130 Sentences With "power bases" | Random Sentence Generator

They finance local cultural and social activities and have become major political power bases.

Outside the power bases of Hariri and Hezbollah are a growing contingent of disenchanted voters.

Local leaders are now taking advantage of the new freedoms to build ethnic power bases.

Tripoli is controlled by various armed groups that have built local power bases since Libya's 2011 revolution.

Their public profiles and power bases grew exponentially with Trump's election and their constant vilification of the president.

Its occupation of the city represented the organization's most brazen expansion from its power bases in Iraq and Syria.

The longer individuals and their families stood against Assad, the further they've had to shift from his power bases.

Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 and the country has been splintered into competing power bases run by numerous militia groups.

Their heydays are separated by decades; their power bases across an ocean; their philosophies of life even further apart.

Youth vote looks for change Outside the power bases of Hariri and Hezbollah are a growing contingent of disenchanted voters.

Dozens of his associates have also been arrested, many in the oil industry that was one of his power bases.

Germany is like America, a newer and federal state, with local power bases and an economy spread more evenly across the country.

It is likely to be among the top vote-getters on Sunday, winning support in its traditional urban and southern power bases.

But greater freedoms have also unleashed long-repressed anger against the government and intensified ethnic rivalries between groups with leaders building rival power bases.

In Jefferson County, Alabama's largest, which is home to both Democrat-voting Birmingham and wealthy suburban Republican power bases, Jones won by some 21963,216 votes.

In the latter, a president and an opposition legislature can use their respective power bases to wage partisan warfare, which can escalate out of control.

The so-called millionaire's tax has become a political lightning rod for the governor as his nascent administration navigates entrenched political power bases in the state Legislature.

Moreover, this episode is far from signaling a broken cycle of governments arising out of established power bases rather than, say, the democratic will of the people.

Setting up the PRObreeze mattress is easy with the help of white glove deliveryWhite glove delivery comes standard with Tempur-Pedic mattresses, foundations, and Tempur-Ergo power bases.

The Champions League is about teams, of course, and about dynasties and eras and power bases and all of that, but more than anything, it is about players.

Both the Democratic and Republican contests featured established candidates with lengthy political careers facing off against insurgent, populist candidates hoping to upset the power bases of their respective parties.

Ruparel said that Johnson&aposs government could secure a limited trade agreement if there was "central political direction from Downing Street" rather than conflicting power bases in different government departments.

Kilopower test unitPhoto: NASANASA announced today that it has completed tests of its Kilopower portable nuclear fission reactor, a device designed to one day power bases on Mars or the moon.

Lindsey Graham, appear to fear the toxic impact of Trump's remarks on their party and have criticized the President, taking advantage of their prominence and independent power bases to speak out.

Additionally, by capping state and local tax deductions at $10,000, people in higher tax states, like anti-Trump power bases New York and California, could end up owing more right away.

Russia's democracy is deeply flawed, but the institutions it contains create a venue for open criticism of Putin and his policies, and for building power bases from which to challenge him.

Fascinated by the status wars and shifting power bases of the city, he poured his energy and insatiable curiosity into his reporting and soon became one of the stars on the staff.

Whitaker will face the same demands and is in a far weaker position than either Sessions or Comey, who enjoyed personal power bases and reputations and alliances forged after decades of public service.

Instead of entering the election season united behind a leadership slate and a shared vision, the House Democratic caucus finds itself divided by the demands of competing generations, identities, ideologies and power bases.

Xi has also gone after competing power bases by jailing opponents for corruption, including the powerful former domestic security chief Zhou Yongkang and the popular one-time party boss of Chongqing, Bo Xilai.

It almost certainly will be presented as a response to the now-common criticism that the I.C.C. has failed to do enough to broaden the appeal of cricket beyond its historical power bases.

Maybe Trump and the Republicans can turn things around, rapidly passing a healthcare bill in the Senate and coordinating between the party's different power bases to reach some kind of consensus on the issue.

Some were built as new capitals for governments that wanted to reduce corruption and improve bureaucratic efficiency or wanted to break the hold of traditional elites by detaching them from carefully cultivated power bases.

But party congresses are always tricky affairs, as different power bases compete for influence, so the government will be keen to ensure there are no distractions like financial or economic problems or diplomatic confrontations.

Ms. Katz had the institutional support of the Queens County Democratic machine, and her candidacy was seen by some as a test of the traditional power bases that typically dictate election results in Queens.

We don't have to build, we can simply plug into those power bases and that will actually help ignite our growth engines as an organization as well and realign and restructure our cost base.

About one-quarter of Solomons' population, which is just over 650,000, lives in Malaita, according to the country's statistics office, making it one of the main geographic and political power bases in the country.

Misrata, a large commercial port about 190 km east of Tripoli, is one of Libya's major military power bases but the city itself has been largely immune from armed clashes and attacks in recent years.

" In "A Theology for Radical Politics" (1969), he set forth a series of propositions designed to "rearrange the power bases of American democracy, both democratically and politically, so that changes can come rapidly and effectively.

But, when tariffs on goods from Mexico produced an outcry from traditional Republican power bases, like the Kochs and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Mitch McConnell and his caucus stepped in on behalf of big business.

Renewal of ethnic rivalries risks boosting the power of regional and ethnic strongmen like Dostum, who scorn efforts to impose central control on their local power bases and regularly complain of being shut out by Ghani.

Analysts say the Socialist Party will need to rebuild from local power bases in cities like Rennes, nearby Nantes and the northeast industrial city of Lille, where the party still holds control of the town halls.

But for some, there was a sense of fury at both the government and Hazara political leaders who they said have exploited the grievances of their community at longstanding discrimination to shore up their own power bases.

