Aided by Moscow's abandonment in 19173 of its sectarian doctrine for a policy of supporting "popular fronts," American Communists made common cause with moderate leftists against fascism.
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The way the two groupings now pour more vitriol on each other than on their opponents is comically reminiscent of the rival popular fronts to liberate Judaea in the film "The Life of Brian".
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At the same time, coalitions of reformists and populist forces assembled in Popular Fronts. They concentrated largely on calls for autonomy rather than independence.Hiden & Salmon (1994). p. 150.
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Leon Trotsky and his far-left supporters roundly criticised the strategy. Trotsky believed that only united fronts could ultimately be progressive and that popular fronts were useless because they included bourgeois forces such as liberals. Trotsky also argued that in popular fronts, working-class demands are reduced to their bare minimum, and the ability of the working class to put forward its own independent set of politics is compromised. That view is now common to most Trotskyist groups.
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The socialist parties were at first suspicious, given the bitter hostility of the 1920s, but eventually effective Popular Fronts were formed in both France and Spain. After the election of a Popular Front government in Spain in 1936 a fascist military revolt led to the Spanish Civil War. The crisis in Spain also brought down the Popular Front government in France under Léon Blum. Ultimately the Popular Fronts were not able to prevent the spread of fascism or the aggressive plans of the fascist powers.
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After the election of a Popular Front government in Spain in 1936 a fascist military revolt led to the Spanish Civil War. The crisis in Spain brought down the Popular Front government in France under Léon Blum. Ultimately the Popular Fronts were not able to prevent the spread of fascism or the aggressive plans of the fascist powers. Trotskyists considered Popular Fronts a "strike breaking conspiracy", an impediment to successful resistance to fascism due to their inclusion of pro-capitalist parties which demanded policies of opposition to strikes and workers’ actions against the capitalist class.
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It opposes colonialism and imperialism and advocates decolonisation and anti-colonial forces.Pons, p. 258. It supports anti-fascist international alliances and has advocated the creation of popular fronts between communist and non-communist anti-fascists against strong fascist movements.Pons, p. 326.
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During this time, the front populaire referred to the alliance of political parties in France that was aimed at resisting fascism. The term "national front" is similar in name but describes a different form of ruling, using ostensibly-noncommunist parties that were in fact controlled by and subservient to the Communist Party as part of a "coalition", which was used in Central and Eastern Europe during the Cold War. Not all coalitions who use the term "popular front" meet the definition for "popular fronts", and not all popular fronts use the term "popular front" in their name. The same applies to "united fronts".
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References to the law are frequently seen on French walls where signs proclaim "Defense d'afficher - loi du 29 Juillet 1881" ("posters forbidden - law of 29 July 1881").Quoted in Martin S. Alexander, Helen Graham, The French and Spanish Popular Fronts: Comparative Perspectives, p. 263.
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The Belarusian Popular Front "Adradžeńnie" (BPF, ) was a social and political movement in Belarus in late 1980s and the 1990s which led Belarus to its independence from the Soviet Union. It was similar to the Popular Fronts of Latvia and Estonia, and the Sąjūdis movement in the Republic of Lithuania.
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This probably catapulted the Communists to ally with Calderón, being that the Popular Fronts to stop fascism were a guideline of Moscow. In any case, Cortés had the support of the richest conservative and business groups (which at some point gravitated around Hine) while Teodoro Picado became a candidate backed by the popular bases of Calderonism, Communism and the Catholicism.
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The Communist Party of Great Britain took its lead from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). The view of the CPSU in the mid-to-late 1930s was that Communist parties across Europe should form Popular fronts to work with all other anti-Fascist parties to oppose Fascism. The CPGB was happy to fall in line with this position.
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As Stalinism came to dominate the Comintern, the strategy was dropped. In the Comintern's Third Period from 1928, the period preceding Adolf Hitler's victories in German elections, the Comintern argued that the social democrats were "social fascists" and, rather than the Nazis, represented the real danger. After Hitler's 1933 victory, the Comintern argued for popular fronts drawing in forces far beyond the working-class movement.
