At the height of my radical politics, in 2010, I visited ultra-left
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The rear cameras on the Galaxy S903 Ultra (left) and the Galaxy S20 (right).
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Casseurs (troublemakers), from both the ultra-left and the far right, infiltrated the weekend protests.
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Some were organised ultra-right and ultra-left casseurs, or troublemakers, who are known to police for infiltrating protests.
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The ultra-left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and other small opposition parties had taken the issue to the Constitutional Court.
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The ultra-left Economic Freedom Fighters party earlier walked out of parliament after initially disrupting Zuma's answers to the national assembly.
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Contralesa and the ultra-left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party say all that land must be in the hands of the state.
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"With Maduro, Delcy, and Jorge, there has been a kind of coup by the ultra-left within the Venezuelan government," he said.
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This district has zero appetite for the ultra-left extremist views of Scott Wallace and the hate groups that he has showered his millions of dollars upon.
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Malema is the leader of the ultra-left EFF party which emerged as electoral kingmaker in Johannesburg and the capital Pretoria at municipal elections in August last year.
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But the infiltration of ultra-left and extreme-right agitators, and the determination of a radical core to seek the overthrow of Mr Macron, has hardened the movement's edge.
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The ostensible winners embraced ultra-left issue stands — like calls to abolish private insurance and give free health care to migrants — that would sink them in the general election.
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The ostensible winners embraced ultra-left issue stands — like calls to abolish private insurance and give free health care to migrants — that would sink them in the general election.
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As for the overlaying text, Mitchell says he sources his words from "ultra left philosophy," which he decontextualizes to blur their meaning, aiming to simultaneously disturb and attract the viewer.
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It is both the scale of the violence, partly perpetrated by ultra-left and far-right infiltrators, and the backing of public opinion that has put such pressure on the government.
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The move also cuts into the platform of the ultra-left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party, headed by firebrand Julius Malema, who has made land expropriation without compensation his clarion call.
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Julius Malema, leader of the ultra-left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and a former protege of Zuma, filed a court application for disciplinary or impeachment proceedings against the president on Thursday.
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It is rather the scale of the violence, partly perpetrated by ultra-left and far-right infiltrators, and the backing of public opinion despite such violence, that has applied such great pressure.
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The three countries want to sign the deal by the end of August to stop the ultra-left wing Mexican leader Andrés Manuel López Obrador from throwing a wrench in the talks.
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The ANC is under pressure to make headway with land reform ahead of next year's national election, where the ultra-left Economic Freedom Fighters party has made faster land redistribution one of its main policies.
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Malema, leader of the ultra-left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party, has accused the ruling African National Congress of failing to redress the inequality between blacks and whites since the end of apartheid in 1994.
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On Sunday, Benalla and four others including three ranking police officers, were handed preliminary charges regarding their actions during the events on May Day, which turned particularly violent with numerous shops and some cars damaged by ultra-left gangs.
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The ANC's challengers in the August local elections, widely seen as a run-up to the 2019 general poll, include the ultra-left Economic Freedom Fighters, which has vowed to seize white-owned land for redistribution to landless blacks.
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"There is an alliance of subversion that is taking place, (you) have the separatist and ultra-left speaking the same language on certain university campuses," Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said at an event in London days after the Delhi University protest.
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The DA, the ultra-left Economic Freedom Fighters, the UDM and other smaller parties plan a new protest march dubbed "National Day of Action" in the capital on Wednesday close to Zuma's offices, aimed at drumming up support for the no-confidence vote.
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In an interview with Esquire Magazine, Blair said it was a "tragedy" that Britons were left with a choice between a Conservative Party intent on a hard Brexit and a Labour Party that he described as "ultra-left" and stuck in the 1960s.
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The municipality has in recent months been plagued by service delivery protests and political fights as the African National Congress (ANC) party and the ultra left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) look to stop the main opposition party the Democratic Alliance (DA) from leading the municipality.
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Leading political analyst Bipin Adhikari said the coming together of the Maoists with an "ultra left" past and the UML's moderate stance was a "remarkable political development" in a country where the communists had split dozens of times since their movement was launched 70 years ago.
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After analyzing 1,000 posts, BuzzFeed News found that 38 percent of all posts on hyperpartisan right-wing Facebook pages were either a mixture of true and false or mostly false, while 19 percent of ultra left-wing posts were either a mixture of true and false or mostly false.
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Guillermo Holzmann, a political analyst from the University of Valparaiso, said the protesters could be grouped into three: an ultra-left group which has a degree of funding and organization and is opposed to Chile's free-market model; organized crime groups who took advantage of the unrest to loot and break into property, and ordinary Chileans who joined the protests to express their frustration at the high cost of living.
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DA Federal Chairperson Athol Trollip also resigned from his position and politics alongside Maimane on Wednesday, saying it was time for him to quit politics and that he took full responsibility for the party's poor showing in the May presidential election won by the ANC.. The DA's vote share fell to 20.8% in this year's election, from 22.2% five years earlier as they lost votes to the ultra-left Economic Freedom Fighters and the mainly Afrikaner party, the Freedom Front Plus.
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Some also regard Guillaume's suggestion that Guy Debord was a secret negationist as obscene. Some people view ultra-left negationism as evidence that the ultra-left and ultra-right are very similar - the meeting of the extremes. However most ultra left activists would distance themselves from all forms of negationism, and regard Guillaume's more recent development as a sad decline. Guillaume sees La Vieille Taupe as a genuine ultra left venture which concentrates on "exposing the lies of the capitalist victors of the Second World War", even if most of the people who listen to him are from the far-right.
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Other extreme causes—ultra-left or radical ecology are "too bourgeois and intellectual" for the radicals.
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As a slur, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has used the term "ultra-left" more broadly to denounce any orientation it considers further left than the party line. According to the latter usage, in 1978 the CPC Central Committee denounced as ultra-left the line of Mao Zedong from 1956 until his death in 1976. The term ultra-left refers to those GPCR rebel positions that diverged from the central Maoist line by identifying an antagonistic contradiction between the CPC-PRC party-state itself and the masses of workers and peasantsPeasant (农民) was the official term for workers on people's communes. According to the ultra-left, both peasants and urban workers together composed a proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution.
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Furthermore, nationalists combined with ultra-left media attack Zhao continuously. Finally, original banks quit for "uncertainty", causing the acquisition to fail.
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The following is a list of left-wing political parties. It includes parties from the centre-left to the far and ultra left.
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The terms are also used retroactively to describe some early 20th century Chinese anarchist orientations. As a slur, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has used the term "ultra-left" more broadly to denounce any orientation it considers further left than the party line. According to the latter usage, in 1978 the CPC Central Committee denounced as ultra-left the line of Mao Zedong from 1956 until his death in 1976.
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In the People's Republic of China (PRC) since 1967, the terms Ultra-Left and left communist refers to political theory and practice self-defined as further "left" than that of the central Maoist leaders at the height of the GPCR ("Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution"). The terms are also used retroactively to describe some early 20th century Chinese anarchist orientations. As a slur, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has used the term "ultra-left" more broadly to denounce any orientation it considers further "left" than the party line. According to the latter usage, in 1978 the CPC Central Committee denounced as "ultra-left" the line of Mao Zedong from 1956 until his death in 1976.
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In the People's Republic of China since 1967, the terms "ultra-left" and "left communist" () refers to political theory and practice self-defined as further "left" than that of the central Maoist leaders at the height of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR). The terms are also used retroactively to describe some early 20th century Chinese anarchist orientations. As a slur, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has used the term "ultra-left" more broadly to denounce any orientation it considers further "left" than the party line. According to the latter usage, the CPC Central Committee denounced in 1978 as "ultra-left" the line of Mao Zedong from 1956 until his death in 1976.
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Thus marched the People's Liberation Army onto the stage of GPCR mass politics and began what the ultra-left would later call the February Adverse Current. It was out of this momentary radicalization of GPCR mass politics and its sudden suppression and redirection that the ultra-left currents were born under the direct order from Zhou Enlai, first independently within rebel groups scattered throughout China, then by late 1967 in increasing dialogue until their suppression during the following years. The earliest record GPCR scholar Wang Shaoguang has found of something like an ultra-left position is an open letter from two high school students to Lin Biao, published under the pseudonym Yilin-Dixi in November 1966.
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Faurisson's alleged 'victimisation' by opponents of his views was compared through the title of this wall poster to the victimisation of Jews. This was the beginning of ultra-left negationionism. The mentor of this phenomenon was Pierre Guillaume, a former member of Socialisme ou Barbarie and Pouvoir Ouvrier who in 1965 had founded the bookshop La Vieille Taupe. Until its closure in 1972 it provided a home to a section of the ultra-left milieu in Paris.
