126 Sentences With "wildcat strikes" | Random Sentence Generator

"West Virginia does have a long history of wildcat strikes," said Newsome.

Employees represented by the union have said they will pursue wildcat strikes from July.

The NLRA deems wildcat strikes illegal, and employers can fire workers who engage in them.

The March 30 walkout will build on a wave of wildcat strikes sweeping across the country.

Wildcat strikes can also break the law if a walkout is done in a way that jeopardizes safety.

In early 2019, over 50,000 garment workers participated in wildcat strikes protesting at changes to the minimum wage.

As a result, there were dozens of short wildcat strikes — strikes without union authorization — in defiance of Roosevelt and union leaders.

Tories mock him as a professional protester who wants to take Britain back to the era of three-day weeks and wildcat strikes.

Tens of thousands of workers walked off the job, wildcat strikes broke out, and angry crowds were met with live fire from the authorities.

Almost a decade later, in 1969, the workers from the south on the assembly lines of the north revolted in waves of wildcat strikes and violence.

BRUSSELS (Reuters) - Airlines have to pay compensation to passengers for delays caused by wildcat strikes that result from management decisions, the European Union's top court said on Tuesday.

"These are wildcat strikes designed to cause maximum disruption to our customers and maximum damage to the Ryanair business," he told journalists in a news conference in Frankfurt.

The movement has also travelled over social media to the industrial cities of Reynosa, Agua Prieta and Ciudad Victoria in northern Mexico, where workers have staged their own wildcat strikes.

The court added that making a distinction between wildcat strikes and those organized by a trade union would make passenger compensation dependent on the rules in different EU countries, which could undermine air passenger rights.

The change to its pay structure has triggered a number of wildcat strikes in recent days, with couriers reportedly stopping fulfilling orders and gathering to protest in groups — including outside Uber's Aldgate East London office.

Wildcat strikes like the one in which Arjona is now participating come with particular risks: Employers can refuse to meet with strikers to renegotiate a settled contract—currently the official tack of the University of California.

Recent wildcat strikes and the election of democratic socialists to Congress have made this last claim somewhat less tenable than it was before 2016, but relative to the Gilded Age's literal class war, the upsurge in resistance remains mild.

The Ireland-based airline said it canceled 150 out of a total 400 flights scheduled to fly to and from Germany on Wednesday due to the strike and warned that such "wildcat" strikes would lead to job cuts if they continued.

Wildcat strikes by workers in Calais also contributed to a dip in ferry services last summer, as did the EU's decision to close down MyFerryLink, a service owned by Eurotunnel (which also owns the Channel Tunnel) for anti-competitive behaviour last July.

In education, successful wildcat strikes by West Virginia teachers bred similar actions of varying scale in Oklahoma, Arizona, Kentucky, Colorado, and North Carolina; graduate students led walkouts at Columbia and the University of Illinois while others joined unions, like at Harvard, Tufts, and Brandeis; Harvard cafeteria workers and healthcare workers at the University of California initiated strikes for better pay and conditions.

Wildcat strikes were the key pressure tactic used during the May 1968 protests in France.

The failure of the ACFTU to advocate for workers has led to an increase in wildcat strikes and other unauthorized labor action. Wildcat strikes are one of few options available to workers because the ACFTU refuses to authorize strikes no matter what the conditions.

Wildcat strikes have been considered illegal in the United States since 1935."Wildcat Strike." In West's Encyclopedia of American Law. Farmington Hills, Mich.

In UMWA's case, this meant stripping local unions of the right to strike without the international union's approval. But wildcat strikes had become common in the coal industry. UMWA miners grew frustrated with the terms of national contracts and dispute resolution and grievances. Democratic reforms within the Mine Workers and the 1974 contract had not released the pressure which caused wildcat strikes.

Later in 2020, the NBA, WNBA, MLB, MLS, and NHL all saw wildcat strikes in protest of police brutality after the shooting of Jacob Blake.

However, in a larger sense, the contract was a failure. The union members' unhappiness with the new collective bargaining agreement led to a continuing wave of wildcat strikes. Miller's democratic reforms had energized his critics and decentralized the union so that unity was now much more difficult to achieve. The number of wildcat strikes only increased through 1976, driving away many potential members and slowing organizing growth.

Wildcat strikes significantly reduced the tonnage mined, and reduced the revenues flowing into the UMWA health and pension plans. The employers argued they should not make higher payments to offset the effect of the wildcat strikes. No new agreement was reached when the 1971 agreement expired, and UMWA struck on November 12, 1974. A tentative agreement was rejected twice by UMWA's bargaining council—once prior to and once during the strike.

Such strikes are often described as unofficial. Strikes without formal union authorization are also known as wildcat strikes. In many countries, wildcat strikes do not enjoy the same legal protections as recognized union strikes, and may result in penalties for the union members who participate or their union. The same often applies in the case of strikes conducted without an official ballot of the union membership, as is required in some countries such as the United Kingdom.

The motivation for wildcat strikes in the United States changed from the Depression era to the Postwar era in response to a variety of factors relating to businesses, the federal government, and unions.

In Vietnam, all workers are required to join a union connected to the Vietnam General Confederation of Labor. Due to workers' distrust of this agency, nearly all strikes in the country are wildcat strikes.

Absent the right to strike, UMWA's democracy movement rejected labor peace and wildcat strikes had become even more common. Miller had been forced to accept the right to strike over local conditions in order to win re-election in June 1977. When national bargaining talks opened in the fall, Miller therefore insisted on changing the national collective bargaining agreement to give each UMWA affiliate the limited right to strike over local issues. Miller argued that the only way to suppress wildcat strikes was to regulate the process and give local unions the right to strike.

On 21 September 2012, Brittany Ferries cancelled sailings indefinitely following two days of wildcat strikes caused by crew members who were unhappy with changes in working terms and conditions. Meetings took place between management and unions to negotiate the management proposals.

Eventually, UMWA and mine negotiators settled on a compromise. They tentatively agreed on new, improved dispute resolution procedures which, they hoped, would lower the number of wildcat strikes."Negotiators in Coal Strike Sidestep a Sticking Point," Washington Post, December 20, 1977.

He took the Mine Workers out of the CIO and rejoined the AFL. All labor unions strongly supported the war effort after June 1941 (when Germany invaded the Soviet Union). Left-wing activists crushed wildcat strikes. Nonetheless, Lewis realized that he had enormous leverage.

