It's much more interwoven than the way you're premising your remarks.
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But this approach—of premising deal-making over ideas—continues to define Biden's approach to politics.
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The pros and cons of solidifying the base The way Trump has positioned his presidency — premising his political viability on the fervent support of his base -- means he is insulated to some extent from reversals of fortune.
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Where center-left liberals were once sanguine about the state of the Democratic primary campaign, or even grateful to Sanders for premising the debate on progressive assumptions, they are now alarmed that Sanders might pull off an upset and become the party's nominee.
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For example, Rieff is very clear that he wants wrongdoers of historical crimes to be brought to justice where possible—"I am not prescribing moral Alzheimer's here," he acknowledges—only he wants to show how ludicrous it is to insist on premising peace on such accountability and demanding expiation and reconciliation every time.
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Premising the withdrawal of troops on conditions in Iraq rather than political convenience in the U.S. acknowledges past mistakes and is the best way to achieve the long-term interests of Iraq and the U.S. Twice since 2003, the U.S. reduced its military presence in Iraq only to reverse course when terrorists and factionalism filled the void.
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Wade asserted a right to abortion based on a right to privacy found in the due process clause of the 14th Amendment; many observers have argued this is a flimsy basis for the right to abortion, and that premising it on the equal protection clause, and arguing that restrictions on abortion unconstitutionally burden women without affecting men, would make for a firmer foundation.
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On balance of efficiency and fairness, a means premising on a quota system, and complemented with balloting will be considered. It is because such a set of criteria will be fairer, more focused and transparent.
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The book was well received not only in academic philosophy and in traditional anarchist circles, but also by anarcho-capitalists such as Murray Rothbard, whose letters of praise "chagrined" Wolff, who was shocked to have a position that was consonant to those he thought of as "right-wingers". Wolff's premising of "the State" and the "autonomous individual" as fixed, given entities has been criticised by Thomas Martin in Social Anarchism as reflecting "basic assumptions arising from Renaissance humanism, Enlightenment liberalism, and the alliance of capitalism and central authority that has marked the industrial era." Such notions have been critiqued by late-20th- century currents in anarchist thought such as post-left anarchy, insurrectionary anarchism and particularly post-anarchism.
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The Court rejected O'Hagan's arguments and upheld his conviction. The "misappropriation theory" holds that a person commits fraud "in connection with" a securities transaction and thereby violates 10(b) and Rule 10b-5, when he misappropriates confidential information for securities trading purposes, in breach of a duty owed to the source of the information. Under this theory, a fiduciary's undisclosed, self- serving use of a principal's information to purchase or sell securities, in breach of a duty of loyalty and confidentiality, defrauds the principal of the exclusive use of the information. In lieu of premising liability on a fiduciary relationship between company insider and purchaser or seller of the company's stock, the misappropriation theory premises liability on a fiduciary-turned-trader's deception of those who entrusted him with access to confidential information.
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A much greater check on the freedom of action of the popes was imposed by the Statute of Provisors (1351) and the Statute of Praemunire passed in the reign of Edward III. The former of these, after premising "that the Pope of Rome, accroaching to him the seignories of possession and benefices of the holy Church of the realm of England doth give and grant the same benefices to aliens which did never dwell in England, and to cardinals, which might not dwell here, and to others as well aliens as denizens, as if he had been patron or advowee of the said dignities and benefices, as he was not of right by the laws of England", ordained the free election of all dignities and benefices elective in the manner as they were granted by the king's progenitors.
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Here is the origin of Leeds Grammar School which, first housed in the Calls, and subsequently—through the beneficence of John Harrison—in Lady Lane, had by the end of that century become an institution of vast importance. A 1560 map of Leeds As the sixteenth century drew to a close, and while the seventeenth was still young, the towns-folk of Leeds secured in the first instance at their own cost, in the second by a strictly limited Royal favour two important privileges—the right of electing their own vicar and of governing themselves in municipal affairs. In 1583 the town bought the advowson of the parish church from its then possessor, Oliver Darnley, for £130, and henceforth the successive vicars were chosen by a body of trustees—the most notably successful experiment in popular election which has ever been known in the National Church. In 1626, Leeds received its first charter of incorporation from Charles I. The charter, premising that Leeds in the County of York is an ancient and populous town, whose inhabitants are well acquainted with the Art and Mystery of making Woollen Cloths, sets up a governing body of one Alderman, nine Burgesses, and twenty Assistants.
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