Both Comey and Hoover share an unmistakable quality in their savvy manipulation of the power structures in Washington through both their covert — and overt — leveraging of information for the purpose of building their own political power bases.

GOP elites now face the long-feared reality of Trump as an outsider nominee who will lead them into the fall campaign after splitting the party, overturning establishment and conservative power bases and alienating key general election voters with incendiary rhetoric.

It had been opposed by populist power bases in both the Republican and Democratic parties, both arguing that, as written, the pact didn't do enough to prevent American jobs from being moved overseas, to countries where taxes and wages are lower.

Mr. Trump may seem unusual to Americans because the United States did not produce the kind of autocratic populist leaders Europe offered the 20th century, men who built power bases blaming others for their ills: immigrants, Jews, foreigners in general.

Those close to his campaign like to push the idea that he is the only truly global candidate, a leader from Asia who knows the plight of the smaller federations but has strong connections to the power bases in Europe and elsewhere.

But it is difficult to point to any time in the modern era when so many of the issues driving the national debate revolve around what a President can legally do, and the effectiveness of competing power bases in the federal system.

Mr. Noor, 54, is part of a generation of former warlords who saw their regional fortunes fluctuate over the past decade, some of them being sidelined or shifted to jobs in Kabul as a way to distance them from their power bases.

During the 19th and 20th centuries, presidential visits were often hometown trips, Professor Naftali said, since several politicians — Martin Van Buren, Millard Fillmore, Chester A. Arthur, Grover Cleveland, Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin Delano Roosevelt — sprang to the White House from their New York power bases.

The country that makes fake promises like loading bullets Creates a regime and orders us to love it In 2006, after a break of 15 years, the military again left the barracks to topple Thaksin Shinawatra, a brash billionaire who had threatened traditional power bases.

It featuresQuietMode to combat snoring by tilting your mattress gentlyPerfectSeat settings that put you in the ideal position for watching TV, working, and sleepingHead tilt range of 57 degrees and foot raise range of 46 degreesTwo USB ports on each sideTwo zones, two intensities, and three wave modes for massagingRemote controlsUnderbed lightingSleeptracker sensor that analyzes your sleepTempur-Pedic's power bases are not eligible for return.

The object of the game is to build power bases in your opponents' territories.

Barbara Yorke makes this argument in Kings and Kingdoms, pp. 119–120 The other theory is that a number of kin- groups with local power-bases may have competed for the succession. The sub- kingdoms of the Hwicce, the Tomsæte, and the unidentified Gaini are examples of such power-bases.

Yorke, Kings and Kingdoms, pp. 119–120 Alternatively, it may be that a number of kin-groups with local power-bases may have competed for the succession. The sub-kingdoms of the Hwicce, the Tomsæte and the unidentified Gaini are examples of such power-bases. Marriage alliances could also have played a part.

They also made the decision to change the focus to manufacturing roller coasters. The company manufactures other steel products, including turbine power bases and enclosures, heavy weldments, machine bases, structural steel, louvers and dampers, and industrial equipment.

Village after village rose to join him. English manors and castles fell or their inhabitants surrendered. Finally, Carmarthen, one of the main English power-bases in the west, fell and was occupied by Owain. Owain then turned around and attacked Glamorgan and Gwent.

Many of the largest operational onshore wind farms are located in the United States and China. The Gansu Wind Farm in China has over 5,000 MW installed with a goal of 20,000 MW by 2020. China has several other "wind power bases" of similar size.

Task Forces can gather "Intel" (by destroying troops in defenses, winning attacks, or through special rewards) which is then used to attack computer generated "Power Bases" in various Task Force Operations. These "Power Bases" are often extraordinarily well fortified and possess incredible amounts of defensive firepower, requiring careful teamwork and coordination to destroy. After an Operation has ended, all players in the Task Force will be rewarded based on how many points the Task Force got as a whole, with every building destroyed in a Power Base accounting for one point, which is called a Force Point. Even if a player did not participate in the Operation, he would still receive the same amount of resource as the other players.

De Sonnac's tenure was a particularly violent one. By 1247, the Christians had lost power bases in Tiberias, Mount Tabor, Belvoir and Ascalon. This prompted a fresh campaign from King Louis IX of France, who landed at Limassol, Cyprus on 17 September 1248. De Sonnac sailed from Acre to meet him and make preparations.

William of Poitiers shows that the Norman castle was an important element of society. An effective Duke could use them as strategic power bases, stamping their authority on the rural Duchy; however, a castle could also be a rallying point for rebellious nobles. William of Poitiers reports many a ducal siege as a result.

Despite relatively low numbers, in their many thousands of years of existence the cyborgs build several elaborate facilities which serve as starting points for missions, and gathering points for new recruits. Preservers deliver their findings to these locations for storage. Incidentally, these facilities also serve as power bases for high-ranking cyborgs, known as Executive Facilitators.

Growth of Sri Lankan Tamil Militancy in Tamil Nadu.Chapter I – Phase II (1987–1988) However, faced with growing diligence from her erstwhile partner, India adopted a strategy of aiding alternative Tamil power bases, including the Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front, which had emerged strongly in the November 1988 elections, and at the same time continue negotiations with the LTTE.

The sub-kingdoms of the Hwicce, the Tomsæte, and the unidentified Gaini are examples of such power-bases. Marriage alliances could also have played a part. Competing magnates—those called in charters "dux" or "princeps" (that is, leaders)—may have brought the kings to power. In this model, the Mercian kings are little more than leading noblemen.

They constituted about 5% of the population and were allowed to have a proper surname. (see Edo society). In the sixteenth century, lords began to centralise administration by replacing enfeoffment with stipend grants, and placing pressure on vassals to relocate into castle towns, away from independent power bases. Military commanders became rotated to avert the formation of strong personal loyalties from the troops.

