His speech to the workingmen of Manchester; his toast to the king at Buckingham Palace.
|
|
"I came to Washington to work for God, FDR, and the millions of forgotten, plain, common workingmen," she said.
|
|
By 2010, the real median earnings of prime-age American workingmen were four per cent lower than they had been in 1970.
|
|
"Americans are very fond of classing as un-American anything they don't like," The St. Louis Post-Dispatch complained in 1909, ticking off tariffs and trusts, prohibition and social drinking, boycotts and "the intimidation of workingmen" as just a few of the positions declared "un-American" by their opponents.
|
|
CIDSE (International Cooperation for Development and Solidarity): CIDSE is an umbrella organization for Catholic development agencies from Europe and North America. World Movement of Christian Workers consists of Catholic workingmen and workingwomen.
|
|
He was born in Kennington to William and Susannah Briant.1871 England Census He started work as a civil servant. In 1887, he started working at the Alford House Institute for Workingmen and Lads. In religion, he was a Congregationalist.
|
|
Police met them. One policeman tried to arrest Treas, for using incendiary language. But he could not get to Treas in the dense crowd. A sign on Bloom Street proposed a meeting of workingmen in Sechler's Woods on July 26.
|
|
The Panic of 1893 damaged labor conditions across the United States, and the victory of anti- silver legislation worsened the mood of western laborers.Graff, 117–118; Nevins, 603–605 A group of workingmen led by Jacob S. Coxey began to march east toward Washington, D.C. to protest Cleveland's policies. This group, known as Coxey's Army, agitated in favor of a national roadbuilding program to give jobs to workingmen, and a bimetallist currency to help farmers pay their debts. The march began with just 122 participants, but, in a sign of its national prominence, was covered by 44 assigned reporters.
|
|
John T. Morgan, Senator from Alabama, opposed Cleveland on Free Silver, the tariff, and the Hawaii treaty, saying of Cleveland that "I hate the ground that man walks on."Nevins, 568 The Panic of 1893 had damaged labor conditions across the United States, and the victory of anti-silver legislation worsened the mood of western laborers.Graff, 117–118; Nevins, 603–605 A group of workingmen led by Jacob S. Coxey began to march east toward Washington, D.C. to protest Cleveland's policies. This group, known as Coxey's Army, agitated in favor of a national roads program to give jobs to workingmen, and a weakened currency to help farmers pay their debts.
|
|
In his will, he left the institution a legacy of $20,000. To encourage saving among the city's workingmen, Workman helped to found the Montreal City and District Savings Bank in 1846, serving as the bank's first president (1846–52), and as a director from 1861 to 1872.
|
|
To the Workingmen of America, known as the Pittsburgh Manifesto or Pittsburgh Proclamation, is an anarchist manifesto issued at the October 1883 Pittsburgh Congress of the International Working People's Association. After the organization faded, the manifesto remained generally accepted by American anarchists as a clear articulation of their beliefs.
|
|
English Heritage. pp. 10–11 The society had been founded by immigrants in 1853 as a mutual aid and burial insurance society, but evolved into a synagogue. The members were workingmen of Dutch Ashkenazi background, employed as cigar makers, diamond cutters and fruit traders. They acquired the building in 1867.
|
|
From 1899 the society was called the "Swiss Catholic Association"; it then contained 225 groups with 35,000 members. On 22 November 1904, it combined with the "United Societies of Catholic Men and Workingmen" and the "Fédération Romande" to form the "Swiss Catholic Peoples Union".See the "Yearbook" of the Union, Stans, 1907.
|
|
That was an institution with which he was actively associated the rest of his life. Amongst others who were involved in the establishment of the institution were Satyananda Roy, Jitendra Mohan Sen and Benoy Krishna Gupta. The institution had eighteen branches at one point of time. It organised night classes for workingmen.
|
|
04 Dorman's campaign mostly consisted of his defence of the Conservative government and trying to convince the miners and other workingmen that he had their interests at heart.The Times, 20.2.04 & 25.2.04 He was in favour of taxation reform to protect British markets and opposed the immigration into Britain of what he described as destitute aliens.
|
|
The wealthy Sheridan family prepares to host a garden party. Laura is charged with instructing the workers on the placement of the marquee. Her haughty air quickly disintegrates into an intimidating admiration for the workingmen, with whom she feels a personal connection. Laura's mother, Mrs Sheridan, has ordered masses of lilies, to both their delight.
|
|
At 6:00pm, the militia troops were ordered to retreat. Within two hours the mob was moving about the city, sacking shops and breaking into armories and a local gun factory to procure arms. Hearing what had occurred, a group of 600 workingmen from nearby Temperanceville began a march toward Pittsburgh. Throughout the city, the situation quickly deteriorated.
|
|
By 1862 ten houses were ready for foremen, and in 1863 the first houses for workingmen were built in Alt Westend. Neu Westend was built in 1871 and 1872. By 1905, 400 houses were provided, many being given rent free to widows of former workers. A cooperative society was founded in 1868 which became the Consum-Anstalt.
|
|
The first batch of fliers contain the words Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force! When Spies saw the line, he said he would not speak at the rally unless the words were removed from the flier. All but a few hundred of the fliers were destroyed, and new fliers were printed without the offending words.Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy, p. 193.
