These titles are the strange success story of the Communist Party's suppression of speech.
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Everywhere but here, governments mandate to varying degrees the suppression of speech and restrictions on the press.
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The political agenda to eradicate it post-Ghost Ship is approaching a level of economic suppression of speech.
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Justice Breyer asked Mr. Montgomery for any First Amendment precedent that allowed such a broad suppression of speech.
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But in finding ways to counter suppression of speech, Uganda's young citizens may have eked out a victory too.
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The First Amendment protects citizens from government suppression of speech; the context of a private employer's workplace rules is another matter.
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These incidents include suppression of speech and assembly through organized and planned disruption and hindrance of the movement of Jewish students.
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"Under the argument, they should not be excluded from a public forum and if they are that is suppression of speech," he said.
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Her government's growing suppression of speech on the internet seems perverse for a onetime democracy icon who spent 15 years under house arrest.
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But there was a direct line between the fighting words on campus, the suppression of speech and the angry mob that gave me a concussion.
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Doing business in mainland China means making deals with an authoritarian government that has a record of human rights abuses and strict suppression of speech.
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That's why the companies can choose to filter out hate speech without violating the First Amendment, even though that filter amounts to censorship—suppression of speech.
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Doing business in mainland China means making deals with an authoritarian government that has a record of human rights abuses and a strict suppression of speech.
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The US Supreme Court held that the original Son of Sam law ran afoul of the First Amendment, because the suppression of speech was not narrowly tailored enough.
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Some fashion themselves champions of free speech and whine when challenged—ignoring the distinction between government suppression of speech, and the social or professional consequences of spewing racist bile.
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But demanding that the study be withdrawn by the highly respected commission head, Rima Khalaf, led to her resignation, outraging Arabs and others at this blatant suppression of speech.
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Dueling rallies on a campus plaza could make it challenging for audience goers to hear the speakers they came out to see, but punishing participants would amount to the suppression of speech.
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There are important differences between the no-platforming of controversial speakers at secular universities and the wholesale suppression of speech at Christian universities, starting with the latter's competing claim of freedom of religion.
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"Make no mistake, this Department of Justice is concerned about the suppression of speech that is now occurring," Sessions said during a forum on free speech in higher education hosted by the Justice Department.
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Far too often, expression about Israel morphed into ugly and divisive centuries-old anti-Semitic stereotypes, and it led to harmful action directed against Jewish students, including physical assault, destruction of property, harassment and suppression of speech.
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The doctrine essentially says that the government cannot engage in content-based or viewpoint-based suppression of speech in areas of where public discourse takes place, said Neil Richards, a professor at the Washington University School of Law.
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In addition, we recently testified before the United States Commission on Civil Rights, calling for greater protections from rising bullying, including suppression of speech, against Jewish, Sikh and Muslim students at universities and in K-12 public schools.
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Moreover, if a tech company hands over information that leads to detention, torture, suppression of speech or other human rights violations, relying on an order from a country the U.S. has entered into an agreement with, the company is likely to assert they have liability protection under the bill.
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Censorship in Spain involves the suppression of speech or public communication and raises issues of freedom of speech. The non-profit Reporters Without Borders, on its 2020 report, placed the country in the 29 out of 180 position with respect its level of freedom of the press. It cited the Law on Citizen Security, also known as the Gag Law, as one of the main obstacles to freedom of speech.
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In general, censorship in India, which involves the suppression of speech or other public communication, raises issues of freedom of speech, which is protected by the Indian constitution. The Constitution of India guarantees freedom of expression, but places certain restrictions on content, with a view towards maintaining communal and religious harmony, given the history of communal tension in the nation."The Constitution of India " 658.79 KiB, India Code. Retrieved 3 June 2006.
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Censorship in Hong Kong, which refers to the suppression of speech or other public communication, raises issues regarding the freedom of speech. By law, censorship is usually practised against the distribution of certain materials, particularly child pornography, obscene images, and reports on court cases which may lead to unfair trial. Prior to the transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997, Hong Kong boasted one of the highest degrees of press freedom in Asia.Lee Chin-Chuan (1997).
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O'Brien, 391 U.S. 367 (1968)). The limitation of the conduct was within the constitutional power of the government based on the First Amendment exception known as the "true threats" doctrine. The conduct restriction furthered an important government interest that was unrelated to the suppression of speech, because, "cross burning done with the intent to intimidate has a long and pernicious history as a signal of impending violence." Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343, 123 S. Ct. 1536, 1539, 155 L. Ed. 2d 535 (2003).
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Holmes wrote in the case of Schenck v. United States that freedom of speech must be defended except for situations in which "substantive evils" are caused through a "clear and present danger" arising from such speech. The author reflects on his view of speech in the face of imminent danger in an age of terrorism. He writes that the U.S. Constitution permits suppression of speech in situations of impending violence, and cautions use of the law to suppress expressive acts including burning a flag or using offensive slang terms.
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United States v. O'Brien, 391 U.S. 367 (1968), was a landmark decision of the US Supreme Court ruling that a criminal prohibition against burning a draft card did not violate the First Amendment's guarantee of free speech. Though the Court recognized that O'Brien's conduct was expressive as a protest against the Vietnam War, it considered the law justified by a significant government interest unrelated to the suppression of speech and was tailored towards that end. O'Brien upheld the government's power to prosecute what was becoming a pervasive method of anti-war protest.