Klaus A. Vallender in Ehrenzeller, Art. 28 N 26. and are organised by unions (i.e., are not wildcat strikes).Klaus A. Vallender in Ehrenzeller, Art. 28 N 27. The provision reflects a compromise solution found after long, acrimonious parliamentary debates.Klaus A. Vallender in Ehrenzeller, Art.

A wildcat strike action, often referred to as a wildcat strike, is a strike action undertaken by unionized workers without union leadership's authorization, support, or approval; this is sometimes termed an unofficial industrial action. The legality of wildcat strikes varies between countries and over time, although they are not typically criminal offenses.

There were also a large number (more than 100) wildcat strikes during this period. After a 15-day strike in 1973, the union agreed to include a side letter into the contract in which the union agreed to encourage employees to voluntarily agree to work overtime (with advance notice, and only up to seven Saturdays a year)—although few employees ever volunteered. By the late 1970s, International Harvester had come to believe that unlimited transfer rights were being abused and creating productivity problems. The company also instituted a new disciplinary program to crack down on wildcat strikes, and outlasted one UAW local when it engaged in a five-week-long wildcat strike in 1978 in an attempt to have the program withdrawn.

In 1994, new mayor Rudy Giuliani launched a campaign to end mob control of the market. Through civil suits and new regulations, the city expelled mob employees and vendors and ended the extortion rackets against honest seafood vendors. The Genovese family retaliated with arson and wildcat strikes, but were unable to stop the city.

There was a widespread belief that Boyle was more concerned with protecting mine owners' interests than those of his members. Grievances filed by the union often took months—sometimes years—to resolve, lending credence to the critics' claim. Wildcat strikes occurred as local unions, despairing of UMWA assistance, sought to resolve local disputes with walkouts.

It was also supported by anarchists who believed that a general strike could become a full-fledged revolution. Wildcat strikes broke out among miners in the Province of Liège on 8 April 1902. Fearing that the party were losing control, the POB-BWP declared an official general strike on 10 April. From the start, the strike was particularly violent.

Grievances filed by the union often took months—sometimes years—to resolve, lending credence to the critics' claim. Wildcat strikes occurred as local unions, despairing of UMWA assistance, sought to resolve local disputes with walkouts.Lockard, Coal: A Memoir and Critique, 1998. In 1969, Yablonski challenged Boyle for the presidency of UMWA. He was the first anti-administration insurgent candidate in 40 years.

In following years, Weinberg was a union activist. In 1973, he was a participant in wildcat strikes at Chrysler plants in Detroit, Michigan, as a member of UAW (United Automobile Workers) Local 212. He wrote a book about those strikes. In 1975, Weinberg was the editor of Network, Voice of UAW Militants which was a new bimonthly magazine for members of the UAW labor union.

Throughout the year, UMW members had engaged in wildcat strikes against various sectors of the coal industry, demanding wage increases significantly higher than those granted in other industries by the National War Labor Board (which, in exchange for a no-strike pledge by the nation's labor unions, had achieved complete legal authority to approve all union contracts).Dubofsky and Van Tine, p. 420-438.

Postal workers involved in 1978 wildcat strikes in Jersey City, Kearny, New Jersey, San Francisco, and Washington, D.C. were fired under the presidency of Jimmy Carter, and President Ronald Reagan fired air traffic controllers and the PATCO union after the air traffic controllers' strike of 1981. The West Virginia teacher's strike in 2018 inspired teachers in other states, including Oklahoma, Colorado, and Arizona, to take similar action.

The agreement imposed penalties for wildcat strikes and chronic absenteeism, turned the union's health and pension plans over to the employers, forced workers to pay part of their health insurance premiums, and instituted a bonus system for productivity increases.Dewar, "Coal Industry's Bullish Talk of Last Spring Didn't Last," Washington Post, March 21, 1978. The union's bargaining council rejected the tentative agreement on February 12. A second tentative agreement was reached.

Employers were willing to make concessions on wages and benefits. Workers in other basic industries such as steel and automobile manufacturing were making much more money than coal miners, even though their occupations were not nearly as dangerous to health or safety. However, the mine operators demanded an end to wildcat strikes. Employer contributions to UMWA's health and pension plans were dependent on the amount of coal mined.

By 1915 the company restructured, forming two organisations - the Queensland Meat Export and Agency Co Ltd (QME&A;) and Australia Stock Breeders Company Ltd. During 1918-1919 there was a series of protracted strikes at the Ross River and Alligator Creek meatworks, which began with the workers' rejection of compulsory arbitration in favour of direct bargaining. They staged ongoing wildcat strikes and go-slow campaigns to achieve their aims.

Royal Mail suffered national wildcat strikes over pay and conditions in 2003. In Autumn 2007, disputes over modernisation began to escalate into industrial action. In mid October the CWU and Royal Mail agreed a resolution to the dispute. In December 2008, workers at mail centres affected by proposals to rationalise the number of mail centres (particularly in north west England) again voted for strike action, potentially affecting Christmas deliveries.

Navarro, "Union Bargaining Power in the Coal Industry, 1945-1981," Industrial and Labor Relations Review, January 1983. The 1974 agreement was the richest contract in UMW history. But the membership's unhappiness with the new collective bargaining agreement led to a continuing wave of wildcat strikes, and significantly slowed the union's organizing growth."The Coal Miners Walk Out," Time, December 12, 1977; Gestreicher, "Book Reviews: The Miners' Fight for Democracy..." Pennsylvania History, July 1982.

He was strongly linked to the social strikes in Liège during the 1960s.The "Trois Visages de Liege", (...) full of provocative sound collages [evokes..] not only moments in sonic civic history, but the sounds of its historical events as well: wildcat strikes and their ensuing violence in 1960, protests against new laws being enacted, etc. See Acousmatrix 4: Scambi/Trois Visages de Liege/Paraboles Mix He worked also with the French writer Michel Butor.

This student movement eventually shifted from university issues and moved toward industrial struggles. Examples of the shift to industrial struggles can be seen through the protests that occurred in the car factories of Turin in 1969. Turin was the center of FIAT factories, and became the focus of continual wildcat strikes. Workers were supported by university students of the New Left, and demanded wage increases and the same conditions as white-collar workers within the company.

In addition, Azaña did little to reform the taxation system to shift the burden of government onto the wealthy. Also, the government continued to support the owners of industry against wildcat strikes or attempted takeovers by militant workers, especially the anarcho- syndicalists of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour or CNT). Confrontation with the CNT erupted in bloody violence at Casas Viejas (now Benalup), Castilblanco, and Arnedo. Meanwhile, Azaña's extreme anti-clerical program alienated many moderates.