Therefore, individuals with the highest credibility also have the most perceived social power on all of the power bases. When individuals have a low amount of objective power, credibility significantly affects social power ratings. High credibility increases judgments of perceived reward, coercive, referent, and legitimate powers. Expert powers are also influenced positively, but do not correlate at the highest levels of credibility.

These alliances are not holding as they once did, because the monarchy is centralizing power and weakening other power bases. The general public and the media (including newspapers and book publishers) hold little formal power, but their potential power has been a matter of official concern. Since the 1920s, the monarchy had repeatedly promised democratic reforms and constitutional monarchy; however, in the 2010s, it affirmed absolute monarchy.

Signs of the debilitating illness which will ultimately kill him begin to appear. His generals Santander and Páez have built up their own power bases and are feuding with him and each other. Manuela saves Bolívar from an assassination attempt but they are eventually driven into exile and although still loved by the common people, he dies in official disgrace. In the final scene 12 years have passed.

The fiefs were generally small and given out piecemeal, to deprive William's vassals of large power-bases. Since each fiefdom was governed more or less independently of each other by the feudal lords, the Anglo-Saxon shire system became less important. However, the system did continue in use. The shires (referred to by the Normans as 'counties', in analogy to the system in use in medieval France) remained the major geographical division of England.

Louis's extravagance at Versailles extended far beyond the scope of elaborate court rituals. He took delivery of an African elephant as a gift from the king of Portugal. He encouraged leading nobles to live at Versailles. This, along with the prohibition of private armies, prevented them from passing time on their own estates and in their regional power bases, from which they historically waged local wars and plotted resistance to royal authority.

Widespread famine ravaged the country, driving many of the people into rebel forces. Village headmen, and new military forces arose and created power bases all over the country. The government who had tried to implement a forceful taxation plan found itself in the face of rebellions led by bandits, local nobles, and rebel leaders. It was during this time that Gyeon Hwon's father Ajagae led a local peasant revolt and set up base in Sangju.

The authority of princes was curtailed by the Jianwen Emperor. When the Yongle Emperor came to power, he further purged his brothers on trumped up charges and abolished most of the princely guards; by the dynasty's end there were less than a dozen extant. He also established a hereditary military nobility from his top generals during his usurpation, both Han Chinese and Mongol. They were however denied long-term commands so as to prevent personal power bases from forming.

Small piles of crates appear on the map with a thunderclap at random intervals. Most maps in the game have regions where crates appear the most often. American optoelectronics enable them to pinpoint the exact locations of the crates as they arrive, while the Soviets, who have focused on time-based technology, are able to predict a perimeter where the crates will arrive a few seconds before they materialise. Oil and the varyingly named mineral power bases and vehicles.

The local breakdown of public order had given the jagos a chance to expand their power bases, but they needed to protect their positions from interlopers who might emerge during the unrest. The jagos gangs who moved into this new power vacuum were those who tied their personal ambitions to the establishment of the Republic. They also adopted the rhetoric and the substance of nationalist demands. A declaration of allegiance to the Republic immediately reinforced a jagos's authority by the power of association.

Dissension and rivalry soon afflicted the Macedonians, however. The satrapies handed out by Perdiccas at the Partition of Babylon became power bases each general used to bid for power. After the assassination of Perdiccas in 321 BC, Macedonian unity collapsed, and 40 years of war between "The Successors" (Diadochi) ensued before the Hellenistic world settled into four stable power blocs: Ptolemaic Egypt, Seleucid Mesopotamia and Central Asia, Attalid Anatolia, and Antigonid Macedon. In the process, both Alexander IV and Philip III were murdered.

373–376 Eventually, Walter brokered a compromise between the two as a result of which Gerard was confirmed as castellan and John relinquished the castles. Longchamp also agreed to work to ensure John's succession to the throne in the event of Richard's death. Longchamp's legatine commission from the papacy expired in spring 1191, on the death of Clement III, thus removing one of Longchamp's power bases. The legation was, however, renewed a few months later by Clement's successor, Celestine III.

Georgian politicians Jaba Ioseliani and Tengiz Kitovani were appointed deputy chairmen by Shevardnadze while Tedo Japaridze, the Georgian MFA expert on the United States became the chairman's aide. The council had the full right to issue binding resolutions on military and security matters of Georgia. In May 1993, Ioseliani and Kitovani were relieved of their duties in the council and disbanded of their government power bases, allowing Shevardnadze to assume greater power. Ministry of Defence headquarters in Tbilisi The Ministry of Defence was established in 1991.

The system was intended to foster the development of land and to ensure that no agricultural land lay neglected. That prevented aristocrats from developing large power bases by monopolizing the fields and allowed the common people to take part of the land and ensure their livelihood. It also allowed the government to develop a tax base and slowed the accumulation of land by vast, untaxable estates. It was also used by the Tang dynasty to break the dynastic cycle, the idea that all dynasties would end.

The establishment of individual power bases both within Rome and in the provinces undermined Cicero's guiding principle of a free state, and thus the Roman Republic itself. This factionalised the Senate into cliques, which constantly engaged each other for political advantage. These cliques were the optimates, led by such figures as Cato, and in later years Pompey, and the populares, led by such men as Julius Caesar and Crassus. Although the optimates were generally republicans, some leaders of the optimates had distinctly dictatorial ways.

In the mid 1990s, corruption allegedly became "rampant" in Yemen. The presidency of Ali Abdullah Saleh, who served from 1990 to 2012, was said to be marked by the admixture of government, military, and corporate interests as well as by extensive nepotism and self-enrichment. Members of Saleh's Sanhan clan established power bases in the military, with Saleh's nephew Mohammed Abdullah Saleh running the Central Security Forces (CSF). On Mohammed Abdullah Selah's death in 2001, his son Yahya Mohammed Abdullah Selah took control of the CSF.

