37 Sentences With "unofficial strike" | Random Sentence Generator

It was the first time since 1926 that British miners had been on official strike, but there had been a widespread unofficial strike in 1969.

Poor labour relations at the time led to an unofficial strike in 1942; the men on weekly rates eventually received an increase of 2 shillings per day following a similar settlement in the West Cumberland iron mines.

Further disruption was also caused on 16 February when train personnel staged an unofficial strike in protest of what they called "deteriorating working conditions", which they said could lead to accidents such as the one in Buizingen. The largest impact was in Wallonia, and international train traffic was also affected.

A new unofficial strike is then called, but collapses after three days. Eddie, Billy and other members of the Committee are sacked and blacklisted. Charlie is allowed to keep his job, but loses his pension rights and his wage is reduced to the level of an apprentice. The film ends with Eddie critiquing the Industrial Relations Act 1971 for forbidding unofficial strikes.

Sensitive to the impact of proposed closures, miners in various coalfields began strike action. In Yorkshire, miners at Manvers, Cadeby, Silverwood, Kiveton Park and Yorkshire Main were on unofficial strike for other issues before official action was called. More than 6,000 miners were on strike from 5 March at Cortonwood and Bullcliffe Wood, near Wakefield. Neither pit's reserves were exhausted.

Gerald Duckworth and Company Ltd. 1964. pp79–81. and in New York at the New Theatre. In the play, there is a prolonged unofficial strike at a factory; as the trade union and the company directors attempt to resolve the affair, which is causing hardship among the workers' families, there is a confrontation between the company chairman and the leader of the strike.

These actions included an unofficial strike by gravediggers working in Liverpool and Tameside, and strikes by refuse collectors, leaving uncollected trash in London's Leicester Square. Additionally, NHS ancillary workers formed picket lines to blockade hospital entrances with the result that many hospitals were reduced to taking emergency patients only. On This Day: 1979: Early election as Callaghan defeated, BBC. Retrieved 17 December 2007.

The film is based on an unofficial strike amongst female textile workers in Leeds in February 1970, demanding equal pay with male workers. Dramatist Colin Welland's mother-in-law was involved in the strike, and Welland interviewed many of those involved while preparing his script. BFI Screenonline, Leeds - United! (1974), by Dave Rolinson This was the first strike by the textile workers in Leeds in 36 years.

The union's national leadership was, as they had anticipated in their September dinner with Callaghan, doubtful they could restrain the local leaders. On 2 January Rodgers warned the Cabinet that a national road-haulage strike was about to happen, but cautioned against pressuring the RHA to improve their offer even more.Rodgers, 180, cited at López, 93 The next day an unofficial strike of all TGWU lorry drivers began.

San Francisco Chronicle. Retrieved on November 30, 2006. On September 4, 2008, the Mexican Supreme Court of Justice ruled that Walmart de Mexico, the Mexican subsidiary of Walmart, must cease paying its employees in part with vouchers redeemable only at Walmart stores. In July 2016, some workers in China went on unofficial strike at Walmart stores in Nanchang, Jiangxi Province, Chengdu, Sichuan Province, and Harbin, Heilongjiang Province against the company's new working-hours scheduling system.

There had been some violence on miners' picket lines during the unofficial strike of 1969 and the official strike of 1972. Aware of the damage that could be done to the Labour Party's electoral prospects by media coverage of picket-line violence, the NUM instituted strict controls over pickets. Pickets had to wear armbands saying "official picket" and had to be authorised by areas. Unlike in 1972, students were discouraged from joining miners' picket lines.

He is also a patron of the Refugee Council. In 1995 he refused to give union backing to 500 Liverpool dock workers who were sacked, claiming that it was an unofficial strike even though the union had failed to act on concerns relayed to the union in the lead up to the dispute, in effect leaving the dock workers to fight the cause themselves. Morris is an independent non-executive Director of the England and Wales Cricket Board.

Only at the Marchlewski plant an unofficial strike council was created, with 26 members. Negotiations with Jaroszewicz did not lead to an agreement, but according to the reports, a visit to Łódź and an inquiry into the living conditions there was a shock to the Communist officials (Jaroszewicz himself admitted that he did not know that the situation was so bad.). Meanwhile, the strike spread. On Monday, February 15, three other factories joined the protest, and the number of strikers grew to 55,000.