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"Ultra revolutionary" rhetoric and the actions in that years and in the following ones finished into the arrest and imprisonment of some activists. In the RCYL(b)'s view, ultra-left mistakes were used by the bourgeois authorities to set up reprisals against RCYL(b). The ultra-left period made the Revolutionary Komsomol weaker to a marked degree. The history of RYCL(b) before 2003 is characterized by the ideological fight among the supporters of the RCWP-line and the supporters of other trends.
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The spectrum of left- wing politics ranges from centre-left to far-left or ultra-left. The term centre-left describes a position within the political mainstream that accepts capitalism and a market economy. The terms far-left and ultra-left are used for positions that are more radical, more strongly rejecting capitalism and mainstream representative democracy, instead advocating for a socialist society based on economic democracy and direct democracy, representing economic, political and social democracy. The centre-left includes social democrats, social liberals, progressives and greens.
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"Ultra- Left" refers to those GPCR rebel positions that diverged from the central Maoist line by identifying an antagonistic contradiction between the CPC-PRC party-state itself and the masses of workers and "peasants""Peasant (农民)" was the official term for workers on people's communes. According to the Ultra- Left, both peasants and (urban) workers together composed a proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. conceived as a single proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. Whereas the central Maoist line maintained that the masses controlled the means of production through the Party's mediation, the Ultra-Left argued that the objective interests of bureaucrats were structurally determined by the centralist state-form in direct opposition to the objective interests of the masses, regardless of however "red" a given bureaucrat's "thought" might be.
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"Ultra-left" refers to those GPCR rebel positions that diverged from the central Maoist line by identifying an antagonistic contradiction between the CPC-PRC party-state itself and the masses of workers and "peasants""Peasant (农民)" was the official term for workers on people's communes. According to the Ultra-Left, both peasants and (urban) workers together composed a proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. conceived as a single proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. Whereas the central Maoist line maintained that the masses controlled the means of production through the party's mediation, the ultra-left argued that the objective interests of bureaucrats were structurally determined by the centralist state-form in direct opposition to the objective interests of the masses, regardless of however "red" a given bureaucrat's "thought" might be.
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Ultra- left refers to those GPCR rebel positions that diverged from the central Maoist line by identifying an antagonistic contradiction between the CPC-PRC party-state itself and the masses of workers and peasants"Peasant (农民)" was the official term for workers on people's communes. According to the ultra- left, both peasants and urban workers together composed a proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. conceived as a single proletarian class divorced from any meaningful control over production or distribution. Whereas the central Maoist line maintained that the masses controlled the means of production through the party's mediation, the ultra-left argued that the objective interests of bureaucrats were structurally determined by the centralist state-form in direct opposition to the objective interests of the masses, regardless of however "red" a given bureaucrat's thought might be.
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Hermann Böse Hermann Böse (born Hemelingen May 4, 1870 - July 17, 1943) was a music teacher at the Hermann-Böse-Gymnasium, which was named after him. He was also conductor of the ultra left "Workers - Singing Union in Bremen".
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The Communist Party of India had a strong presence in Bihar at one time, but has got weakened now. CPM and Forward Bloc have minor presence. Ultra left parties like CPML, Party Unity etc. have presence in pockets and are at war with the state.
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La Guerre Sociale was an ultra-left journal appearing in France from 1977 to 1985. It attracted controversy over its support for negationism. The leading spirit was Dominique Blanc. He had previously been involved in the Organisation des Jeunes Travailleurs Révolutionnaires (OJTR) during the early 1970s.
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Ideological disorder, organizational weakness, separateness from the working mass have become usual things among the left forces. The Revolutionary Komsomol also exposed to uneasy trials. Firstly uniting in its lines activists of different ideologies (communists, Trotskyites, Maoists, anarchists, ultra- lefts, etc.). RCYL(b) in 1997–1998 began to feel great ultra-left influence.
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The city has a significant ultra-left radical scene, owing in part to the proximity of the ZAD de Notre-Dame-des-Landes. Masked rioters have repeatedly ransacked shops, offices and public transport infrastructure. The death of Steve Maia Caniço in June 2019 has led to accusations of police brutality and cover-ups.
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When further factionalism swept the German Communist Party, Rosenberg maintained an ultra-left wing line as part of a factional group that included Werner Scholem, Iwan Katz, and Karl Korsch.E.H. Carr, A History of Soviet Russia (Volume 7): Socialism in One Country, 1924-1926: Volume 3, Part 1. London: Macmillan, 1964; pg. 322.
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His death leaves his Socialist Party-One – and Bolivian left-wing politics generally – in a greatly weakened condition.Political parties of the Americas: Canada, Latin America, and the West Indies. Greenwood Press, 1982. P. 145. In 1984 the Socialist Party-One absorbed the small ultra-left “Spartacist Revolutionary Movement” (Movimiento Revolucionario Espartaco, MRE), led by Dulfredo Rua.
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Until 1958, SKU and DU existed as parallel organisations. In 1958, the two organisations merged and took the name DU. In 1967, ultra-left elements took over the organisation, and broke away to form Marxist-leninistiska kampförbundet (Marxist–Leninist Struggle League). Reconstruction work started rapidly. In 1970, the organisation was re-baptised as Kommunistisk Ungdom (Communist Youth).
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Ultimately, they are considered outside the democratic socialist tradition. On the other hand, anarchism (especially within its social anarchist tradition) and other ultra-left tendencies have been discussed within the democratic socialist tradition for their opposition to Marxism–Leninism and their support for more decentralised, direct forms of democracy. While both anarchists and ultra-left tendencies have rejected the label as they tend to associate it to reformist and statist forms of democratic socialism, they are considered revolutionary-democratic forms of socialism and some anarchists have referred to democratic socialism. Some Trotskyist organisations such as the Australian Socialist Alliance, Socialist Alternative and Victorian Socialists or the French New Anticapitalist Party, Revolutionary Communist League and Socialism from below have described their form of socialism as democratic and have emphasised democracy in their revolutionary development of socialism.
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He, along with Osinsky, Smirnov and Drobnis, signed The Declaration of 46 and later adhered to the Left Opposition, albeit as a separate grouping considered ultra-left within it. Sapronov helped lay the groundwork for the United Opposition of the Trotskyist and Zinovite factions in 1926, but he and the former Democratic Centralists remained ultra- left, declaring in the statement of the Group of 15 that the Soviet Union was no longer a workers' state and that capitalism had been restored. They also ‘denied the necessity for the defense of the Soviet Union’ according to Leon Trotsky addressing the Dewey Commission. Sapronov was expelled from the party at the fifteenth Party Congress in December 1927 with the rest of the inner party opposition and was deported to the Crimea.
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La Vieille Taupe is a publishing house and bookshop in Paris, France. The establishment went through two distinct phases in its history. Between 1965 and 1972, it had a politically ultra-left slant. In 1980 a project with the same name was launched by one of La Vieille Taupe's previous participants and became renowned for publishing antisemitic and Holocaust denial literature.
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By 1978, several years after the bookshop had closed, Guillaume became infatuated with Faurisson and revived the name La Vieille Taupe for a publishing house devoted to negationism. He soon became the principal negationist publisher in France. However although Guillaume was the messenger, La Guerre Sociale were the prime movers in disseminating Holocaust denial amongst the French ultra-left in the early 1980s.
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An RSS-backed think tank called Forum for Integrated National Security (FINS), mainly consisting of retired army officers, released a report on the Bhima Koregaon riots. The report absolved the Hindu leaders Milind Ekbote and Sambhaji Bhide from direct involvement. Instead, it blamed Maoists (ultra left-wing organisations) for instigating the Dalit activists. It also blamed the Maharashtra Police for "apathy" and overlooking evidence.
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For Workers' Power: the selected writings of Maurice Brinton. AK Press. 2004. In the People's Republic of China (PRC) since 1967, the terms ultra-left and left communist refers to political theory and practice self-defined as further left than that of the central Maoist leaders at the height of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR). The terms are also used retroactively to describe some early 20th century Chinese anarchist orientations.
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Later a think tank called Forum for Integrated National Security (FINS) with links to RSS, mainly consisting of retired army officers, released a report on the Bhima Koregaon riots. The report absolved the Hindu leaders Milind Ekbote and Sambhaji Bhide from direct involvement. Instead, it blamed the Maoists (ultra left-wing organisations) for instigating the Dalit activists. It also blamed the Maharashtra Police for "apathy" and overlooking evidence.
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387–410 JSTOR. The Comintern proclaimed that the capitalist system was entering the period of final collapse and therefore all communist parties were to adopt an aggressive and militant ultra-left line. In particular, the Comintern labelled all moderate left-wing parties social fascists and urged the communists to destroy the moderate left. With the rise of the Nazi movement in Germany after 1930, this stance became controversial.
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Tiqqun’s poetic style and radical political engagement are akin to the Situationists and the Lettrists. Tiqqun has influenced radical political and philosophical milieus, post-Situationist groups, and other elements of ultra-left, squat and autonomist movements, as well as some anarchists. Tiqqun’s themes and concepts are strongly influenced by the work of the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, who in turn wrote a public editorial supporting Coupat's due process legal rights.