|
|
The result of the 1830 election was a crushing blow for the Working Men's Party dominated by Owen and Evans and Skidmore's Agrarian Party alike. The Working Man's Party had split again into a National Republican proxy "Clay Workingmen" and an Owen-Evans minority. Both were soundly demolished by the Tammany Hall Democrats, with Skidmore's Agrarian Party scarcely registering a pulse.
|
|
The interesting shapes in his 1852 photograph of buildings in Grasse have caused it to be seen as a precursor to art photography.Benjamin Genocchio. "They Didn't Forget the Camera", New York Times, July 31, 2005. In 1859, he was commissioned by Empress Eugénie to photograph the newly established Imperial Asylum in the Bois de Vincennes, a hospital for disabled workingmen.
|
|
The book also contained a popular history of the French Revolutions from 1789 to 1830. In 1841 Cabet revived the Populaire (founded by him in 1833), which was widely read by French workingmen, and from 1843 to 1847 he printed an Icarian almanac, a number of controversial pamphlets as well as the above-mentioned book on Christianity. There were probably 400,000 adherents of the Icarian school.
|
|
2, column 1. Despite his use of the erstwhile Marxist slogan on the front page, "Workingmen of All Countries, Unite!", Parsons' paper was unmistakably anarchist in content. Parsons wrote on the theme in a November 1884 issue: In the early months of 1886, the luck of the workers was rising as massive strikes were beginning to take place, crippling many industries into making concessions.
|
|
In the first 6 weeks, the book sold 25,000 copies. It has been in print ever since, including four more self-published editions (1920, 1935, 1942, 1945). Sinclair dedicated the book "To the Workingmen of America".. All works published in the United States before 1924 are in the public domain, so there are free copies of the book available on websites such as Project Gutenberg and Wikisource.
|
|
Documents of the Assembly of the State of New York, Volume 11, 1865 In the postbellum period he worked for the New-York Tribune, wrote poetry and published books. He sympathized with struggling workingmen of his time and joined the Knights of Labor.Beyond Labor's Veil: The Culture of the Knights of Labor, By Robert E. Weir, p. 113. In 1871, he patented an invention dealing with improvement in printer's column-rules.
|
|
They proceeded to move to London. In 1840 in London they established a front organization called the Educational Society of German Workingmen. They continued to grow, until reaching a peak membership of over 1,000 people. In 1845 there was significant public debate within the League between Weitling, who advocated for an immediate uprising of workers, and Karl Schapper, who considered this premature, especially after his experience in the 1839 uprising.
|
|
The Krupp social services program began about 1861, when it was found that there were not sufficient houses in the town for firm employees, and the firm began building dwellings. By 1862 ten houses were ready for foremen, and in 1863 the first houses for workingmen were built in Alt Westend. Neu Westend was built in 1871 and 1872. By 1905, 400 houses were provided, many being given rent free to widows of former workers.
|
|
After moving to Los Angeles, Holt helped found the Legal Aid Society of Los Angeles. She had originally aimed for the Legal Aid Society to specialize in workingwomen’s and children’s investigations and court cases, but male lawyers involved in the Society’s creation decided to appoint a man named Reynold E. Blight as chair, and that focus was lost; workingwomen’s and children’s cases were still handled, but so were the cases of workingmen.
|
|
Many of the nation's railroads—89 out of 364—went bankrupt. Congress hoped inflation would stimulate the economy and passed what became known as the "Inflation Bill" in 1874. Many farmers and workingmen favored the bill, which would have added $64 million in greenbacks to circulation, but some Eastern bankers opposed it because it would have weakened the dollar. Belknap, Williams, and Delano told Grant a veto would hurt Republicans in the November elections.
|
|
She protested a pre-war campaign in downtown Portland and unfurled a banner reading "Prepare to die, workingmen, JP Morgan & Co. want preparedness for profit." She was attacked by others in the march, and a fight ensued, leading to her arrest. Equi continued to protest once the US entered the war in 1917. The US government believed that Equi was a dangerous threat to national security and charged and convicted her of sedition under the newly revised Espionage Act.
|
|
Of special attention were the poor, the uninstructed, and those in irregular marital unions. Thirteen catechetical centres were established, for the instruction not only of children but of many adults who were almost equally ignorant of the Catholic faith. Special instructions were provided for every class of persons, for the beggars, the poor, domestic servants, midwives, workingmen, the aged, etc. Instructions and debates on Catholic doctrine were organized for the benefit of Calvinists, hundreds of whom were converted.
|
|
Fisk was vilified by high society for his amoral and eccentric ways and by many pundits of the day for his business dealings; but he was loved and mourned by the workingmen of New York and the Erie Railroad. He was known as "Colonel" for being the nominal commander of the 9th New York National Guard Infantry Regiment, although his only experience of military action with this unit was an inglorious role in the Orange Riot of July 12, 1871.
|
|
One IWW leaflet proclaimed: > To Colored Workingmen and Women: If you are a wage worker you are welcome in > the I.W.W. halls, no matter what your color. By this you may see that the > I.W.W. is not a white man's union, not a black man's union, not a red or > yellow man's union, but a working man's union. All of the working class in > one big union. The IWW used the same sort of arguments to welcome women into the workforce.