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Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.292; Frunză, p.355-357 The PMR fought the elections as the dominant partner of the People's Democratic Front (FND), which won with an 93.2 percent of the vote.Dieter Nohlen & Philip Stöver (2010) Elections in Europe: A data handbook, pp1604–1610 By then, however, the FND had taken on the same character as other "popular fronts"in the Soviet bloc.
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Propaganda was also considered an important foreign relations tool. International exhibitions, the distribution of media such as films, e.g.: Alexander Nevski, as well as inviting prominent foreign individuals to tour the Soviet Union, were used as a method of gaining international influence and encouraging fellow travelers and pacifists to build popular fronts. Frederick C. Barghoorn, Soviet foreign propaganda (1964) pp 25-27, 115, 255.
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In the mid-1930s the Communist International and the Communist Youth International began to orient themselves towards building popular fronts against fascism. The SKNL was directed to work within the Social Democratic Labour Youth League (STL), the youth wing of the Social Democratic Party of Finland. At the time the activity of STL was very low. The secret SKNL cells became fractional units inside the STL.
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Martin S. Alexander, Helen Graham, The French and Spanish Popular Fronts: Comparative Perspectives, Cambridge University Press, 2002, p. 206 On 8 October 1938 a fire burnt down Les Nouvelles Galeries, a department store on the Canebière.Donna F. Ryan, The Holocaust & the Jews of Marseille: The Enforcement of Anti-Semitic Policies in Vichy France, University of Illinois Press, 1996, p. 19 Shortly after, he was dismissed.
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At the time of the split, the RSL took 100 of the IS's 300 members. The expelled group, now styling itself the Revolutionary Socialist League, adopted generally orthodox Trotskyist positions based on the transitional program including permanent revolution, opposition to popular fronts and the need for a Fourth International. This last position cost them unity with the Class Struggle League, who advocated a Fifth International.
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Latvia and Estonia, with large Russian minorities, lagged behind.Hiden & Salmon (1994). p. 158. At the same time, the Popular Fronts were in increasing the pressure in Latvia and Estonia, as the citizens committee movement prepared for wholly non-Soviet elections to take place at or near the time of the Supreme Soviet elections. They saw that independence could never be restored legally by organs of the occupying powers.
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The "Popular Fronts" thus formed proved to be successful in only a few countries, and only for a few years each, forming the government in France, Chile and Spain, and also China.Julian Jackson, The Popular Front in France: Defending Democracy, 1934–38 (1990). It was not a political success elsewhere. The Popular Front approach played a major role in Resistance movements in France and other countries conquered by Germany after 1939.
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After the war it played a major role in French and Italian politics.Helen Graham and Paul Preston, eds. The Popular Front in Europe (1988). Maxim Litvinov with Polish foreign minister Józef Beck in Moscow, February 1934 Hand-in-hand with the promotion of Popular Fronts, Maxim Litvinov, the Soviet Commissar for Foreign Affairs between 1930 and 1939, aimed at closer alliances with Western governments, and placed ever greater emphasis on collective security.
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In July 1989, following the dramatic events in East Germany, the Supreme Soviets of the Baltic countries adopted a "Declaration of Sovereignties" and amended the Constitutions to assert the supremacy of their own laws over those of the USSR. Candidates from the pro- independence party Popular Fronts gained majority in the Supreme Councils in 1990 democratic elections. The Councils declared their intention to restore full independence. Soviet political and military forces tried unsuccessfully to overthrow the governments.
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The Belarusian Popular Front was established in 1989, following the examples of the Popular Fronts in the Baltic states. Its founding conference had to be organized in Vilnius because of pressure from the authorities of the Belarusian SSR. Initially, the Popular Front united numerous minor organizations promoting the Belarusian language and history. However, soon the movement began voicing political demands, supporting the Perestroika and democratization in the Soviet Union which would enable a Belarusian national revival.