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The name means Old Mole and comes from a communist conception of the maturation of social forces beneath the surface of society which eventually erupt in revolutionary movements. The bookshop was founded in 1965 at 1, rue des Fossés-Saint-Jacques, Paris 5eme. It was the major source for texts by the Situationist International, Amadeo Bordiga and other ultra- left groups. Marx's Theses on Feuerbach were available as a poster thanks to Guy Debord.
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However, in 2001–2003 there were some attempts to resuscitate the ultra-left trend in the Revolutionary Komsomol. The final point in the problem of ideology was put up at the Fifth Congress of RCYL(b) held in May 2003. The RCYL(b) firmly took the line of RCWP-RPC. The following development of the organization was together with the hard work with its restoration, centralizations, strengthening discipline and quantitative and qualitative growing.
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The RPU became the basis of the Russian Peasant fraction of three deputies in the Fourth Saeima. A part of Latvia's Russians belonged to the ultra-left of the political spectrum. In the Fourth Saeima, one Russian represented the social democrats and one Russian was a communist representative. But the Russian left-wing parties did not achieve any big success though they had a certain influence among sections of the workers of Riga.
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In 1967, he succeeded another life-long friend, P. K. Sen, as Commissioner of Police, Calcutta, just as the Naxalite movement got into high gear. He played a controversial role in tackling the Naxalite movement. He was hated by not only the ultra-left radicals and human rights activists for his ruthless line of action, but also by mainstream politicians. However, his juniors held him in high regard, particularly for his integrity and strong character.
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Paul Levi at the 2nd World Congress of the Comintern, 1920. After the killing of the KPD’s main leaders Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht and Leo Jogiches, Levi took over as the central leader of the Communist Party. At the KPD's second congress in October 1919, Levi expelled the party's Council Communist ultra-left, around half the membership many of whom formed the Communist Workers' Party of Germany. During the Kapp Putsch Levi was in prison.
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Agartala: Lokayata Chetana Bikash Society, 2001. p. 20-21 The Anushilanites distrusted the political lines formulated by the Communist International. They criticised the line adopted at the 6th Comintern congress of 1928 as 'ultra- left sectarian'. The Colonial theses of the 6th Comintern congress called upon the communists to combat the 'national-reformist leaders' and to 'unmask the national reformism of the Indian National Congress and oppose all phrases of the Swarajists, Gandhists, etc.
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In a May 2018 interview with Charles Payne on Fox News, McInerney asserted that torture had "worked on" John McCain and "That's why they call him 'Songbird John,"Military analyst on Fox advocates for torture: "It worked on John McCain. That's why they call him 'Songbird John'". Media Matters for America (May 10, 2018)The ultra left wing Democrat arm of the DNC..Erik Wemple, Fox Business guest says torture 'worked' on John McCain, Washington Post (May 10, 2018).
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Hermann Weber/Andreas Herbst, Deutsche Kommunisten. Biographisches Handbuch 1918 bis 1945, Berlin: Karl Dietz Verlag (2004), pp. 822-823. Initially Volk was in the left wing of the party, aligned with Ruth Fischer, Arkadi Maslow and Ernst Thälmann, but in 1928, he modified his views, becoming a leading member of the Conciliator faction. The ultra-left party line of the KPD leadership under Thälmann labeled the moderates social fascists, according to the position taken by the Comintern.
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Retrieved July 20, 2011 concentrating on factories. Here, as in exile, Volk maintained close contact with social democratic and socialist groups, like Neu Beginnen and the Revolutionary Socialists of Germany. Volk was forced to flee to France in 1933 and later that year, he took part in the Conciliator meeting in Zurich. His hope for a reformed KPD was strengthened after the retreat from the ultra-left party line in 1934 and the 7th Comintern Congress in 1935.
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Communization is a contemporary communist theory in which we find is a "mixing-up of insurrectionist anarchism, the communist ultra- left, post-autonomists, anti-political currents, groups like the Invisible Committee, as well as more explicitly 'communizing' currents, such as Théorie Communiste and Endnotes. Obviously at the heart of the word is communism and, as the shift to communization suggests, communism as a particular activity and process".Benjamin Noys (ed). Communization and its Discontents: Contestation, Critique, and Contemporary Struggles.
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They criticised the line adopted at the 6th Comintern congress of 1928 as 'ultra-left sectarian'. The Colonial theses of the 6th Comintern congress called upon the communists to combat the 'national-reformist leaders' and to 'unmask the national reformism of the Indian National Congress and oppose all phrases of the Swarajists, Gandhists, etc. about passive resistance'. Moreover, when Indian left-wing elements formed the Congress Socialist Party in 1934, the CPI branded it as Social Fascist.
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Whereas the central Maoist leaders encouraged the masses to criticise reactionary "ideas" and "habits" among the alleged 5% of bad cadres, giving them a chance to "turn over a new leaf" after they had undergone "thought reform," the Ultra-Left argued that "cultural revolution" had to give way to "political revolution" – "in which one class overthrows another class".See, for instance, "Whither China?" by Yang Xiguang.The 70s Collective, ed. 1996. China: The Revolution is Dead, Long Live the Revolution.
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The intellectual leader of the group was Chris Pallis (who wrote under the name Maurice Brinton).Brinton, Maurice (Goodway, David ed). For Workers' Power: the selected writings of Maurice Brinton. AK Press. 2004. In the People's Republic of China (PRC) since 1967, the terms ultra-left and left communist refers to political theory and practice self-defined as further left than that of the central Maoist leaders at the height of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR).
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Whereas the central Maoist leaders encouraged the masses to criticize reactionary "ideas" and "habits" among the alleged 5% of bad cadres, giving them a chance to "turn over a new leaf" after they had undergone "thought reform", the ultra-left argued that cultural revolution had to give way to political revolution "in which one class overthrows another class".See, for instance, "Whither China?" by Yang Xiguang.The 70s Collective, ed. 1996. China: The Revolution is Dead, Long Live the Revolution.
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In collaboration with other left communists such as François Martin and Karl Nesic, Dauvé has attempted to fuse, critique and develop different left communist currents, most notably the Italian movement associated with Amadeo Bordiga (and its heretical journal Invariance), German Dutch council communism and the French perspectives associated with Socialisme ou Barbarie and the Situationist International."The text surveys the Italian and German lefts, Socialisme Ou Barbarie and the Situationist International and describes the theoretical development of the French ultra-left."Re-collecting our past – La Banquise In the late 1990s, a close yet not identical sense of communization was developed by the French post-situationist group Tiqqun. In keeping with their ultra-left predecessors, Tiqqun's predilection for the term seems to be its emphasis on communism as an immediate process rather than a far-off goal, but for Tiqqun it is no longer synonymous with the revolution, considered as an historical event, but rather becomes identifiable with all sorts of activities—from squatting and setting up communes to simply sharing—that would typically be understood as pre-revolutionary.
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If in 1998 the main "alternative" trend was ultra-left then afterwards (until 2002) rather strong positions in RCYL(b) were taken by so-called "Maoism". Poly-ideological line officially declared by the Maoists and organizational anarchy finished into actual decentralization of the Revolutionary Komsomol, into its degeneration into a net of weakly connected regional groups. The existence of RCYL(b) itself made a problem. In 2002 the RCWP-supporters managed to finish into minimum the influence of this trend.
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Anti-fascist movements emerged first in Italy, during the rise of Mussolini, but soon spread to other European countries and then globally. In the early period, Communist, socialist, anarchist and Christian workers and intellectuals were involved. Until 1928, the period of the United front, there was significant collaboration between the Communists and non-Communist anti- fascists. In 1928, the Comintern instituted its ultra-left "Third Period" policies, ending co-operation with other left groups, and denouncing social democrats as "social fascists".
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Qi Benyu (1931 – 20 April 2016) was a Chinese Communist theorist and propagandist, mainly active during the Cultural Revolution. Qi was a member of the ultra-left Cultural Revolution Group, director of the Department of Petitions and deputy director of the Secretary Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Qi also acted as head of the history department of the communist theory journal Red Flag. In 1968 he was arrested, stripped of all his positions, and sent to prison.
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The constitution rejected ultra-left ideology of the Mao era, and provided for greater protection of citizens' dignity and civil liberties, and advocated for an orderly, institutionalized and accountable system of justice. The new constitution carried significant caveats, however; it specified, for instance that citizens' freedom of privacy and correspondence were protected, except in cases where it was of interest to the state.Tony Saich. "The fourth constitution of the People's Republic of China," Review of Socialist Law 9.2 (1983), pp 113-24.
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Tagore had turned hostile towards Stalin, possibly as in reaction to his failed bid to gain recognition from the Communist International in 1928. On his return to India in 1934 he appealed to the Communist Party of India (CPI) to abandon its ultra-left line. Although the CPI would later moderate its positions after the Seventh Congress of the Communist International, Tagore broke with the CPI. In May 1934 he set up an 'initiative committee' for the founding of a new party.