|
|
The letter, which was endorsed by the newspaper's editors as accurate, contested Schinas's involvement in the Centre for Workingmen school, writing: "Schinas had nothing to do with any school and had no idea of entering politics. He was known as a man who loved isolation and his backgammon. He wore a beard and was an anarchist." The newspaper's founder suggested that the conflicting stories about Schinas may be due to the surname's commonality in Greece and the likely existence of multiple people named "Aleko Schinas".
|
|
Vincent J. Falzone, "Terence V. Powderly: Politician and Progressive Mayor of Scranton, 1878-1884," Pennsylvania History 41.3 (1974): 289-309. While the Catholic Church had prohibited membership in secret organizations since the mid-18th century, by the late 1880s with the influence of Archbishop James Gibbons of Baltimore, Maryland, it supported the Knights of Labor as representing workingmen and union organizing. The landmark Coal strike of 1902, was called by anthracite miners across the region and led by the United Mine Workers under John Mitchell.
|
|
Gerber was able to attract about six other men as regular members, most of whom were workingmen like himself. It is likely that they met in the house's basement, as its front and rear entrances made it easy to enter and leave undetected, while the single window could easily be curtained off to prevent onlookers from seeing who was inside. The group held monthly meetings, at which they decided to work for the repeal of Illinois's sodomy law. As the organization's secretary, Gerber handled all its official correspondence and edited its newsletter, Friendship and Freedom.
|
|
Other leaders at the organizing conference were LaRoy Sunderland, who had been tried and defrocked for his antislavery writings, Lucious C. Matlack, and Luther Lee, a minister who later operated an Underground Railroad station in Syracuse, New York. The denomination sponsored traveling preachers on the frontier and into Canada, where they appealed to workingmen and farmers. Typical was Rev. James Caughey, an American sent to Ontario by the Wesleyan Methodist Church from the 1840s through 1864. He brought in converts by the score, most notably in the revivals in Canada West 1851–53.
|
|
Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2008; pg. 61. The Erie Railroad brakemen and the Brakemen's Brotherhood were part of a strike in 1874 that successfully stopped the reduction of brakemen crews from four to three.Stromquist, "'Our Rights as Workingmen,'" pg. 59. They struck again in 1877, ostensibly over the issue of the introduction of "double headers" (two engines pulling a single longer train), which reduced operating costs for the railways by reducing the number of conductors and brakemen needed over that required by two trains of comparable length.
|
|
Lacking the funds needed to obtain a degree, Schinas left Athens and took a teaching job in the Greek village Kleisoura. After a financial dispute with his sisters, he resigned and moved to Xanthi, where he practiced medicine without a degree until stopped by authorities. Schinas's life after Xanthi is the subject of some dispute. In a New York Times interview after the assassination, the Greek consul general for New York said that Schinas opened a school in Volos called the Centre for Workingmen with a doctor and a lawyer.
|
|
75 The VP parade had been deliberately created in part to displace the parades regularly held by the trade unions. Spencer believes it cast workingmen in a passive rather than active role, not merely in the celebration, but in the mythology asserted for the history and economic life of the city. Occasionally the unions would stage events intended to mock the pretensions of the VP Ball.District 8 and movement unionism, Northern Illinois University The leading socialist and working-class newspaper, St. Louis Labor, "wrote negatively" about the VP event and its organizers for decades.
|
|
In 1904, Hillquit attended the International Socialist Congress at Amsterdam and was involved with the proposed Anti-Immigration Resolution, which opposed any legislation that forbade or hindered the immigration of foreign workingmen, some forced by misery to migrate. The resolution read: Hillquit ran for US Congress on the Socialist ticket in the New York 9th Congressional District in 1906 and 1908.F. Gerald Ham with Carole Sue Warmbrodt (eds.), The Morris Hillquit Papers: Guide to a Microfilm Edition. Madison, WI: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1969; pg. 10.
|
|
Haywood, The Autobiography of Big Bill Haywood, pg. 222. While Haywood continued to champion direct action, he advocated the political action favored by the socialists as just one more mechanism for change, and only when it seemed relevant. At an October 1913 meeting of the Socialist Party, Haywood stated: > I advocate the industrial ballot alone when I address the workers in the > textile industries of the East where a great majority are foreigners without > political representation. But when I speak to American workingmen in the > West I advocate both the industrial and the political ballot.
|
|
The matter does not appear to have been definitively resolved, although a trend towards workingmen only is notable in the surviving evidence. The Working Men's Party began to bear the brunt of a conservative ideological attack in 1830, with charges of the group being "anti-religious" being levied against the movement. The Jackson Democrats carried the day in the election, although in the Northern Liberties suburb of Philadelphia 8 members of the Working Men's Party were elected as city commissioners. This marked the last effective election of the organization.
|
|
1873-79 (see Panic of 1873) were marked by one of the worst depressions in the nation's history, caused by economic overexpansion, a stock market crash, and a decrease in the money supply. By 1877 an estimated one-fifth of the nation's workingmen were completely unemployed, two-fifths worked no more than six or seven months a year, and only one-fifth had full-time jobs.Rayback, p. 129. Labor organizers angrily watched railway directors riding about the country in luxurious private cars while proclaiming their inability to pay living wages to hungry working men.
