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172 Sentences With "political sympathies"

How to use political sympathies in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "political sympathies" and check conjugation/comparative form for "political sympathies". Mastering all the usages of "political sympathies" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Whatever his political sympathies, he never had the certitude required for activism.
Political sympathies among the gilets jaunes reach from far-left anarchists to the ultra-right.
These crimes are not united by ideology, as the apparent political sympathies and motivations differ.
So is the F.B.I. Seberg's political sympathies are common knowledge, but now she goes further.
Unfortunately, however, there is also a growing tendency to discount information inconsistent with our political sympathies.
He has been described as an Islamist, but his political sympathies were heterodox and frequently liberal.
Mehretu's coded political sympathies pose few challenges to oligarchs whose actions her works may implicitly criticize.
The wide disparity of the poll results is partly due to the political sympathies of Turkey's polling companies.
The artist's own political sympathies played an important role in determining which parties got associated with which animals.
Prosecutors declined to comment on any political sympathies the suspect may have but said no radical material had been found.
This has led to reflexive assumptions about the political sympathies of African-Americans, assumptions that fail to consider the entire political context of the primaries.
There is an unsurprising alignment in the "multiplier wars" between macroeconomists' answer to the technical question about the size of the multiplier and their political sympathies….
Assange has denied the most recent leaks were intended to damage the Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton, however WikiLeaks's political sympathies have been called into question.
But whether the hearing was seen as a partisan charade or a damning blow to President Trump depended largely on a person's pre-existing political sympathies.
While Facebook has pledged to sponsor both the Democratic and Republican national conventions, the company's top executives have not been shy about expressing where their political sympathies lie.
He also warned the lawyers to steer clear of the political sympathies of jurors, saying prospective members of the panel will not be queried about whether they voted for Mr. Trump.
Still, while he has reportedly admitted to a fondness for Conservatism and Margaret Thatcher, this can hardly be taken by extension to mean he had political sympathies to match his Nazi salute.
That made questions about Mr. Maassen's political sympathies — and whether he was capable of monitoring neo-Nazi groups and their possible links to far-right politicians — all the more troubling to many lawmakers and analysts.
Unlike many of his social stratum, Mr. Gurney's political sympathies skewed left, and he was enraged by what he saw as the failings of the George W. Bush administration in the aftermath of the Sept.
But there was also the larger and more important question for Germany of Mr. Maassen's own political sympathies, and whether they were undermining his agency's ability to assess links between far-right politicians and dangerous neo-Nazi groups.
He told us what cops are saying about Dallas and Baton Rouge, offered some insight into the political sympathies of the rank and file, and explained why he doesn't anticipate bloodshed despite the hordes of indignant protesters on hand.
Sinclair said Rosenberg, a private man who eschewed the social life of his wealthy clients and had left-wing political sympathies, was painfully aware that he was a merchant with an eye for art, but not a creator himself.
The next day, an Islamic State operative came to question the first group of captives, but he seemed to already know facts about them and ticked off personal details, like where one man worked and what his political sympathies were.
But with everyone redefining violence based on their existing political sympathies, it just as easily works to mislead and confuse — conflating structural inequality with political name-­calling, or equating the impact of artistic expression with the effects of a policy vote.
During this time he met Abraham Vereide, a Seattle Methodist preacher with right-wing political sympathies who had founded the Fellowship in Chicago in 1942 and moved his operations to Washington, where he founded the National Prayer Breakfast in 1953.
Though Stephen Paddock was publicly identified within a few hours of the attack as the culprit who killed 59 people and injured more than 500, seedier corners of the internet such as 4chan quickly moved to shift blame toward Paddock's imagined leftist political sympathies.
But the link between American largess and political sympathies at the United Nations has been a recurring theme for Mr. Trump, who once described the 72-year-old organization created after World War II as a sad social club that had squandered its potential.
The recording reveals the elaborate lengths the two sides were willing to go to conceal the fact that the true beneficiary of the deal would be Salvini's party — a breach of Italian electoral law, which bans political parties from accepting large foreign donations — despite the comfort with which he and Europe's other far-right leaders publicly parade their pro-Kremlin political sympathies.
Regardless of the culprit's identity or political sympathies, there is no dispute that the people on the receiving end of the packages have all been targets of the kind of insults, threats and wild theories that often originate on right-wing websites and message boards, and then spread after others on the right, and sometimes the president himself, elevate them to legitimacy.
Charles Lawrence had Whig political sympathies at the time he was elected Mayor of Liverpool for 1823–4.
She had been one of the most consistent supporters of absolutism, and she bequeathed these political sympathies to her son following her death in 1793.
He was educated at Saint Petersburg and engaged in literary pursuits as a translator, journalist and writer of fiction. His political sympathies caused his exile to Siberia.
Shortly afterwards, he converted to Roman Catholicism. As a Catholic, Brunetière was orthodox and his political sympathies were conservative. He authored the article on "Literary and Theological Appreciation of Bousset" for the Catholic Encyclopedia.
Conservative leader and Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain had a dislike for the Jews.Klaus P. Fischer, Hitler and America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011) According to R. B. Cockett, 'it is in the pages of Truth that Chamberlain's real political sympathies and prejudices can be found; political sympathies that were often in striking contrast to the official political postures adopted by his own government'. The Conservative newspaper Truth,D. Renton, The Attempted Revival Of British Fascism: Fascism And Anti-Fascism 1945-51. PhD thesis, the Department of History at the University of Sheffield, August 1998.
The Oxford Student expresses no political sympathies and has no party political line. As part of the SU, the newspaper prides itself on being an inclusive platform which welcomes all members of the University, regardless of race, religion, or sexual orientation.
Ellwood, p.xiii–xiv However, Ellwood argues that the explanation is more complex than that. Wherever their political sympathies may have sometimes been, he claims, the three mythologists were often "apolitical if not antipolitical, scorning any this-worldly salvation".Ellwood, p.
They had two sons George and Richard, both of whom eventually inherited the baronetcy.Biographies, Bart and Bounder.com Despite his political sympathies he gained the rank of Bombardier in the service of the Royal Artillery during the Second World War. He wrote the book These Germans, published in 1940.
It has been supposed that this shows anti-orangist political sympathies. Until 1853 governance by female regents was handed down from mother to daughter. From that time on it was governed by the city council and slowly declined. In 1985 the complex was remodelled into 4 modern homes.
The majority of these IMs were nevertheless people born in West Germany who worked for the Stasi because their political sympathies favoured the German Democratic Republic (East Germany).Heinrich August Winkler: Der lange Weg nach Westen. Vol 2: Deutsche Geschichte vom Dritten Reich bis zur Wiedervereinigung. München 2000, page 324.