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Trotskyists considered Popular Fronts a "strike breaking conspiracy" and considered them an impediment to successful resistance to fascism. When Stalin consolidated his power in the Soviet Union in the late 1920s, Trotsky was forced into exile, eventually residing in Mexico. He maintained active in organising the Left Opposition internationally, which worked within the Comintern to gain new members. Some leaders of the Communist Parties sided with Trotsky, such as James P. Cannon in the United States.
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Renault FT light tank supplied to the Popular Front during the Spanish Civil War The Spanish Civil War, fought between 1936–39, provided an opportunity for many European countries to evaluate new technologies and tactics, including armored warfare.Hofmann (1998), p. 103 At the beginning of the war, the Nationalist and Popular Fronts each possessed only five World War I-era-design Renault FT light tanks,García (2004), pp. 6–7 although these were soon reinforced with imported materiel.
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The unauthorized gathering resulted in the detention of local activists. The Belarusian Popular Front was established in 1988 as a political party and cultural movement for democracy and independence, similar to the Baltic republics’ popular fronts. The discovery of mass graves in Kurapaty outside Minsk by historian Zianon Pazniak, the Belarusian Popular Front's first leader, gave additional momentum to the pro- democracy and pro-independence movement in Belarus. It claimed that the NKVD performed secret killings in Kurapaty.
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A popular front is a broad coalition of different political groupings, usually made up of leftists and centrists. They are very broad and sometimes include centrist radical or liberal forces as well as social-democratic and communist groups. Popular fronts are larger in scope than united fronts. In addition to the general definition, the term "popular front" also has a specific meaning in the history of 1930s Europe and the United States and in the history of Communist Parties.
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In July 1989, following the dramatic events in East Germany (the fall of the Berlin Wall), the Supreme Soviets of the Baltic countries adopted a "Declaration of Sovereignties" and amended the Constitutions to assert the supremacy of their own laws over those of the USSR. Candidates from the pro-independence party Popular Fronts gained majority in the Supreme Councils in 1990 democratic elections. The Councils declared their intention to restore full independence. Soviet political and military forces tried unsuccessfully to overthrow the governments.
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In Paris in 1935, the International Anti-Fascist Congress of Writers took place, led by, among others, Romain Rolland, Andre Gide, Andre Malraux. The meeting called for organizing local unions and meetings of intellectuals whose goal was to defend culture from fascism. The idea to organize such a Congress in Poland was the reply to that call. Besides, the Lviv Congress of 1936 was a political event implementing the recommendations of the 7th Comintern World Congress of 1935 on the organization of Popular Fronts.
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In the late 1930s, Stalin had worked with Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov to promote popular fronts with capitalist parties and governments to oppose fascism. The Soviets were embittered when Western governments chose to practice appeasement with Nazi Germany instead. In March 1939 Britain and France—without consulting the USSR—granted Hitler control of much of Czechoslovakia at the Munich Agreement. Facing an aggressive Japan at Soviet borders as well, Stalin changed directions and replaced Litvinov with Vyacheslav Molotov, who negotiated closer relations with Germany.
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Left communist groups also oppose popular fronts, but they came to oppose united fronts as well. In a book written in 1977, the eurocommunist leader Santiago Carrillo offered a positive assessment of the Popular Front. He argued that in Spain, despite the excesses attributable to the passions of civil war, the period of coalition government in Republican areas "contained in embryo the conception of an advance to socialism with democracy, with a multi-party system, parliament, and liberty for the opposition".Santiago Carrillo, Eurocommunism and the State.
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Communists were active throughout rural and urban Colombia in the period immediately following World War I. The Colombian Communist Party (Partido Comunista Colombiano, PCC) was formally accredited by the Comintern in 1930. The PCC began establishing "peasant leagues" in rural areas and "popular fronts" in urban areas, calling for improved living and working conditions, education, and rights for the working class. These groups began networking together to present a defensive front against the state-supported violence of large landholders.Gomez, Alberto (1972) "Perspectives of the revolutionary armed forces of Colombia (FARC)".