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This debate between free speech advocates such as McVay and those who favor the suppression of speech with hate crime laws continued throughout the late 1990s, but has now mostly been resolved with the two sides agreeing on the common goal of confronting Holocaust deniers and keeping their disagreements over specific tactics private. In 1996, McVay spoke out against Internet hate crime laws in Canada in front of a committee of the Canadian parliament, stating that it is better to address the false claims of Holocaust deniers, rather than to censor them.
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Lewis warns that, in a state in which controversial views are not allowed to be spoken, citizens and reporters merely serve as advocates for the state itself. He recounts key historic events in which fear led to overreaching acts by the government, particularly from the executive branch. The author gives background on the century-long process by which the U.S. judicial system began defending publishers and writers from attempts at suppression of speech by the government. The title Freedom for the Thought That We Hate derives from a passage in Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr.'s dissent in United States v.
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The O'Brien Test states that the government can regulate communicative conduct if it is within the government's constitutional right to do so, the regulation furthers an important governmental interest that is unrelated to the suppression of speech, and the regulation is narrowly tailored to prohibit no more speech than is essential to further that interest. Expressive activity such as writing a book or giving a public speech is considered pure speech and is afforded the most protection under the First Amendment. A statute that regulates purely expressive activity is constitutional only if it is written as a valid time, place, and manner restriction.
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391 U.S. at 388. Warren wrote that when a regulation prohibits conduct that combines "speech" and "nonspeech" elements, "a sufficiently important governmental interest in regulating the nonspeech element can justify incidental limitations on First Amendment freedoms". The regulation must # be within the constitutional power of the government to enact, # further an important or substantial government interest, # that interest must be unrelated to the suppression of speech (or "content neutral", as later cases have phrased it), and # prohibit no more speech than is essential to further that interest. The Court ruled that § 462(b)(3) satisfied this test.
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The plaintiffs in this case had the burden of proving that the CDA was substantially overbroad. Specifically, the court indicated that the plaintiffs needed to establish: #that a substantive amount of speech was not covered by the societal value prong of the Miller test and that these contents would lead to different conclusions when subjected to different community standards in the country. #that the variation in community standards were causing suppression of speech and that there was no viable measure to limit the exposure of the contents to those communities with more accepting standards. #that the affirmative defenses of the CDA were not sufficient in limiting the coverage of protected speech by the CDA.
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From the late 1800s to the mid-1900s, various laws restricted speech in ways that are today not allowed, mainly due to societal norms. Possibly inspired by foul language and the widely available pornography he encountered during the American Civil War, Anthony Comstock advocated for government suppression of speech that offended Victorian morality. He convinced the government of New York State to create the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, in 1873, and inspired the creation of the Watch and Ward Society in Boston in 1878. City and state governments monitored newspapers, books, theater, comedy acts, and films for offensive content, and enforced laws with arrests, impoundment of materials, and fines.
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Resolute desk in the White House on July 15, 2020 On July 9, 2020, at a White House roundtable discussion of the Hispanic Prosperity Initiative with President Donald Trump, Goya Foods Co-Owner and CEO Robert Unanue praised Trump, saying the country was "truly blessed [...] to have a leader like President Trump, who is a builder" and adding, "we have an incredible builder and we pray, we pray for our leadership, our president and for our country, that we continue to prosper and to grow." Unanue's comments prompted a boycott, which was supported by various public figures, including Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Julian Castro and Lin-Manuel Miranda. The next day, July 10, Unanue called the boycott "suppression of speech" and declined to apologize for his comments. Calls for an anti-boycott "buycott" in support of Goya likewise spread on social media.
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Birgeneau's replacement as speaker, former Princeton president William Bowen, responded in his own address by calling the suppression of speech "a defeat, pure and simple, for Haverford – no victory for anyone who believes, as I think most of us do, in both openness to many points of view and mutual respect." In addition to Birgeneau, other notably deplatformed commencement speakers in 2014 included International Monetary Fund head Christine Lagarde, who withdrew after students circulated a petition at Smith College, and former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice at Rutgers University. After Rice was announced as commencement speaker, a student group staged a sit-in and Rutgers' faculty council passed a resolution that labeled Rice a "war criminal", causing Rice to withdraw from the ceremony. In some cases, opposition to a commencement speaker arises primarily from faculty members, as with Ursinus College's 2017 disinvitation of journalist Juan Williams, a political analyst for Fox News.
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In essence, the Fourteenth Amendment prevents a jury instruction when that instruction includes: a presumption, that shifts the burden of proof with regards to an essential element of the crime away from the state and onto the defendant, in a criminal trial. Thus, the Fourteenth Amendment was violated by the text of the statute where the intent to intimidate was presumed from the action of cross burning. However, the Court found the statute constitutional with regards to the language limiting cross burning with the intent to intimidate as a valid conduct restriction as the regulation was: within the constitutional power of the government, where the conduct regulation furthers an important government interest and such government interest is unrelated to the suppression of speech, and the incidental burden (secondary effect) on speech is no greater than necessary. By structuring the language of the statute to restrict conduct only with the intent to intimidate, the Virginia legislature satisfied all three prongs of the O'Brien test (see United States v.
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