Joudah, 1987, p. 127. By 1773, Zahir had a total of 272 children, grandchildren and great- grandchildren. As Zahir consolidated his power and reduced external threats to his rule in the 1760s, his sons aspired for more influence and ultimately fought against their father and each other in order to secure their place as Zahir's successor. Besides support from elements of the Zaydani clan, Zahir's sons maintained their own power bases, largely derived from their mothers' clans, and also made their own alliances with other powerful actors in the region.

Largely based in university campuses, the Falanga followed a policy of anti-Semitism and although it had few members, Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny WIEM Encyklopedia from its power bases in schools it attempted to launch attacks on Jewish students and businesses.J.W. Borejsza, "East European Perceptions of Italian Fascism", S. U. Larsen, B. Hagtvet & J. P. Myklebust, Who Were the Fascists: Social Roots of European Fascism, Scandinavian University Press, Oslo, 1980, p. 358 Left-wing activists were also as part of this violent activity. The group soon came under scrutiny from the Polish government.

Those who chose not to fight in the war referred to the traitors as suka ("bitch"), and the traitors landed at the bottom of the "hierarchy". Outcast, the suki separated from the others and formed their own groups and power bases by collaborating with prison officials, eventually gaining the luxury of comfortable positions. Bitterness between the groups erupted into a series of Bitch Wars from 1945 to 1953 with many killed every day. The prison officials encouraged the violence, seeing it as a way to rid the prisons of criminals.

Despite its reputation for militancy, Fighting Solidarity did not support violence or terrorism. Fighting Solidarity was one of two Polish organizations of that time whose primary goals, declared from the start, included the destruction of communism, the independence of Poland and other nations controlled by communist governments (including those comprising the Soviet Union itself), and the reunification of Germany. Fighting Solidarity power bases included Wrocław, Poznań, Gdańsk, Rzeszów and Upper Silesia. Among its most prominent members were Maciej Frankiewicz (Poznań), Roman Zwiercan, Andrzej Kołodziej (Gdynia), Jadwiga Chmielowska (Sosnowiec), Janusz Szkutnik (Rzeszów).

However, Zeng Guofan did dismantle his forces and Li Hongzhang demobilised half of his forces, demonstrating that they restricted themselves from excessively usurping the power of the court. In addition to regionalism, smaller scale particularist loyalties and autonomy such as provincialism and subdistrict localism also impeded the consolidation of power by regional leaders. The power bases of the regional leaders were similarly diluted through the constant rotation of officials by the Imperial court. As a result, neither the central government nor regional leaders had agency to undertake full-scale modernisation.

Later, in 1989, Akbari and Mazari agreed to merge their respective parties into Hezbe Wahdat, alongside the other members of the Tehran Eight. Tensions between the various components of Hezbe Wahdat re- emerged at the parties September 1994 leadership election. Both Akbari and Mazari wished to hold the election in their own respective power bases; Hazarjat for Akbari and Kabul for Mazari. Mazari ultimately won out, and the election was held in Kabul, and saw Mazari elected leader with 43 votes in comparison to the 33 cast in favour of Akbari.

One of Hitler's secondary goals for the invasion of Russia was to win over Britain to the German side. He believed that after the military collapse of the Soviet Union, "within a few weeks" Britain would be compelled either to surrender or to join Germany as a "junior partner" in the Axis.Hildebrand 1973, p. 105. Britain's role in this alliance was reserved to support German naval and the planned Amerikabomber project against the USA in a fight for world supremacy conducted from the Axis power bases of Europe, Africa and the Atlantic.

Greenwich Village-based mobster Vincent Gigante became the family's boss, succeeding Phillip "Benny Squint" Lombardo. DeFeo's crew was based in Little Italy, and the Genovese family's historic power bases were the Greenwich Village and East Harlem factions. East Harlem/Bronx-based capos Liborio Bellomo and Vincent DiNapoli whittled away much of DeFeo's power, especially in the family's construction and labor rackets, which at the time were the family's biggest moneymakers. In 1987, DeFeo and Bellomo got into a dispute over control over Carpenters Local 17 in the Bronx.

Claire Mc Evoy and Emile LeBrun, Uncertain Future: Armed Violence in Southern Sudan, HSBA Working Paper No. 20, April 2010, p.13 The widespread activity of insurgent and pro-government militants and increasing lawlessness in southern Sudan resulted in the militarization of many communities. Ethnic violence became widespread, and all sides targeted civilians to destroy the power bases and recruitment centers of their rivals. Those who could formed self-defense groups, and these were often based on familial and tribal links as these were the only ones most southern people could still rely on.

Karpenstein did not present this problem, as he was conservative and pro-middle class.Dietrich Orlow, The History of the Nazi Party, Volume 2 1933-1945, David & Charles, 1973, p. 41 Despite not holding left-wing economic ideas himself, Karpenstein was too weak to control the dissident sentiments emerging from the Sturmabteilung (SA) in Pomerania, which was one of their power bases. However, he sought every opportunity to increase his personal power by seeking to make all of the churches, government officials and media outlets in Pomerania answerable to him directly.

Historian Mercedes Garcia-Arenal notes that the story appears apologetic. According to Abd al-Basit, once Abd al-Haqq had massacred most of the Wattasids, he appointed a surviving Wattasid as a vizier in name, but with no real power, simply for the purpose of humiliating him. He then named the Jewish moneylender Harun ibn Batash as the de facto vizier, as Jews did not have independent power bases. Harun proceeded to give important government positions to his fellow Jews, which was very unpopular in the majority-Muslim city.