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Alice Crolley Franklin worked briefly as a social worker, but for more than forty years (1930-1973), she taught at Forrestville Elementary School in Chicago, while pursuing literary interests.Melissa Barton, Guide to the Alice Browning Papers, 1936-1998, Chicago Public Library, Carter G. Woodson Regional Library. From 1944 to 1946, Browning published a literary magazine, Negro Story, co- edited with her friend Fern Gayden.Bill Mullen, "Worker-Writers in Bronzeville: Negro Story and the African-American 'Little' Magazine" in Popular Fronts: Chicago and African-American Cultural Politics, 1935-1946 (University of Illinois Press 1999): 106-125.
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From 1925 onwards, Kisch was a speaker and operative of the Communist International and a senior figure in the publishing empire of the West European branch of the Communist International run by the Communist millionaire propagandist Willi Münzenberg. The Communist International's 1934 policy to build popular fronts of all political parties opposing Fascism was to be promoted by Kisch's Australian visit. Kisch was a vocal critic of Adolf Hitler's Nazi regime and as a result had his books burned in Germany. Following the Reichstag fire, Kisch was detained in Spandau before he was expelled from Germany to his native Czechoslovakia.
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Later, in March 1935, an organization called the National Liberation Alliance () was created in Brazil, inspired by some popular fronts that emerged in Europe to prevent Nazi-fascist political advance. It argued for nationalist proposals and had as one of its objects to struggle for land reform. Led by nationalists and leftists, it managed to bring together the various sectors of society and quickly became a mass movement. Many military, Catholics, socialists and liberals, most of them disillusioned with the direction of the political process started in 1930, when Getúlio Vargas assumed the presidency of the Republic, joined the movement.
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The League rejects left-wing political coalitions and campaigns believing they are popular fronts aimed at providing platforms for bourgeois politicians from the Democratic Party and the U.S. Green Party, a strategy the SL's ideas abhor. Instead, the League denounces all support to "capitalist parties," especially the left-wing ones founded through popular front formation, and instead argue for an independent workers' party aiming for state power. The Spartacists also devote much attention to polemicizing against other communist and socialist groups. These polemics are usually exceptionally forceful and are often seen by the groups being attacked as unnecessarily disruptive of their activities.
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1914-1946: Third Camp Internationalists in France during World War II, libcom.org The reorientation was formalised at the Comintern's Seventh Congress in July 1935 and reached its apotheosis with the proclamation of a new policy: "The People's Front Against Fascism and War". Communist Parties were now instructed to form broad alliances with all antifascist parties with the aim of securing social advance at home as well as a military alliance with the Soviet Union to isolate the fascist dictatorships. The "popular fronts" thus formed proved to be successful politically in forming governments in France, Spain and China but not elsewhere.
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Head of KGB in Lithuania Eduardas Eismuntas argues with Lithuanian protesters, January 1990 The first Supreme Soviet elections took place in March 1989. There was still only one legal communist party, but the availability of multi-candidate choice encouraged the popular fronts and other groups to spread their own electoral message. The Communist Party in all three Baltic republics was divided along nationalist lines, and political leaders were increasingly responding to people rather than the party. The biggest demonstration was the Baltic Way in August 1989, where people protested on the fiftieth anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop treaty by a human chain linking hands across the three republics.
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In neo-Trotskyist theory, such an alliance was rejected as being based either on a false strategy of popular fronts, or on political opportunism, said to be incompatible either with a permanent revolution or with the principle of independent working class political action. The state in Soviet-type societies was redefined by the neo-Trotskyists as being also state-monopoly capitalist. There was no difference between the West and the East in this regard. Consequently, some kind of anti-bureaucratic revolution was said to be required, but different Trotskyist groups quarreled about what form such a revolution would need to take, or could take.
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In neo- Trotskyist theory, however, such an alliance was rejected as being based either on a false strategy of popular fronts, or on political opportunism, said to be incompatible either with a permanent revolution or with the principle of independent working class political action. The state in Soviet- type societies was redefined by the neo-Trotskyists as being also state- monopoly capitalist. There was no difference, in their view, between the West and the East in this regard. Consequently, some kind of anti-bureaucratic revolution was said to be required, but different Trotskyist groups quarreled about what form such a revolution would need to take, or could take.