In 1914 Müller was chairman of the agitational commission of the Berlin branch of the Metalworkers Union. Müller represented around 9,000 lathe-operators in the city of Berlin. When the First World War started, the social-democrats and the union leaders decided to collaborate with the imperial government and to support the war-movement. The lathe-operators, however maintained a left wing viewpoint and criticized this nationalist turn of the socialist and trade union movement and started wildcat strikes.

In 2005 the drivers of Lothian Buses plc staged official and wildcat strikes over pay.Bus drivers accept pay offer In some cases this resulted in passengers being abandoned as buses were taken out of service by drivers.New talks bid after drivers' wildcat strike Lothian Buses set up a subsidiary company in December 2006 to operate a taxibus service to and from Edinburgh Airport, and so fill a gap in the airport transport market between conventional bus services and taxis.

In 2018, West Virginia teachers went on strike to demand higher wages and affordable health coverage. Without the sustained sanction of union leadership, this strike became a wildcat strike. In 2018, similar wildcat strikes by teachers demanding better pay and school funding also occurred in Oklahoma, Kentucky, Colorado, and Arizona. In 2020, UC Santa Cruz graduate students went on strike to demand a cost of living adjustment (COLA) due to high rent burden in Santa Cruz county.

The Unions also filed complaints reporting that Nova had withheld member's rent payment and the landlords had tried ask teachers to leave repeatedly. By 20 October there had been both union organized and wildcat strikes over the unpaid wages. The numerous delays of wages also led individual teachers also to boycott classes. On 23 October, the Osaka Labor Standards office accepted a demand by Nova instructors to investigate criminal charges against Sahashi over delayed and unpaid wages.

Trinta di Mei also reshaped Curaçao's labor movement. A strike wave swept Curaçao in December 1969. Around 3,500 workers participated in eight wildcat strikes that took place within ten days. New, more radical leaders were able to gain influence in the labor movement. As a result of unions' involvement in Trinta di Mei and the December strikes, Curaçaoans had considerably more favorable views of labor leaders than of politicians, as a poll in August 1971 found.

But a growing number of union members had backed off their earlier demand for the right to strike over local issues. Wildcat strikes reduced productivity, which in turn (under the contract) reduced employers' contributions to UMWA pension and health funds. The right to strike, they came to realize, would only further harm their health and pension plans. Additionally, many miners began to realize that the strikes were hurting the union's organizing chances, especially in the West.

The Gulf Coast strike was parallel to other US maritime strikes called at the same time. As wildcat strikes, they were not tightly co-ordinated. A West Coast "Fall Strike" began on October 29, lasted 96 days, and was led by Harry Lundeberg as president of the Maritime Federation of the Pacific. The ISU's policy and behavior towards rank-and-file members became a major factor in the founding of the National Maritime Union in May 1937.

Megan Taylor Shockley, 'Working For Democracy: Working-Class African-American Women, Citizenship, and Civil Rights in Detroit, 1940–1954,' Michigan Historical Review (2003), 29:125–157. In the South, black women worked in segregated jobs; in the West and most of the North, they were integrated. However, wildcat strikes erupted in Detroit, Baltimore, and Evansville, Indiana where white migrants from the South refused to work alongside black women.D'Ann Campbell, Women at War with America (1984), pp.

Continued registration was dependent on the organisation having rules which specified how, when and by whom, authority was to be exercised, especially concerning the taking of industrial action. A grievance procedure was required to be included in the written statement of particulars of the contract of employment. A worker under a normal contract of employment could receive compensation for unfair dismissal to encourage the development of dismissal procedures. The law limited wildcat strikes and prohibited limitations on legitimate strikes.

When he refused to participate in the proceedings of the industrial court, Howat was arrested. Over the next three years Howat was repeatedly jailed and released for his refusal to acknowledge the legitimacy of the Kansas Industrial Court system. UMWA President Lewis and the union's executive board agreed with mine operators that Howat's support of wildcat strikes had constituted a violation of the union's contract, and Howat and other District 14 leaders were removed in favor of newly appointed officials.

Miners in the Keweenaw were not unionized until just before the 1913 strike. Several wildcat strikes had occurred in previous years, but these were done only at individual mines, and usually involved only one group of workers (especially trammers, who were paid less than miners for physically intensive work). In the late 19th century and early 20th century, several unions had attempted to organize locals within the Copper Country, but none of them succeeded. All unions were strongly opposed by the mine owners.

Many miners began to realize that the strikes were hurting the union's organizing chances and lowering employer contributions to the union health and pension funds (which were near bankruptcy). Eventually, UMWA and mine negotiators settled on new, improved dispute resolution procedures which they hoped would lower the number of wildcat strikes."Negotiators in Coal Strike Sidestep a Sticking Point," Washington Post, December 20, 1977. Once more, Miller and his leadership worked hard to convince members that the contract was a good one.

Miller initiated several democratic reforms which affected the renegotiation of the national coal collective bargaining agreement. UMWA's bargaining demands were now set by a 36-member bargaining council rather than the president and his aides. Tentative agreements now were subject to approval by the bargaining council and member ratification. Wildcat strikes had become common in the coal industry as union miners grew frustrated with what they saw as poor terms of national contracts and employer foot-dragging on resolving disputes and grievances.

Miller hoped that these democratic reforms would decrease the number of wildcat strikes. UMWA's collective bargaining demands included a 40 percent wage and benefit increase, significantly stronger health and safety language, five days of guaranteed sick leave each year, and higher employer contributions to the union's health and pension funds. Anticipating a long strike, Miller and other key union officials visited Great Britain to discuss strike tactics with the militant leaders of the British coal unions."Coal's Chilling Strike," Time, November 18, 1974.

In 1945, DVG's production facilities were moved from Berlin to Lausitz where at the close of the War they were confiscated and dismantled. In the postwar years, Pierburg succeeded in setting up a modern company at Neuss and in West Berlin that with the production of carburetors once again grew to a significant size. In the 1970s, the Neuss plant saw one of the first of the wildcat strikes in Germany. Pierburg was taken over by Rheinmetall AG in 1986.

One response was increasing numbers of wildcat strikes. In March 1936, Joseph Curran led a spontaneous four-day work stoppage on the docked SS California in San Pedro, California, attracting personal attention and a degree of support from U.S. Labor Secretary Frances Perkins. Also by March 1936, seamen and longshoremen of the Gulf Coast port cities had organized themselves as the "Maritime Federation of the Gulf Coast". In a New Orleans conference they named Wobbly Gilbert Mers of Corpus Christi as leader.