The Face Dancers have also secretly gained control of many similar power bases across the Old Empire. Under the leadership of Khrone, the Lost Tleilaxu's new primary goal is to find the Ithaca, the no-ship that escaped Chapterhouse. A minion of Daniel and Marty, Khrone believes their "infallible" projections that the Ithaca contains something or someone important to them, the necessary fulcrum to influence the final battle against the human race. Meanwhile, Scytale, still a prisoner of the Bene Gesserit on the wandering Ithaca, manages to negotiate permission to grow a ghola of himself.

The large geographical areas where his support came from proved instrumental in ensuring the initial success of his revolt as these areas were available to provide power bases, supplies and construction of forts. This also implied that he and his army had ample mobility between forts and bases, which explains their successful repeated evasions of the Company’s troops. From 1895–1897, he had at his disposal at least six forts which were well-prepared with resources and manpower that he could mobilise at short notice. The forts that his followers built were impressively very well designed and constructed.

The four-year reign of Jayaatu Khan Tugh Temür was dominated by El Temur and Bayan of the Merkid. As the persons who had been chiefly responsible for making the restoration possible, they acquired a measure of power and honor that had never before been attained by any official in the Yuan. They built their own power bases in the bureaucracy and the military, and their role overshadowed Tugh Temür. Tugh Temür honored his father's former ministers and gave them honorific titles, and restored the honors of Sanpo and Toghto who had been persecuted by Ayurbarwada.

The former had economic and military power bases of their own through major ownership of land and the feudal obligations of their tenants (some of whom held lands on condition of military service). The Church was virtually a law unto itself in this period as it had its own system of religious law courts. In order to seek consultation and consent from the nobility and the senior clergy on major decisions, post-Norman Conquest English monarchs called Great Councils. A typical Great Council would consist of archbishops, bishops, abbots, barons and earls, the pillars of the feudal system.

The election of Tony Blair in Britain gave renewed hope of an agreement for peace in Northern Ireland, an issue that has traditionally always been an aspiration of Irish Governments. The work of Ahern and his government, as well as that of the relevant power bases in the UK and the US, culminated in the Good Friday Agreement. This agreement was signed by politicians from the Republic, supported by the opposition and politicians in Britain and Northern Ireland and ratified by the electorate on both sides of the Irish border. During Ahern's first term Fianna Fáil faced increased criticism over payments to politicians.

The SAPD was born of that conviction even though, with the benefit of hindsight, its emergence is frequently seen simply as a further example of the way the Nazis were able to encourage and exacerbate fragmentation of Germany's political left during the run-up to their own successful power-grab. Within the SAPD Walter Fabian was elected regional chair for East Saxony. Then, in March 1932 at the party's launch conference in Berlin, he was elected to the party national executive. Despite being set up as a national party, the SAPD in reality depended on two regional power bases.

SCLC ultimately remained neutral in the MFDP dispute in order to maintain its ties with the national Democratic coalition. Many SNCC members believed they were in an adversarial position with an American establishment which they thought had scorned grassroots democracy. SNCC's focus was on bottom-up organizing, establishing deep-rooted local power bases through community organizing. They had become distrustful of SCLC's spectacular mobilizations which were designed to appeal to the national media and Washington DC, but which, most of SNCC believed, did not result in major improvements for the lives of African Americans on the ground.

George Frederic, by virtue of the long time he spent in Jamaica and his absence from the so-called court (more a council of sometimes rival chieftains), found it difficult to establish his authority upon his return. His two most powerful subordinates, with their own self-chosen titles, had used the regency to build local power bases. "General" Robinson, who ruled the Black River region, had not signed the act accepting George Frederic as king. "Governor" Clementi, who ruled the territory just south of the royal court was also very powerful and refused to participate in many acts of government.

A comparative study of thirty city-state cultures: An investigation conducted by the Copenhagen Polis Centre. Copenhagen: Det Kongelike Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. p. 68. often described as a "dark period" in ancient Egyptian history, spanned about 100 years after the end of the Old Kingdom from about 2181 to 2055 BC. Very little monumental evidence survives from this period, especially from the early part of it. The First Intermediate Period was a dynamic time when the rule of Egypt was roughly divided between two competing for power bases: Heracleopolis in Lower Egypt and Thebes in Upper Egypt.

Besides his khushdashiyyah, the sultan derived power from other emirs, with whom there was constant tension, particularly in times of peace with external enemies. According to Holt, the factious nature of emirs who were not the sultan's khushdashiyyah derived from the primary loyalty of emirs and mamluks to their own ustadh (master) before the sultan. However, emirs who were part of the sultan's khushdashiyyah also rebelled at times, particularly the governors of Syria who formed power bases within their territory. Typically, the faction most loyal to the sultan were the Royal Mamluks, particularly those mamluks whom the sultan had personally recruited and manumitted.

Umar was born a Faltine, a race of immortal beings made of pure magical energy that reside in their own universe. Umar is the daughter of Sinifer and the sister of Dormammu, who is usually depicted in a demonic form, When Faltine spawn, they usually take the duplicate form of their parents, but she and her brother Dormammu expressed individual distinctiveness from their parents. After they murder one of their fellow Faltines, they are banished from that universe. They escaped this banishment, and later conquered the Faltine and the Dark Dimension, which they subsequently ruled with iron fists, expanding their power bases while keeping the Mindless Ones out of that dimension.

La Stidda (Sicilian, star) is the name given to the Sicilian organization founded by criminals Giuseppe Croce Benvento and Salvatore Calafato, both of Palma di Montechiaro, Agrigento province of Sicily. The Stidda's power bases are centered in the cities of Gela and Favara, Caltanissetta and Agrigento provinces. The organization's groups and activities have flourished in the cities of Agrigento, Catania, Syracuse and Enna in the provinces of the same name, Niscemi and Riesi of Caltanissetta province and Vittoria of Ragusa province, located mainly on the Southern and Eastern coasts of Sicily. The Stidda has extended its power and influence into the mainland Italy provinces of Milan, Genoa and Turin.