She was defeated in the first round of voting, achieving 1,179 first-place votes out of about 8,000 cast. The election was won by Chris Patten. Almost a decade later she succeeded Sheila Hancock as Chancellor of the University of Portsmouth. Toksvig's party-political sympathies have developed over the years.
Sihanouk in 1967 In September 1966, general elections were held,Osborne (1994), p. 187. and Sangkum legislators with conservative and right-wing sympathies dominated the national assembly. In turn, they nominated Lon Nol, a military general who shared their political sympathies, as prime minister. However, their choice did not sit well with Sihanouk.
On the other hand, the War Office wanted them suppressed. Gordon himself had thought some very personal comments should not be published; while the content included extended attacks on the current Liberal administration of W. E. Gladstone. Sir Henry was apparently unaware of Hake's political sympathies (he was a strong Conservative supporter).
While still a young man he joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD). He obtained a job as a mechanic/fitter with the railways, working on the network's signal boxes. In 1912 he left the SPD, as his political sympathies moved towards Anarcho- syndicalism. During the immediate prewar years he was an employee of the Trades Union Press.
Renée held political sympathies towards Germany, whether the Kaiser, Hitler or Adenauer was in power. During her many stays in Munich with her mistress, she saw the rise of Nazism as a way of overcoming the humiliating Treaty of Versailles. German diplomats in Switzerland praised her loyalty to the Nazi cause in their reports.Schwarzenbach, Alexis (2008/2011).
Tirso Olazábal The Tellería family was of Carlist political sympathies; Agustín's father served as officer in the legitimist ranks during the Third Carlist War, and also following defeat he remained a “modelo de perseverancia en el defensa de un ideal”. Pensamiento Alaves 30.12.37, available here Agustín inherited the Traditionalist outlook.however, the Tellería family, branched as it was, favored various political options.
He studied at various German universities, receiving his degree of M.D. at the University of Königsberg in 1842. In 1843, he began practice at Breslau and also acted as Privatdozent in surgery and obstetrics at the University of Breslau. In 1848 he was a member of the Vorparlament at Frankfurt. His political sympathies forced him to move to America in 1851.
Edith Anderson-Schröder (30 November 1915 – 13 April 1999) was a New York-born journalist, writer and translator whose political sympathies favoured Marxism. In 1947 she moved to Berlin, then in the Soviet occupation zone, and between 1949 and 1990 part of the Soviet sponsored German Democratic Republic (East Germany). Berlin was her home base for the rest of her life.
In 1992, Ekkundi was awarded the Sahitya Akademi and the Karnataka Sahitya Akademi awards for his outstanding poetical work Bakulada Hoovugalu in Kannada. His poem Ladhak Irali Nepa Irali which was written during the Second Indo-China war was well received. His political sympathies were with the Communist party. After his retirement, he was given a national award for teaching.
In no small measure, Champollion's Napoleonic sympathies were problematic for Sacy, who was decidedly Royalist in his political sympathies. In 1811, Étienne Marc Quatremère, also a student of Sacy, published his Mémoires géographiques et historiques sur l'Égypte… sur quelques contrées voisines. There was some rivalry between Champollion and Quatremère. Champollion published a paper in 1814 that covered some of the same territory.
She belonged to its leading speakers, ideologists and writers, and represented the LKPR, the Swedish suffrage movement, internationally on several occasions. Her academic titles gave scientific credibility to the movement, and she served as chairman of FKPR in 1907–1911. She was one of few members to openly confess to be a political conservative. LKPR was supported by women with both left- and right-wing political sympathies.
Chadwick (1959), p. 80. He turns both provinces to ridicule by the cunning of Mac Da Thó, King of Leinster; in particular, the author's political sympathies favour Connacht and remain hostile to Ulster to the end.Chadwick (1959), pp. 80, 84, 88 To the heroes assembled, Mac Da Thó boasts that all the food provided for the feast is a mere trifle for the Leinstermen.
Tschemerinski’s wartime experiences radicalized his political sympathies towards the Spartakusbund. Upon resuming his studies, he befriended Paul Levi and Ruth Fischer, who convinced him to join the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). He changed his name to Arkadi Maslow, and in November 1920 was elected to the KPD Central Committee. From 1921 Maslow, together with Ruth Fischer, led the left wing of the Berlin KPD.
When Queen Anne died in 1714, she was succeeded by George I. Subsequently, a Whig government, which was hostile to the Jacobite cause, rose to power. The Jacobite rebellion, which took place in Scotland in 1715, further aggravated the tense political situation. The Finches became greatly concerned about their safety, especially after a friend, Matthew Prior, who shared their political sympathies, was sent to prison.
Although the Parliament was only a year old, Stonehaven agreed at once: the days when Governors-General exercised a discretion in this area had passed. Bruce's party was defeated at the October election, and Bruce also lost his own seat. The Labor leader, James Scullin, took office in January 1930. Stonehaven's relations with Scullin were correct but not friendly, since his political sympathies lay elsewhere.
SCAN does not charge for its papers or advertise for external companies, and has no formal political sympathies. Its editorial stance varies significantly from year to year and its opinion pieces demonstrate wide internal pluralism, sometimes to the point of being combined into contrived and supererogatory ‘head-to-head’ articles. However, SCAN’s legal and financial dependence on the students’ union has often brought its true political independence into question.
Nathan Paget moved back to England just as the period of absolute monarchy closed. He was admitted an extra licentiate of the College of Physicians of London on 4 April 1640,Physicians and Irregular Medical Practitioners in London 1550-1640 Database: College membership. allowing him to practise in England, outside London. Almost certainly supportive of the Parliamentarian cause, he probably took care to remain in areas with similar political sympathies.
The personal rivalry between McClernand and Grant continued until Grant removed him from command when he contravened Grant by publishing an order without permission. Pemberton surrendered Vicksburg to Grant on July 4, 1863. Vicksburg's fall gave Union forces control of the Mississippi River and split the Confederacy. By that time, Grant's political sympathies fully coincided with the Radical Republicans' aggressive prosecution of the war and emancipation of the slaves.
Traditional black and white keffiyehs became associated with Fatah. Later, red and white keffiyehs were adopted by Palestinian Marxists, such as the PFLP. The color symbolism of the scarves is by no means universally accepted by all Palestinians or Arabs. Its importance should not be overstated, as the scarves are used by Palestinians and Arabs of all political affiliations, as well as by those with no particular political sympathies.
71 He had previously led his own similar group, the Paladin League, although it did not enjoy such a high profile as English Mistery.Griffiths, Fellow Travellers on the Right, p. 102 His other political sympathies included a strong strain of anti- Semitism, which he claimed was engendered by contempt for his Jewish classmates whilst at school in Hampstead, and support for the Social Credit economic ideas of C. H. Douglas.Bowd, Fascist Scotland, pp.
