By the time of the Second Reich reservists were already being given so-called "war arrangements" following the completion of their military service, which contained exact instructions relating to the conduct of reservists in time of war.
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By the time of the Second Reich reservists were already being given so-called "war arrangements" following the completion of their military service, which contained exact instructions relating to the conduct of reservists in time of war.
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Massie, p. 111.Röhl, John C. G. Germany Without Bismarck: The Crisis of Government in the Second Reich, 1890-1900. Univ. of California Press, 1974. p. 57. For his part, Caprivi was unenthusiastic, yet felt duty-bound to obey the Emperor.
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Germany unified in 1871 and began its Second Reich. Labor unions and strikes occurred worldwide in the later part of the decade, and continued until World War I. The Reconstruction era of the United States brought a legacy of bitterness and segregation that is still present.
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The film traced the history of Germany from the Franco-Prussian War, the founding of the Second Reich, the First World War, the occupation of the Ruhr, the martyrdoms of Albert Leo Schlageter, Horst Wessel and others, the rise of Hitler, the foundation of the Harzburg Front and their eventual victory.
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Stürmer works as chief correspondent for the newspaper Die Welt, published by the Axel Springer AG publishing group. Stürmer specializes in the history of the Second Reich of 1871–1918. He began his career on the political left in the 1960s, but moved to the right during the course of the 1970s.Muller, page 35.
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It promoted a return to the borders of the Second Reich, Christian traditions, and freedom from the limits placed on Germany by the Versailles Treaty. Membership was limited to "Aryans". Their slogan was, "First the Homeland, then the World!" Among the various "Fatherland societies" that sprung up during this time period, Bayern und Reich was, despite some of its more extreme views, decidedly center.
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Aside from the more important Neustadt district of Strasbourg, the Imperial Quarter of Metz contains the most complete and best-preserved examples of urbanism under the German Second Reich. In Germany itself, the comparable districts of such cities often suffered the bombardment by Allied forces in the Second World War. The Imperial Quarter is remarkable for the multiplicity of architectural styles represented, despite the voluntary Germanization assumed by the city.
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George Orwell's satirical novel Animal Farm is a fictional depiction, based on Stalin's USSR, of a new elite seizing power, establishing new rules and hierarchies, then expanding economically while compromising their ideals; while Robert Erskine Childers in The Riddle of the Sands portrayed the threatening nature of the German Second Reich. Elspeth Huxley's novel Red Strangers shows the effects on local culture of colonial expansion into sub-Saharan Africa.
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202–215 from Forever In The Shadow Of Hitler? edited by Ernst Piper, Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1993 p. 208. Mommsen argued much of the writing by Nolte, Hildebrand, and Stürmer was clearly aiming to provide for a version of history that celebrated the continuities of German history while trying to get around the more unpleasant aspects of the Second Reich and even more so the Third Reich.
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After the German Revolution of 1918, the Volksverein took another upturn during the struggle against the anti-clerical rulings of SPD minister Adolph Hoffmann. Subsequently, the influence it had wielded during the Second Reich declined, only to gain strength again during the crisis years of the Weimar Republic. Many of its leaders, like longtime Employment Minister Dr. Heinrich Brauns, also operated for the Centre Party. The Centre Party and other regional Catholic unions drained members away from the Volksverein.
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Socialists won seats in the Reichstag also by running as independent candidates, unaffiliated with any party, although the law did not ban the SPD directly, which was allowed by the German constitution.Friedrich Darmstaedter, Bismarck and the creation of the Second Reich (2008) pp. xiv, xvii Bismarck's strategy in the 1880s was to win the workers over for the conservative regime by implementing social benefits. He added accident and old-age insurance as well as a form of socialized medicine.
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Russification policies were implemented to weaken minority ethnic groups. Nicholas also built the Kremlin Palace and a new cathedral in Saint Petersburg. But Pan-slavism ambition led to further war with Turkey (the Sick man of Europe) in 1853 provoked Britain and France into invading Crimea, and Nicholas died, supposedly of grief at his defeat.Orlando Figes, Crimea, Penguin, 2011, chapter one The German Second Reich (1871–1918) underwent an industrial revolution under Bismarck, who also reformed and expanded the army.