|
|
The party nominated an individual from Orange County for governor, but he decline and no replacement was chosen. The result of the 1830 election was a crushing blow for the Owens-Evans Working Men's Party and the Skidmore Agrarian Party alike, with the Working Men's candidate for Governor, Ezekiel Williams, winning just 2,332 votes against the nearly 250,000 votes split by the Democratic and National Republican candidates. Tammany Democrats routed the National Republican proxy "Clay Workingmen" in legislative races, with Ebenezer Ford garnering only 2,329 votes in his losing bid for re-election, barely more than a third of his 1829 total.
|
|
The Brooklyn Daily Eagle attributed the creation of the new congregation to the establishment of Fahy's watchcase factory, which had drawn a large number of Russian and Polish-Jewish workingmen to Sag Harbor. Within a short time, there were 15 Jewish-owned retail stores in the village and the Brooklyn Eagle reported that Jewish success in retailing fruit and clothing "testify to their industry."Corey Dolgon, The end of the Hamptons: scenes from the class struggle in America's paradise, 2005, p. 31. The simple, vernacular building is a rectangle, 24' by 30', with a pitched roof.
|
|
He joined the Republican Party, many of whose members supported suffrage for blacks. Dunn opened an employment agency that assisted in finding jobs for the freedmen. He was appointed as Secretary of the Advisory Committee of the Freedmen's Savings and Trust Company of New Orleans, established by the Freedmen's Bureau. As the city and region struggled to convert to a free labor system, Dunn worked to ensure that recently freed slaves were treated fairly by former planters, who insisted on hiring by year-long contracts. In 1866, he organized the People's Bakery, an enterprise owned and operated by the Louisiana Association of Workingmen.
|
|
I remember as a boy, I was walking along the beach near Christchurch and there was a group of men coming back from a strike, or a picket of some kind. Suddenly, out of the dunes came police on horseback and they rode into these unarmed workingmen, swinging their clubs as if they were culling seals. I will stand up against such forces as long as I can stand. Even here, in the Cultural Revolution, when some young blokes came in here and started breaking things I grabbed one of them and put him over my knee and gave him a proper hiding.
|
|
The Whigs quickly seized upon the name, applying an alternate derivation of "Loco Foco", from the combination of the Spanish word loco, meaning mad or crack-brained, and "foco", from focus or fuego 'fire'. Their meaning then was that the faction and later the entire Democratic party, was the "focus of folly". The use of "Locofoco" as a derogatory name for the Democratic party continued well into the 1850s, even following the dissolution of the Whig Party and the formation of the Republican Party by former urban Workingmen Locofocos, anti-slavery Know Nothings, Free Soilers, Conscience Whigs, and Temperance Whigs.
|
|
Contrary to man's images portrayed in Cobweb or Crow Series of drawings, Sadequain glorified the hard work and labour of ordinary workingmen by showing them struggling with primitive tools during the stone age, developing agricultural land, discovering scientific breakthroughs, and exploring the universe. He sometimes used Kufic script to form human images and carried that theme through vast canvases. One of the representative works of this genre is titled "The Last Supper," which was awarded the prestigious Binnale de Paris award in France. Sadequain was awarded first prize in National Exhibition of Pakistan in the early sixties.
|
|
On the other hand, he was admired by fellow abolitionists for his lifelong dedication to the cause, and workingmen found inspiration in his career, since he had himself risen from a manual laborer's background. Wilson supported free public schools and libraries. In Massachusetts he supported tax exemptions for the purchase and maintenance of worker's tools and furniture, and the removal of property qualifications for voting rights. U.S. Senator George F. Hoar, a Massachusetts political contemporary, said Wilson was a "skilful, adroit, and practiced and constant political manager" and "the most skilled political organizer in the country" during his career.
|
|
They also organized a strike at Chelsea Piers, which lasted three and a half weeks, in protest of the British Prime Minister's actions in relation to Irish Archbishop Daniel Mannix and the arrest of the Cork Mayor Terence MacSwiney. The strike spread to Brooklyn, New Jersey, and Boston and included Irish, Italian, and African-American workers. The strike at Chelsea Piers was termed "the first purely political strike of workingmen in the history of the United States" by The New York Sun. In January 1921, Kelly and Kathleen O'Brennan formed an American branch of the Irish White Cross.
|
|
Chambers gave speeches on his way back to Texas, castigating the banks and defending the admission of socialists to the convention as "simply a body of men enlisted in the cause of human rights." In his official acceptance letter, he called for expansion of the currency, immigration restriction to help workingmen compete "with Chinese serf labor," and the forfeiture of all unfulfilled railroad grants. On July 8, before reaching home, Chambers fell as he exited his train in Kosse, Texas, and broke two ribs. He was confined to bed for several weeks and considered withdrawing from the race, but decided against it.
|
|
The Democratic-Republican Party, the opposition to the Federalist Party, emphasized the fear that a strong national government was a threat to the liberties of the people. They stressed that the national debt created by the new government would bankrupt the country, and that federal bondholders were paid through taxes collected from honest farmers and workingmen. These themes resonated with the Anti-Federalists, the opposition to the Federalist movement of the 1780s. As Norman Risjord has documented for Virginia, of the supporters of the Constitution in 1788, 69% joined the Federalist party, while nearly all (94%) of the opponents joined the Republicans.