His political sympathies were with the working classes, and he used his experiences with farmers and common workers to write stories portraying their lives and struggles. Later in life he presented public seminars on the typical conditions of tenant-sharecroppers in the South. His first published works were The Bastard (1929) and Poor Fool (1930) but the works for which he is most famous are his novels Tobacco Road (1932) and God's Little Acre (1933).
Berlin: de Gruyter. he founded the journal Proverbium: Bulletin d'Information sur les Recherches Parémiologiques, published from 1965 to 1975 by the Society for Finnish Literature, which was later restarted as Proverbium: International Yearbook of Proverb Scholarship. He was a member of the noble family Granfelt, but his father had fennicized his original Swedish surname to express his political sympathies. During his study period in the 1930s, Matti Kuusi was involved with nationalist political organizations.
Their censorship was noted for its severity: L. Quinctius Flamininus, the consul of 192, was kicked out of the senate; Scipio Asiaticus, the consul of 190, lost his equestrian rank; and public contracts were leased stringently.Broughton, MRR1 pp. 374–375, with various ancient sources. The two men shared common conservative political sympathies and cultural outlook, and were loyal to the military and political views of the older generation represented by Quintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus.
Among the reasons given for his maintained cover was that inter-service politics undermined efforts to perform proper security checks on employees. Another possibility is that the U.S. government chose scientific ability over clear records and political sympathies. In the 1950s, the FBI investigated his wartime activities and interviewed his former colleagues, leaving them with the impression that he might have been a spy. The matter was kept confidential for sixty yearsDoyle.
Juan Antonio Samaranch was born on 17 July 1920 in Barcelona as the third of six children in a wealthy Catalan family. In 1938, during the Spanish Civil War, he was conscripted to serve as a medical assistant in the Spanish Republican Armed Forces. Samaranch's political sympathies were for the Nationalists, and he deserted to Nationalist-held territory by way of France. On 1 December 1955, he married Maria Teresa Salisachs Rowe.
During Ioannis Kapodistrias' period it lost much of its influence due to the establishment of the other parties (French and Russian factions) and it was the main force of the opposition. It regained most of it after the arrival of King Otto, since the political sympathies of the principal Regent, Josef Ludwig von Armansperg, lay with Britain. Its unquestioned leader was Prince Alexander Mavrocordatos, and the party quickly started to decline in influence after his death in 1865.
Encouraged, he returned to Padua to continue his work there, while maintaining his contacts in Paris. In early 1938, Curiel was ordered by the president of the Confederation of Italian Unions, Tullio Cianetti to present himself there. Cianetti had no idea of Curiel's real political sympathies, but invited him to be more prudent, given that his articles were being cited in the antifascist press abroad. He was asked to pay attention to attempts by 'subversives' to infiltrate fascist organisations.
William Gifford (1756–1826) was an English satirical poet, translator, literary critic, and editor, most notably of the influential periodical The Quarterly Review. Notorious for his staunchly conservative political and religious views and for his merciless attacks on writers of liberal political sympathies, Gifford was, as was widely known, hired by Tory government officials for the express purpose of vilifying the characters of authors deemed dangerous by the government.Clark 1930, pp. 245–47; Grayling 2000, p. 212.
Storm's first novel, Full Measure (1929), is about industrial expansion and is strongest on the subject of radio engineering and equipment. It "received mildly positive reviews but sold little over a thousand copies." His next novel, Pity the Tyrant (1937), is about an American engineer who becomes involved in a Peruvian revolution who is "sorely perplexed between his job, his proletarian political sympathies and his love affair with a South American lady." Edmund Wilson considered it Storm's best work.
When Baker moved to Cleveland, his political sympathies belonged to the Democratic Party; he supported the so- called Gold Democrats and their platform of gold standard, free trade, and civil service reform. He built a successful legal career and became involved in local politics. He helped the Democratic candidate Tom L. Johnson to become the mayor of Cleveland, and under his mentorship started his own public career. Johnson was a passionate advocate of Georgist political progressivism.
Meanwhile, Rochfort began to demonstrate Tory sympathies: from 1703 he became identifiable as one of the government's leading parliamentary managers. He became Chief Baron of the Exchequer in 1707. He remained in this position until 1714, when, on the death of Anne, Queen of Great Britain, along with almost all his colleagues on the Bench, he was dismissed from office, on account of his political sympathies. Rochfort now returned to his practice at the Irish Bar.
On January 13, 1893, after the legislature dismissed the George Norton Wilcox cabinet (which had political sympathies to the Reform Party), Liliʻuokalani appointed the new Parker cabinet consisting of Samuel Parker, as minister of foreign affairs; John F. Colburn, as minister of the interior; William H. Cornwell, as minister of finance; and Arthur P. Peterson, as attorney general.; ; ; She chose these men specifically to support her plan of promulgating a new constitution while the legislature was not in session.
Jeffereyes positioned herself as one of the leading figures of Cork society and politics, particularly after the death of her husband in September 1780. She had fickle political sympathies, including supporting the Rightboys in County Cork in the late 1780s, allowing them to meet on her estate. She wrote letters to both Catholic and Protestant clergy calling on them to stop oppressing people. Many of her activities led to her being rebuked by her brother, John FitzGibbon.
31, available here or El Siglo Futuro 12.05.31, available here who inherited the local Campo de la Plata estate.Jorge Maier, Jorge Bonsor, 1855-1930: un académico correspondiente de la Real Academia de la Historia y la Arqueología Española, Madrid 1999, , p. 55 He demonstrated political sympathies hardly typical for the region siding with the legitimists during the Third Carlist WarTomás Domínguez Romera Pérez de Pomar entry at Auñamendi Eusko Entziklopedia service online, available here and had to leave the country afterwards.
Though the latter's reviews had already done irreparable damage to Hazlitt's career, Hazlitt's Letter was highly appreciated by many of kindred political sympathies, including Leigh Hunt, Byron's friend John Cam Hobhouse, and, most notably, the poet John Keats, who hailed it as "'written in a style of genius'".Wu 2008, pp. 267–68. By the time Hazlitt penned The Spirit of the Age five years later, he had cooled somewhat but still produced a portrait of Gifford that was laced throughout with satire.
From 1826 to 1848 Menzel edited a Literaturblatt in connection with the Morgenblatt; in the latter year he transferred his allegiance from the Liberal to the Conservative party, and in 1852 his Literaturblatt was revived in that interest. In 1866 his political sympathies again changed, and he opposed the particularism of the Prussian Junkers and the anti-unionism of south Germany. He died on April 23, 1873 at Stuttgart. His library of 18,000 volumes was afterwards acquired for the University of Strassburg.