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Economic modernization was not accompanied by political modernization. Much of Mommsen's comparative studies of British and German history concern why, in his view, the British had both a political and economic modernization while the Germans had only the latter. An Anglophile, Mommsen very much enjoyed teaching and living in Britain. In Mommsen's view, the foreign policy of the Second Reich was driven by domestic concerns as the German elite sought distractions abroad to hold off demands for democracy at home.
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The income requirement to enter the AA was only dropped in 1918. Aristocrats were very much overrepresented in the Auswärtiges Amt. During the Imperial period, 69% of the 548 men who served in the Auswärtiges Amt were noblemen, and every single ambassador during the Second Reich was an aristocrat. The most important department by far was the Political Department which between 1871-1918 was 61% aristocratic; middle- class men tended to serve in the less important Legal, Trade and Colonial Departments.
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A Gothic-revival building on the rue Mozart in the Imperial Quarter, illustrative of the diversity of historicist architecture in the district. The district is home to a remarkable diversity of architecture. It served, in effect, as a stylistic laboratory for the German architects in the city during the Second Reich. Historicist styles characterize the majority of the buildings, but respond often to the desire of the Imperial state to Germanize the city, which meant that many buildings use architectural styles that recall the German Middle Ages.
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The term "Third Reich" was coined by Arthur Moeller van den Bruck in his 1923 book Das Dritte Reich. He defined the Holy Roman Empire (800–1806) as the "First Reich", and the German Empire (1871–1918) as the "Second Reich", while the "Third Reich" was an ideal state including all German peoples, including Austria. In the modern context the term refers to Nazi Germany. It was used by the Nazis to legitimize their regime as a successor state to the retroactively-renamed First and Second Reichs.
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This construction, which was razed in 1999 to make way for a more modern school, was at the supposed site of the old Laub. The construction of the single school/town hall was the real starting point for the construction of other buildings along the Laubweg. At the beginning of the 20th century this intermediate zone was completely occupied by farms of varying size. During the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine in the German Second Reich, the Laubweg took the names of Dorfgasse or Hauptstrasse.
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Citing Fritz Fischer, he argued that the foreign policy of the Third Reich was the same as those of the Weimar Republic and the Second Reich. Moreover, in a partial break with his view of German history advocated in The Course of German History, he argued that Hitler was not just a normal German leader but also a normal Western leader. As a normal Western leader, Hitler was no better or worse than Gustav Stresemann, Neville Chamberlain or Édouard Daladier. His argument was that Hitler wished to make Germany the strongest power in Europe but he did not want or plan war.
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Unlike other German Liberals, whose attitudes towards the "Iron Chancellor" were mollified after Bismarck's success in achieving the Unification of Germany, Jacoby remained steadfast in opposing Bismarck's warlike policies and was especially conspicuous in protesting against the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, for which he was again imprisoned. After the creation of new German Second Reich he joined the German Social Democratic Party. In 1874, three years before his death, he was elected on its behalf to the Reichstag but demonstratively refused to take his seat as an act of political protest. Jacoby was also involved in internal Jewish affairs.
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Taylor's thesis was that Hitler was not the demoniacal figure of popular imagination but in foreign affairs a normal German leader. Citing Fritz Fischer, he argued that the foreign policy of the Third Reich was the same as those of the Weimar Republic and the Second Reich. Moreover, in a partial break with his view of German history advocated in The Course of German History, he argued that Hitler was not just a normal German leader but also a normal Western leader. As a normal Western leader, Hitler was no better or worse than Stresemann, Chamberlain or Daladier.
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Wrocław Brochów railway station is a station in the osiedle of Brochów in Wrocław, Poland. The railway station was built in 1896 due to the growing importance of Brochów's railway yard, being one of the largest in the Second Reich, found on the Wrocław – Oława line completed in 1842, the first phase of the Upper Silesian Railway. Nowadays, only regional trains, operated by Przewozy Regionalne and Koleje Dolnośląskie on lines Wrocław Główny – Opole and Wrocław Wojnów – Jelcz Laskowice stop at the station. Nearby the passenger station is one of the largest railway cargo hubs in Poland – Wrocław Brochów Towarowy.