|
|
Attempts had been previously made to found a co-operative society in Ipswich in the 1840s and again in 1858, which lasted for five years before collapsing. However in 1867 George Hines organised a meeting in the music hall of the Falcon Inn, Ipswich where D. P. Foxwell, gave a lecture on co-operation. Hines and Joseph Goody also spoke and by the end of the meeting about 20 people expressed their interest in forming a co-operative society. Following this Hines organised a public meeting on 5 November in Pearce's Rooms, Princes Street aimed particularly at workingmen.
|
|
Though the East St. Louis strike continued in an orderly fashion, across the river in St. Louis there were isolated incidents of violence. Harry Eastman, the East St. Louis workers' representative, addressed the mass of employees: > Go home to your different wards and organize your different unions, but > don't keep coming up here in great bodies and stirring up excitement. Ask > the Mayor, as we did, to close up all the saloons... keep sober and orderly, > and when you are organized, apply to the United Workingmen for orders. Don't > plunder ... don't interfere with the railroads here ... let us attend to > that.
|
|
During the postwar recession trade unionists > accepted Greenbackism as a means of establishing cooperatives which would > eliminate "wage slavery" and alleviate the "miserable condition of > workingmen." After 1870, however, when labor began to share in business > recovery, the same trade unionists found Greenbackism "highly amusing," a > description which in turn angered the reformers. By 1870, local and state workingmen's groups favoring political action were gaining strength, and the national trade unions were becoming unhappy with the direction of the NLU. The craft-based trade unions began to disaffiliate.Workers and Utopia, a Study of Ideological Conflict in the American Labor Movement 1865-1900, Gerald N. Grob, 1969, page 12.
|
|
The House Resolution No. 1051 filed on April 2015 in his honor by Benguet Representative Ronald Cosalan and to give congressional recognition for his work in advancing the country's labor movement and defending and upholding the interest of Filipino working class stated, "Mendoza's unwavering work, advocacy, inspiration and his love for the workingmen has challenged not only the Philippine government but also governments around the world." In June of 2015, the House of Representatives approved the resolution. Mendoza had been the recipients of several awards, including three presidential recognition. In 1998, then President Fidel V. Ramos conferred upon him the Labor Leader of the Year.
|
|
A wake was held in Cebu for most of his relatives there and his body was flown to Davao City to be with his family and children. Buried at the Davao Memorial Park, his burial was attended by Davao’s prominent citizens, some of TUCP- KMP’s officers and his fellow workingmen. He used to say in one of his frequent monologues that he had always wanted to die in his hometown and he got his wish when he died in Cebu City. He left behind 13 children and two wives and a legacy of strength, integrity and wisdom within the Philippine’s labor movement, his family & friends, and his compatriots.
|
|
Placed in a difficult position, the government was forced to yield, and the workers were able at their meetings to elect whom they wanted. The vast majority of the workers voted for the 'Mandate (Nakaz) of the Workingmen of St. Petersburg to Their Labour Deputy' to their delegates and the deputy, which had been drawn up by Stalin. The Mandate declared that the future actions of the people should take the form of a struggle on two fronts—against the tsarist government and against the liberal bourgeoisie. In the end, RSDLP(b) candidate Badayev was elected to the Duma by the workers of St. Petersburg.
|
|
Her scathing report in the New York Call created a stir:Perry (2013), p. 149. > Lord preserve us from this kind of Socialists....We must not preach > Socialism to the negroes because the white workingmen are foolish enough to > allow their masters to arouse their prejudices against their fellow workers > in order to keep them divided so as to play off one against the other. Despite her occasional use of terms that are now considered ethnic slurs, it is clear she was vehemently opposed to segregation and considered it incompatible with socialism. Her disillusionment in this regard echoes her earlier laments about the party's treatment of women.
|
|
The Film was directed and written by Joe Angio and produced by Joe's good friend Michael Solomon. Surprised that no one of the caliber of Spike Lee, or St. Clair Bourne had made a film about Peebles yet, the production of the film started in early 1998 and didn’t finish until 2005. Angio was once asked what type of guy Van Peebles was in an interview with Evan Jacobs; "After being around him for all that time, what have you taken away about him personally?" He stated in his response that Van Peebles is probably one of the hardest workingmen he has ever met.
|
|
The 1901 Report of the Industrial Commission stated "There was no doubt in the minds of workingmen of the existence of the blacklisting system, though it was practically impossible to obtain evidence of it." It cited a news report that in 1895 a former conductor on the Atlantic and Pacific Railroad committed suicide, having been out of work ever since a strike: "Wherever he went the blacklist was ahead of him". The National Industrial Recovery Act of 1933 gave employees the right to organize and bargain collectively. and numerous strikes occurred until the Act was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in 1935, and organized labor sought relief from employers who had able to blacklist union members.
|
|
According to Schinas, in 1910 he was deported from Thessaloniki for being "a good Greek patriot" by the Young Turks, who had seized control of the Ottoman Empire from Sultan Abdul Hamid II in the Young Turk Revolution two years prior. The Greek consul general suggested another explanation for Schinas's departure to the US: that he was evading the police following the closure of the Centre for Workingmen school in Volos. The Atlantis letter, on the other hand, wrote that Schinas left because of a family quarrel with his brother Hercules. In the years prior to the assassination, Schinas reportedly lived in New York City and worked at the Fifth Avenue and Plaza Hotels.
