September 1919 meeting, Hitler took umbrage with comments made by an audience member that were directed against Gottfried Feder, the speaker, a crank economist with whom Hitler was acquainted due to a lecture Feder delivered in an army "education" course. The audience member (Hitler in Mein Kampf disparagingly called him the "professor") asserted that Bavaria should be wholly independent from Germany and should secede from Germany and unite with Austria to form a new South German nation.

For Hexter, the English Civil War was to be seen as the defence of traditional English liberties against an aggressive Crown. This position contrasted in the 1970s with the revisionist views of Conrad Russell and others who disputed both the uniqueness of the English Civil War and its connection with ideas of liberty. However, inasmuch as the revisionists were also explicitly anti- Marxist, their stance owed a great deal to Hexter's critiques. Russell in particular echoed Hexter's emphasis on continuity in English political values, Hexter's distinction between the Civil War and the subsequent Revolution, and Hexter's belief that contingencies better explained the coming of the War, while rejecting Hexter's view that Parliament was acting out of a clear-cut sense of constitutional obligation and embracing instead the view that religious conflicts and practical problems in the composite monarchy were more decisive.

In the 1980s, the National Front, a British fascist party that had experienced the height of its success in the 1970s, was taken over by a Strasserist faction that referred to themselves as Third Positionist. The Strasserist-led National Front was also characterised by Baker as National Bolshevist in ideology. Reflecting the Nouvelle Droite's influence, the Strasserist Official NF promoted support for "a broad front of racialists of all colours" who were seeking an end to multi-racial society and capitalism, praising black nationalists like Louis Farrakhan and Marcus Garvey. Their publication, Nationalism Today, featured positive articles on the governments of Libya and Iran, presenting them as part of a global anti-capitalist and anti-Marxist third force in international politics; its members openly acknowledged the influence of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi and his Third International Theory.

Hoxha was virulently hostile towards the government of Josip Broz Tito in Yugoslavia, accusing Tito's government of maintaining "an anti-Marxist and chauvinistic attitude towards our Party, our State, and our people". He asserted that Tito intended to take over Albania and make it into the seventh republic of Yugoslavia, and castigated the Yugoslav government's treatment of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo, claiming that "Yugoslav leaders are pursuing a policy of extermination there." Albania still maintained some links with the outside world at this time, trading with neutral countries such as Austria and Sweden, and establishing links across the Adriatic Sea with its former invader Italy. However, a modest relaxation of domestic controls was curtailed by Hoxha in 1973 with a renewed wave of repression and purges directed against individuals, the young and the military, who he feared might threaten his hold on the country.

Pol Pot, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Kampuchea and Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea In power, the movement's ideology was shaped by a power struggle during 1976 in which the so-called Party Centre led by Pol Pot defeated other regional elements of its leadership. The Party Centre's ideology combined elements of Marxism with a strongly xenophobic form of Khmer nationalism. Due in part to its secrecy and changes in how it presented itself, academic interpretations of its political position vary widely, ranging from interpreting it as the "purest" Marxist–Leninist movement to characterising it as an anti-Marxist "peasant revolution". Its leaders and theorists, most of whom had been exposed to the heavily Stalinist outlook of the French Communist Party during the 1950s, developed a distinctive and eclectic "post-Leninist" ideology that drew on elements of Stalinism, Maoism and the postcolonial theory of Frantz Fanon.

All but one of the essays had originally appeared in The New York Review of Books. Grouped by theme, the sections of the book deal respectively with the irreducibility of history (and the pleasures and challenges of contingency) in its two principal domains of life and the earth, nature's complexity, the theory and consequences of biological determinism, and rationalism in explanation. Thus it is philosophically the most important of Gould's works - as befits a book dedicated to Peter Medawar and especially Isaiah Berlin, since the latter shares with Gould a commitment against determinism, even though Gould had a Marxist background while Berlin is quintessentially anti-Marxist. It was reviewed in The New York Times by Michiko Kakutani, who noted that although the pieces were technically book reviews, Gould "tends to use the subject at hand as a jumping-off point for more general discussions".