The act continued to generate opposition after Truman left office, but it remains in effect. The Taft–Hartley Act amended the 1935 National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), prohibiting unions from engaging in several "unfair labor practices." Among the practices prohibited by the act are jurisdictional strikes, wildcat strikes, solidarity or political strikes, secondary boycotts, secondary and mass picketing, closed shops, and monetary donations by unions to federal political campaigns. The NLRA also allowed states to pass right-to-work laws banning union shops.

His traditional opponent Jafar Sharafeddin had been Minister of Water resources from 1970 onwards in a technocratic government by Saeb Salam. Now, he was instead appointed as Presidential Adviser for hydroelectric resources. Meanwhile, as a traditional ally of Kamil al-As'ad from the Ali al-Saghir dynasty, Sharafeddin became more alienated from Sadr, who opposed the zu'ama feudal landlords altogether. In early 1973, growing public discontent manifested itself again in "wildcat strikes and violent demonstrations" in Tyre as in other cities.

But for the most part, the coal fields remained calm."To Work," Time, March 20, 1978, A tentative agreement was reached February 6, 1978, which imposed penalties for wildcat strikes and chronic absenteeism, turned the union's health and pension plans over to the employers, forced workers to pay part of their health insurance premiums, and instituted a bonus system for productivity increases.Dewar, "Coal Industry's Bullish Talk of Last Spring Didn't Last," Washington Post, March 21, 1978. The union's bargaining council rejected the tentative agreement on February 12.

Throughout the Second World War, the National War Labor Board gave trade unions the responsibility for maintaining labor discipline in exchange for closed membership. This led to acquiescence on the part of labor leaders to businesses and various wildcat strikes on the part of the workers. The strikes were largely a result of tumultuous postwar economic adjustments. With 10 million soldiers returning home and the transfer of people from wartime sectors to traditional sectors, inflation was 8% in 1945, 14% in 1946, and 8% in 1947.

The United Mine Workers of America (UMW) had five locals in the Collinsville area, and the miners dominated the community. Radical elements in the UMW unions caused a number of wildcat strike actions at Collinsville area coal mines in the summer and fall of 1917. Almost concurrently with the wildcat strikes, a unionization strike at the St. Louis Lead Smelting and Refining plant (Lead Works) in Collinsville energized many of the coal miners and other union members in the community. The strike turned violent at times.

Unlike the majority of NCM groups, the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement (DRUM), which evolved into the League of Revolutionary Black Workers (LRBW), was formed by factory workers rather than student activists. The AFL-CIO leadership supported the Vietnam War and sought to avoid strikes, but union workers saw through this and independently organized a series of wildcat strikes. Radical Marxist and other African- American auto workers subsequently formed DRUM. From 1968 to 1971 DRUM and the league acted as a dual union, with black leadership, within the United Auto Workers.

Although Sweeney led the league in scoring in 1963 for a third time, the party was over for the Indians. While they still had a winning record and an offense that led the league, the Rangers had moved Paille to Baltimore, and the team missed the playoffs that year in a tight divisional race. They continued to miss the playoffs for most of the rest of the Sixties. In the meantime, Eddie Shore's oft-capricious and notoriously miserly ownership style caused increasing friction with his players, who staged wildcat strikes in 1966 and 1967.

Harless was a former member of the board of trustees of the University System of West Virginia. Having first been appointed by governor Gaston Caperton in June 1989, together with members such as tax commissioner David Hardesty and district court judge Robert Maxwell, he declined the appointment, in order to protest Caperton's handling of the ongoing coal wildcat strikes. At the same time, he also resigned from West Virginia Roundtable Inc., an economic development group he had helped form in 1984 together with Caperton and other business leaders.

Most strikes called by unions are somewhat predictable; they typically occur after the contract has expired. However, not all strikes are called by union organizations – some strikes have been called in an effort to pressure employers to recognize unions. Other strikes may be spontaneous actions by working people. Spontaneous strikes are sometimes called "wildcat strikes"; they were the key fighting point in May 1968 in France; most commonly, they are responses to serious (often life- threatening) safety hazards in the workplace rather than wage or hour disputes, etc.

He was fired from his job after participating in a series of wildcat strikes, and was subsequently unable to find work in the industry until he applied under a false name at the Ford Rouge Plant in Dearborn, Michigan. Baker twice ran for public office, as a candidate for the Michigan House of Representatives in the late 1970s. A leading member of the League of Revolutionaries for a New America (LRNA) for two decades beginning in the 1990s, Baker was chair of its steering committee. Baker died in Detroit of congestive heart failure, aged 72.

Historian Kent Worcester claims that Raya Dunayevskaya had a majority of the members in 1955 but Martin Glaberman, writing in New Politics has claimed the opposite. He has also challenged other aspects of Worcester's book in a review that appeared in Against the Current magazine. After the split, James Boggs was named the new editor of Correspondence newspaper. It issued a number of interesting pamphlets including Martin Glaberman's Union Committeemen and Wildcat Strikes in 1955 and C. L. R. James' Every Cook Can Govern: A Study of Democracy in Ancient Greece.

The unions hoped this would require the deployment of more army ambulances and swing public opinion behind them. The unions asked the public to demonstrate support for the strike by lining the streets at mid-day on 30 January. At around this time some union members lost patience and crews in West Sussex, Manchester and North-West London went on wildcat strikes of all services; a London-wide strike was narrowly averted at a meeting of shop stewards. In other places ambulance crews began to drift back to work.

Their efforts redefined citizenship, equating their patriotism with war work, and seeking equal employment opportunities, government entitlements, and better working conditions as conditions appropriate for full citizens.Megan Taylor Shockley, 'Working For Democracy: Working-Class African-American Women, Citizenship, and Civil Rights in Detroit, 1940-1954,' Michigan Historical Review (2003), 29:125-157. In the South, black women worked in segregated jobs; in the West and most of the North, they were integrated. However, wildcat strikes erupted in Detroit, Baltimore, and Evansville, Indiana where white migrants from the South refused to work alongside black women.