Harold Bradley (13 February 18951939 England and Wales Register – 1979) was a British trade unionist. Bradley worked as a weaver in Nelson, Lancashire, and joined the Nelson Weavers' Association (NWA). He first came to attention when he led an unofficial strike at Cornes Mill, successfully demanding recognition of the union. Seth Sagar of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) saw potential in Bradley and persuaded him to join the party, and also to become a collector for the union.

This was a full-time role, and Guile moved to London to run the union. In London, Guile immediately began speaking on matters of interest to unions, including calling for the repeal of the Master and Servant Act. Under his leadership, the union affiliated to the London Trades Council, but Guile objected to its refusal to support iron workers on an unofficial strike in Staffordshire. Along with George Potter, he was a founder of the rival London Working Men's Association.

When a national strike was threatened, Thatcher backed down; many miners went on unofficial strike in the year, but Gormley rejected calls for a national strike. He left his post in 1982 and was replaced by the more left-wing Arthur Scargill. In 1982, his last-minute appeal got miners to accept a Government offer of a 9.3% raise, rejecting Scargill's call for a strike authorisation. When asked what he had achieved during his period as President, he replied, "Everyone wants to be related to a miner".

This situation would only last for seven weeks. The station was temporarily closed following unofficial strike action at Lots Road Power Station during the afternoon of 5 June 1924. It was decided not to re-open the station after the power was restored, due to the very low number of passengers using it; in fact, since as early as 1908 some trains did not stop there. During the Blitz in the Second World War it was adapted for use as an air-raid shelter.

Arthur Scargill (born 11 January 1938)The Times 10 January 2009, Retrieved 9 January 2010 is a British trade unionist. He was President of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) from 1982 to 2002. Joining the NUM at the age of nineteen in 1957, he became one of its leading activists in the late 1960s. He led an unofficial strike in 1969, and played a key organising role during the strikes of 1972 and 1974, the latter of which helped in the downfall of Edward Heath's Conservative government.

Williams was strongly opposed to continuing conscription and voted against the Labour whip to end it. He denounced Welsh Nationalism, supporting greater control of Wales by the rest of Britain, and lauded the Attlee government for its achievements in promoting full employment. In 1948 he agreed to speak to a group of miners on unofficial strike to urge them to accept a new wages settlement, which led to a solution of the dispute. Williams disliked the Soviet Union and denounced it for threatening the smaller nations of Europe.

His activities led to Heffer becoming known through Liverpool where he served on the Executive of the Trades Council; he was its Vice President in 1958, President in 1959 and again in 1964. The Trades Council was a local association of trade unions, and as such Heffer helped mediate and end an unofficial strike of seamen in 1960. He was also elected as a Liverpool City Councillor for Pirrie ward that year. In 1962 he made a run for the job of General Secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Woodworkers, but was defeated.

In response, 15,000 Ford workers, mostly from the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU), began an unofficial strike on 22 September 1978, which subsequently became an official TGWU action on 5 October. The number of participants grew to 57,000. During the strike, Vauxhall Motors employees accepted an 8.5 per cent rise. After long negotiation in which they weighed the chances of suffering from government sanctions against the continued damage of the strike, Ford eventually revised their offer to 17 per cent and decided to accept the sanctions; Ford workers accepted the rise on 22 November.

Panama Pacific Line, part of the American Line Steamship Corp, operated California and her sisters between New York and San Francisco via the Panama Canal until 1938. California, Virginia and Pennsylvania were subsidised to carry mail on this route for the United States Postal Service. San Francisco to New York "Farewell Dinner" on board SS California Oct 10, 1936 In March 1936 an unofficial strike aboard California in port at San Pedro, Los Angeles, held without the sanction of the International Seamen's Union, led to the foundation of the National Maritime Union. The dispute was about wage rates and overtime payments.

In 1970, an unofficial strike took place at the Pilkington Glass Works in St. Helens, Lancashire, initially after an error in wage packets but the strikers later demanded a wage rise to £25 per week. The cause was described in the New Statesman as 'the cumbersome structure of different bonus and shift payments which meant that men doing similar jobs took home different and unpredictable pay packets'. Six thousand workers went on strike for two months. The BBC insisted that the name of the company be changed from "Pilkington" to "Wilkinson", and the location moved from St. Helens to the Staffordshire Potteries.