The play was a partial adaptation by the author of his own novel Sonata otoño, which had appeared five years earlier, and is about the adventures of the womanizer Marquis of Bradomin, an aristocrat with political sympathies for the "Carlistas". El Marques de Bradomín was staged at the Teatro de la Princesa in Madrid on January 25, 1906. Among the actors featured were Francisco Ortega García and Matilde Moreno, as well as Josefina Blanco who later became the author's wife.
The Secretary of the Women's Bureau and later, general editor of the Woman Worker (1926-1929) Florence Custance was only saved from expulsion from the Party due to her untimely death in 1929. Her feminism and advocacy of birth control, for example, were well known to the mainstream press, but her radical contemporaries questioned her political sympathies and gave her few chances to shine.Beswick, Lorne. "Reds in Beds: The Communist Party of Canada and the Politics of Reproduction, 1920-1970," (PhD diss.
Joseph Boyle was born in Toronto, Ontario, the son of Canadian Horse Racing Hall of Fame racehorse trainer Charles Boyle and wife Martha Bain Boyle. His brother, David A. Boyle, would follow in their father's footsteps and become a Thoroughbred racehorse trainer. His family had immigrated from the Ulster region of Ireland (modern Northern Ireland) to Canada in 1839. The Boyle family were Protestants and Unionist in their political sympathies, but he was always proud to call himself a "fighting Irishman".
De Quincey's large house at 1 Forres Street, Edinburgh. In July 1818 De Quincey became editor of The Westmorland Gazette, a Tory newspaper published in Kendal, after its first editor had been dismissed. He was unreliable at meeting deadlines, and in June 1819 the proprietors complained about "their dissatisfaction with the lack of 'regular communication between the Editor and the Printer'", and he resigned in November 1819. Online edition available by subscription De Quincey's political sympathies tended towards the right.
Catulus's contributions to Latin poetry are considered his most significant literary achievements. He is credited with introducing the Hellenistic epigram to Rome and fostering a taste for short, personal poems that comes to fruition with the lyric oeuvre of Valerius Catullus in the 50s BC. Among his circle of literary friends, who ranged widely in social position and political sympathies, were Valerius Aedituus, Aulus Furius, and Porcius Licinius.Gian Biaggio Conte, Latin Literature: A History (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), pp. 138–139 online.
They opened with a pan African flag and black power salutes. Meeting programs included speeches, poetry readings, plays and debates. The program attracted radical students who saw militant black nationalism as a force that could launch a revolution. Westbrook's purported prior relationship with the inmate Donald DeFreeze in Los Angeles has driven the contention that DeFreeze was recruited by Westbrook as an informant to keep tabs on black inmates with radical political sympathies, and on interactions with radical students in the outreach program.
In 1964 he went to the University of California in Berkeley where he was involved with the Berkeley Free Speech Movement, getting arrested during the Sproul Hall sit-in. Radey's political sympathies influenced his decision to publish his first game Korsun Pocket, which dealt with the Soviet Union's Red Army's victory at the Battle of the Korsun–Cherkassy Pocket. When interviewed by Fire & Movement he denied that his sympathies made his game bias, but rather condemned writers such as Paul Carell and Simulations Publications, Inc. for bias.
Worthington was accused by the Ottawa Citizen of being an informant for the American Federal Bureau of Investigation about the suspected political sympathies of a number of his friends, including June Callwood."Writer feels 'betrayed' over name on FBI list" by Jane Armstrong and Dale Brazao, Toronto Star, page A22, September 28, 1989"Worthington was informant for FBI, documents reveal", Toronto Star, page A22, September 28, 1989 Worthington filed a complaint against the Ottawa Citizen with the Ontario Press Council and won an apology for its error.
Rudolf Thurneysen postulated a date before 808 on grounds that the reference to the death of Bran Ardchenn mac Muiredaig (d. probably 795), king of Leinster, should be attributed to political sympathies in the reign of his successor Fínsnechta mac Cellaig (d. 808).Thurneysen, "Die Abfassung des Félire von Oengus." Ó Riain, however, has rejected the traditional date (797 x 808) in favour of a later range, between 828 and 833, while more recently, Dumville has cast doubt on Ó Riain's conclusions and dating methods.
Kintex is a Bulgarian state-owned company, founded in Sofia, Bulgaria, in 1966. Until 1992 essentially an arm of the Bulgarian Communist Party's secret service, the Committee for State Security, Kintex was an import-export corporation, which controlled the sale of everything from cigarettes to heavy weapons. Kintex was responsible for selling weapons to smugglers and terrorists, with both right wing and left wing political sympathies, in Turkey, in the 1970s.The Time Of The Assassins, Claire Sterling, New York City, Holt, Rinehart, Winston, 1985, pp. 84–86.
Fort Adams Fort Adams near Newport was used temporarily as the United States Naval Academy. In May 1861, the Academy was moved to Newport from Annapolis, Maryland due to concerns about the political sympathies of the Marylanders, many of whom were suspected of supporting the Confederate States of America. In September, the Academy moved to the Atlantic House hotel in Newport and remained there for the rest of the war.Fort Adams official website In 1862, Fort Adams became the headquarters and recruit depot for the 15th U.S. Infantry Regiment.
The analytical (and rational choice) Marxists held a variety of leftist political sympathies, ranging from communism to reformist social democracy. Through the 1980s, most of them began to believe that Marxism as a theory capable of explaining revolution in terms of the economic dynamics of capitalism and the class interests of the proletariat had been seriously compromised. They were largely in agreement that the transformation of capitalism was an ethical project. During the 1980s, a debate had developed within Anglophone academia about whether Marxism could accommodate a theory of justice.
Following two additional stints in prison (one for assault), Garnier fled to Belgium in 1910 to avoid France's military draft. Abroad, he learned the art of burglary and counterfeiting from anarchist associates. In April 1911, Garnier and his partner Marie Vuillemin moved to Romainville to live with future gang members Raymond Callemin, Jean De Boe, and Edouard Carouy as well as Victor Kibalchich, then editor of l'Anarchie. Within this group, Garnier's political sympathies grew rapidly towards illegalism, a radical form of individualist anarchism that was heavily influenced by German philosopher Max Stirner.
Unfortunately, it was necessary to wait for a bad date, the Peninsular War between Spain and the Napoleonic France to have any kind of news about the comarca. In its way to Portugal, the Grande Armée went through Sayago leaving awful memories in the Sayaguese people. Spanish civil war also struck the county, with dozens of people killed because of their political sympathies. From then to now, Sayago has experimented phenomena like the rural exodus, or the 20th century diaspora that has led its population to decrease markedly.