"If Germany conducts war, and German army weaponry is torched in an anti-war action, then the action is a legitimate one: so is sabotaging munitions stores. Wildcat strikes, occupation of businesses or homes, militant anti-fascist actions, countering police attacks etc....". The CDU lawyer- politician Wolfgang Bosbach, at that time chairman of the parliamentary home affairs committee, went on record with his opinion that this amounted to a "call for a violent struggle against the state" (einen "Aufruf zum gewaltsamen Kampf gegen den Staat"). In November 2011 a Berlin district court fined Viett 1200 Euros for "endorsing criminal acts" ("Billigung von Straftaten").

By the end of the 1970s, wildcat strikes and student demonstrations had become increasingly frequent. Park remained committed to his economic vision and contemptuous of calls for democratization and distributional equity. This, however, cost him his life: after ordering the violent suppression of a demonstration in October 1979, he was instead assassinated by the director of the KCIA. Effects of HCI maintained public attention with incidents such as Onsan illness, an effect of the industrial push in the late 1970s which led to cases of environmental poisoning and gave rise to a grass roots environmental movement.

From May 20 to June 6, nearly 1.8 million garment workers of Bangladesh concentrated in industrial areas in and around the capital Dhaka engaged in a series of simultaneous massive wildcat strikes. During this period, especially from May 20 to May 24 when garment workers’ revolt was at its peak, workers of nearly 4000 factories struck work. These workers, and other workers from the industrial suburbs, continuously demonstrated and blocked highways connecting industrial suburbs to the capital Dhaka and Dhaka to other cities – Mymensingh, Gazipur, Narayanganj, Ashulia, and Chittagong etc. In the face of this mass revolt, the government resorted to massive repression.

Church's tenure as president of UMWA was a difficult one. An epidemic of wildcat strikes and increasing automation severely affected its membership and revenues.Ghilarducci, "The Impact of Internal Union Politics on the 1981 UMWA Strike," Industrial Relations: A Journal of Economy and Society, September 1988.Graebner, Coal-Mining Safety in the Progressive Period: The Political Economy of Reform, 1976; Wysong and Williams, "The UMWA Health Care Program for Miners: Culprit or Victim?", Journal of Public Health Policy, March 1984. Church set out to reverse the union's decline: In 1981, he led the union out on a two-month nationwide coal strike.

In the 1930s, about 80% of the Baltimore's longshoremen were Polish or of Polish descent. The port of Baltimore had an international reputation of fast cargo handling credited to the well-organized gang system that was nearly free of corruption, wildcat strikes, and repeated work stoppages of its other East coast counterparts. In fact, the New York Anti-Crime Commission and the Waterfront Commission looked upon the Baltimore system as the ideal one for all ports. The hiring of longshoremen in Baltimore by the gang system dates back to 1913, when the ILA was first formed.

The port of Baltimore had an international reputation of fast cargo handling credited to the well-organized gang system that was nearly free of corruption, wildcat strikes and constant work stoppages unlike its other East coast counterparts. In fact, the New York Anti-Crime Commission and the Waterfront Commission of New York looked upon the Baltimore system as the ideal one for all ports.The hiring of longshoremen in Baltimore by the gang system dates back to 1913, when the ILA was first formed. The Polish longshoremen began setting up the system by selecting the most skilled men to lead them.

Anarchists still support and participate in strikes, especially wildcat strikes as these are leaderless strikes not organised centrally by a syndicate. An entrance to the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone, a Temporary Autonomous Zone established during the George Floyd protests As in the past, newspapers and journals are used, but anarchists have gone online in the World Wide Web to spread their message. However, anarchists have found it easier to create websites because of distributional and other difficulties, hosting electronic libraries and other portals. Anarchists were also involved in developing various software that are available for free.

The TN was founded on September 30, 1919 by Otto Lummitzsch with the stated purpose to protect and maintain vital & strategic facilities (e.g. gas works, water works, power stations, railways, post offices, agriculture concerns and food production activities). At the time (1919–1923), these vital infrastructure facilities were under threat from sabotage and attack during a period bordering on civil war, which was caused by the collapse of German economy following the end of World War I and exacerbated by a spate of politically motivated wildcat strikes, usually by left-wing elements. In effect they were strike-breakers.

In June 2003, Liverpool won the right to be named European Capital of Culture for 2008, beating other British cities such as Newcastle and Birmingham to the coveted title. The riverfront of the city was also designated as a World Heritage Site in 2004. In October 2005, Liverpool City Council passed a public apology for the flooding Capel Celyn in Wales. The full statement reads - In October 2007, Liverpool and London continued with wildcat strikes after the end of the official CWU strikes that had been ongoing since June in a dispute with the Royal Mail over pay, pensions, and hours.

In 1946, under President John L. Lewis, the union created The Welfare and Retirement Fund. This was an entirely new method for benefits and pensions because it introduced health care for the union workers and their families. In May 1946, the National Bituminous Coal Wage Agreement established a health, welfare, and retirement fund backed up by a five-cents-per-ton levy on all coal produced by bituminous coal companies. From the 1950s to the 1970s, there were various updates to the agreement with the goal to completely satisfy miners enough to end random wildcat strikes throughout coal mines across the country.

However, many of these springtime strikers held grievances with their own unions for an over-cooperative wartime attitude that placed greater value on New Deal institutions and programs than on disruptive actions to secure local concessions. A critical point of contention lay in the “no-strike pledge” that unions committed their membership to in response to wartime nationalism. As the war progressed, the emphasis on union-NLRB relations led to frequent and dispersed wildcat strikes in the steel industry; the new paradigm empowered union leaders over common members such that workers felt they had to take matters into their own hands, even if it meant risking expulsion from the union.

Matlosana. On 10 August 2012, thousands of NUM members began a series of wildcat strikes at Lonmin's Marikana mines linked to demands for increased pay. The following day, NUM leaders allegedly opened fire on striking NUM members who were marching to their offices to demand support from their union - an incident now acknowledge as the first violent incident during the strikes. It is said in the media that the killing of two striking miners was a central reason for the breakdown in trust within the union amongst workers. In a submission to the Farlam Commission, NUM has said that lethal force on this day was justified.

Through translations made available by Danilo Montaldi and others, they drew upon previous activist research in the United States by the Johnson-Forest Tendency and in France by the group Socialisme ou Barbarie. The Johnson-Forest Tendency had studied working class life and struggles within the Detroit auto industry, publishing pamphlets such as "The American Worker" (1947), "Punching Out" (1952) and "Union Committeemen and Wildcat Strikes" (1955). That work was translated into French by Socialisme ou Barbarie and published, serially, in their journal. They too began investigating and writing about what was going on inside workplaces, in their case inside both auto factories and insurance offices.