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Communization mainly refers to a contemporary communist theory in which we find is a "mixing-up of insurrectionist anarchism, the communist ultra-left, postautonomists, anti- political currents, groups like the Invisible Committee, as well as more explicitly 'communizing' currents, such as Théorie Communiste and Endnotes. Obviously at the heart of the word is communism and, as the shift to communization suggests, communism as a particular activity and process".Benjamin Noys (ed). Communization and its Discontents: Contestation, Critique, and Contemporary Struggles.
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Larsen had an ability to translate the strange and alien paroles of the Comintern to Danish conditions, and his oratorical skills contributed greatly to the successes in organising the unemployed and gaining seats in parliament. In parliament he became known as a great orator. He did not keep to translating the Comintern policies but also modified them. The ultra-left line was softened, and contrary to the directions from Moscow he warned his party members of seeing the Social Democrats as the main enemy.
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In 1929, the Comintern intervened, by means of an open letter to the party, forcing the removal of DKP's leadership. For the next 18 months, the party was placed under the direct administration of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The new leadership that was appointed consisted of pro- Soviet hardliners, with Aksel Larsen becoming the new Chairman of the Central Committee.Kurt Jacobsen, Moskva som medspiller, DKP's gennembrud og Aksel Larsens vej til Folketinget (Copenhagen, 1987) This intervention resulted in DKP making an 'ultra-left turn.
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Communization (or communisation in British English) mainly refers to a contemporary communist theory in which there is a mixing-up of insurrectionist anarchism, the communist ultra-left, post-autonomists, anti-political currents, groups like the Invisible Committee, as well as more explicitly ‘communizing’ currents, such as Théorie Communiste. "Obviously at the heart of the word is communism and, as the shift to communization suggests, communism as a particular activity and process..."Benjamin Noys (ed). Communization and its Discontents: Contestation, Critique, and Contemporary Struggles. Minor Compositions, Autonomedia. 2011.
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Rather, the Vienna Bureau adopted the ultra-left ideas of the earliest period in the history of the Comintern. Left communists supported the Russian revolution, but did not accept the methods of the Bolsheviks. Many of the Dutch–German tradition adopted Rosa Luxemburg's criticism as outlined in her posthumously published essay entitled The Russian Revolution. In this essay, she rejected the Bolshevik position on distribution of land to the peasantry and their espousal of the right of nations to self-determination which she rejected as historically outmoded.
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At the 1928 Communist International congress Tagore had sought to challenge the role of M.N. Roy in the organization. Tagore had turned hostile towards Stalin, possibly as in reaction to his failed bid to gain recognition from the Communist International in 1928. On his return to India in 1934 he appealed to CPI to abandon its ultra-left line. Albeit CPI would later moderate its positions after the Seventh Congress of the Communist International, Tagore broke with CPI and founded his own communist group (the Communist League).
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Some elements in the conservative military feared Marcelo Quiroga Santa Cruz's potential following as an opposition leader and he was killed during the Luis García Meza Tejada coup of 17 July 1980. His death leaves his Socialist Party-One – and Bolivian left-wing politics generally – in a greatly weakened condition.Political parties of the Americas: Canada, Latin America, and the West Indies. Greenwood Press, 1982. P. 145. In 1984 the Socialist Party-One absorbed the small ultra-left “Spartacus Revolutionary Movement” (Movimiento Revolucionario Espartaco, MRE), led by Dulfredo Rua.
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Under Thälmann's leadership, the party was closely aligned with the Soviet leadership headed by Joseph Stalin, and from 1928 the party was largely controlled and funded by Comintern in Moscow. The party's first paramilitary wing was the Roter Frontkämpferbund ("Alliance of Red Front-Fighters"), which was banned by the governing Social Democrats in 1929. Aligning with the Comintern's ultra-left Third Period the KPD abruptly turned to viewing the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) as its main adversary. In this period, the KPD referred to the SPD as "social fascists".
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Within the KPD, Westermann was considered to be a trade union expert. He was aligned with the Conciliator faction and was opposed to the increasingly militant verbal attacks by the ultra-left party leadership under Thälmann, particularly with regard to trade union policy, which was elevating the position of Revolutionary Trade Union Opposition policy. Westermann was also aligned with those in favor of closer ties and cooperative efforts with the SPD. These positions caused Westermann to be expelled from the party in 1930 along with Heinrich Stahmer and Albert Sanneck, also Conciliators.
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For a critique of Tiqqun from an ultra-left perspective, as well as a description of the opposition between the two sense of "communization" see "Reflexions Around Call " Letters Journal #3. See also Dauvé and Nesic, "Un Appel et une Invite". Due to the popularity of the Tiqqun-related works Call and The Coming Insurrection in the American anarchist circles, it tended to be this latter sense of "communization" that was employed in American anarchist and insurrectionist communiques, notably within the Californian student movement of 2009–2010.See e.g.
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His relations with Bhutto deteriorated after Pakistan People's Party began purging the radical and ultra-left wings of the party and J. A. Rahim was also lined by Bhutto later. In July 1974, Rahim himself got disillusioned with Bhutto after seeing Bhutto's handling of internal affairs and publicly disagreed with Bhutto as he wanted Bhutto to deal with the matters efficiently, not by force. He was appointed Pakistan Ambassador to France by Bhutto just to get him out of the way and away from Pakistani politics. But he returned to Pakistan unscheduled.
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The Workers League was a small Trotskyist group in Britain. It began as the IS Opposition, formed in 1975 within the International Socialists (now the Socialist Workers Party), and containing many prominent IS members, including Roger Protz and Jim Higgins. They had several major disagreements with the IS leadership, including what they perceived as an increasingly ultra left stance, refusing to work with other socialist groups, and a reduction in internal democracy. In December 1975 after campaigning for a Special Conference of IS, the faction's leaders were expelled.
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Scholem wrote his doctoral thesis on the oldest known kabbalistic text, Sefer ha-Bahir. Drawn to Zionism and influenced by Buber, he immigrated in 1923 to the British Mandate of Palestine.The Cult Following of Gershom Scholem, Founder of Modern Kabbala Research, Haaretz He became a librarian, and eventually head of the Department of Hebrew and Judaica at the National Library. Scholem's brother Werner was a member of the ultra-left "Fischer-Maslow Group" and the youngest ever member of the Reichstag, representing the Communist Party (KPD) in the German parliament.
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It is only in a democracy and in an atmosphere of freedom that the government can play such role without being biased towards any creeds, religion, ethnicity and faith. The poverty prevailed in the country has been the breeding ground for the communist oriented chauvinistic politics in the country. The Nepali Congress, as a harbinger of democracy and as a champion of freedom of the country has to realize its crucial role at this juncture. It has to keep itself a bit left to the centre on order to check ultra left chauvinism.
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The party was again on the verge of split at its fourth congress held at Palakkad in 1956. Against the ultra-left line of Ranadive, Dange and P.C. Joshi were for reviving the 'popular front' and working with the ruling Indian National Congress. These differences within the Communist Party of India, up to Palakkad congress was an internal matter of the Party; the international communist movement at that time was united. Ranadive who was earlier shunned for his extremism made a comeback to the Party leadership at the Palakkad congress.
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In 1928, the Communist International, now fully under the leadership of Stalin, turned from the united front policy to an ultra-left policy of the Third Period, a policy of aggressive confrontation of social democracy. This divided the working class at a critical time. Like the Labour Party in the UK, the Social Democratic Party in Germany, which was in power in 1928, followed an orthodox deflationary policy and pressed for reductions in unemployment benefits in order to save taxes and reduce budget deficits. These policies did not halt the recession and the government resigned.
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In subsequent years, Scholem worked in the party organisation, mostly for the Berlin branch. In 1924, he became the leader of the national organization, and consequently a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party. From 1924 until 1928, he was a member of the German Reichstag. He led the so-called Fischer-Maslow Group associated with the Comintern chairman Grigory Zinoviev, which formed the new "ultra-left" Communist Party leadership after the "right" wing of the party was removed in 1923 by the leaders of the time.
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In 1974, Black and Red Press published Unions Against Revolution by Spanish ultra-left theorist Grandizo Munis that included an essay by Zerzan which previously appeared in the journal Telos. Over the next 20 years, Zerzan became intimately involved with the Fifth Estate, Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed, Demolition Derby and other anarchist periodicals. He began to question civilization in the early 80's, after having sought to confront issues around the neutrality of technology and division of labour, at the time when Fredy Perlman was making similar conclusions.
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In 1925 Neddermeyer sided unambiguously with the so-called "ultra-left" faction. On leaving the National Assembly in 1928 Neddermeyer was promptly elected to the Regional Assembly in Prussia, where he sat as a member continuously till 1933. Meanwhile, in 1930 he also became the owner of a small poultry farm near Liebenwalde, which he held on to till 1945, while also working as a poultryman for other farmers in the area. In 1930 he also found time to become a city councillor in Königsberg, another office which he retained till 1933.