The trial was a sensation, and the lawyers of the parties made appeals to the public's sentiments by populism, after which followers took sides based upon political sympathies. Fägerskiöld was represented by Karl Staaf. In 1897, she confessed that she herself had poisoned Evert Taube von Block for her fiancé to inherit Broxvik Manor: she had accused Betzy von Röök to prevent her from inheriting the property and will it to her younger son. As her statement was supported by circumstances, she was accused of murder and Betzy von Röök was acquitted.
Malaparte tomb on Monte Spazzavento (Prato) After the war, Malaparte's political sympathies veered to the left and he became a member of the Italian Communist Party.William Hope: Curzio Malaparte, Troubador Publishing Ltd, 2000, p. 95 In 1947, Malaparte settled in Paris and wrote dramas without much success. His play Du Côté de chez Proust was based on the life of Marcel Proust and Das Kapital was a portrait of Karl Marx. Cristo Proibito ("Forbidden Christ") was Malaparte's moderately successful film—which he wrote, directed and scored in 1950.
At this point Clark's political views continuously shifted from liberalism to a type of moderate socialism. His favourite writers at this time were Fyodor Dostoyevsky and T. S. Eliot, and his favourite historian was the conservative Thomas Carlyle. In terms of his evolving political views, a few years later, around 1944, Clark became a socialist of moderate views, a political position he maintained for the rest of his adult life, with political sympathies broadly placed on the Left and with the Australian Labor Party.M. McKenna, An Eye for Eternity, 245.
Bills of attainder were used through the 18th century in England, and were applied to British colonies as well. Some colonists were inspired to the American Revolution because of anger at the injustice of attainder. Although at least one American state, New York, used a 1779 bill of attainder to confiscate the property of British loyalists (called Tories) as both a penalty for their political sympathies and means of funding the rebellion, American dissatisfaction with British attainder laws resulted in their being prohibited in the U.S. Constitution ratified in 1789.
In 2009, The Defence of the Realm held that while MI5 kept a file on Wilson from 1945 when he became an MP—because communist civil servants claimed that he had similar political sympathies—there was no bugging of his home or office, and no conspiracy against him.MI5 kept file on former PM Wilson, BBC News, 3 October 2009. In 2010 newspaper reports made detailed allegations that the Cabinet Office had required that the section on bugging of 10 Downing Street be omitted from the history for "wider public interest reasons".
Einstein's avant-garde orientation and leftist political sympathies made him a marked man for right-wing attacks during the Weimar Republic. His passion play Die Schlimme Botschaft (The Sad Tidings, or The Bad News) was met with attacks as blasphemous; its 1921 publication resulted in a legal process and a conviction for blasphemy in 1922, and Einstein was forced to atone for the revolutionary ideas placed into the mouth of his Jesus Christ with a 15,000-mark fine.Palmier, Jean Michel (2006). Weimar in Exile: The Antifascist Emigration in Europe and America.
Caesar's field commission of Publius in Gaul indicates a high level of confidence, perhaps because he had trained the young man himself and knew his abilities.Syme, “The Sons of Crassus,” reprint pp. 1220–1221. Little else is known about Publius's philosophical predispositions or political sympathies. Despite his active support on behalf of his father in the elections for 55 BC and his ties to Caesar, he admired and was loyal to Cicero and played a mediating role between Cicero and the elder Crassus, who was often at odds with the outspoken orator.
Because of Dr. Norval's careful investment of Lola's gold, the family can live off only a small portion of the interest and still grow wealthy. However, the impending Civil War means that Dr. Norval's political sympathies, even though plainly pro-Union Democrat, made him increasingly demonized. The money he gives to his neighbors and family to raise companies for the Union army mean nothing and he is forced to leave the country. He makes sure to leave a will and careful instructions for the keeping of Lola's gold, however.
Senator brought the returns from the 1860 presidential election from San Diego county to San Francisco. John Breckenridge, who was the preferred candidate of the U.S. south, beat Abraham Lincoln 148 to 81 in the county. In response to pro-southern political sympathies, Senator played troopship again, moving Companies E and I of the 4th Infantry Regiment from San Francisco to San Pedro to safeguard Union control of Southern California. Her work moving the men, horses, and mules of the US Army up and down the California coast continued throughout the Civil War.
Shortly afterwards, the former Labour Foreign Secretary David Owen replaced Jenkins as leader of the SDP, and the troubled leadership of the "Two Davids" was inaugurated. It was never an easy relationship—Steel's political sympathies were well to the left of Owen's. Owen had a marked antipathy towards the Liberals, though he respected Steel's prior loyalty to his own party contrasting it with Jenkins' lack of interest in preserving the SDP's independence. The relationship was also mercilessly satirised by Spitting Image which portrayed Steel as a squeaky voiced midget, literally in the pocket of Owen.
While not a "democrat" in any modern sense (no one in his society was), Massinger's political sympathies, insofar as we can determine them from his works, might have placed him in a predicament similar to that of the head of the house he revered, the Earl of Pembroke--who found that he could not support King Charles in the English Civil War, and became one of the few noblemen to back the Parliamentary side. Massinger did not live long enough to have to take a position in that conflict.
Within weeks of taking over in May 1948, Hughes fired most of RKO's employees and virtually shut the studio down for six months as he had the political sympathies of the rest investigated. Then, just as RKO swung back into production, Hughes made the decision to settle a long-standing federal antitrust suit against the industry's Big Five studios. This was one of the crucial steps in the collapse of the studio system that had governed Hollywood for a quarter-century. In early 1948, all of the Hollywood Ten were convicted of contempt.
Andrew Feffer, Bad Faith: Teachers, Liberalism, and the Origins of McCarthyism, Fordham Univ Press, 2019, p.141 He was one of the 40 staff members who were dismissed in 1942 following the investigation by the Rapp-Coudert Committee into the left-wing political sympathies of teaching staff in New York. Ronald D. Cohen, "Shaw, Arnold", American National Biography. Retrieved 8 July 2020 "Shaw (Real Name, Shukotoff), Arnold", Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved 8 July 2020 Robert Justin Goldstein, Little 'Red Scares': Anti-Communism and Political Repression in the United States, 1921-1946, Routledge, 2016, pp.
In the 1856 election, Grant cast his first presidential vote for the Democratic candidate James Buchanan, saying he was really voting against Fremont, the Republican candidate. In 1860, he favored the Democratic presidential candidate Stephen A. Douglas over Abraham Lincoln, and Lincoln over the alternate Democratic candidate, John C. Breckinridge. Lacking the residency requirements in Illinois at the time, he could not vote. By August 1863, during the Civil War, after the fall of Vicksburg, Grant's political sympathies fully coincided with the Radical Republicans' aggressive prosecution of the war and for the abolition of slavery.