The early Malla period, a time of continuing trade and the reintroduction of Nepalese coinage, saw the steady growth of the small towns that became Yein Kathmandu, Yala Patan, and Khowpa Bhadgaon. Royal pretenders in Yala and Khowpa struggled with their main rivals, the lords of Bhota: Banepa in the east, relying on the populations of their towns as their power bases. The citizens of KHowpa viewed Devaladevi as the legitimate, independent queen. The betrothal in 1354 of her granddaughter to Jayasthiti Malla, a man of obscure but apparently high birth, eventually led to the reunification of the land and a lessening of strife among the towns.

They proceeded to govern the city themselves until an Ottoman siege and internal strife forced al-Husayni and his rebels to withdraw from Jerusalem in October 1705. Meanwhile, the mostly Arab sipahi officers of the 1657 centralization expedition, chief among them members of the Nimr clan, settled in Nablus and, contrary to the Sublime Porte's intention, began forming their own local power bases in the city's rural hinterland from the timars they were assigned.Doumani, 1995, pp. 36–37. Towards the end of the 17th century, they were soon followed by the Jarrar and Tuqan clans, who like the Nimrs, came from other parts of Ottoman Syria.

Let F be a number field of degree n. Among all possible bases of F (seen as a Q-vector space), there are particular ones known as power bases, that are bases of the form :Bx = {1, x, x2, ..., xn−1} for some element x ∈ F. By the primitive element theorem, there exists such an x, called a primitive element. If x can be chosen in OF and such that Bx is a basis of OF as a free Z-module, then Bx is called a power integral basis, and the field F is called a monogenic field. An example of a number field that is not monogenic was first given by Dedekind.

All three of these officials answered to the dioiketes and held equal rank, the idea being that each would act as a check on the others and thus prevent officials from developing regional power bases that might threaten the power of the king. Each village had a komarch (village-leader) and a komogrammateus (village-secretary), who reported to the nomarch and the basilikos grammateus respectively. Through this system, a chain of command was created which ran from the king all the way down to each of the three thousand villages of Egypt. Each nome also had its own strategos (general), who was in charge of the troops settled in the nome and answered directly to the king.

By the early 1940s, every significant paper and college associated with churches of Christ took the amillennial position, often, like Wallace, never using the terms amillennial or amillennialism. By 1949, when Wallace ceased publishing the Bible Banner, this campaign had been so effective that fewer than a hundred congregations adhered to the premillennial view, and those generally isolated from the mainline, as they have remained for decades. Nonetheless, Wallace's opposition to premillennialism caused anger in some of these power bases. Harding College president John Nelson Armstrong (1870–1944) had refused to condemn premillennialism in 1934; a partial rejection of the doctrine in 1935 did little to silence his critics, Wallace chief among them.

After the death of Rudolph I at Germersheim on 15 July 1291, his son Albert I was to be the most suitable successor to the throne of the Holy Roman Empire. However, Albert's undignified personality (ubiquitously called "Albert the One-Eyed", due to an open eye socket from a battle injury;) and his bad attitude dismayed the prince electors. Mostly, though they feared too strong a kingship of the son of former king Rudolph I, who controlled one of the strongest domestic power bases in the empire. At the Imperial Diet near Frankfurt the following year, they resolved to elect Adolf of Nassau-Weilburg, a cousin of one of the electors, a man with very little domestic power.

In the Second Sino-Japanese War, he won the Cheqiao Campaign against the Japanese Army. After this, he had some other campaigns in Central Jiangsu. He was also responsible for expanding communist power bases in Shandong and Jiangsu provinces by attacking nationalist- controlled cities; the nationalist forces under General Gu Zhutong retaliated by wiping out a large segment of communist troops in the New Fourth Army Incident, which marked the end of the united front. During the war, Su Yu was the commander for New Fourth Army's first division, he established himself as one of the Communist armed force's most capable commander, won a series of skirmish campaigns against overwhelming enemy - KMT Army, Puppet regime force and Japanese Army.

He also rigidly formalised the cursus honorum by clearly stating the progression of office and associated age requirements. Next, to aid administration, he doubled the number of quaestors to 20 and added two more praetors; the greater number of magistrates also meant he could shorten the length of provincial assignments (and lessen the chances of building provincial power bases) by increasing the rate of turnover. Moreover, magistrates were barred from seeking reelection to any post for ten years and barred for two years from holding any other post after their term ended. After securing election as consul in 80 BC, Sulla resigned the dictatorship and attempted to solidify his republican constitutional reforms.

Ultra right-wing elements of the armed forces and high-ranking officials from the Franco regime, known as the Búnker, were to varying degrees engaged in a strategy of tension designed to reverse Spain's transition to constitutional democracy. The open emergence of independent labor unions in 1976, although still illegal, and an explosion in demands for improvements in working conditions and political reform, led to an upsurge in industrial strife across the country. In 1976, 110 million working days were lost to strikes compared to 10.4 million in 1975. This undermined the power bases of former regime officials, their business allies and those from the Francoist labor organization (Sindicato Vertical). January 1977 proved to be particularly turbulent.

The new regime sought to realign these competing power bases, if only to ensure control over the nation's security apparatus. Furthermore, JeanClaude 's half-hearted attempt to open Haiti to the outside world and to secure renewed foreign assistance from the United States suggested a need to restrain the abuses of the VSN, which included more than 9,000 members and an informal circle of thousands in early 1986. The creation of the Leopards counterinsurgency unit, with United States' support, provided the regime with a relatively modern tool for responding to internal threats. The Leopards also provided Baby Doc with a new force, the capability and the allegiance of which bridged the gap between the armed forces and the VSN.