Boundaries of the Greater Germanic Reich Hitler was a pan-Germanic nationalist whose ideology was built around a philosophically authoritarian, anti-Marxist, antisemitic and anti-democratic worldview. Such views of the world in the wake of the fledgling Weimar government were not uncommon in Germany since democratic/parliamentary governance seemed ineffectual to solve Germany's problems. Correspondingly, veterans of the First World War and like-minded nationalists formed the Vaterlandspartei which promoted expansionism, soldierly camaraderie and heroic leadership, all under the guise of völkisch traditions like ethnic and linguistic nationalism, but which also included obedience to authority as well as the belief in political salvation through decisive leadership.Kershaw (1989). The “Hitler Myth”: Image and Reality in the Third Reich, pp. 18–21. The völkisch parties began to fractionalize during Hitler's absence from the revolutionary scene in Germany after the failed "Beer Hall Putsch" of November 1923.

In the 1950s, the psychiatrists of the Soviet Union turned themselves into the medical arm of the Gulag State. A precursor of later abuses in psychiatry in the Soviet Union, the "Joint Session" of the USSR Academy of Medical Sciences and the Board of the All-Union Neurological and Psychiatric Association took place from 10 to 15 October 1951. The event was dedicated, supposedly, to the great Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov and alleged that several of the USSR's leading neuroscientists and psychiatrists of the time (among them Grunya Sukhareva, Vasily Gilyarovsky, Raisa Golant, Aleksandr Shmaryan, and Mikhail Gurevich) were guilty of practicing "anti-Pavlovian, anti-Marxist, idealistic [and] reactionary" science, and this was damaging to Soviet psychiatry. During the Joint Session, these eminent psychiatrists, motivated by fear, had to publicly admit that their scientific positions were erroneous and they also had to promise to conform to "Pavlovian" doctrines.

The party grew out of smaller political groups with a nationalist orientation that formed in the last years of World War I. In 1918, a league called the Freier Arbeiterausschuss für einen guten Frieden (Free Workers' Committee for a good Peace) was created in Bremen, Germany. On 7 March 1918, Anton Drexler, an avid German nationalist, formed a branch of this league in Munich. Drexler was a local locksmith who had been a member of the militarist Fatherland Party during World War I and was bitterly opposed to the armistice of November 1918 and the revolutionary upheavals that followed. Drexler followed the views of militant nationalists of the day, such as opposing the Treaty of Versailles, having antisemitic, anti-monarchist and anti-Marxist views, as well as believing in the superiority of Germans whom they claimed to be part of the Aryan "master race" (Herrenvolk).

It was in this speech that Hitler enunciated the twenty-five points of the German Workers' Party manifesto that had been drawn up by Drexler, Feder and himself. Through these points he gave the organisation a much bolder stratagem with a clear foreign policy (abrogation of the Treaty of Versailles, a Greater Germany, Eastern expansion and exclusion of Jews from citizenship) and among his specific points were: confiscation of war profits, abolition of unearned incomes, the State to share profits of land and land for national needs to be taken away without compensation. In general, the manifesto was antisemitic, anti-capitalist, anti-democratic, anti-Marxist and anti-liberal. To increase its appeal to larger segments of the population, on the same day as Hitler's Hofbräuhaus speech on 24 February 1920, the DAP changed its name to the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei ("National Socialist German Workers' Party", or Nazi Party).

From the Soil is a compilation of lecture notes from courses author Fei Xiaotong taught on Chinese rural society in the 1940s, and a series of essays he wrote for Shiji Pinglun, a Chinese intellectual journal. Published in 1947, From the Soil quickly became one of Fei's most widely read books, and along with Reconstructing Rural China made Fei famous within China's intellectual circles. Even though Fei supported the Chinese Communist Party, following their consolidation of rule on the mainland his works were nonetheless branded as "rightist" and "anti-Marxist" and were subsequently banned; in neighboring Taiwan, Fei's works were similarly restricted because he had expressed support for the Communist party, although From the Soil remained available in Hong Kong. During these years, however, Fei's books (but not From the Soil) were translated into English and spread to the West, where they became widely read.