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Tirpitz's memoirs were seen as a literary declaration of war by other admirals, and what followed were a series of duelling memoirs in the 1920s where various admirals attacked each other in a no-holds-barred style that damaged the image of the Navy. The end result of admirals' calling each other stupid and incompetent in books and newspaper articles was to make everybody look stupid and incompetent.Bird Weimar pp. 23–24. Many Germans reached the conclusion that the navalist policies of the Second Reich had been a blunder, given the people running the Navy at the time all appeared to be fools.
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Wehler specialised in research into the Second Reich. He was one of the more famous proponents of the Sonderweg (Special Path) thesis that argues Germany in the 19th century underwent only partial modernization. Wehler has argued that Germany was the only nation to be created in Western Europe through a military "revolution from above", which happened to occur at the same time that the agricultural revolution was fading and the Industrial Revolution was beginning in Central Europe. Hamerow, Theodore S. "Guilt, Redemption and Writing German History" pages 53-72 from The American Historical Review, February 1983, Volume 88 page 67.
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Examples of this are Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Under Benito Mussolini, Italy purported to establish an empire as the second incarnation of the Roman Empire, while Adolf Hitler's regime purported itself to be the third palingenetic incarnation of the German "Reich" - beginning first with the Holy Roman Empire ("First Reich"), followed by Bismarck's German Empire ("Second Reich") and then Nazi Germany ("Third Reich"). Moreover, Griffin's work on palingenesis in fascism analysed the pre-war Fin de siècle Western society. In doing so he built on Frank Kermode's work The Sense of an Ending which sought to understand the belief in the death of society at the end of the century.
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Late in the 1870s, Lorenz Adlon enthusiastically moved to Berlin, which was so attractive as the magnificent new capital of the Second Reich. Once there, Adlon began in the business of selling wines. It became so successful, that Adlon's shop of the Wilhelmstrasse would store three million bottles at some point; the value of the investment skyrocketed after a vine pest of the late 1910s, and -in general- also overmastering the German inflation. Meanwhile, Lorenz Adlon kept managing the catering for international events, in 1881 for the festival of gymnastics of Frankfurt (Deutschen Turnfest), in 1882 for the Bavarian Trade exhibition, in 1883 for Amsterdam's World's Fair.
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British historian A.J. Nicholls wrote that the popular stereotype of the German military in the 1920s–1930s as old-fashioned reactionary Junkers is incorrect, and a disproportionate number of officers had a technocratic bent, and instead of looking back to the Second Reich looked with confidence towards a new dynamic, high-tech and revolutionary future dominated by men like themselves. The more technocratic the officer, the more likely he was to be a Nazi. Israeli historian Omer Bartov wrote that most officers were Nazis "because they believed had it not been for [Hitler] they would never have been able to realize their dreams of a highly modern, total war of expansion".
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The publishers replaced the old dust jacket that featured Hitler giving his salute over a black and white background with a new one that featured panels of black, red, and yellow and a quotation from Dorothy Thompson. This led to an official protest by the German government, as the black-red-yellow color scheme was emblematic of the liberal German revolutions of 1848–49 and the Weimar Republic, while the Nazis had returned to the black, white, red of the Second Reich. Thompson's quotation was also objected to, as she had been expelled from the Reich in 1934 after writing unflattering accounts of Hitler.Barnes and Barnes, p.
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The Day of Potsdam, also known as the Tag von Potsdam or Potsdam Celebration, was a March 21, 1933, ceremony for the opening of the new Reichstag after the German federal election, March 1933, following the Reichstag fire. Reichskanzler Adolf Hitler and Reichspräsident Paul von Hindenburg on the Day of Potsdam Adolf Hitler and Joseph Goebbels selected the site of Potsdam as it was the centere of the old Kingdom of Prussia of Frederick the Great, as well as the Second Reich of Otto von Bismarck. The date was chosen because 21 March 1871 was when the first Reichstag of Imperial Germany opened.Christian Zentner and Friedeman Bedurftig The Encyclopedia of the Third Reich New York: Macmillan (1991), p. 723.