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He helped organize a social worker's union, the SSEU, and was elected vice president in 1968, and president in 1969.History of the union The local Situationist group Contradiction denounced him as a "leftist bureaucrat". In 1974, Black and Red Press published Unions Against Revolution by Spanish ultra-left theorist Grandizo Munis that included an essay by Zerzan which previously appeared in the journal Telos. Over the next 20 years, Zerzan became intimately involved with the Fifth Estate, Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed, Demolition Derby and other anarchist periodicals.
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In 1924 Queneau met and briefly joined the Surrealists, but never fully shared their penchants for automatic writing or ultra-left politics. Like many surrealists, he entered psychoanalysis—however, not in order to stimulate his creative abilities, but for personal reasons, as with Leiris, Bataille, and Crevel. Michel Leiris describes, in Brisees, how he first met Queneau in 1924, while vacationing in Nemours with André Masson, Armand Salacrou and Juan Gris. A common friend, Roland Tual, met Queneau on a train from Le Havre and brought him over.
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In the context of the continuing internal ructions that were a feature of the Communist Party during the later 1920s Agnes Schmidt was initially seen as part of the leftwing, aligned with comrades such as Ruth Fischer and Arkadi Maslow. After 1925 she identified with the ultra-left together with Iwan Katz and her fellow Landtag member Otto Geithner. In March 1926 Geithner was excluded from the party because of the force of his opposition to the party leadership. Agnes Schmidt immediately resigned her own party membership in support of Geithner.
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The Movimiento Ibérico de Liberación (MIL, sometimes known as 1000) was a Catalan ultra-left terrorist groupIberian Liberation Movement (MIL) trackingterrorism.orgIberian Liberation Movement (MIL) terrorist- groups.insidegov.comPolitical Terrorism - A new guide to actors, authors, concepts, data bases, theories & literature by Alex P. Schmid and Albert J. Jongman page 662 between 1971 and 1973, based mainly in Barcelona, Spain, and in Toulouse, France. It became famous after its dissolving because of the execution by the Francoist State of one of its members, Salvador Puig Antich, in March 1974, and of the shooting of Oriol Solé Sugranyes during his escape in 1976.
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He was arrested again in December 1927 for three days and was called to Vienna by the KMP, arriving in March 1928. He became head of the KMP's agrarian section and was sent back to Hungary in September 1928 under a false identity to build up underground communist networks. His efforts were largely a failure, his largest successes being the publishing of three issues of a small journal and his avoidance of arrest. His advocacy of legal political activity over the party's preference for largely impotent clandestine work in villages was dismissed as "right-deviancy" by the ultra- left KMP leadership.
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Péricat's position after the war has been called "Ultra-Left", a blend of Bolshevism with syndicalist anarchism. He founded and became editor of the newspaper L'Internationale. In the first edition, published on 15 February 1919, he disparaged the Second International and called for a true International to be established. On 8 May 1919 the Committee for Resumption, the Committee of Syndicalist Defense and other anarchist elements decided to combine into the Committee for the Third International (Comité pour la 3e Internationale.) The secretaries of the committee were Alfred Rosmer, Péricat, Loriot and Saumoneau, all Anarcho-Syndicalists.
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They supported a united front with the Social Democratic Party of Germany,Nikolas Dikigoros, Ernst Thälmann: 1928 Retrieved July 18, 2011 similar to the right wing of the KPD, aligned with August Thalheimer and Heinrich Brandler. They also pushed for active participation with the Federation of General Trade Unions in Germany (Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund), a federation of socialist trade unions. They opposed the ultra-left policies of the Revolutionary Trade Union Opposition against the International Federation of Trade Unions, who were social democrats. Adopted in 1928 by the Profintern, the party line branded the social democrats as "social fascists".
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Retrieved July 20, 2011 Stalin, however, had been looking to strengthen Thälmann, whom he viewed as an ally and loyal supporter for the ultra-left positions then recently adopted at the Sixth World Congress of the Comintern. Stalin felt he could count on Thälmann to purge the KPD of both its right and moderate left wings. Stalin asked Vyacheslav Molotov for advice in handling the problem of Thälmann's ouster. In a telegraph to Molotov on October 1, 1928, Stalin acknowledged that Thälmann had made a huge mistake in covering up the embezzlement, but Stalin defended his motives, calling them "unselfish".
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Karl Dietz Verlag, Berlin (2004), p. 862, In 1925, Westermann was briefly expelled from the KPD after he advocated a waiver of Ernst Thälmann's candidacy in favor of Social Democrat Otto Braun, a tactical move meant to thwart a victory by Paul von Hindenburg in the second round of the German presidential election in 1925. He was readmitted after the ultra-left leadership of Ruth Fischer and Arkadi Maslow was removed and in 1927, he was elected to the Hamburg district leadership of the KPD. A short time later, he was elected to the Hamburg Parliament.
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"As we apprehend it, the process of instituting communism can only take the form of a collection of acts of communisation, of making common such-and-such space, such-and-such machine, such-and-such knowledge. That is to say, the elaboration of the mode of sharing that attaches to them. Insurrection itself is just an accelerator, a decisive moment in this process." Anonymous, Call From an ultra-left perspective, such a politics of "dropping-out" or, as Tiqqun put it, "desertion"—setting up spaces and practices that are held to partially autonomous from capitalism—is typically dismissed as either naive or reactionary.
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At the end of 1959, as a new French government cautiously began the shift towards acceptance of Algerian independence and fighting in Algeria increasingly acquired the character of a civil war, Pierre Morain rejoined the Communist Party. He also teamed up with Georges Fontenis to join "Voie communiste" (loosely, "Communist path"), intended as an "ecumenical" grouping of the ultra-left committed, principally, to Algerian independence. It quickly became seen as an internal opposition grouping within the party, however. In 1967 Morain made contact with "Vietnam Base Committees", which led to accusations from party comrades that he was becoming "pro-Chinese".
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On his return, he was active in the educational programs of the KPD. He was a member of the Versöhnler, a group of KPD members critical of the ultra-left policies of KPD leader Ernst Thälmann and as a result, in 1929, lost his job in the Party, though he was not expelled until 1930. He was unemployed until 1930, when he got a job at a factory and began to build a regional Versöhnler network both in and outside the KPD. After the Nazi Party seized power in 1933, Wald was forced to go underground.
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Notably, Berlinguer's strictly Catholic family was not brought out of its strictly respected privacy. In the general election of June 1976, the PCI gained 34.4% of the vote. In Italy a so-called "government of national solidarity" was ruling, but Berlinguer claimed that in an emergency government a strong and powerful cabinet to solve a crisis of exceptional gravity was needed. On 16 March 1978, Aldo Moro, President of the Christian Democratic Party, was kidnapped by the Red Brigades, an ultra-left terrorist group, on the day that the new government was going to be sworn in before parliament.
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Issam Hajali is a Lebanese jazz and folk rock musician. In 1975, when the civil war in Lebanon started, he was a guitarist of a progressive rock band Rainbow Bridge in Beirut. In 1976 Hajali, who was politically ultra-left, fled Lebanon with his wife, first to Cyprus, and then to Paris, where he stayed in 1977, before going back to Beirut. In his last week in Paris, Hajali, together with Roger Fahr, another Lebanese musician, and a number of musicians from various countries, whose names were eventually lost, recorded his debut album, Mouasalt Ila Jacad El Ard.
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In 1995 the RCG set up Rock Around the Blockade (RATB), a solidarity organisation with the Cuban Revolution. As well as campaigning on issues such as the US economic blockade and the Cuban Five, and sending political solidarity brigades to Cuba, RATB raised funds to take sound systems out to Cuba. These were used with young people in cultural and political work, and the RATB has donated five sound systems over a ten-year period. In 2001 three members were asked to leave or resign because of what were described as their reactionary ultra-left views.
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Solomon, The Cry Was Unity, pg. 259. This was intended both to tighten party discipline in the organization and to lessen the influence of the more freewheeling, nationalist-inclined agitators such as Cyril Briggs and Richard B. Moore. The ultra-left "Third Period" slogan of "Self-determination for the Black Belt" was drawing to a close, in favor of a new effort to build bridges with liberals and fighting for the solution of practical problems through the New Deal. The Harlem Communists sought to join with church and civic groups in a “Provisional Committee against Discrimination” in an effort to eliminate racism in job hiring and firing.
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In late 1979, Rodriguez emerged as the most prominent member of the NDP's "Left Caucus", a successor group of sorts to The Waffle. In a The Globe and Mail interview, Rodriguez said that the new group differed from The Waffle in that its ultra-left elements were minor and that it would abide by the results of NDP conventions, even if it did not agree with them. The Left Caucus was nonetheless opposed by the party leadership, which argued that it would hurt the NDP's chances of winning an election.Kirk Makin, "Left Caucus fills Waffle shoes in battling NDP", The Globe and Mail, 24 November 1979, P5.