Labour narrowly won the 1964 general election and Harold Wilson made Gunter Minister of Labour. The dilemma Gunter faced was this: as a union leader he believed that trade unions should be able to negotiate responsible pay rates for their members through "free collective bargaining"; on the other hand, the wildcat strikes in some parts of British industry were often seen as damaging to the economy, and "wage restraint" was the alternative. Soon after Labour's landslide victory at the 1966 general election, the seamen's strike was a particularly important factor in the conflict. On that issue, Gunter took the same tough line as Wilson.

Through translations made available by Danilo Montaldi and others, the Italian autonomists drew upon previous activist research in the United States by the Johnson–Forest Tendency and in France by the group Socialisme ou Barbarie. The Johnson-Forest Tendency had studied working-class life and struggles within the US auto industry, publishing pamphlets such as "The American Worker" (1947), "Punching Out" (1952), and "Union Committeemen and Wildcat Strikes" (1955). That work was translated into French by Socialisme ou Barbarie and published, serially, in their journal. They too began investigating and writing about what was going on inside workplaces, in their case inside both auto factories and insurance offices.

Peck continued his 1930s labor activism in the 1970s. On October 25, 1972, he protested alongside a dozen Asian-American organizations against employment discrimination, outside the headquarters for the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, for posting advertisements along the idea that Japan threatened American jobs. Peck openly supported more radical rank-and-file unions because they could win victories in wildcat strikes, but he protested what he considered to be a more conservative union, the United Steelworkers. Peck joined 200 people in protesting the United Steelworkers convention in Atlantic City, NJ, on September 23, 1974, over the union's "experimental negotiating agreement" with U.S. Steel Corporation, which prohibited any type of strike.

However, these payments led to problems in staff not receiving them, who were changing company but not location, as in the case of the Teddington Studios. The unions asked for payments to be made in those cases; the companies responded by drawing the line, and wildcat strikes broke out in the weeks before and after the changes came into effect. By Friday, after the changes, a mixture of strike action and management lock-outs had taken ITV off the air, and for most of August 1968 the regional network was replaced with a single national service run by management. By September 1968, with both sides claiming victory, all workers had returned to work.

The uprising was undoubtedly driven by the actions of the university students, but the role of other forces should also be mentioned. These include armed forces rivalries, especially between the army and the navy, and a series of wildcat strikes by common labourers and civilian workers in August and September 1973, both of which helped to create an atmosphere conducive to a change in the ruling government. While the uprising did not change the role of the monarch, it did emphasize his position as a final arbiter between opposing forces. On 14 October, King Bhumibol appointed the Thammasat chancellor and dean of the faculty of law, former Supreme Court Judge Sanya Dharmasakti, as prime minister by royal command.

After the strikes of 1941, the War Labor Board held a hearing over the Little Steel companies' working conditions in 1942. An early example of the tension between the substantially changing unions and their members can be seen in the wildcat strikes against Little Steel companies in 1941. Bethlehem Steel Corporation, Republic Steel, Youngstown Sheet & Tube, and US Steel (collectively referred to as "Little Steel") experienced a series of these strikes during the spring of 1941 in spite of strides in union-employer relations made under the oversight of NLRB and with the support of federal wartime programs. Little Steel had found that the benefits of federal profit guarantees made submitting to labor demands more viable.

To prevent this development, the union leaders under Carl Legien and the representatives of big industry under Hugo Stinnes and Carl Friedrich von Siemens met in Berlin from 9 to 12 November. On 15 November, they signed an agreement with advantages for both sides: the union representatives promised to guarantee orderly production, to end wildcat strikes, to drive back the influence of the councils and to prevent a nationalisation of means of production. For their part, the employers guaranteed to introduce the eight-hour day, which the workers had demanded in vain for years. The employers agreed to the union claim of sole representation and to the lasting recognition of the unions instead of the councils.

Thatcher believed that too much socially democratic-oriented government policy was leading to a long-term decline in the British economy. As a result, her government pursued a programme of economic liberalism, adopting a free-market approach to public services based on the sale of publicly owned industries and utilities, as well as a reduction in trade union power. She held the belief that the existing trend of unions was bringing economic progress to a standstill by enforcing "wildcat" strikes, keeping wages artificially high and forcing unprofitable industries to stay open. Thatcherism promoted low inflation, the small state, and free markets through tight control of the money supply, privatisation and constraints on the labour movement.

The Mine Workers led by Lewis, with a strong pro-Soviet presence, opposed Roosevelt's reelection in 1940 and left the CIO in 1942. After June 1941, when Germany invaded the Soviet Union, the Communists became fervent supporters of the war and sought to end wildcat strikes that might hurt war production. The CIO, and in particular the UAW, supported a wartime no-strike pledge that aimed to eliminate not only major strikes for new contracts, but also the innumerable small strikes called by shop stewards and local union leadership to protest particular grievances. That pledge did not, however, actually eliminate all wartime strikes; in fact there were nearly as many strikes in 1944 as there had been in 1937.

Posters in Paris in July 1968 The Atelier Populaire, who designed and printed the posters, were a group of Marxist artists and art students who occupied the École des Beaux-Arts during with the wave of wildcat strikes in May 1968. Using a silk-screen printing press they produced thousands of posters at a time. They typically were printed on newssheet using a single colour, and use a simple iconography in which the factory represents the role of workers in society and the fist stands for solidarity and resistance (see right). They comment on topics including the freedom of the press (see also Censorship in France), colonialism (see also French colonial empire) and the status of immigrant workers (see also Immigration to France).

The case was roundly condemned by labour and human rights lawyers throughout the European Union. After the onset of the economic crisis, in the 2009 Lindsey Oil Refinery strikes, the issue of posted workers triggered a significant amount of unrest, with police equipping themselves with riot gear in response to wildcat strikes over posted workers in the United Kingdom. In Sweden, the Labour Court sentenced the two trade unions to pay 550,000 Swedish kronor (€65,700) in so-called general damages plus interest and legal costs to Laval’s bankruptcy estate. The International Labour Organization’s Committee of Experts every year investigates member countries’ reports on how they implement the ILO’s conventions, in this case convention 87 on the freedom of association and protection of the right to organise.