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In particular, Mussolini praised Crispi as the inventor of an "Italian imperialism" as opposed to "western imperialism", presenting his foreign policy as the inspiration for Fascist foreign policy, and the period after 1896 was excoriated as a period of decline caused by the alleged pusillanimous policy of Giolitti. Mussolini presented his foreign policies such as conquering Ethiopia to "avenge Adawa" and making an alliance with Third Reich as a continuation of Crispi's foreign policy who likewise tried to conquer Ethiopia and made an alliance with the Second Reich. His reputation was a victim of Italian Fascism, which awarded him an abundance of street names, most erased after 1945. With the collapse of Fascism, Crispi's reputation was left fatally tarnished.
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Countess Czapska would spend the summer seasons in resorts in Germany, mainly in Bad Schwalbach, where she befriended Augusta Victoria of Schleswig-Holstein, wife of the future king of Prussia and the German Emperor Wilhelm I . During the war years 1870-1871 Bogdan left France and went to Rome, where Pope Pius IX showed him kindness and friendship; Czapski was an eyewitness to the fall of the Papal States and voluntary announcement by the Pope as being a "prisoner of the Vatican." The relationships Czapski established in Rome, were very useful to him later in his "secret diplomacy" allowing him to mediate between the various chancellors of the Second Reich and the Vatican . In 1871 Czapski started studying law in Vienna, Berlin and Heidelberg, graduating in 1875.
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2 (February 7, 2019), p. 23. Joshua S Goldstein suggests that empires, analogously to an individual's midlife crisis, experience a political midlife crisis: after a period of expansion in which all earlier goals are realized, overconfidence sets in, and regimes are then likely to attack or threaten their nearest rival; Goldstein cites four examples: the British Empire and the Crimean War; the German Second Reich and World War I; the USSR and the Cuban Missile Crisis; the United States and the Vietnam War.Joshua S Goldstein, Long Cycles: Prosperity and War in the Modern Age, 1988, passim. Suggestions that the European Union is suffering a political midlife crisis have been put forward by Gideon Rachman (2010), Roland Benedikter (2014), and Natalie Nougayrède (2017).
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In his last years, Ritter emerged as the leading critic of the left-wing historian Fritz Fischer, who claimed that there were powerful lines of continuity between the Second Reich and the Third Reich and that it was Germany that caused World War I. During the ferocious "Fischer Controversy" that engulfed the West German historical profession in the 1960s, Ritter was the best known of Fischer's critics.Ritter, Gerhard "Anti-Fischer" pages 135-142 from The Outbreak of World War I edited by Holger Herwig, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997 page 135. Ritter fiercely rejected Fischer's arguments that Germany was primarily responsible for the outbreak of war in 1914. The later volumes of Staatskunst und Kriegshandwerk were taken up with the goal of rebutting Fischer's arguments.
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His empire is not so much a state in the sense that term is usually understood: it is the ideal condition, the only way in which the scattered German people can achieve a common purpose and destiny. But he does not look for the limited state, and the Second Reich fashioned by Otto von Bismarck was an imperfect empire. It did not include Austria, which survived on from "our First Empire", side by side with "our Second Empire": "Our Second Empire was a Little-German Empire which we must consider only as a stepping stone on our path to a Greater German Empire." The weak Weimar Republic, he argues, will have to be replaced by a new revolution, a revolution from the right.
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Napoleon's overthrow of the Empire in favor of his puppet Confederation of the Rhine was a deep moral blow to many Germans. The cringing attitude of the princes and their avaricious behavior during the mediatizations embarrassed the people and, however much they despised the Empire's weakness, it was still a great and old symbol of Germany. Such symbolism was revived in 1848, when the so-called Provisional Central Power of Germany chose 6 August 1848, the 42nd anniversary of the end of the Empire, as the day the soldiers of Germany should swear oaths of loyalty to the new situation (see Military Parade of August 6th), as well as the German Empire of 1871 referred to as The Second Reich.