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China, officially the People's Republic of China, is formally a multi-party state under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leading eight minor parties, in a United Front similar to the popular fronts of former Communist-era Eastern European countries such as the National Front of Democratic Germany. Under the one country, two systems system, the special administrative regions of Hong Kong and Macau, which were previously colonies of European powers, operate under a different political system to the rest of China. Currently, both Hong Kong and Macau possess multi-party systems that were introduced just before the handover of the territories to China.Buckley, Roger (1997).
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The Communists described the Social Democratic leaders as "social fascists" and in the Prussian Landtag they voted with the Nazis to bring down the Social Democratic government. Fascism continued to grow, with powerful backing from industrialists, especially in heavy industry, and Hitler was invited into power in 1933. Hitler's regime swiftly destroyed both the German Communist Party and the Social Democratic Party, the worst blow the world socialist movement had ever suffered. This forced Stalin to reassess his strategy, and from 1935 the Comintern began urging the formation of Popular Fronts, which were to include not just the Social Democratic parties but critically also "progressive capitalist" parties which were wedded to a capitalist policy.
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Communists were active throughout rural and urban Colombia in the period immediately following World War I. The Colombian Communist Party (Partido Comunista Colombiano, PCC) was formally accredited by the Comintern in 1930. The PCC began establishing "peasant leagues" in rural areas and "popular fronts" in urban areas, calling for improved living and working conditions, education, and rights for the working class. These groups began networking together to present a defensive front against the state-supported violence of large landholders. Members organized strikes, protests, seizures of land, and organized communist- controlled "self-defense communities" in southern Colombia that were able to resist state military forces, while providing for the subsistence needs of the populace.
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Two major traditions can be observed within left communism, namely the Dutch–German current and the Italian current. The political positions those traditions share are opposition to popular fronts, to many kinds of nationalism and national liberation movements and to parliamentarianism. The historical origins of left communism come from World War I. Most left communists are supportive of the October Revolution in Russia, but retain a critical view of its development. However, some in the Dutch–German current would in later years come to reject the idea that the revolution had a proletarian or socialist nature, arguing that it had simply carried out the tasks of the bourgeois revolution by creating a state capitalist system.
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North Korea, officially the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, is formally a multi-party state under the leadership of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK) leading the Democratic Front for the Reunification of Korea similar to the popular fronts of other communist countries such as the United Front in China. However, in reality, the WPK holds a total monopoly on power and other parties are not constitutionally allowed to take power, effectively making North Korea a one-party state. As of the latest election in 2019, three parties (WPK, Korean Social Democratic Party, and Chondoist Chongu Party) and one organization (Chongryon) are represented in the Supreme People's Assembly, the country's unicameral parliament.
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Goujon attended the University of Tours and the University of Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne, where she studied economic and social administration. She obtained an MA degree in political science in 1994, also at the University of Paris 1 Pantheon- Sorbonne. She then competed one year of education in Irkutsk, and in 1996 earned a graduate studies degree (fr) in comparative studies on democratic transition in Eastern Europe from Sciences Po. In 2001, Goujon earned a doctorate in political science under the direction of Dominique Colas (fr). Her thesis was entitled Nationalisme et démocratie à la fin de l'URSS: les fronts populaires d'Ukraine et de Biélorussie (1988-1991) (Nationalism and democracy at the end of the USSR: the popular fronts of Ukraine and Belarus 1988-1991).
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The broadly accepted "carrot or stick" concept. In the years leading up to World War II and during the war itself, Joseph Stalin applied the "carrot or stick" principle among the nations of the Soviet Sphere of Influence in order to establish tighter control over them. For example, in 1934, Stalin reversed his decision to attack the socialists of the region, instead allowing them to join the "People's Front Against Fascism and War." Despite this alliance's limited success when it came to strategies against the fascism of Nazi Germany, Stalin had effectively replaced the "stick" of aggression that he had been using against the socialists with the "carrot" of a better deal for them: membership in a more sweeping system of Popular Fronts against the Axis.
