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20 Sentences With "sit on the fence"

How to use sit on the fence in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "sit on the fence" and check conjugation/comparative form for "sit on the fence". Mastering all the usages of "sit on the fence" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Now is not the time to sit on the fence.
As negotiations proceed it may become harder to sit on the fence. Mrs.
In other words, he'll sit on the fence regarding Brexit, right up to the end.
With the bill in limbo, it's easier to sit on the fence than take a firm stance.
Mr Trudeau says he wants to phase out Alberta's tar sands eventually, but it is not easy to sit on the fence.
As members of the global community, it will be irresponsible of us to sit on the fence, panic, ignore facts, or fail to act.
H.L. MENCKEN is said to have defined a politician as "an animal that can sit on the fence and yet keep both ears on the ground".
It's never been easier for this journalist to sit on the fence in splendid apolitical isolation given that the pro-Brexit camp seem to not actually believe a word they are saying any more.
A second source with knowledge of the negotiations said the clouded political outlook had played a role in CVC's decision to sit on the fence for now, adding no other bidders were currently in talks with the Recordati family.
The OBOR project is "the antithesis of Trump's wall with Mexico – and it's not just a metaphor, both the Wall and the OBOR are plans for action – a contrast so sharp and so binary it's impossible for anyone to sit on the fence," DBS said.
Finance minister Philip Hammond and Bank of England Governor Mark Carney have little option but to sit on the fence as they wait to see whether a no-deal exit from the European Union, which they warn would harm the economy, can be averted.
The white supremacist in Charlottesville made it that much easier for people to choose a side, and not be on the fence, because when you sit on the fence on a conflict that fence is going to come down, and eventually you're going to fall too.
Seeing how the markets and politicians have dealt with the eurozone sovereign-debt crisis, the worst refugee problem since World War II, and constant squabbles over EU lawmaking that wrecks national sovereignty, I have become fully unstuck from the mud of the pro-EU camp and will sit on the fence until we vote.
Pictures sent in by readers showing contradictory, ironic, amusing, scatological, or otherwise amusing images. For example, a temporary "Polling Station" sign situated next to a "Do not sit on the fence" notice, and an Indonesian restaurant named "Caffe Bog".
Mzee Paulo Ngorogoza, a staunch Catholic and the Administrative Secretary of the district did not quite sit on the fence. So when the parties disagreed and forfeited their turn, Government insisted that Ngorogoza selects an independent site for the 1957 intake. The sites he chose were rejected outright for being unsuitable.
In the aftermath of the Balkan Wars Bulgarian opinion turned against Russia and the western powers, whom the Bulgarians felt had done nothing to help them. The government of Vasil Radoslavov aligned Bulgaria with Germany and Austria- Hungary, even though this meant also becoming an ally of the Ottomans, Bulgaria's traditional enemy. But Bulgaria now had no claims against the Ottomans, whereas Serbia, Greece and Romania (allies of Britain and France) were all in possession of lands perceived in Bulgaria as Bulgarian. Bulgaria was content to sit on the fence and observe the fortunes of war before deciding whether to declare their sympathies.
The massacre of innocent Indians by General Dyer at the Jallianwalla Bagh in Amritsar, Punjab, in 1918 had fanned the fire of anti-British feeling all over India. Mahatma Gandhi, launching his first attack on British rule using the weapon of Satyagraha, gave a call for Non Cooperation Movement in 1920. Indian Christians could not sit on the fence, and had to reveal where their sympathies lay. The leaders S. K. Datta and K. T. Paul published an article in the 'Young Men of India' in July 1920 protesting against the insensitive behaviour of the British in the Punjab.
Accordingly, the Military had "isolated" Baledrokadroka in his office and the Military's legal team had reasoned with him to persuade him not to attempt a mutiny. In a recent interview, Bainimarama had already told the Review magazine: "We will not allow our officers to sit on the fence anymore as they did in 2000." Bainimarama was joined by military spokesman Captain Neumi Leweni, who revealed that Military Police were now investigating the circumstances surrounding the barracks crisis that led to Baledrokadroka's resignation, and a Board of Inquiry had been set up. Also joining Bainimarama was Lieutenant Colonel Etueni Caucau, his legal adviser.
Cohen-Almagor wrote: "Instead of adhering to one principled definition of terrorism and then employing it across the board, the BBC prefers to sit on the fence, so as to say that it is impossible to differentiate between terrorists and 'freedom fighters', that one person's terrorist might be another's 'freedom fighter'". The same year, protesters presented an open letter from the Palestinian Solidarity Foundation , Stop the War Coalition, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and other groups to Lord Hall, Director General of the BBC. The letter accused the broadcaster of presenting Israeli attacks on Gaza as a result of rocket fire from Hamas without giving any other context. The letter was signed by notable individuals, such as Noam Chomsky, John Pilger and Ken Loach.
Seeckt's actions were entirely illegal as under the Weimar constitution, the President was the Supreme Commander in Chief, and moreover Seeckt had violated the Reichswehreid oath, which committed the military to defending the republic.Nicholls, A.J. Weimar and the Rise of Hitler, London: Macmillan, 2000, pages 69–70. Seeckt ordered the military to disregard Ebert's orders to defend the republic, and instead assumed a stance of apparent neutrality, which in effect meant siding with the Kapp putsch by depriving the government of the means of defending itself. Seeckt had no loyalty to the Weimar republic, and his sympathies were entirely with the Kapp putsch, but at the same time, Seeckt regarded the putsch as premature, and chose to sit on the fence to see how things developed rather than committing himself to the putsch.

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