73-74 and killed thousands of prisoners and civilians, culminating in an infamous round of executions in the town's bull ring, where machine-guns were set up on the barriers around the ring. The screams of the dying could be heard many streets away. Murder and mass rape flared unchecked for several days, and Yagüe's failure to call a halt to the killings earned him the nickname, "The Butcher of Badajoz".Rafael Tenorio, Las matanzas de Badajoz (Spanish) Foreign correspondents, depending on their political sympathies, reported between an estimated 1,800Thomas, Hugh.
Several photographs of Khaled circulated in the Western newspapers after the hijacking of TWA Flight 840 and the Dawson's Field hijackings. These photos often included Khaled wearing a keffiyeh in the style of a Muslim woman's hijab, wrapped around the head and shoulders. This was unusual, as the keffiyeh is associated with Arab masculinity, and many believe this to be something of a fashion statement by Khaled, denoting her equality with men in the Palestinian armed struggle. The colors of the stitching in a keffiyeh are also vaguely associated with Palestinians' political sympathies.
Murat's political sympathies seem to have been Jacksonian throughout his time in Florida. At a political rally in 1826, he called one of the candidates, his neighbor David Betton Macomb, a "turncoat"; Macomb had led a toast to Kentucky statesman Henry Clay on at least one occasion that summer (an alternative version of the story has Macomb upset that Murat's slaves were stealing his hogs). Macomb and Murat met at a local dueling ground near Hiamones Lake. Murat's shot went through Macomb's shirt without touching flesh, and Macomb's took off half of the little finger of Murat's right hand.
Venice 1921Flight 6 September 1929 Between 1925 and 1927 he returned to military service as a volunteer, taking part in the Rif War in Morocco, afterwards returning to his job as chief test pilot with Nieuport Delage. In 1936 he was appointed Inspector General of Aviation by the French Air Ministry. Mobilised at the outbreak of the Second World War, he became the Inspector of Flying Schools. His political sympathies did not allow him to serve under the Vichy government after the fall of France in 1940, and instead he was active in the French Resistance.
From 1859 to 1861, he traveled extensively in the United States, Canada and Cuba. He was an eyewitness to the events leading up to the American Civil War. He regarded Abraham Lincoln as an extremist and his political sympathies lay with the Confederate cause. In letters to his family, he described in vivid terms the social customs and notable events of the day, including the visit of the future King Edward VII, the high wire act of Charles Blondin, the arrival of the first official Japanese embassy to the United States, and the maiden voyage of the SS Great Eastern.
Displayed to the public for the first time in 1865, the painting changed hands several times, increasing only modestly in value, since some considered the artist's political sympathies suspect. Upon Millet's death a decade later, a bidding war between the US and France ensued, ending some years later with a price tag of 800,000 gold francs. The disparity between the apparent value of the painting and the poor estate of Millet's surviving family was a major impetus in the invention of the droit de suite, intended to compensate artists or their heirs when works are resold.Stokes, p. 77.
Various popular novels have also adopted this sympathetic idea of Anne Boleyn. In the latter half of the 20th century, academic historians who were determined to study Henry VIII's government and court as serious political and cultural institutions argued that Anne Boleyn was one of the most ambitious, intelligent and important queens in European history. They researched her political sympathies, patronage network and influence over foreign policy and religious affairs. This led to several academic studies of her life, the most famous of which are the first and second editions of the comprehensive biography written by the British historian, Eric Ives.
In 1974, Eysenck became a member of the academic advisory council of Mankind Quarterly, joining those associated with the journal in attempting to reinvent it as a more mainstream academic vehicle. referring to Billig asserts that in the same year Eysenck also became a member of the comité de patronage of GRECE's '.Michael Billig, (1979) Psychology, Racism, and Fascism, on-line edition Remarking on Eysenck's alleged right-wing connections, Buchanan writes: "For those looking to thoroughly demonize Eysenck, his links with far right groups revealed his true political sympathies." According to Buchanan, these harsh critics interpreted Eysenck's writings as "overtly racist".
Born in Glasgow, the son of advocate James Bell, he received his education at the Glasgow High School and at Edinburgh University. As a poet, he became intimate with Delta Moir, James Hogg, John Wilson (Christopher North), and others on the staff of Blackwood's Magazine, to which he was drawn by his political sympathies. In 1828 he became editor of the Edinburgh Literary Journal, which was eventually incorporated in the Edinburgh Weekly Chronicle. In 1831 he published Summer and Winter Hours, a volume of poems, of which the best known is that on Mary, Queen of Scots.
In 1586 Hooker again represented Exeter in parliament. At this time he was one of the editors of the second edition of Raphael Holinshed's Chronicles, published in 1587. Hooker's Order and Usage was included within it and he contributed an updated history of Ireland, with parts of his Life of Carew and a translation of Expugnatio Hibernica ("Conquest of Ireland") by Gerald of Wales. In his Irish section he made his religious and political sympathies very clear, repeatedly denouncing the Catholicism of the native Irish, seeing it as the cause both of their poverty and rebelliousness.
In 1955, Alice fell and suffered a broken hip. In 1956, she was diagnosed with breast cancer, and though she successfully underwent a mastectomy at the time, cancer was found in her other breast in 1970, requiring a second mastectomy. Alice Roosevelt Longworth christening the submarine named after her father, the , in 1959 Alice was a lifelong member of the Republican party. Yet her political sympathies began to change when she became close to the Kennedy family and Lyndon Johnson. She voted Democratic in 1964 and was known to be supporting Bobby Kennedy in the 1968 Democratic primary.
It participated in political processes and formed alliances, not just for the sake of expediency, but also out of genuine political sympathies. As the ideological direction of the Temple became more openly socialist, it depended more upon the political world. Jones made it known that he was interested in politics, and Corey Buscher, former press secretary to Mayor George Moscone, stated that he "made his followers available to support progressive Democratic candidates,"Los Angeles Herald Examiner, "The Political Pull of Jim Jones", November 21, 1978 though earlier Jones had also supported at least some local Mendocino County Republicans.
Emmet was a man of liberal political sympathies and became involved with campaign to extend the democratic franchise for the Irish Parliament and to end discrimination against Catholics. He was called to the Irish bar in 1790 and quickly obtained a practice, principally as counsel for prisoners charged with political offenses. He also became the legal adviser of the Society of the United Irishmen. When the Dublin Corporation issued a declaration of support of the Protestant Ascendancy in 1792, the response of the United Irishmen was their non-sectarian manifesto which was largely drawn up by Emmet.