It links many of the most important historic sites on both sides of the border, drawing together the history from Roman times, passing through two important Roman forts (Isca Augusta and Burrium), and the turbulent medieval periods when the border lands were contentious power bases vied over by Marcher Lords, Welsh princes and the scenes of rebellions, bloodletting and political power-broking by many of the regions historical characters. The terrain of the footpath varies greatly as it proceeds from Chester to Cardiff, passing through the flat Cheshire Plain to the steep Shropshire Hills and the mountains of South Wales. The path passes through many woods, forests, river banks and farmland along its journey. The route is only waymarked in Cheshire with black and white waymarker discs.

This area was one of the power bases for the Bloc Québécois for two decades. In fact, before 2011, the BQ won at least seven of its nine seats in each of the preceding four elections, losing Saint-Maurice (Jean Chrétien's old riding) in 1993, 1997 and 2000 and Portneuf in 2000, which both went Liberal. They swept all nine ridings in 2004, and in 2006 and 2008 lost only Lotbinière—Chutes-de-la-Chaudière to the Conservatives and Portneuf-Jacques-Cartier to independent candidate André Arthur. Before the rise of Mulroney in 1984, this area was traditionally Liberal, except for Joliette (the only riding in Quebec that voted anything other than Liberal in 1980), and Lotbinière (which voted Social Credit in 1979).

Kenyatta at the Eldoret Agricultural Show, 1968 Kenyatta made clear his desire for Kenya to become a one-party state, regarding this as a better expression of national unity than a multi-party system. In the first five years of independence, he consolidated control of the central government, removing the autonomy of Kenya's provinces to prevent the entrenchment of ethnic power bases. He argued that centralised control of the government was needed to deal with the growth in demands for local services and to assist quicker economic development. In 1966, it launched a commission to examine reforms to local government operations, and in 1969 passed the Transfer of Functions Act, which terminated grants to local authorities and transferred major services from provincial to central control.

The Xiang Army was part of a new series of original armies called "Yung-ying" in Qing dynasty China, separate from the Manchu Eight Banners and Green Standard Army. The main points of difference were in their regional affiliations, since these forces were often raised and led via kinship and local networks; and their contravention of the normal Chinese military policy where army generals were frequently rotated to prevent ambitious commanders building power bases. In the case of the yung-ying, the need for unit cohesion meant that officers were appointed by commanders and remained in command of their units throughout entire campaigns. General Zuo Zongtang commanded the Hunan Army in the Dungan revolt, In December 1872 sending 3,000 of them to Suzhou in Gansu.

Kenyatta at the Eldoret Agricultural Show, 1968 Kenyatta made clear his desire for Kenya to become a one-party state, regarding this as a better expression of national unity than a multi-party system. In the first five years of independence, he consolidated control of the central government, removing the autonomy of Kenya's provinces to prevent the entrenchment of ethnic power bases. He argued that centralised control of the government was needed to deal with the growth in demands for local services and to assist quicker economic development. In 1966, it launched a commission to examine reforms to local government operations, and in 1969 passed the Transfer of Functions Act, which terminated grants to local authorities and transferred major services from provincial to central control.

On the one hand, the Porte determined Yusuf was well-positioned to efficiently manage the eyalet by dint of his long career in the Tripoli area, his ties to the local chiefs and his understanding of local politics. On the other hand, he would be easier to control because he lacked the tribal and peasant power bases of the Assafs and Ma'ns; further, Yusuf's headquarters in Hisn Akkar was more accessible and thus easier to reduce than the headquarters of other local chiefs nestled deep in the Lebanon range. By appointing Yusuf to a rank and position above that of the Assafs, his hitherto superiors, the Porte also aimed to undermine their alliance. The Sayfas' position was significantly strengthened with Mansur's death in 1580.

The Congress contended that it represented the entire Indian population while the Muslim League professed to speak for the whole Muslim population. The dominant issue of the election campaign became the issue of Pakistan. Originally, the Muslim League had been a party which received most of its support from the Muslim-minority provinces, where fear of Hindu ‘domination’ was greater as was the sense of ‘a loss of privilege’, and to showcase its argument for Muslim nationhood the League needed support from both Muslim-majority as well as Muslim-minority provinces. In the election campaign, the League resorted to establishing networks with traditional power bases, such as landowners and the religious elite, in the Muslim-majority provinces to win support. Religious slogans were utilized and the term ‘Pakistan’ was put forward.

More significantly, his term in office saw the victory achieved by the governmental Spanish troops in the Third Carlist War, the occupation of the Basque territory and the decree establishing an end to the centuries-long Basque specific status (July 1876) that resulted in its annexation to a centralist Spain. Against a backdrop of martial law imposed across the Basque Provinces (and possibly Navarre), heated negotiations with Liberal Basque high-ranking officials led to the establishment of the first Basque Economic Agreement (1878). An artificial two-party system designed to reconcile the competing militarist, Catholic and Carlist power bases led to an alternating prime ministership (known as the turno pacifico) with the progressive Práxedes Mateo Sagasta after 1881. He also assumed the functions of the head of state during the regency of María Cristina after Alfonso's death in 1885.

As regional officials and others became the daimyōs, and the country descended into war, they began to quickly add to their power bases, securing their primary residences, and constructing additional fortifications in tactically advantageous or important locations. Originally conceived as purely defensive (martial) structures, or as retirement bunkers where a lord could safely ride out periods of violence in his lands, over the course of the Sengoku period, many of these mountain castles developed into permanent residences, with elaborate exteriors and lavish interiors. The beginnings of the shapes and styles now considered to be the "classic" Japanese castle design emerged at this time, and castle towns (jōkamachi, "town below castle") also appeared and developed. Despite these developments, though, for most of the Sengoku period castles remained essentially larger, more complex versions of the simple wooden fortifications of centuries earlier.