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Clashes ensued within the Bremen branch of the KPD in 1924, after Eugen Eppstein had been designated district manager by the 'ultra-left' in the KPD Berlin headquarters in May. In early 1925, Brodmerkel was expelled from the Communist Party together with Adolf Ehlers and Wilhelm Deisen on charges of being right-wing, but was readmitted by the end of the year. Again expelled in 1929, Brodmerkel joined the Communist Party of Germany (Opposition) instead. He died in Bremen on 2 February 1932, only months before the July federal elections, which for the first time saw Nazi Party gain larger support than the SDP and KPD put together.
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From the time of the 1929 Loray Mill strike in Gastonia, North Carolina had been the target of political organizers of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) — bitter rivals and political enemies of the Socialists throughout the CP's ultra-revolutionary Third Period. With the specter of fascism growing in Europe, this ultra-left political line of the international Communist movement began to change in 1934, with a move made towards a new Popular Front policy. On September 21, 1934, Communist functionary Paul Crouch wrote directly to Socialist leader Norman Thomas proposing united action between Communists and Socialists in organizing the textile industry.Taylor, The History of the North Carolina Communist Party, pg. 114.
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After the May 1968 student protests, Minister of Education Edgar Faure responded by founding new universities with greater autonomy. Most prominent of these was the Centre Expérimental de Vincennes in Vincennes on the outskirts of Paris. A group of prominent academics were asked to select teachers to run the centre's departments, and Canguilheim recommended Foucault as head of the Philosophy Department. Becoming a tenured professor of Vincennes, Foucault's desire was to obtain "the best in French philosophy today" for his department, employing Michel Serres, Judith Miller, Alain Badiou, Jacques Rancière, François Regnault, Henri Weber, Étienne Balibar, and François Châtelet; most of them were Marxists or ultra-left activists.
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Lectures began at the university in January 1969, and straight away its students and staff, including Foucault, were involved in occupations and clashes with police, resulting in arrests. In February, Foucault gave a speech denouncing police provocation to protesters at the Latin Quarter of the Mutualité. Such actions marked Foucault's embrace of the ultra-left, undoubtedly influenced by Defert, who had gained a job at Vincennes' sociology department and who had become a Maoist. Most of the courses at Foucault's philosophy department were Marxist-Leninist oriented, although Foucault himself gave courses on Nietzsche, "The end of Metaphysics", and "The Discourse of Sexuality", which were highly popular and over-subscribed.
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Until early 1933, the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) was regarded as the world's most successful communist party in terms of membership and electoral results. As a result, the Communist International, or Comintern, expected national Communist Parties to base their political style on the German example. That approach, known as the "class against class" strategy, or the ultra-left "Third Period", expected that the economic crisis and the trauma of war would increasingly radicalise public opinion and that if the communists remained aloof from mainstream democratic politics, they would benefit from the populist mood and be swept to power. As such, non-communist socialist parties were denounced as "social fascist".
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The pro-Beijing newspaper, Ta Kung Pao, ran a front-page attack on Socialist Action and League of Social Democrats legislator Leung Kwok-hung in its edition of 10 June 2014.「社會主義行動」港支部4年前成立 , Ta Kung Pao, 10 June 2014. The article accused the Committee for a Workers' International, to which Socialist Action is affiliated, of "ultra left and violent methods" and of "fomenting riots" in Brazil, Sweden and Turkey. Socialist Action disputed the allegations and argued that CWI sections were not instigators of riots and oppose rioting as a blind, desperate form of protest, and that CWI organises mass struggle around clear working class and socialist demands.
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Before the surrender of Androutsopoulos, an article by the newspaper Ta Nea claimed that the neo-Nazi political party Golden Dawn had close relationships with some parts of the Greek police force. The newspaper published then a photograph of a typewritten paragraph with no identifiable insignia as evidence of the secret investigation. In the article, the Minister for Public Order, Michalis Chrysochoidis, responded that he did not recollect such a probe. Chrysochoidis also denied accusations that far right connections within the police force delayed the arrest of Periandros. He said that leftist groups, including the ultra-left anti-state resistance group 17 November, responsible for several murders, had similarly evaded the police for decades.
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There he aligned with the ultra-left group led by Alexander Bogdanov, who challenged Lenin for the leadership of the Bolsheviks, and worked on the newspaper Vpered (Forward). After the outbreak of war in 1914, he worked on the newspaper Nashe Slovo and acted as the main contact between the Bolsheviks and the smaller group associated with Leon Trotsky. After his return to Russia in May 1917, he joined Trotsky's group, the Mezhraiontsy, who amalgamated with the Bolsheviks in August 1917. During the civil war, Manuilsky worked in the People's Commissariat for Food, before being sent to Ukraine, where Lenin assigned him the task of organising the peasant population around Kharkov to defeat the White army of General Denikin.
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The Left Communists in the Reichstag were not a uniform political group, but merely a "technical" group to achieve group or parliamentary rights, totalling 15 politicians who had been expelled from the KPD between January 1926 and February 1928. These were both former members of the "left" wing of the KPD, such as Ruth Fischer, Hugo Urbahns (de), and Werner Scholem, as well as "ultra-left" members of parliament such as Ivan Katz (de), Karl Korsch, Ernst Schwarz, Heinrich Schlagewerth (de), and Karl Tiedt (de), there was no consensus on fundamental questions for communists, such as the question of a united front, the attitude to the Soviet Union, or the ADGB trade unions.
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The Comintern's repudiation of dual unionism in 1926 turned out, however, to be only a temporary change in policy; in 1928 the CP began establishing new CP-led unions in the coal, textile, food and garment industries and renamed the TUEL the Trade Union Unity League in 1929. This change in policy coincided with Stalin's turn to the left as he moved against his former ally Nikolai Bukharin. CP leaders, such as Foster, willing to make the switch, held on to their positions in the Party, while those who did not, such as Jay Lovestone, were expelled. The CP's Third Period stance towards unions was nearly as ultra-left as its position in 1919 through 1921.
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Militant nationalist websites, whether Zhonghua or Han, are often suppressed by the government because they appear to be elevating popular discussions into political levels. The government simply has a habit of clamping down on any kind of political discussions to prevent them from becoming ideologies that can replace official Zhonghua-Marxo-Capitalism. Zhonghua nationalist websites tend to style themselves as "ultra-left socialist", venerating Mao as an anti- colonial icon over his capitalist successors, and identify Japan and US as their prime enemies, and focus very heavily on the goal of militarily invading Taiwan. Uyghurs and Tibetans are discussed as if they are mainly law-abiding Zhonghua citizens, with a minority elements instigated by overseas "separatist exiles".
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Lenin hoped that he would take charge of smuggling illegal Bolshevik literature into Russia, but he "was quite unfitted for such work". In May 1907, he was a Bolshevik delegate at the London Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, at which both the Bolshevik and Menshevik factions were represented. Stalin, another delegate, later wrote a report of the Congress in which he alleged "the majority of Mensheviks were of Jews..." and cited Alexinsky as having joked that "it wouldn't be a bad idea for us Bolsheviks to organise a pogrom." Alexinsky joined Lenin in Geneva, but fell out with him and in 1909 joined the ultra left Vpered, group, led by Alexander Bogdanov.
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This prompted criticism of "double standards" when the media reported that Garrard had placed shares in an offshore trust to avoid tax, similar to Conservative donor and co-treasurer Lord Fink, whom Labour had criticised. Garrard left the Labour Party in March 2018 due to his unhappiness with the party's response to allegations of antisemitism. In February 2019, Garrard added that he had concerns about the nation's future should Corbyn lead the country. "From the very outset of Mr Corbyn’s leadership I had feared the ultra-Left Marxist/Socialist nature of the Labour party’s new leadership and its supporters, all of which led me to conclude that a socialist republic for our nation was what these politicians intend".
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May Sixteenth elements () were named after the so-called May Sixteenth Army Corps (五一六兵团; 1967–1968), ultra-left Red Guards in Beijing during the early years of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) who targeted Zhou Enlai with the backing of Jiang Qing. The name came from a May 16, 1966 notice () which Mao Zedong partially wrote and edited. However, Mao was concerned with its radicalism, so in late 1967 the group was outlawed on conspiracy and anarchism charges, followed by the arrest of most Cultural Revolution Group members (except Jiang Qing). A nationwide campaign was later launched to liquidate "May Sixteenth Elements", which ironically created more chaos and anarchy.
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When the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) was founded by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg on New Year's Eve of 1918, they tried to integrate Müller and the revolutionary stewards because of their credibility among workers and their widespread network within the factories. Although Müller was part of the socialist left and sympathizing with Liebknecht, he and his group decided not to join the party. The reason was its intention to boycott the upcoming elections for the national assembly and to leave the major unions in order to form their own communist union movement. After the KPD turned away from this ultra-left and more or less sectarian political course, Müller and many of his former comrades joined the party in October 1920.