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In 1945, the world's three great powers met at the Yalta Conference to negotiate an amicable and stable peace. UK Prime Minister Winston Churchill joined USA President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's Central Committee. With the relative decline of Britain compared to the two superpowers, the US and the Soviet Union, however, many viewed the world as "bi-polar"a world with two irreconcilable and antagonistic political and economic systems. As a result of the failure of the Popular Fronts and the inability of Britain and France to conclude a defensive alliance against Hitler, Stalin again changed his policy in August 1939 and signed a non-aggression pact, the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, with Nazi Germany.
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Trotsky, now exiled from the Soviet Union, argued that the first conclusion was disastrous because it prevented unity against the far right and that the second, by emphasizing popular fronts, was disastrous because the terms of the struggle would be dictated by mainstream liberal parties. He feared that the communists would have to subordinate their politics within the alliance. Trotsky continued to argue for a workers' united front against fascism. Trotsky argued that the united front strategy would have great appeal to workers who wished to fight fascism: > The programme of action must be strictly practical, strictly objective, to > the point, without any of those artificial 'claims', without any > reservations, so that every average Social Democratic worker can say to > himself: what the Communists propose is completely indispensable for the > struggle against fascism.
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Many anarchists who would later fight alongside Popular Front forces during the Spanish Civil War did not support them in the election, urging abstention instead. The Joseph Stalin-controlled Comintern had decided in 1935 that, in response to the growth of Fascism, popular fronts allying Communist parties with other anti-Fascist parties including Socialist and even bourgeois parties were advisable. In Spain, it was a coalition between leftist republicans and workers' organizations to defend social reforms of the first government (1931–1933) of the Second Spanish Republic, and liberate the prisoners, political prisoners according with the front propaganda, held since the Asturian October Revolution (1934). The Popular Front defeated the National Front (a collection of right-wing parties) and won the 1936 election, forming the new Spanish Government.
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FUA, together with other sectors of the left, held a series of anti-fascist demonstrations and demonstrations, and its militants played an important role in the Battle of the Praça da Sé. Until February 1934, the year in which the organization ceased its activities, FUA edited the newspaper O Homem Livre, considered the main vehicle of antifascist propaganda of that period. Throughout 1934, with the advance of fascism in Europe and the reform of the policies of the Communist International (Comintern), which aimed at the formation of popular fronts, FUA opened space for the formation of a broader front of progressive sectors, the antifascist struggle in the more general struggle for reforms and against the conservative forces, which culminated in the formation of the National Liberation Alliance (ANL) in 1935.
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With them, they launched the Stop the War Coalition, although the SWP ("old hands" at controlling popular fronts, according to the comedian and activist Mark Thomas) was the dominant organisation, The Coalition's aims were to oppose to the invasion of Afghanistan and subsequently Iraq and to campaign against attacks on Muslims. Lindsey German was elected as Convenor and John Rees and Chris Nineham were appointed as national officers, all leading SWP members at the time. The Coalition organised a demonstration on 15 February 2003 when around 750,000 people (according to the Police) or up to 2 million (according to the organisers) marched through London. For the text of the speech cited by Cohen, see The SWP described the Iraqi insurgency as a "resistance" movement against military occupation and endorsed George Galloway's support of Hezbollah, who they described as "the resistance".
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As the French military historian Jacques Guillermaz observed, > The Long March helped the Chinese Communist Party to achieve a greater > independence of Moscow. Everything tended in the same direction – Mao > Zedong's appointment as Chairman of the Party, happening as it did in > unusual conditions, practical difficulties in maintaining contact, the > Comintern's tendency to remain in the background to help the creation of > popular fronts, under cover of patriotism or anti-fascism. In fact, after > the Zunyi Conference, the Russians seem to have had less and less influence > in the Chinese Communist Party's internal affairs. In light of more recent > history, this was perhaps one of the major consequences of the Long > March.Guillermaz, p. 263. Wang Ming's influence over the main Communist forces was minimal after Mao Zedong's emergence from the Zunyi Conference of January 1935 as the undisputed head of the Party.