On Hadley he encounters a situation he has seen on other colonies, with the added factor that the CD is pulling out and granting the colony "independence." (The CoDominium, becoming shorter and shorter of money to run the Fleet, has been quietly cutting the outlying colony worlds loose to sink or swim on their own. Few are sufficiently well developed to survive at the CoDominium's level of technology; most will revert to barbarism in two generations or less.) The local authorities are trying to create power bases by creating military-style units, some from landowners, some from industrialists, some from the convicts and involuntary colonists. Falkenberg, nominally working for Hadley's government to create its own army, begins recruiting and training his Mercenary Legion, with a battalion of officers and noncoms from his last command, the disestablished 42nd Line Marine Regiment, as the cadre.

Edward Luttwak, Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire, (The Johns Hopkins University Press 1979) Disadvantages of the mobile reserve strategy versus the "forward" policy Ancient writers like Zosimus in the 5th century AD condemned the "reserve" policy as a major weakening of the military force. Other modern scholars (Ferrill et al.) also see the pullback as a strategic mistake, arguing that it left lower quality "second string" limitanei forces to stop an enemy until the distant mobile reserve arrived. While the drop in quality did not happen immediately, it is argued that over time, the limitanei declined into lightly armed, static watchman type troops that were of dubious value against increasing barbarian marauders on the frontiers. The pullback of the best infantry was based more on political reasons (shoring up the power bases of the emperors and various elites) rather than on military reality.

Iran's representative asserted that dealing with the issue in the Security Council was unwarranted and void of any legal basis or practical utility because its peaceful nuclear program posed no threat to international peace and security, and, that it ran counter to the views of the majority of United Nations Member States, which the council was obliged to represent. "They should know that the Iranian nation will not yield to pressure and will not let its rights be trampled on," Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad told a crowd 31 August 2006, in a televised speech in the northwestern Iranian city of Orumiyeh. In front of his strongest supporters in one of his provincial power bases, the Iranian leader attacked what he called "intimidation" by the United Nations, which he said was led by the United States. Ahmadinejad criticised a White House rebuff of his offer for a televised debate with President Bush.

48: "...Shoshenq I, the founder of the Twenty-Second Dynasty and seemingly the more assertive of the Egyptian rulers of the time, reacted to the north Israelite challenge. He campaigned into the highlands and took over the Saulide power bases in the Gibeon plateau and the area of the Jabbok River in the western Gilead. The fortified sites of Khirbet Qeiyafa, Khirbet Dawwara, et-Tell, and Gibeon were destroyed or abandoned. Shoshenq reorganized the territory of the highlands - back to the traditional situation of two city- states under his domination..." a return to small city states was prevalent in Southern Levant, but between 950 and 900 BCE another large polity emerged in the northern highlands with its capital eventually at Tirzah, that can be considered the precursor of the Kingdom of Israel,Finkelstein, Israel, (2019). "First Israel, Core Israel, United (Northern) Israel", in Near Eastern Archaeology 82(1), p.

2005 general election, popular vote by electoral districts For representation in the Legislative Assembly B.C. is segmented into 87 electoral districts. Each one of these ridings elects one candidate to become its Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) in a first past the post race contained within the electoral district. Patterns of voting established by the right- wing predecessors of the BC Liberal Party, the BC Social Credit Party and the wartime Liberal-Conservative Coalition dominated provincial politics for much of the latter part of the twentieth century and enjoyed power bases on Vancouver's West Side, Victoria's richer suburbs, on the south bank of the Fraser Valley and in the Okanagan and the province's Central Interior and Northeast. The New Democratic Party has traditionally drawn its support from more urbanized areas such as Vancouver and Victoria, as well as the North Coast and northwest Interior, plus the mining towns of the Kootenays and key areas of Vancouver Island.

During this period, the Ba'athist authorities took the opportunity to perform large-scale displacement and colonization projects in North Iraq, aiming to shift demographics and thus distabilize Kurdish power bases. The conflict re-emerged as part of the Iran–Iraq War, with the Kurdish parties collaborating against Saddam Husein and KDP also gaining military support by the Islamic Republic of Iran. By 1986 Iraqi leadership grew tired of the strengthening and non-loyal Kurdish entity in north Iraq and began a genocidal campaign, known as Al-Anfal, to oust the Kurdish fighters and take revenge on the Kurdish population—an act often described as the Kurdish genocide, with an estimated 50,000–200,000 casualties. In the aftermath of the Persian Gulf War, a series of uprisings shattered Iraq, but only the Kurds succeeded in achieving a status of unrecognized autonomy within one of the Iraqi no-fly zones, established by the US-led coalition.

6-7 Furthermore, a Count Rudolf, perhaps the same one, also ruled a neighbouring county to the southwest of Borgloon, outside the future county of Loon, based in Avernas.Avernas and its boundary with Hufte/Huste is mentioned in the already cited charter of 958/9. It is also mentioned as being ruled by a Count Rudolf in a charter which is reproduced in Hackeng, Het middeleeuwse grondbezit van het Sint-Servaaskapittel te Maastricht in de regio Maas-Rijn, nr. 21, 271 pdf; and Beyer et al. eds., Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der jetzt die Preussischen Regierungsbezirke Coblenz und Trier bildenden mittelrheinischen Territorien, 1, nr.184, 246 link. In 958 Reginar III was exiled, and although the two sons of Reginar III returned in 973, and began slowly establishing the power bases that eventually became the counties of Hainaut and Leuven, the fate of their proposed uncle Rudolf is unknown. However, Bishop Balderic II, brother of Count Gilbert of Loon, the first certain count, had common ancestry with Lambert I, Count of Louvain, a descendant of the Reginarids.