Initially working as a sign painter, Seo began dabbling in drawing animation by working at a toy film company that made short movies for home use. Although his most famous films were propaganda for Japan during World War II, Seo's political sympathies were leftist, and early on, he was actually a member of the Proletarian Film League of Japan, where he helped out on such animated films as Sankichi no Kūchū Ryokō. In 1931, he was arrested for his activities, tortured, and spent 21 days in jail.Official booklet, The Roots of Japanese Anime, DVD, Zakka Films, 2009.
The Columbiad had its origins in The Vision of Columbus, a philosophical poem begun in 1780 and continued through Barlow's service as a military chaplain in the American Revolutionary War. A hymn of praise to America written in nine books, The Vision of Columbus took the form of a dialogue between Christopher Columbus and an angel. Its panoramic range includes the whole history of both North and South America, and culminates in the Revolutionary War and the glorious post-Revolutionary future of the United States. In tone the poem is overtly Christian, and is coloured by Barlow's political sympathies, which were then Federalist.
Look magazine in December 1937. At the time, Japanese nationalists called the photograph a fake, and the Japanese government put a bounty of $50,000 on Wong's head: an amount equivalent to $ in . Wong was known to be against the Japanese invasion of China and to have leftist political sympathies, and he worked for William Randolph Hearst who was famous for saying to his newsmen, "You furnish the pictures and I'll furnish the war" in relation to the Spanish–American War. Another of Wong's photos appeared in Look magazine on December 21, 1937, showing a man bent over a child of perhaps five years of age, both near the crying baby.
As a student of political history Markov nevertheless enjoyed a ringside seat for the accelerating collapse of what Adolf Hitler had scornfully derided at a party rally in 1929 as the "Republic of Weimar". Markov also managed several more trips, including visits home to his parents in Austria. His own political sympathies lay not with the National Socialists, nor with the shrinking band of political moderates, but with the Communists. For the summer term of 1933 he moved on yet again, this time to the University of Hamburg, intending to study for a doctorate with Richard G. Salomon, an expert on eastern European medieval history.
Mrs Crewe, the celebrated political hostess, was Thomas Coote's great-great-granddaughter On the death of Queen Anne, her Irish judges were removed from office en bloc, on account of their political sympathies,Except for Sir Gilbert Dolben, 1st Baronet for reasons which are unclear and some were threatened with impeachment. For most of them, including Coote, the disgrace was temporary:One, Anthony Upton, committed suicide, although it is unclear if this was related to his political disgrace- see Ball p.87 his loyalty to the new dynasty was not seriously in question, and he was extremely popular: the author John Dunton called him "a man who was universally loved".Ball p.
Rico Another foreigner who demonstrated interest in Carlism was Pierre Benoit, one of the most-read French writers of the 20th century and himself a Traditionalist; he adhered to its specific secular breed, in France shaped by the personality of Charles Maurras. His Pour don Carlos (1920) was marked by Benoit's trademark style: well-constructed adventurous plot combined with good historiographic research and somewhat simplified psychology; in terms of political sympathies it clearly hailed the legitimist cause.Rújula 2005, p. 62 The novel was fairly popular and in 1921 it served as a screenplay for a movie of the same title, perhaps the first one featuring the Carlist theme.
Without a seat in Parliament, Walpole recognised his limitations as to political influence. He opposed the recent Catholic accommodative measures, writing to Mann in 1784: "You know I have ever been averse to toleration of an intolerant religion". He wrote to Mann in 1785 that "as there are continually allusions to parliamentary speeches and events, they are often obscure to me till I get them explained; and besides, I do not know several of the satirized heroes even by sight". His political sympathies were with the Foxite Whigs, the successors of the Rockingham Whigs, who were themselves the successors of the Whig Party as revived by Walpole's father.
It was only in 1595 when he returned to Cieszyn, and, because, he was legally an adult, he began his independent government. Since the beginning of his personal rule, Adam Wenceslaus took part in the wars with Turks and also declared political sympathies towards to the Emperor Rudolf II; this resulted in the need to build, in the southern part of the Duchy, some defensive fortifications. This case has special significance during the emergence of Bocskai during 1604–1606, when the Hungarian anti-Habsburg army almost defeated the Cieszyn troops. In 1609 Adam Wenceslaus was in the middle of the conflict between Emperor Rudolf II and his brother Archduke Matthias.
In 2013, Russia's Foreign Ministry for Human Rights Konstantin Dolgov said about the authors of the US Department of State's Trafficking in Persons Report, it is an "unacceptable ideological approach that divides nations into rating groups depending on the US State Department's political sympathies or antipathies." This was in response to Russia being demoted to the Tier 3 status. Russia has since withdrawn giving federal statistics involving human trafficking to the US State Department, however various NGO's and other organizations are still cooperating with foreign agencies. In 2013, 28 people were convicted under Article 127.1, where 23 given sentences ranging from between 2 and 11 years' imprisonment.
Pescatore studied law at the University of Liège, but, instead of pursuing a career in the law, Pescatore attended a military academy in the Netherlands, and, upon returning to Luxembourg, in 1827, he was recruited as a lieutenant into the guard of Luxembourg City. However, after three years, Pescatore's anti-Orangist and pro-Belgian political sympathies forced him out of the military. Instead, he joined with his cousins to set up a faience factory in Eich, where his brother was mayor. After seven years, they merged into the Société d'industrie luxembourgeoise, and Pescatore helped set up Auguste Metz & Cie with Auguste Metz and his brothers Charles and Norbert.
Edgar C. Polomé, an Indo-Europeanist and former member of the Belgian Resistance, described Momigliano and Lincoln's criticism as "unfair and vicious", and connected criticism of Indo-European studies with Marxism and political correctness. More recently, the Swedish Marxist historian Stefan Arvidsson has followed up on Momigliano's criticsm of Indo-European studies. Arvidsson considers Indo- European studies to be a pseudoscientific field, and has described Indo- European mythology as "the most sinister mythology of modern times". In his works, Arvidsson has sought to expose what he considers to be fascist political sympathies of Indo-Europeanists, and suggested that such an exposure may result in the abolishment ("Ragnarök") of the concept of Indo-European mythology.
The society was chaired by Lydia Wahlström (conservative), Signe Bergman (social democrat), teacher Anna Whitlock and Ann-Margret Holmgren (liberal). It was supported by women with both left- and right-wing political sympathies. In practice, the political neutrality was abandoned by the resolution of 20June 1911, when the LKPR decided to form a voters' boycott against all politicians opposing women's suffrage and support those in favor. In reality, this meant that the organization was no longer politically neutral, as the main opposition of women's suffrage was the Conservatives, while Liberals and the Social Democrats were in favor of women's suffrage as soon as full male suffrage had been introduced, which had been made in 1909.