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On 2 September 1870 Sedan was the place of surrender for Napoleon III at the Battle of Sedan against the troops of the Prussian states, a coalition commanded by Helmut von Moltke. The King of Prussia Wilhelm I, the future emperor of the Second Reich under the same name and Bismarck viewed the battle from the hills overlooking Sedan. The defeat marked the end of the Second Empire,The Franco-German War and the occupation of Argonne (1870–1873), Daniel Hochedez, Concerning the movement of troops preceding the Battle of Sedan and generally on the war of 1870 in Argonne, Ardennes, and the German occupation, Revue Horizons d'Argonne, publication of the Centre for Argonne studies, Number 87, June 2010 and at the same time the birth of the French Third Republic on 4 September 1870.
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This ultranationalist tradition influenced French politics up to 1921 and was one of the major reasons France went to great pains to woo the Russian Empire, resulting in the Franco-Russian Alliance of 1894 and, after more accords, the Triple Entente of the three great Allied powers of World War I: France, Great Britain, and Russia.See W. Schivelbusch, The Culture of Defeat, p. 106 (Henry Holt and Co. 2001) French revanchism influenced the Treaty of Versailles of 1919 following the end of World War I, which restored Alsace-Lorraine to France and extracted reparations from the defeated Germany. The conference was not only opened on the anniversary of the proclamation of the "Second Reich", the treaty also had to be signed by the new German government in the same room, the Hall of Mirrors.
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As a whole, the Wilhelmstrasse was never entirely in charge of foreign policy under the Second Reich, but was instead just one out of several agencies, albeit a very important one that made and executed foreign policy. In the years 1904-07, the Reich attempted to form an alliance with the United States on the basis of the supposedly shared fear of the "Yellow Peril" with Wilhelm writing to the American President Theodore Roosevelt a series of letters telling him that Germany and the United States must join forces to stop the "yellow peril", especially Japan from conquering the world. It took the diplomats a long time to tell Wilhelm that Roosevelt was a Japanophile who was not impressed with Wilhelm's call for an alliance based on anti-Asian racism.
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Reichskanzlei Berchtesgaden ("Reich Chancellery Berchtesgaden"), another nickname of the regime (named after the eponymous town located in the vicinity of Hitler's mountain residence where he spent much of his time in office) was also banned at the same time, despite the fact that a sub-section of the Chancellery was in fact installed there to serve Hitler's needs. Although the term "Third Reich" is still commonly used to refer to the Nazi dictatorship, historians avoid the terms "First Reich" and "Second Reich", which are seldom found outside Nazi propaganda. During and following the Anschluss (annexation) of Austria in 1938, Nazi propaganda also used the political slogan Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer ("One people, one Reich, one leader"), in order to enforce pan-German sentiment. The term ' ("old Reich"; cf.
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The Nazi Anti-Flag Desecration Law was not a Nazi law, but an amendment to the Second Reich Strafgesetzbuch signed into law as a Notverordnung in the Weimarer Republik on 19 December 1932Verordnung des Reichspräsidenten zur Erhaltung des inneren Friedens, 19. Dezember 1932, Deutsches Reichsgesetzblatt Teil I 1867-1945 : Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, ALEX Historische Rechts- und Gesetzestexte Online, retrieved 17 August 2017 by Reichspräsident Paul von Hindenburg and the cabinet of Reichskanzler Kurt von Schleicher, making it illegal to desecrate the flag by "insulting or maliciously and with intent belittling" the Reich, the Länder, their constitution, colors, or flags, or the Wehrmacht. Weimar Germany (1919–33) Initially, §134a StGB protected only the flag of the democratic Germany. Later legislation, on 12 March 1933, and the Reichsflaggengesetz of 15 September 1935, extended the protection to the Hakenkreuzfahne.