He advocated a brand of socialism that was ethically motivated, anti-clerical and anti-Marxist, but also undemocratic and included strict vegetarianism and a defense of animal rights. Nelson decided to establish the ISK after members of the ISYL were expelled from the Communist Party in 1922 and the Social Democratic Party in 1925. The ISK took over the ISYL's publishing label, Öffentliches Leben, which published the ISK newsletter beginning January 1, 1926. Beginning January 1929, an edition in Esperanto was added, and in April, a small circulation quarterly in English was added as well. It was usually eight pages and editions ran an average of 5,000 to 6,000 copies. Nelson moved his main published works there as well, his philosophical and political series Öffentliches Leben and his 1904 treatises, "Abhandlungen der Fries’schen Schule, Neue Folge", re-reasoned with mathematician Gerhard Hessenberg and physiologist Karl Kaiser, and which, after Nelson's death, was continued by Nobel Prize winner Otto Meyerhof, sociologist Franz Oppenheimer and Minna Specht until 1937.

In 1982, M.G. Yaroshevsky, criticizing the Pavlovian session, wrote that, in fact, Ivanov-Smolenskiy and his disciples did nothing but pervert the kernel of Pavlovian teaching, substituting for it a mechanistic view of the brain activity. These so-called scholars of Pavlov emasculated the ground of his theory and extremely damaged the prospects of Soviet science. A precursor of later abuses in psychiatry in the Soviet Union and the most somber event in the history of Russian-Soviet psychiatry was the so-called 'Joint Session' of the USSR Academy of Medical Sciences and the Board of the All-Union Neurologic and Psychiatric Association, held in the name of Ivan Pavlov in October 1951, considered the matter of several leading neuroscientists and psychiatrists of the time (for example, Grunya Sukhareva, Vasily Gilyarovsky, Raisa Golant, Aleksandr Shmaryan, Mikhail Gurevich) who were charged with practicing 'anti-Pavlovian, anti-Marxist, idealistic, reactionary' science damaging to Soviet psychiatry. These talented psychiatrists had to admit publicly to their wrong beliefs and mistakes and promise to profess only Pavlov's teaching.

While stating that national-anarchists claim to promote "a radical anti-capitalist and anti-Marxist 'anarchist' agenda of autonomous rural communities within a decentralized, pan-European framework", Macklin further argued that despite a protean capacity for change, far-right groupuscules retain some principles which he calls core fascist values (anti- communism, anti-liberalism, anti-Marxism, violent direct action, palingenesis, Third Positionism and ultranationalism), describing national-anarchism as "racist anti-capitalism" and "communitarian racism". Macklin concludes that national-anarchism is a synthesis of anarcho-primitivism and the radical traditionalist conservatism of Julius Evola in a "revolt against the modern world". Macklin concludes that "[a]lthough Southgate's impact on left-wing counter-cultural concerns has been completely negligible, this case study of the NRF's wanton intellectual cannibalism shows that groupuscular fascism poses a clear danger, particularly for ecological subcultures whose values are profoundly different from the ecological agenda mooted by the far right. [...] If this article is anything to go by, then anarchist, ecological and global justice movements need to remain on their guard in order to ensure that the revolution will not be national-Bolshevized".

Emblem of the Party of Labour of Albania highlighting Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin, on which Hoxhaism and its anti-revisionism is based Hoxhaism demarcates itself by a strict defense of the legacy of Joseph Stalin, the organization of the Soviet Union under Stalinism, and fierce criticism of virtually all other communist groupings as "revisionist"—it defines currents such as Eurocommunism as anti-communist movements. Critical of the United States, the Soviet Union, China, and Yugoslavia, Enver Hoxha labeled the latter three "social imperialist" and condemned the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, before withdrawing Albania from the Warsaw Pact in response. Hoxhaism asserts the right of nations to pursue socialism by different paths, dictated by the conditions in those countries, although Hoxha personally held the view that Titoism was "anti-Marxist" in overall practice. The Albanians succeeded in ideologically winning over a large share of Maoists, mainly in Latin America (such as the Popular Liberation Army and the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador as well as the Revolutionary Communist Party of Brazil), but they also had a significant international following in general.