By the end of the 1930s he was Kent General Secretary of the union, and in 1937 he did his best to stop an unofficial strike of busmen. He was made a Justice of the Peace for Kent in 1938 and served on the Central Agricultural Wages Board; a large number of TGWU members in Kent were agricultural labourers. At the 1945 general election, Wells was elected as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Faversham, and was immediately picked by Ernest Bevin (Foreign Secretary) as his Parliamentary Private Secretary. He retained the role until Bevin's death in 1951.

37 When the war ended, Briscoe returned to the mines, where he became active in the Yorkshire Area of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), being elected first to his branch committee, then as president of the branch at Armthorpe. From there, he was promoted to become Secretary of the NUM's Doncaster Area Panel, in which he developed a reputation as a supporter of militant action, including an unofficial strike in 1969. Briscoe was elected to the NUM's national executive in 1972 then, the following year, as general secretary of the Yorkshire Area. He had stood as a member of the "Yorkshire Left" platform, and defeated Bill O'Brien in the election.

Major strike action by British unions during the 1978–1979 Winter of Discontent contributed to the downfall of the Labour government of James Callaghan. Callaghan, himself a trade-unionist, had previously appealed for unions to exercise pay restraint, as part of the British Government's policies at the time to try to curb rampant inflation. His attempt to try to limit unions to a 5% pay rise led to widespread official and unofficial strikes across the country during the winter of that year. Official and unofficial strike action by lorry drivers, rail workers, nurses and ambulance drivers precipitated a feeling of crisis in the country.

Coal mining employment in the UK, 1880–2012 (DECC data) Scargill was a leader of the unofficial strike in 1969, which began in Yorkshire and spread across the country. He had challenged Sam Bullough, the President of the Yorkshire area NUM, to act on the working hours of surface workers, given that the union's conference had passed a resolution that their hours be shortened the previous year. When Bullough (unwell at the time) attempted to rule Scargill as "out of order", he was voted out by the area's delegates and a strike was declared across Yorkshire on the issue. Scargill saw this strike as a turning point in the union's attitude to militancy.

In 1872, he joined the South Staffordshire Iron Trade Conciliation Board, an activity championed by the Malleable Ironworkers, sitting as one of twelve union representatives, and he was elected as the union's president in 1874. When agreements over pay collapsed in 1875, many puddlers in the area went on an unofficial strike, and ignored Aucott's requests to return to work. Aucott was a leading figure in creating a new wages board, established in 1876, chaired by Joseph Chamberlain, with Aucott as the vice-chair. However, he became increasingly frustrated with the difficulties of organising workers in the industry and, in 1877, resigned all his trade union posts to become the superintendent at the Wednesbury Corporation Baths.

Both the film and the book provide a portrait of life in the mining areas of Yorkshire of the time; reportedly, the miners in the area were then the lowest paid workers in a developed country."British Films at Doc Films, 2011–2012", The Nicholson Center for British Studies, University of Chicago The film was produced during a period when the British coal-mining industry was being run down, as gas and oil were increasingly used in place of coal, which led to wage restraints and widespread pit closures. Shortly before the film's release, the Yorkshire coalfield where the film was set, was brought to a standstill for two weeks by an unofficial strike.

More recently coal has faced competition from renewable energy sources and bio-fuels. Most of the coal mines in Britain were purchased by the government in 1947 and put under the control of the National Coal Board, with only the smaller mines left in private ownership. The NUM had campaigned for nationalisation for decades and, once it was achieved, sought to work with the NCB in managing the industry and discouraged strikes. Under the chairmanship of Alf Robens, pit closures became widespread as coal's place in energy generation declined. The NUM leadership continued to resist calls for strike action, but an unofficial strike began in 1969 after a conference pledge on the hours of surface-workers was not acted upon.

Over time, coal's share in the energy market declined relative to oil and nuclear. Large-scale closures of collieries occurred in the 1960s, which led to migration of miners from the run-down coalfields (Scotland, Wales, Lancashire, the north-east of England) to Yorkshire and the Midlands coalfields. After a period of inaction from the NUM leadership over employment cuts, there was an unofficial strike in 1969, after which many more militant candidates were elected to NUM leadership. The threshold for endorsement of strike action in a national ballot was reduced from two-thirds in favour to 55% in 1971. There was then success in the national strike in 1972, an overtime ban, and the subsequent strike in 1974 (which led to the Three Day Week).