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Hillgruber accused Wehler of "quasi-totalitarian" goals for the German historical profession, and called for conservative historians to make a sustained offensive to defeat Wehler and his "cultural revolutionaries" for the sake of saving history as a profession in Germany. Likewise, despite his partial agreement with Fischer about the origins of the First World War, Hillgruber frequently fought against Fischer's interpretation of the Second Reich as a uniquely aggressive power threatening its neighbours throughout its existence. In 1990, Hillgruber was a posthumous contributor to the book Escape Into War?, a collection of essays examining Imperial German foreign policy that attacked Fischer and the left-wing Bielefeld school of historians headed by Wehler for "relativising" history, and making "banal" statementsRetallack, James Germany In The Age of Kaiser Wilhelm II, New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996 page 74.
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After Bismarck excluded Austria and the German Austrians from Germany in the German war of 1866 and (following a few other events over the next few years), the unification of Germany, established the Prussian-dominated German Empire ("Second Reich") in 1871 with the proclamation of Wilhelm I as head of a union of German-speaking states, while disregarding millions of its non-German subjects who desired self- determination from German rule. After World War I the Pan-Germanist philosophy changed drastically during the ascendancy of Adolf Hitler. Pan-Germanists originally sought to unify all the German-speaking populations of Europe in a single nation-state known as Großdeutschland (Greater Germany), where "German- speaking" was sometimes taken as synonymous with Germanic-speaking, to the inclusion of the Frisian- and Dutch-speaking populations of the Low Countries, and Scandinavia.Nationalism and Globalisation: Conflicting Or Complementary.
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In a 1971 essay to mark the 100th anniversary of German unification, Bracher rejected the claim that Otto von Bismarck was the "grandfather" of the present-day Federal Republic, and argued that those historians who claimed that there was a line of continuity between Bismarck's Second Reich and the Federal Republic were entirely mistaken. Bracher maintained that the founding of the Federal Republic in 1949 was a decisive break with everything had happened before in German history.Gerwarth, Robert The Bismarck Myth: Weimar Germany and the Legacy of the Iron Chancellor, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005 page 164. Bracher stated that the Federal Republic with its democracy, respect for the individual, equality of all citizens, rule of the law and its pluralist, tolerant society owned nothing to Bismarck's vision of a rigidly hierarchical society dominated by a militaristic, authoritarian state that existed to uphold the power of the Junkers.
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Following several wars, most notably the German war in 1866 between Austria and Prussia, with the latter being victorious, the German Empire ("Second Reich") was created in 1871 as "Little Germany" without Austria following the proclamation of Wilhelm I as head of a union of German-speaking states, while disregarding millions of its non-German subjects who desired self-determination from German rule. The creation of the multi-ethnic Austria-Hungary empire created strong ethnic conflict between the different ethnicities of the empire. German nationalism in Austria grew among all social circles of the empire, many wanted to be unified with the German Reich to form a Greater Germany and wanted policies to be carried out to enforce their German ethnic identity rejecting any Austrian pan-ethnic identity. Many German Austrians felt annoyed that they were excluded from the German Empire since it included various non-German ethnic groups.
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From the Gramsci analysis derived the political science denotation of hegemony as leadership; thus, the historical example of Prussia as the militarily and culturally predominant province of the German Empire (Second Reich 1871–1918); and the personal and intellectual predominance of Napoleon Bonaparte upon the French Consulate (1799–1804). Contemporarily, in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (1985), Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe defined hegemony as a political relationship of power wherein a sub-ordinate society (collectivity) perform social tasks that are culturally unnatural and not beneficial to them, but that are in exclusive benefit to the imperial interests of the hegemon, the superior, ordinate power; hegemony is a military, political, and economic relationship that occurs as an articulation within political discourse. Beyer analysed the contemporary hegemony of the United States at the example of the Global War on Terrorism and presented the mechanisms and processes of American exercise of power in 'hegemonic governance'.
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The German Nazis did not consider themselves reactionary, and considered the forces of reaction (Prussian monarchists, nobility, Roman Catholic) among their enemies right next to their Red Front enemies in the Nazi Party march Die Fahne hoch. The fact that the Nazis called their 1933 rise to power the National Revolution, shows that they supported some form of revolution. Nevertheless, they idealised tradition, folklore, classical thought, leadership (as exemplified by Frederick the Great), rejected the liberalism of the Weimar Republic, and called the German State the Third Reich (which traces back to the medieval First Reich and the pre-Weimar Second Reich). (See also reactionary modernism.) Clericalist movements, sometimes labelled as clerical fascist by their critics, can be considered reactionaries in terms of the 19th century, since they share some elements of fascism, while at the same time promote a return to the pre- revolutionary model of social relations, with a strong role for the Church.