|
|
This extended the right to vote still further down the class ladder, adding just short of a million voters—including many workingmen—and doubling the electorate, to almost two million in England and Wales. It, too, created major shock waves in contemporary British culture, some of which appear in works such as Matthew Arnold's Culture and Anarchy and John Ruskin's The Crown of Wild Olive, as authors debated whether this shift of power would create democracy that would, in turn, destroy high culture. The opposite case had been argued by the 'Chartists' , who campaigned from 1838 for a wider reform. The movement petered out in the 1850s, but achieved most of its demands in the longer run.
|
|
Frank Little was involved in organizing lumberjacks, metal miners, migrant farm workers, and oil field workers into industrial unions, often as part of free speech campaigns. He pioneered the passive resistance tactics used by the Freedom Riders during the Civil Rights Movement. Frank Little first took part in the 1909 Missoula, Montana free speech fight along with Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, helping organize lumber workers who suffered at the hands of logging company managers complicit with "sharks," or employment agencies who tricked workingmen out of their hard-earned money. Next Frank Little took part in the Spokane, Washington free speech fight, where he was sentenced to thirty days in prison for reading the Declaration of Independence.
|
|
Hay remained angry, and blamed foreign agitators for the dispute. He condemned the "unarmed rebellion of foreign workingmen, mostly Irish" and informed Stone by letter, "the very devil seems to have entered into the lower classes of working men and there are plenty of scoundrels to encourage them to all lengths." Public opinion was generally against the strikes in the 1877 disputes and called for them to be ended by force to preserve property and stability. The strike and its suppression featured in many books of the period, such as Thomas Stewart Denison's An Iron Crown: A Tale of the Great Republic (1885), with novelists often sympathizing with the demands of the strikers, though decrying their violence.
|
|
Austin –– who had been so effective in persuading the legislature, however, that the author of Article 13 (before its passage) requested to withdraw it –– helped his colonists evade the law by advising them to legally supplant the word "slave" with the words "workingmen," "family servants," and "laborers," and by working to pass a decree that banned freedmen from Texas and forced emancipated slaves to work for their former slaveowners until the accrued "debt" (e.g. clothing, food), incurred for their own enslavement, was worked off. In 1828, Austin petitioned the legislature to guarantee that slaveowners, immigrating to Texas, could legally "free" their slaves before immigrating, and contract them into a lifetime term of indentured servitude, thereby avoiding recognizing them as slaves.
|
|
Despite the name of the organization, membership was not exclusively limited to brakemen but rather was more akin in nature to that of an industrial union, including among its ranks locomotive engineers, as well as thousands of trackmen and shop workers. The organization seems to have been strongest in the Midwest, with a presence on virtually every railroad in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Its extreme secrecy makes total membership numbers of the Brakemen's Brotherhood unknown, but observers believed the organization had an extensive presence, with the Hornellsville Lodge No. 1 alone including approximately 150 members.Shelton Stromquist, "'Our Rights as Workingmen': Class Traditions and Collective Action in a Nineteenth-Century Railroad Town, Hornellsville, New York, 1869-82," in David O. Stowell (ed.), The Great Strikes of 1877.
|
|
The changes in the next generation in the town of Woodstock in southwestern Ontario exemplified the shift of power from the Tory elite to middle-class merchants and professionals. The once-unquestioned leadership of the magistracy and the Anglican Church, with their closed interlocking networks of patron-client relations, faded year by year as modern ideas of respectability based on merit and economic development grew apace. The new middle class was solidly in control by the 1870s, and the old elite had all but vanished.Anstead and Bouchier, The 'Tombstone Affair', 1845: Woodstock Tories and Cultural Change, pp 363–381 While Anglicans consolidated their hold on the upper classes, workingmen and farmers responded to the Methodist revivals, often sponsored by visiting preachers from the United States.
|
|
The capitalists were only interested in profits, "and the time has come when we must assert our rights as workingmen. Every one present has the sad experience, that we are powerless in an isolated condition, while the capitalists are united; therefore it is the duty of every Cigar Maker to join the organization ... One of the main objects of the organization", he concluded, "is the elevation of the lowest paid worker to the standard of the highest, and in time we may secure for every person in the trade an existence worthy of human beings."Mandel, Samuel Gompers: A Biography, 1963, p. 22. He was elected second vice president of the Cigar Makers' International Union in 1886, and first vice president in 1896.
|
|
A.L. Hernault next took to the rostrum, speaking in French. This was followed by another speaker in German and a speaker in Swedish, each making the case that the situation faced by unemployed workers was untenable, that wages of employed workers had been so reduced during the crisis to make even these insufficient, and that government and the press had turned a blind eye to the coming catastrophe. Speaking in German, Carl Blinks declared that > None felt the hard times but the workingmen... And still this was the > beginning of their troubles, the times would be still worse — more terrible > than anything they had yet experienced. The time had come when they should > stand together shoulder to shoulder, and man by man.
|
|
About 40 party adherents were in attendance to hear a long argument between Skidmore and Working Man's Advocate publisher Evans in which Skidmore charged that the official party had come to be dominated by the wealthy, while Evans accused Skidmore of having made himself "obnoxious to the great body of workingmen." Skidmore's new grouping was known as the Agrarian Party, which also called itself the "Original Working Men's Party," which nominated a full ticket for state and city office as well, including running Skidmore for United States Congress and his right-hand man, Alexander Ming, Sr., tapped for State Assembly in the election of 1830.Carlton, "The Workingmen's Party of New York City," pg. 412. The party nominated an individual from Orange County for governor, but he decline and no replacement was chosen.