The Situationist International was a restricted group of international revolutionaries founded in 1957 and which had its peak in its influence on the unprecedented general wildcat strikes of May 1968 in France. With their ideas rooted in Marxism and the 20th century European artistic avant-gardes, they advocated experiences of life being alternative to those admitted by the capitalist order, for the fulfillment of human primitive desires and the pursuing of a superior passional quality. For this purpose, they suggested and experimented with the "construction of situations", namely the setting up of environments favorable for the fulfillment of such desires. Using methods drawn from the arts, they developed a series of experimental fields of study for the construction of such situations, like unitary urbanism and psychogeography.

The Situationist International was a restricted group of international revolutionaries founded in 1957, and which had its peak in its influence on the unprecedented general wildcat strikes of May 1968 in France. With their ideas rooted in Marxism and the 20th-century European artistic avant-gardes, they advocated experiences of life being alternative to those admitted by the capitalist order, for the fulfillment of human primitive desires and the pursuing of a superior passional quality. For this purpose they suggested and experimented with the construction of situations, namely the setting up of environments favorable for the fulfillment of such desires. Using methods drawn from the arts, they developed a series of experimental fields of study for the construction of such situations, like unitary urbanism and psychogeography.

An Industrial Workers of the World stickerette or silent agitator The black cat, also called the "wild cat" or "sabot-cat", usually with an arched back and with claws and teeth bared, is closely associated with anarchism, especially with anarcho-syndicalism. It was designed by Ralph Chaplin, who was a prominent figure in the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). As its stance suggests, the cat is meant to suggest wildcat strikes and radical unionism. The IWW was an important industrial union and was the first American labor union to recruit and organize women and people of color, playing a critical role in the fight for the eight-hour day and in free speech fights all over the country in the early 20th century.

This time, however, after the ratification vote was taken, tally sheets vanished and union president Lewis unilaterally put the new contract into effect, over the strenuous objection of rank and file members in District 12. Disaffected miners voted to initiate a series of wildcat strikes against mine operators across Illinois, with one particularly violent confrontation between striking miners and law enforcement authorities taking place on August 24, 1932, in the Southern Illinois community of Mulkeytown. Vehicles were upended and workers were shot at and beaten. Strikers believed Lewis and the UMWA leadership to be in cahoots with mineowners and lawmen in suppression of the Mulkeytown strike, and sentiment began to grow for a split of Illinois miners from the national union.

Wildcat strikes from the industrial working class and student protests against Park became increasingly frequent due to his undelivered promises of democratization, and are believed to have contributed to his assassination in 1979. Environmental damage and industrial accidents caused serious health issues, with one notable phenomenon known as Onsan illness, a pollution disease affecting people around Onsan, a town on the outskirts of the major city of Ulsan. Increased oil prices set by oil-rich Middle Eastern countries put pressure on the economic development of South Korea's heavy industry, but South Korean construction companies became highly active in the Middle East and saw an influx of foreign currency from these countries. The first reactor of the Kori Nuclear Power Plant near Busan began commercial operation in 1978.

Despite discrimination and segregated facilities throughout the South, they escaped the cotton patch and took blue-collar jobs in the cities. Working with the federal Fair Employment Practices Committee, the NAACP and CIO unions, these Black women fought a Double V campaign against the Axis abroad and against restrictive hiring practices at home. Their efforts redefined citizenship, equating their patriotism with war work, and seeking equal employment opportunities, government entitlements, and better working conditions as conditions appropriate for full citizens. In the South, Black women worked in segregated jobs; in the West and most of the North they were integrated, but wildcat strikes erupted in Detroit, Baltimore, and Evansville where white migrants from the South refused to work alongside Black women.

The CFDT expelled several unions from the health and the post and telecommunications federations located in the Paris region because they supported wildcat strikes self-organized by the workers. The expelled post and telecommunication unions decided to create a new federation, Sud-PTT, which got encouraging electoral results a few months later. SUD defends social movement unionism by working with several movements: illegal immigrants, unemployed people and so forth. The successes of SUD in La Poste and France Télécom convinced other unions from the left wing of the CFDT to create similar unions in their professional sectors and several new SUD unions were formed following the mass public sector strikes of November and December 1995 and May and June 2003.

The Situationist International (SI) was a restricted group of international revolutionaries founded in 1957 and which had its peak in its influence on the unprecedented general wildcat strikes of May 1968 in France. With their ideas rooted in Marxism and the 20th century European artistic avant-gardes, they advocated experiences of life being alternative to those admitted by the capitalist order, for the fulfillment of human primitive desires and the pursuing of a superior passional quality. For this purpose they suggested and experimented with the construction of situations, namely the setting up of environments favorable for the fulfillment of such desires. Using methods drawn from the arts, they developed a series of experimental fields of study for the construction of such situations, like unitary urbanism and psychogeography.

In most Western European countries, the protest movement was dominated by students. The most spectacular manifestation of these were the May 1968 protests in France, in which students linked up with wildcat strikes of up to ten million workers, and for a few days the movement seemed capable of overthrowing the government. In many other countries, struggles against dictatorships, political tensions and authoritarian rule were also marked by protests in 1968, such as the beginning of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, the Tlatelolco massacre in Mexico City, and the escalation of guerrilla warfare against the military dictatorship in Brazil. In the countries of Eastern Europe under communist parties, there were protests against lack of freedom of speech and violation of other civil rights by the Communist bureaucratic and military elites.

Under the 1935 National Labor Relations Act (NLRA), federal courts have held that wildcat strikes are illegal and that employers may fire workers participating in them. Nevertheless, US workers can formally request that the National Labor Relations Board end their association with their labor union, if they feel that the union is not adequately representing their interests. At this point, any strike action taken by the workers may be termed a wildcat strike, but there is no illegality involved, as there is no longer a conflict between sections 7 and 9(a) of the NLRA. Some strikes that begin as wildcat actions, such as the Memphis Sanitation Strike and Baltimore municipal strike of 1974, are later supported by their respective unions' leadership (who then begin fulfilling their obligation to collectively bargain for their worker- members).

To replace the old post-war consensus, she built a right-wing political ideology that became known as Thatcherism, based on social and economic ideas from British and American intellectuals such as Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman. Thatcher believed that too much socially democratic-oriented government policy was leading to a long-term decline in the British economy. As a result, her government pursued a programme of economic liberalism, adopting a free-market approach to public services based on the sale of publicly owned industries and utilities, as well as a reduction in trade union power. She held the belief that the existing trend of unions was bringing economic progress to a standstill by enforcing "wildcat" strikes, keeping wages artificially high and forcing unprofitable industries to stay open.