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The left-learning Kreisau Circle members objected to Goerdeler's beliefs in lassize-faire capitalism and to his plans to restore the monarchy. The clash between the two groups was in large part generational as the conservative "senior group" were all older men like Goerdeler who came of age under the Second Reich and were far more attached to the House of Hohenzollern than were the younger men like Trott who came of age under the Weimar Republic. The diplomat Hassell of the "seniors" and the policeman von der Schulenburg of the "juniors" were able to mediate a compromise despite the shouting between Goerdeler and Moltke, but the differences were by no means resolved. After the meeting of 22 January, no conferences were held, but Trott and von der Schulenburg remained in regular contact with Hassell and Popitiz. In 1942, Trott together with other members of the Kreisau Circle became vaguely aware of the "Final Solution to the Jewish Question" and became curious of the fate of the Jews sent away to "resettlement in the East".
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Olusoga began his TV career behind the camera, first as a researcher on the 1999 BBC series Western Front. Realising that black people were much less visible in the media and historically, Olusoga became a producer of history programmes after university, working from 2005 on programmes such as Namibia: Genocide and the Second Reich, The Lost Pictures of Eugene Smith and Abraham Lincoln: Saint or Sinner?. Subsequently he became a television presenter, beginning in 2014 with The World's War: Forgotten Soldiers of Empire, about the Indian, African and Asian troops who fought in the First World War, followed by several other documentaries and appearances on BBC One television's The One Show. In 2015 it was announced that he would co-present Civilisations, a sequel to Kenneth Clark's 1969 television documentary series Civilisation, alongside the historians Mary Beard and Simon Schama. His most recent TV series include Black and British: A Forgotten History, The World's War, A House Through Time and the BAFTA award-winning Britain’s Forgotten Slave Owners.
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Some of the historians who denounced Nolte's views included Hans Mommsen, Jürgen Kocka, Detlev Peukert, Martin Broszat, Hans- Ulrich Wehler, Michael Wolffsohn, Heinrich August Winkler, Wolfgang Mommsen, Karl Dietrich Bracher and Eberhard Jäckel. Much (though not all) of the criticism of Nolte came from historians who favored either the Sonderweg (Special Way) and/or intentionalist/functionalist interpretations of German history. From the advocates of the Sonderweg approach came the criticism that Nolte's views had totally externalized the origins of the National Socialist dictatorship to the post-1917 period, whereas in their view, the roots of the Nazi dictatorship can be traced back to the 19th century Second Reich. In particular, it was argued that within the virulently and ferociously anti- Semitic Völkisch movement, which first arose in the latter half of the 19th century, the ideological seeds of the Shoah were already planted. From both functionalist and intentionist historians came the similar criticism that the motives and momentum for the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question” came primarily from within Germany, not as the result of external events.
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Set in a region strongly resembling Western Europe, where technology is at best mid 1930s (they have tanks, but semi-automatic rifles have just been developed, the main transport vehicle is still the train or the car, planes are seldom used, wireless communication doesn't exist, etc.) in which a catastrophic war has just ended similar to that of the Great War (which in this universe lasts for 11 years) that occurred in the early parts of the 20th century, the Royal Empire (which is culturally similar to the Second Reich of Germany(1871-1918), but still with a few traditions dating back the Middle Ages) and the Republic of Frost have declared a ceasefire to end the war indefinitely. The Empire is plagued by starvation, and pestilence, with former soldiers turning to thievery, banditry and other forms of crime, forming into gangs to survive the post-war period. Three years later, to aid the people of the Empire in the war relief effort, the Imperial Army State Section III, also known as the Pumpkin Scissors unit, is established. The name for the group was an idea from one of its officers, the 2nd Lieutenant Alice L. Malvin.
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