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Castro was a candidate against the Republican candidate supported also by the communists Teodoro Picado Michalski, the son of a Polish immigrant whose community had been persecuted by Cortés. In 1948 after that year's elections between the Victory Bloc (the coalition of Calderón and Communists, the latter participating as part of the so-called Popular Fronts that took place in several nations at the international level) that nominated Calderón for the second time and the opposition that postulated Ulate, both sides are accused of electoral fraud and the war of 48 breaks out. The opposition camp was led by José Figueres, commander of the National Liberation Army, along with various allies such as the Caribbean Legion and the anti-communist forces led by Frank Marshall who had dual Costa Rican and German nationality and whose family had been persecuted by Calderón. The opposition wins the civil war defeating Calderonismo.
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First Workers' and Peasants' Army associated with Communist China, during the Sino-Japanese War Victorious Chinese Communist soldiers holding the flag of the Republic of China during the Hundred Regiments Offensive Communist China had been tacitly supported by the Soviet Union since the 1920s, though the Soviet Union diplomatically recognised the Republic of China, Joseph Stalin supported cooperation between the Nationalists and the Communists—including pressuring the Nationalist Government to grant the Communists state and military positions in the government. This was continued into the 1930s that fell in line with the Soviet Union's subversion policy of popular fronts to increase communists' influence in governments. The Soviet Union urged military and cooperation between Soviet China and Nationalist China during China's war against Japan. Initially Mao Zedong accepted the demands of the Soviet Union and in 1938 had recognized Chiang Kai-shek as the "leader" of the "Chinese people".
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At the Seventh World Congress of the Comintern, following the advice of Georgi Dimitrov to the Soviet government that had resulted from Dimitrov's experiences in France and Austria during the year of 1934, the Communist Internationale drastically changed the course that communist parties were advised to take in democratic systems: Instead of viewing the democratic and fascist parties as politically allied (social fascism), the communist movements were encouraged to ally with leftist and centrist forces (the policy of the popular front) in order to prevent the rightists from gaining ground. Diplomatically, the Seventh World Congress also brought on the 'collective security' policy in the Soviet Union, wherein the USSR would attempt to align with the western democracies to counteract the fascist regimes. This created an urgency for the European fascists to prevent the strengthening of leftist popular fronts against them. The Seventh World Congress specifically declared fascist Germany and Japan, next to Poland, to be among the world's chief instigators of war.
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Before then, however, destruction was also planned and managed by local governments as part of urban modernization schemes. In Kosovo, beginning in the late 1940s, the destruction of abject heritage took place in each major city, most prominently in Kosovo’s capital city of Prishtina. The modernization of Prishtina was initiated with the destruction of the Ottoman-era bazaar (čaršija) at the center of the city: in 1947, the provincial government expropriated the buildings in the bazaar in the name of urban renewal and then demolished them.... Laid out in the fifteenth century, Prishtina’s bazaar was composed of some two hundred shops arranged around a mosque (xhami in Albanian, džamija in Serbian); these shops were owned by and operated by members of Prishtina’s Albanian community. The shops were set within blocks, each devoted to a particular guild or craft.... Like other public works at the time in Yugoslavia, the destruction of Prishtina’s bazaar was organized by labor brigades called Popular Fronts (Fronti populluer in Albanian, Narodnifront in Serbian).
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On this basis we must pull the Social Democratic > workers along with us by our example, and criticize their leaders who will > inevitably serve as a check and a break.. In Chinese history, during the First United Front (1924–1927) was the Communist Party of China worked closely with the nationalist Kuomintang. The Chinese organized a Second United Front (1937–1943) to fight the Japanese during World War II. Currently, the United Front Work Department manages relations between the Communist Party of China and other parties, such as the pro-Beijing parties in Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwan, and overseas. In Vietnam, the Vietcong organized the National Liberation Front (1960–1977) to gather widespread support for the independence struggle, first against France and then against the United States during the Vietnam War. Trotsky and Trotskyists, such as Harold Isaacs in his The Tragedy of the Chinese Revolution, would argue that they were popular fronts, not united fronts, that were based upon the model used by the Bolsheviks in 1917 and later.
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