Scott continued his career with the NUS when, in 1940, he was appointed as a branch secretary in Grangemouth, then four years later, he became the union's representative in Mumbai, soon moving on to similar posts in Canada and the United States. He returned to the UK in 1947, when he became a special organiser for Merseyside, then London District Secretary in 1948 and Mersey District Secretary in 1950. He was promoted to become National Organiser in 1955, and then elected as the union's treasurer and an assistant general secretary in 1959. While in the post, he ended a major unofficial strike, organised by the National Seamen's Reform Movement, by persuading North American maritime unions to stop funding the movement.

During this period her brother,Wilfrid is recorded as Willie as a child, and is listed as William Wentworth in the 1911 census. an eighteen year old journalist who had been the leader of an unsuccessful unofficial strike of women workers in the East End of London, introduced her to Fenner Brockway,Brockway had been her brother's best man at his wedding in December 1911. who called 'Wilfie Spink' his 'explosive friend' TOWARDS TOMORROW : The Autobiography of Fenner Brockway and stated that she became his girlfriend.Quoted as Vera Spink - Private enquiry by way of a letter in the Brockway papers - Churchill College, Cambridge However, as the WSPU increased in the use of more violent action he distanced himself from them (he was a pacifist) and all personal acquaintances appear to have died by around 1910.

They also argued that the SWP had become opportunist on the Irish Question after it had stopped giving the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) unconditional but critical support because the IRA's strategy had changed and had turned public opinion solidly against it – the Left Faction argued unconditional but critical support was still needed. During the 1960s the rise of unofficial strike action led the International Socialists to place emphasis on the building of a rank and file movement within the trade unions in order to combat the bureaucratic leaders of those organisations. This led to the development of a series of rank and file papers including The Collier (Mining), Redder Tape (Civil Service), Rank and File Teacher, etc. These were briefly brought together in a National Rank and File Organising Committee in 1974, the peak of IS influence in the workers' movement.

McBain was elected to the executive of the Associated Iron Moulders, and used his position to support the Clyde Workers' Committee during World War I. In 1916, most of the leading figures on the committee were imprisoned or deported, and McBain became one of its new leaders; however, during this period, it did little more than raise money to support those who had been deported. However, he worked with Bell and Jim Gardner to unionise workers in smaller Scottish foundries; a three-week unofficial strike achieved this end, and he sat on a committee representing shop stewards. The Red Clydeside movement heated up again in 1919, when McBain was present at the Battle of George Square and received a head injury. He found his way to other David Kirkwood and Willie Gallacher, two former leaders of the Clyde Workers Committee who had also been injured, and convinced them to address the crowd, to encourage them to move to Glasgow Green.

Unofficial strike action in support of the Pentonville Five created a national crisis, only averted when the Official Solicitor (advised by John Vinelott, later a High Court judge) appealed the arrests to the Court of Appeal, who ordered their release. A dispute involving the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers also led to a finding of contempt of court, a substantial fine, and an order for the sequestration of the assets of the union (although the fine was ultimately paid anonymously). The NIRC was abolished by the Trade Union and Labour Relations Act 1974 soon after the Labour government of Harold Wilson came to power in 1974. One of the leading legal decisions of the NIRC was Norton Tool Co Ltd v Tewson [1972] ICR, in which Donaldson J ruled that damages for wrongful dismissal only extended to financial loss, and that compensation was not available for non-pecuniary losses, such as injury to pride or feelings.

During the early years of the twentieth century, the Aberdare valley became the focus of increased militancy among the mining workforce and an unofficial strike by 11,000 miners in the district from 20 October 1910 unyil 2 February 1911 attracted much attention at the time, although it was ultimately overshadowed by the Cambrian dispute in the neighbouring Rhondda valley which became synonymous with the so-called Tonypandy Riots. In common with the rest of the South Wales coalfield, Aberdare's coal industry commenced a long decline after World War I, and the last two deep mines still in operation in the 1960s were the small Aberaman and Fforchaman collieries, which closed in 1962 and 1965 respectively. Aberdare Co-operative store fire, 11 May 1919 On 11 May 1919, an extensive fire broke out on Cardiff Street, Aberdare. With the decline of both iron and coal, Aberdare has become reliant on commercial businesses as a major source of employment.