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In France, Holocaust denial became more prominent in the 1990s as négationnisme, though the movement has existed in ultra-left French politics since at least the 1960s, led by figures such as Pierre Guillaume (who was involved in the bookshop La Vieille Taupe during the 1960s). Elements of the extreme far right in France have begun to build on each other's negationist arguments, which often span beyond the Holocaust to cover a range of antisemitic views, incorporating attempts to tie the Holocaust to the Biblical massacre of the Canaanites, critiques of Zionism, and other material fanning what has been called a "conspiratorial Judeo-phobia" designed to legitimize and "banalize" antisemitism.Richard Joseph Golsan, Vichy's Afterlife, University of Nevada Press, 2003, p. 130.
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The book has achieved bestseller status in China. Although acknowledging the book's huge popularity in China, the Financial Times described it as only passably entertaining and its thesis as far-fetched. Fred Hu, managing director of Goldman Sachs Group, said the currency wars were "non-existent". He uses in his review words as "a simple out of line, outrageous distortion", "many errors, out of context, far-fetched, exaggerated, or simply speculate, uncertain", and the conclusion to this book as a "melted mixed the ultra-left trend of thought, far-right tendencies, populism, isolationism, anarchism"."Fred Hu batch shelling 'currency war' view special status is questioned: 2007-12-21 07:17:40 Source: Southern Metropolis Daily (Guangzhou)" (translated from Chinese by Google), money.163.com.
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Fischer had been appointed co-leader of the party in April and was identified as a resolute "anti-Stalinist". Schneller was soon given responsibility for the department in charge of "Theoretical work" and "Agitprop". During 1924 the Fischer-Maslow leadership team came under increasing pressure from committed pro-Stalinists within the party, and early in 1925, as the influence of Karl Korsch and the "ultra-left-wingers" increased at the expense of the formal party leadership, Schneller became the publisher of the theoretical newspaper "Internationale" and leader of the "Marxist-Leninist Circle". He quickly made himself as reputation as a leading proponent of the "Struggle against Trotskyism and Luxemburgism", which implicitly but unambiguously meant that he was now lining up with the pro-Stalinists.
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After the death of Lenin in 1924 the power of Stalin in Moscow appears to have become almost limitless. There were close links between the Communist Party leaderships in Moscow and Berlin, and Stalin seems to have become virtually a "de facto king-maker" for the German party, which in part was a reflection of the acute divisions within the German party itself. To the disappointment of some, it turned out that Stalin was not an admirer of Karl Korsch and the "ultra-left-wingers". Nevertheless, for the next few years, until the Communist Party of Germany finally split in 1928/29, the defining division within it was between pro-Stalinists and anti-Stalinists (generally identified by Stalin himself as Trotskyists).
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In addition to what is stated above, the 1929 Congress also issued a number of other orders that would form the basis of the LMG's activities (as well as the character of the antireligious persecution throughout the country) in the following decade. At its 1929 Congress, it admitted that there had been some growth in sectarian groups, but claimed that this was local rather than national phenomena. They said, however, that lay religious activists exceeded one million and that all of the religious communities including the old Orthodox had begun to adopt modern methods and were attracting youth. It determined therefore that the fight against religion needed to be pressed, although it still, as Yaroslavsky had said for years, warned against extreme antireligious ultra-left attacks.
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Quadrangle These blocks were erected within just 12 months allowing it to offer accommodation to its first students from October 1969, a year ahead of schedule. The Assembly governed the College from Furness borrowing Bowland's JCR. The lecturers advertised places for existing Lancaster second and third year students who wished to become part of their commune college. The ultra-left wing of the University took up their offer. Following the left- wing ethos of the founding lecturers the College formed an assembly with 68 elected positions rather than a JCR as in other colleges. Further, the students rejected the University’s plan to name the newly constructed Fylde residence blocks after areas of Lancashire, preferring names such as Lenin and Guevara.
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Another notable founding member of the Left Caucus was Ontario NDP MPP and future provincial finance minister Floyd Laughren."No more party of the underdog By abandoning the unions and most of its traditions, Bob Rae is staking out a radical new vision for the NDP. For better or worse, this achievement will be his greatest legacy", by Thomas Walkom, Toronto Star, May 22, 1993 Rodriguez said the caucus different from the Waffle in that its ultra-left elements were a minor part and as it was willing to abide by the final resolutions of the convention, whether it agrees with them or not. However, Rodriguez warned that the Left Caucus would be outspoken if resolutions it favours passed the convention but were ignored by the party's leadership.
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As a political tradition, democratic socialism represents a broad anti-Stalinist left-wing and in some cases anti-Leninist strand within the socialist movement, including anti-authoritarian socialism from below, libertarian socialism, market socialism, Marxism and certain left communist and ultra-left tendencies such as councilism and communisation as well as classical and libertarian Marxism. It also includes the orthodox Marxism related to Karl Kautsky and Rosa Luxemburg as well as the revisionism of Eduard Bernstein. In addition, democratic socialism is related to the trend of Eurocommunism originating between the 1950s and 1980s, referring to communist parties that adopted democratic socialism after Nikita Khrushchev's de-Stalinisation in 1956, but also that of most communist parties since the 1990s. As a socialist tradition, social democracy is generally classified as a form of democratic socialism.
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The association of the term communization with a self-identified "ultra-left" was cemented in France in the 1970s, where it came to describe not a transition to a higher phase of communism but a vision of communist revolution itself. Thus the 1975 Pamphlet A World Without Money states: “insurrection and communisation are intimately linked. There would not be first a period of insurrection and then later, thanks to this insurrection, the transformation of social reality. The insurrectional process derives its force from communisation itself.” This vision was opposed to the statism and vanguardism of the Leninist conception of revolution, but it also identified the perceived failure of the Russian and Chinese revolutions (carried out on the Leninist politico-military model) with the insufficiency of measures taken to abolish capitalist social relations (e.g.
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The Communist International (Comintern) and the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) had both wanted to create their own revolutionary unions and had attempted to use the Union of Manual and Intellectual Workers (UMIW), which had a high proportion of KPD members within its ranks, to that end. The KPD's relationship with the UMIW was strained by the lack of discipline within the Union and eventually, the relationship was ended.Eric D. Weitz, "Origins of the RGO" Creating German Communism, 1890-1990: From Popular Protests to Socialist State, Princeton University Press (1997) pp. 152-153. Retrieved August 12, 2011 In 1928, after the 4th World Congress of the Profintern and the 6th World Congress of the Comintern, Communists took an ultra-left position toward social democrats, branding them as "social fascists".
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That gave the International union the opportunity it needed: the Socialist leadership of the ILGWU took over the exhausted locals after they settled and their supporters were too dispirited to resist. While the CP retained a strong base of support in the smaller Fur Workers Union, it never recovered from its defeat in the much larger garment industry; on the contrary, the ILGWU, led by David Dubinsky for the next forty years, remained resolutely anti-communist thereafter. The TUEL itself changed for brief period into the dual union that the AFL had accused it of being. The TUEL led a strike of woolen industry workers in Passaic, New Jersey in 1926 — until, that is, the Comintern instructed the Party later that year to abandon any independent unions it had formed on the ground that these represented ultra-left adventurism.
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This new radical phase was paralleled by the formulation of a new doctrine in the International, that of the so-called Third Period, an ultra-left switch in policy, which argued that social democracy, whatever shape it took, was a form of social fascism, socialist in theory but fascist in practice. All foreign Communist parties – increasingly agents of Soviet policy – were to concentrate their efforts in a struggle against their rivals in the working-class movement, ignoring the threat of real fascism. There were to be no united fronts against a greater enemy. The catastrophic effects of this policy, and the negative effect it had on Soviet security, was to be fully demonstrated by Adolf Hitler's seizure of power in Germany in 1933, followed by the destruction of the German Communist Party, the strongest in Europe.
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Between 1921 and 1924 she sat as a "United Communist Party" member of the Prussian regional legislature ("Landtag"), where within the parliament she was deputy leader of the party group. Between 1921 and 1923 she was also a member of the party head office and organisation team, where she had responsibility for party publishers. However, use of the word "united" in the party name reflected a continuing propensity to party infighting through the 1920s, and in 1924, after the Ninth Party Congress, held in Frankfurt am Main, Wolfstein resigned her party and parliamentary posts in protest against the "ultra left-wing" party leadership around Ruth Fischer und Arkadi Maslow. During the second half of the 1920s she was able to devote more of her energies to her work as an editor with the Malik Publishing House.