|
|
Debs recalled several years later: > I began to read and think and dissect the anatomy of the system in which > workingmen, however organized, could be shattered and battered and > splintered at a single stroke. The writings of Bellamy and Blatchford early > appealed to me. The Cooperative Commonwealth of Gronlund also impressed me, > but the writings of Kautsky were so clear and conclusive that I readily > grasped, not merely his argument, but also caught the spirit of his > socialist utterance – and I thank him and all who helped me out of darkness > into light. Additionally, Debs was visited in jail by Milwaukee socialist newspaper editor Victor L. Berger, who in Debs' words "came to Woodstock, as if a providential instrument, and delivered the first impassioned message of Socialism I had ever heard".
|
|
A New York Times article, with the dateline May 4, and headlined "Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago ... Twelve Policemen Dead or Dying", reported that Fielden spoke for 20 minutes, alleging that his words grew "wilder and more violent as he proceeded". Another New York Times article, headlined "Anarchy's Red Hand" and dated May 6, opens with: "The villainous teachings of the Anarchists bore bloody fruit in Chicago tonight and before daylight at least a dozen stalwart men will have laid down their lives as a tribute to the doctrine of Herr Johann Most." It referred to the strikers as a "mob" and used quotation marks around the term "workingmen".New York Times article datelined May 4, headlined "Anarchy's Red Hand" and dated May 6, reproduced on the University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law website.
|
|
As the year 1829 drew to a close, a meeting of "mechanics and other workingmen" was held in New York City on December 29 to set the future policy of the party. The meeting was chaired by prominent local politician and Skidmore foe Henry G. Guyon, who refused to allow Skidmore to speak. When Skidmore attempted to address the meeting without official sanction, he was howled down. Skidmore's agrarianism-oriented program was defeated and the communal education policies given primacy in the revised Working Men's Party program, with class differentiation and the denial of political liberty to working people directly connected to the current pedagogical model. Denied access to the floor at the December 29, 1829, meeting and thereby effectively "read out" of the party,Edward Pessen, Most Uncommon Jacksonians: The Radical Leaders of the Early Labor Movement.
|
|
After 1829, Tammany Hall became the city affiliate of the Democratic Party, controlling most of the New York City elections afterwards. In the 1830s the Loco-Focos, an anti-monopoly and pro-labor faction of the Democratic Party, became Tammany's main rival for votes by appealing to workingmen, however, their political opponent remained the Whigs. During the 1834 New York City mayoral governor election, the first city election whereby the mayor was elected by the popular vote, both Tammany Hall and the Whig party, from their headquarters at the Masonic Hall, battled in the streets for votes and protected polling locations in their respective regions from known opposition voters.Allen pp. 42-43 During the 1838 state election for governor, the rival Whig party imported voters from Philadelphia, paying $22 a head for votes in addition to paying for votes at their polling places.
|
|
Among other works carried on by the Assumptionists in France prior to their suppression was that of the "Association of Our Lady of Salvation", a society devoted to prayer, almsgiving, and setting a good example for the reformation of the working class. This society was established in eighty dioceses, and it succeeded in drawing the higher classes of society more closely to the workingmen. It encouraged everywhere social prayer, and social and national expiation, and discouraged human respect, social apostasy, and isolation in piety. It raised funds to convey workmen, pilgrims, paupers, and sick poor to Lourdes to the number of a thousand each year; it was zealous in the cause of workmen's clubs, and of Catholic Schools, and was active in the movement in favour of the keeping of Sunday as a day of rest.
|
|
Hopkins wrote in a wide variety of genres, including two volumes of poetry, English Idylls (1865) and Autumn Swallows (1883), and a sensational gothic novel, Rose Turquand (1874). An Englishwoman's Work Among Workingmen (1875) was a memoir of her activism. She wrote pamphlets, most notably True Manliness (1883), and Christian devotional works, including Christ the Consoler, A Book of Comfort for the Sick (1879), and A plea for the wider action of the Church of England in the prevention of the degradation of women, an essay in which she criticised the contemporary double standard by which women were disproportionately blamed for sexual immorality. Her last books were The Power of Womanhood (1899), on the role of mothers in "moral evolution", and The Story of Life (1902), a guide intended to help parents teach sex education to their adolescent children.
|
|
Local political clubs were formed throughout Philadelphia following the election of 1829 and in January 1830 these entities joined together and adopted a constitution as the Workingmen's Republican Political Association.Sumner, "Citizenship," pg. 200. This constitution emphasized the educational nature of the organization, dedicating itself to the publication and dissemination of pamphlets explaining the electoral process to workingmen and attempting to generate names and addresses of those not participating in elections and working to remove any financial impediments to their participation which may exist. Prior to the fall election of 1830, the question arose among the Working Men's Party over whether the nomination of "tried friends" of the working class would continue or whether a limitation on nominations should be made so that only those "engaged in productive pursuits" would henceforth be able to run under the party's banner.