In the early 1890s, members began to demand that the union take a more assertive role in negotiating wages and working conditions with the railroads. In 1891, the constitution was changed to explicitly make the ORT a "protective" organization, with the right to call strikes if negotiations with the railroads were unsuccessful; at the same time, the name was changed from "Order of Railway Telegraphers" to "Order of Railroad Telegraphers." One unintended consequence of this was a relatively disorganized period in which operators would stage "wildcat" strikes without consulting ORT leadership, who would then be forced into the position of sanctioning strikes that were already in progress. During the relatively prosperous years of 1890-92, the railroads were inclined to recognize the union and negotiate agreements with the ORT to guarantee wages and working hours.

Since European Union law enshrines the right to the freedom of movement for workers between EU member states, British Prime Minister Gordon Brown said: "When I talked about British jobs, I was talking about giving people in Britain the skills, so that they have the ability to get jobs which were at present going to people from abroad, and actually encouraging people to take up the courses and the education and learning that is necessary for British workers to be far more skilled for the future." Asked for his message to people considering the wildcat strikes, he said: "That that's not the right thing to do and it's not defensible." Italian and Portuguese construction workers, living on barges in nearby docks, were set to starting work there. British trade unions claimed Britons were not given any opportunity to apply for the posts.

However, the evolution of various trends have led some to virtually abandon the goal or to put it in the background in face of other tasks while others believe free association should guide all challenges to the status quo. Advocates of anarchism and council communism promote free association as the practical basis for the fundamental transformation of society at all levels, from the everyday level (such as the search of a libertarian interpersonal relationship, critique of the family, consumerism, criticism of conformist and obedient behavior) to the level of world society as a whole (such as the fight against the state and against the ruling class in all countries, the destruction of national borders, support for self-organized struggle of the oppressed, attacks on property, support to wildcat strikes and to workers and unemployed autonomous struggles).

Immediately after her appointment as health minister, her department inherited several ongoing labor disputes, primarily with doctors and nurses in the public health service. As her ministry set about with far- reaching reforms, with the stated goal of improving insurance coverage as well as reducing overall health-care costs for patients, hospital employees unions voiced their anger over low salaries. The dispute was a continuation from the previous administration, who in late 2011 declared a state of emergency when industrial lockouts and wildcat strikes at public hospitals threatened to shut down the health sector. The situation flared up again in December 2012, when doctors at Zilina University Hospital launched a new strike, where they en masse handed in their resignations, with hundreds more across the country threatening to do the same, should the situation go unresolved.

Miners wanted greater democracy and more local autonomy for their local unions. There was a widespread belief that Boyle was more concerned with protecting mine owners' interests than those of his members. Grievances filed by the union often took months -- sometimes years -- to resolve, lending credence to the critics' claim. Wildcat strikes occurred as local unions, despairing of UMWA assistance, sought to resolve local disputes with walkouts. In 1969, Joseph "Jock" Yablonski challenged Boyle for the presidency of UMWA. In an election widely seen as corrupt, Boyle beat Yablonski in the election held on December 9 by a margin of nearly two-to-one (80,577 to 46,073). Yablonski conceded the election, but on December 18, 1969, asked the United States Department of Labor (DOL) to investigate the election for fraud. He also filed five civil suits against the union on charges related to the election.

He assisted United Steelworkers of America counsel Arthur Goldberg and Kaiser Steel heir Edgar Kaiser negotiate an agreement which later formed the basis for the national collective bargaining agreement which settled the strike.Shils, "Arthur Goldberg: Proof of the American Dream," Monthly Labor Review, January 1997; Stebenne, Arthur J. Goldberg: New Deal Liberal, 1996; Rose, "The Struggle Over Management Rights At US Steel, 1946-1960: A Reassessment of Section 2-B of the Collective Bargaining Contract," Business History Review, Autumn 1998. In 1961, President John F. Kennedy appointed Taylor to the President's Advisory Committee on Labor Management Policy. During his tenure on the committee, Taylor helped craft a long-term contractual solution to a series of wildcat strikes which had plagued the aerospace industry since World War II. Taylor also resolved railroad disputes in 1964 and 1967, and in 1968 settled the long-running copper mining strike.

After the war, the SWP and the Fourth International both expected that there would be a wave of revolutionary struggles like those that accompanied the end of the previous war. Indeed, revolutions did occur in Yugoslavia, Albania, Korea and China, to name only those that resulted in the overthrow of capitalism, but contrary to Trotskyist expectations they were headed by Moscow-oriented "Stalinist" parties. The largest strike wave in United States history, involving over five million workers, occurred with the end of the war and the wartime pledge made by many union leaders not to strike for the duration, but this did not mean there were not many strikes during wartime as there were many wildcat strikes during this period as well as strikes officially called by the United Mine Workers of America. There were also protests by GIs demanding rapid demobilization after the end of the war, sometimes called the going-home movement.

The early 1970s were difficult times for many of the West Heath inhabitants who worked at the motor works in Longbridge because of the severe industrial unrest which prevailed then with its accompanying "wildcat" strikes. Derek Robinson – "Red Robbo" – at one time lived in Alvechurch Road and he was generally seen as one of the principal leaders of the industrial action that was frequently taken against the management of the company that was then known as British Leyland. With so many local people working at the motor works at the time the factory was of great economic importance to West Heath and there was even a pub on Longbridge Lane which was called "The Jolly Fitter" which depicted a happy-looking motor worker on its pub sign. Since the closure of the Longbridge motor works there is little in the way of major industry in the area and West Heath serves as a dormitory area for central Birmingham.

As stated in Section 1 (), the purpose of the NLRA is: > [T]o promote the full flow of commerce, to prescribe the legitimate rights > of both employees and employers in their relations affecting commerce, to > provide orderly and peaceful procedures for preventing the interference by > either with the legitimate rights of the other, to protect the rights of > individual employees in their relations with labor organizations whose > activities affect commerce, to define and proscribe practices on the part of > labor and management which affect commerce and are inimical to the general > welfare, and to protect the rights of the public in connection with labor > disputes affecting commerce. The amendments enacted in Taft–Hartley added a list of prohibited actions, or unfair labor practices, on the part of unions to the NLRA, which had previously only prohibited unfair labor practices committed by employers. The Taft–Hartley Act prohibited jurisdictional strikes, wildcat strikes, solidarity or political strikes, secondary boycotts, secondary and mass picketing, closed shops, and monetary donations by unions to federal political campaigns. It also required union officers to sign non-communist affidavits with the government.