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Aksel Larsen had become unpopular both in the Communist Party of Denmark and in Moscow due to his opposition to Stalin. In spite of that and in spite of the Comintern’s recommendations that Larsen should not be allowed to hold any office for the time being, Larsen was elected party secretary for Copenhagen because of a lack of talented people in the party. The party was torn by internal struggles, and the 1929 election was a historic defeat for the communists. They only received 3,656 votes equal to 0.2% of the total votes. The internal disagreements were only worsened by the Comintern’s decision in the start of 1930 to send a German representative of its Executive Committee to Denmark to reconcile the factions of the party. The Comintern demanded that the Danish party were to follow the militant ultra-left line decided at the sixth Comintern congress and a crackdown on the “danger from the right”.
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Manege Square: extant National Hotel and demolished Intourist Hotel (1970–2002) Redevelopment of Tverskaya Street began in the late 1920s with infill buildings like Ivan Rerberg's Central Telegraph (1927), and Grigory Barkhin's Izvestia building in Pushkin Square (1927). This was followed by demolition of Okhotny Ryad and Manege Square. Major reconstruction of Tverskaya Street began in 1937 with demolition of Strastnoy Monastery and dozens of smaller buildings. Three buildings, including Savvinskoye Podvorye, Mossovet building, and the Eye Clinic, were spared from demolition and moved to new foundations farther from the street. As a result, Savvinskoye Podvorye is now completely locked inside a 1930s stalinist block. Another building, a print shop at Pushkin Square, was moved in the 1970s to make way for Izvestia expansion.М.Трубилина, "Переезды во сне и наяву", Российская Газета, 1 марта 2004, www.rg.ru Design of the first stretch of new Gorky Street (the name of Tverskaya since 1935) was awarded to Arkady Mordvinov, 1929 graduate in architecture known for his ultra-left public statements.
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In that year the party was in contact with the Palestine Arab Workers Society. Simultaneously the party establish relations with elite sections of the local Arab society. According to Fred Halliday, many Christian Arabs were attracted towards the party since they, being Orthodox, felt emotional bonds with Russia. Representatives from the party at the League against Imperialism's 1927 conference in Brussels clashed with Poale Zion, forming an anti-Zionist bloc with Arab nationalists from Palestine, Egypt and Syria within the League. However, when the Comintern made its ultra-left turn in 1928 and denounced cooperation with national bourgeoisies in the colonies, the process of strengthening of the party amongst the Arab population was stalled. In 1930 the Comintern did yet another sharp turn, urging its Palestinian section to speedily increase the Arab representation amongst its cadres and leaders. In December 1930, PCP ran in the elections for the Jewish Assembly of Representatives in Mandate Palestine, using a front organization called the Proletarian Party (Harishima Haproletarit). The party failed dismally.
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Even though Martinez embodies the grassroots and the radical line of the union, he is open for labour relations and supportive of the traditional strategy of the union, according to newspapers Le Figaro and Libération. However, according to Les Echos, Martinez being no longer a member of the Communist Party since 2002, he has been the "first [such] general secretary of the CGT since 1946", which shows a "a further step in the detachment of both organisations", even though Martinez did not become supportive of social-democracy.À partir de 1945, Léon Jouhaux partage la fonction de secrétaire général avec le communiste Benoît Frachon, à qui il remet sa démission le 19 décembre 1947 : voir Moreover, Martinez is the first technician, not worker, to lead the union. 225px To take account of the growing influence of the ultra-left in the union, Martinez took on a hard line of struggle against employers and liberalism, notably against the Valls government by demanding the withdrawal of the 2016 Labour reform bill, to which the CGT became the main opponent.
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The new group also included its own "Young Communist League", headed by an 8-member National Executive Committee, to parallel the official Young Communist League of the CPUSA. The new "Communist Party (Majority Group)" demanded that the official CPUSA turn away from the "opportunist sectarian" perspective of the Third Period and its use of "ultra-left phrases in the leading campaigns of the party", cease with its mass expulsions of dissidents and immediately reinstate those recently expelled, and "examine and take a stand" against the decisions of the 10th Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International which represented a revision of the decisions of the 6th World Congress of the Comintern. The remaining members of the regular CPUSA met these demands of its expelled dissidents with indifference or hostility. During its first years, the CP(MG) considered itself a "loyal opposition" to the official Communist Party, a fact reflected by the group's decision to endorse the Congressional and State candidates of the CPUSA in the 1930 elections.
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In collaboration with other left communists such as François Martin and Karl Nesic, Dauvé has attempted to fuse, critique, and develop different left communist currents, most notably the Italian movement associated with Amadeo Bordiga (and its heretical journal Invariance), German-Dutch council communism, and the French perspectives associated with Socialisme ou Barbarie and the Situationist International."The text surveys the Italian and German lefts, Socialisme Ou Barbarie and the Situationist International and describes the theoretical development of the French ultra-left."Re-collecting our past - La Banquise He has focused on theoretical discussions of economic issues concerning the controversial failure of Second International, Marxism (including both Social Democracy and Leninist Communism), the global revolutionary upsurge of the 1960s and its subsequent dissolution, and on developments in global capitalist accumulation and class struggle. Among English-speaking communists and anarchists, Dauvé is best known for his Eclipse and Re-emergence of the Communist Movement, first published by Black & Red Press (Detroit, Michigan) in 1974 and Critique of the Situationist International, first published in Red Eye, Berkeley, California.
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The term is still used in this sense in France today and has spread into English usage as a result of the translation of texts by Gilles Dauvé and Théorie Comuniste, two key figures in this tendency. In collaboration with other left communists such as François Martin and Karl Nesic, Dauvé has attempted to fuse, critique, and develop different left communist currents, most notably the Italian movement associated with Amadeo Bordiga (and its heretical journal Invariance), German-Dutch council communism, and the French perspectives associated with Socialisme ou Barbarie and the Situationist International."The text surveys the Italian and German lefts, Socialisme Ou Barbarie and the Situationist International and describes the theoretical development of the French ultra-left."Re-collecting our past - La Banquise He has focused on theoretical discussions of economic issues concerning the controversial failure of Second International Marxism (including both Social Democracy and Leninist "Communism"), the global revolutionary upsurge of the 1960s and its subsequent dissolution, and on developments in global capitalist accumulation and class struggle.
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It was in this period that the Roter Frontkämpferbund, the KPD's first anti-fascist front, was formed. However, after the Comintern's abrupt ultra-left turn in its Third Period from 1928, the KPD regarded the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) as its main adversary and the KPD adopted the position that the SPD was the main fascist party in Germany. This was based on the theory of social fascism that had been proclaimed by Joseph Stalin and that was supported by the Comintern during the late 1920s and early 1930s which held that social democracy was a variant of fascism. Consequently, the KPD held that it was "the only anti- fascist party" in Germany and stated that "fighting fascism means fighting the SPD just as much as it means fighting Hitler and the parties of Brüning". In the usage of the Soviet Union, the Comintern and its affiliated parties, including the KPD, the epithet fascist was used from the 1920s to describe capitalist society in general and virtually any anti-Soviet or anti-Stalinist activity or opinion.
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Since the 1990s, the People's Party has been under intense criticism even inside the party both from its own members and the other leftists in the country, notably due to the charges of large-scale corruptions. The leading leftist, Nadeem Paracha, has asserted that since 1977 the People's Party's manifesto has been transformed into a centre-right platform, whereas in 1977 parliamentary elections, the People's Party's manifesto did not mention the word "socialism". During the 1973–75, the Peoples Party's radical ultra-left and communist wings led by Mirage Khalid and the Maoist wings under Khalid Syed were purged by the People's Party to ensure the political support of the powerful Sindh's feudal lords and Punjab's landed elite, with Paracha claiming the People's Party has "lost the left". Leading left-wing journalist Mehdi Hasan has remarked that the Peoples Party is "not a secular party", firstly citing its support of declaring Ahmadiyya community as non-Muslims through the second constitutional amendment, secondly for banning the use of liquor, and thirdly, for the Peoples Party declaring Friday as a holiday to win the support of religious elements.
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The theses of Auschwitz or the great alibi have been contested by several organisations of the extreme left, notably those with a main objective of fighting the extreme right.« Nouvelles attaques contre Auschwitz ou le grand alibi », Le Prolétaire, n°454, juillet-août 2000. On the other hand, the activist Pierre Guillaume, an adherent of Socialisme ou Barbarie, later with the Pouvoir ouvrier, referred to this text as part of a first stage that later led him to support negationism (disavowed by the ICP). This has made some say (notably Daniel Lindenberg,Daniel Lindenberg wrote (in À gauche de la gauche, Histoire des gauches en France, Éditions La Découverte, Paris, 2004 ; volume 2 : "But it was the bordigists, in 1960, that "invented" what was to become the "negationism" specific to the ultra-left, above all that of La Vieille Taupe". Valérie Igounet and in a more measured way Pierre Vidal-Naquet) that this brochure was the founding text of left-wing negationism:« 2. De la Vieille Taupe et des cannibales », extract from Assassins de la mémoire de Pierre Vidal-Naquet on the site anti-rev.
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