|
|
Hubertine Auclerc attacking the fortress of Men's Rights, by Alfred Le Petit from Les Contemporains (1881) Some of the delegates defended the concept of the family wage, and argued against women's wage labour. One delegate said "woman's place is in the home, where so many daily concerns call her, and not in a factory or workshop ... The young girl should never learn any trade except those which, later, when she has become a wife and a mother, she can carry out in the home." Isidore Finance, who represented the building painters of Paris, urged "tough-fisted and hardheaded workingmen ... to demand a wage that is not simply the equivalent to the product of their labours, but sufficient to keep women and the aged at home." Hubertine Auclert made passionate pleas for women's rights, but argued that they needed economic independence due to their "natural" motherhood.
|
|
The election of 1908 saw the arrival in Oregon of Presidential candidate Eugene Debs aboard the so-called "Red Special," a train chartered by the Socialist Party and taken from station to station around the country for campaign speeches on the fly. The train made several stops in Oregon on September 14, energizing the state's party members. Speaking in Eugene, Debs declared "I am the candidate of the workingmen, and don't expect the votes of any capitalists.""Socialist Candidate for President Talks to a Good Sized Crowd," Eugene Daily Guard, vol. 35, no. 208 (September 14, 1908), pp. 1, 5. An enthusiastic crowd was addressed in Albany, with Debs asserting that the two old parties each represented the capitalists rather than the people and that the Republican Party had fulfilled its historic mission by freeing the slaves, subsequently becoming a political organization of the plutocracy.
|
|
On his return Métin wrote Le socialisme sans doctrines: la question agraire et la question ouvrière en Australie et Nouvelle-Zélande in which he described "these countries in which the state has set limits to the right of property, has instituted the eight-hour day, the minimum wage, compulsory arbitration, with many other measures which have given the English antipodean colonies the surname Paradise of Workingmen." He strongly disapproved of the support given by labor to queen, empire and church. He wrote that labor was, "not in the least interested in building a socialist society, but in aping the bourgeoisie and in winning for themselves all the concessions and advantages possible within a capitalist society." In October 1904 Métin was head of a French delegation that visited the Louisiana Purchase Exposition in St. Louis, US. The delegation visited Quebec, mainly Quebec City and Montreal, from 12–15 October.
|
|
1 and has been incorporated into the lore of Freemasonry. that the Roman secrets of masonry construction were never utterly lost in Italy but were passed on by the mason brotherhoods, which were supposed to be among the numerous documented collegii in which workingmen joined together for mutual protection, fraternal banqueting and eventual support of their widows throughout the Roman Empire, sometimes associated together as masters of the arcana or "mysteries" of their craft. Each such confraternity was composed of men (never women) located in a single town, and was made up of men of a single craft or those worshipping a single deity, free, freedmen and slaves together, forming a bond very like the image of a city, always under the uneasy surveillance of officialdom.Paul Veyne, "Confraternities" in A History of Private Life: From Pagan Rome to Byzantium (Cambridge:Belknap Press), 1987 pp 189-91.
|
|
By the time unrest reached Chicago, reports had widely circulated of burning, looting, and violence in major cities including Baltimore and Pittsburgh. This served to grow tensions, as newspapers reported the march of unrest westward, but it also afforded officials to the opportunity to prepare, a luxury other cities had not enjoyed, as they had been forced to hastily swear in police and muster militia after violence was well underway. In Chicago there existed a substantial organized communist movement, who viewed the strikes approaching from the east as an opportunity to further their cause. On July 22 they released a statement: > In the desperate struggle for existence now being maintained by the > workingmen of the great railroads throughout the land, we expect that every > member will render all possible moral and substantial assistance to our > brethren, and support all reasonable measures which may be found necessary > by them.
|
|
The majority of the Working Men's Party identified as members of the "Clay Workingmen," whether through personal admiration for their banner-bearer, belief in a protective tariff as a fundamental matter of policy, or sheer opportunism in seeking to use the political movement for personal ends.Carlton, "The Workingmen's Party of New York City," pg. 411. The Owen-Evans Working Men's Party, a minority at the time of the May 1830 split, attempted to persevere with the party's communal education-oriented program and nominated a full ticket for the local election, including an effort to return Ebenezer Ford to the legislative assembly. The field was joined by Thomas Skidmore's Agrarian Party, which also called itself the "Original Working Men's Party," which nominated a full ticket for state and city office as well, including running Skidmore for United States Congress and his right hand man, Alexander Ming, Sr., tapped for State Assembly.Carlton, "The Workingmen's Party of New York City," pg. 412.
|
|
About 40 party adherents were in attendance to hear a long argument between Skidmore and Working Man's Advocate publisher Evans in which Skidmore charged that the official party had come to be dominated by the wealthy, while Evans accused Skidmore of having made himself "obnoxious to the great body of workingmen." A May 19, 1830, meeting of the 70-member General Executive Committee of the Working Men's Party dealt a blow both to the Skidmore and Owen-Evans factions, however, granting to party members "the free enjoyment of their own private opinions on all subjects" while simultaneously asserting "never to support any attempt to palm upon any man, or set of men, the peculiar doctrines of infidelity, agrarianism or sectarian principles," dismissing both the equal distribution of property and communal boarding and clothing of children in favor of maintenance of the traditional family unit.Carlton, "The Workingmen's Party of New York City," pg. 407. This was followed by another meeting one week later, at which the majority belong to the Owen-Evans group.
|
|