Some authors were critical of how the gay rights movement was trying to achieve its goals, some were critical of certain goals such as hate crime laws, and others were critical of both the ends and the means. These books became labeled in leftist gay circles as the manifesto of a new "Gay Right" though many of the authors in these books would dispute being labeled conservative. Some had libertarian political sympathies. The Independent Gay Forum became a significant online site for U.S. lesbian and gay authors that endorsed limited-government conservative or libertarian alternatives to what they saw as the 'impractical' center-left bias that 'characterizes' lesbian and gay identity and politics.
The court's decision was followed by hundreds of violent attacks on Jehovah's Witnesses throughout the country. It was overturned in March 1943 by the Supreme Court decision on West Virginia Board of Education v. Barnette. A frequent ally, Justice Robert H. Jackson, wrote the majority opinion in this case, which reversed the decision only three years prior in poetic passionate terms as a fundamental constitutional principle, that no government authority has the right to define official dogma and require its affirmation by citizens. Frankfurter's extensive dissent began by raising and then rejecting the notion that as a Jew, he ought "to particularly protect minorities," although he did say that his personal political sympathies were with the majority opinion.
While on a visit to the (fictional) Belmont Bevatron in the 1957 novel's near-future year of 1959, eight people become stuck in a series of subtly and not-so-subtly unreal worlds. The instigating incident is a malfunction of the particle accelerator, which places all of the injured parties in states of total or partial unconsciousness. Jack Hamilton, the central protagonist, is dismissed from his job at the California Maintenance Labs due to McCarthy-era paranoia about his wife Marsha's left-wing political sympathies; this dismissal is instigated by security chief Charlie McFeyffe. Bill Laws, an African-American possessing a PhD in Physics, is employed as a lowly tour guide for the Bevatron.
Another Palestinian figure associated with the keffiyeh is Leila Khaled, a female member of the armed wing of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Several photographs of Khaled circulated in the Western newspapers after the hijacking of TWA Flight 840 and the Dawson's Field hijackings. These photos often included Khaled wearing a keffiyeh in the style of a Muslim woman’s hijab, wrapped around the head and shoulders. This was unusual, as the keffiyeh is associated with Arab masculinity, and many believe this to be something of a fashion statement by Khaled, denoting her equality with men in the Palestinian armed struggle. The colors of the stitching in a keffiyeh are also vaguely associated with Palestinians’ political sympathies.
After his elevation to the cardinalate, Cardinal Amat continued his previous work as a papal legate in various parts of Italy until the late 1840s. He participated in the conclave that elected Pius IX and in 1852 opted for the order of cardinal bishops. He was Vice-Chancellor of the Holy Roman Church from later that year until he died. During most of Pius IX's reign Cardinal Amat held control of the police force in the Papal States: it has come to light that early in Pius's reign he sacked many policemen because of their political sympathies and was involved in many major political incidents as sympathy within the Papal States for a united Italy increased in the early 1860s.
75 and corresponding with the old-time party leader Manuel Fal tended to accept at least some criticism.late 1970, commenting to Fal on memorandum of Jesús Evaristo Casariego, which defined Carlism as anti-capitalist but also anti- marxist, he noted "me preocupa honradamente el hecho de que en algunos panfletos o memorandums – como el de Casariego, pintoresco personaje – pueda haber algo de crítica aprovechable, que nosotros debieramos traducir en autoconfesión", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 138, compare also his letter to Fal critical about Partido Carlista, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 197 As a result, Pascual's relationship with Partido Carlista deteriorated, especially that co-managing a state-ran news agency in the early 1970s he could not afford demonstrating radical political sympathies.
In The Defence of the Realm (2009), the first authorised history of MI5, by Christopher Andrew, it was shown that MI5 kept a file on Wilson from 1945, when he became an MP – because communist civil servants claimed that he had similar political sympathies. However, Defence of the Realm claims that there was no conspiracy against Wilson, and repeats the Callaghan government claim that there was no bugging of 10 Downing Street.MI5 kept file on former PM Wilson, BBC News, 3 October 2009 Doubt was cast on this claim, however, in 2010 when newspaper reports made detailed allegations that the bugging of 10 Downing Street had been omitted from the history for "wider public interest reasons". The government did not issue a denial of the allegations.
John Doyle, 31 December 1840 The Bedchamber crisis occurred on 7 May 1839 after Whig politician Lord Melbourne declared his intention to resign as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom after a government bill passed by a very narrow margin of only five votes in the House of Commons. The distraught young Queen Victoria, whose ardent political sympathies were with the Whigs, first asked the Duke of Wellington, a former Tory prime minister, to form a new government, but he politely declined. She then reluctantly invited Conservative leader Robert Peel to form a government. Peel realised that such a government would hold a minority in the House of Commons and would be structurally weak, possibly damaging his future political career.
During the hearings of the Denazification Committee, Hannah Arendt, Heidegger's former student and lover, who was Jewish, spoke on his behalf. (Arendt very cautiously resumed her friendship with Heidegger after the war, despite or even because of the widespread contempt for Heidegger and his political sympathies, and despite his being forbidden to teach for many years.) Heidegger's former friend Karl Jaspers spoke against him, suggesting he would have a detrimental influence on German students because of his powerful teaching presence. In September 1945, the Denazification Committee published its report on Heidegger. He was charged on four counts: his important, official position in the Nazi regime; his introduction of the Führerprinzip into the University; his engaging in Nazi propaganda and his incitement of students against "reactionary" professors.
Babouk is a political-themed novel by Guy Endore, a fictionalized account of the Haitian Revolution told through the eyes of its titular slave. Though virtually unknown today, Babouk has gained some notoriety in academic circles through its attempted linking of the slave trade with capitalism, and one professor has suggested that it would make a valuable addition to post- colonial literary discourse. A committed leftist and opponent of racism, Endore spent many months in Haiti researching the story that would become Babouk, and much of his findings make their way into the text, either in the form of epigraphs or explicitly noted in the text itself. Babouk is also notable for the digressions the narrator makes from the main narrative, to expound his political sympathies.
He then became a lecturer, and then professor of French literature at the University of Lyon between 1973 and 1990. In Vichy, as a young teacher, he gained attention when he published an interpretation of Rimbaud's Sonnet des voyelles as an erotic text. Around 1960, he developed political sympathies for the colonialist cause in Algeria (the Algérie française movement), and was arrested in the belief he was a member of the "OAS", a terrorist organisation.Henry Rousso, « Le négationnisme est une parole de haine », L'histoire, no 294, 2004, p. 86-87. See also Henry Rousso, « The Political and Cultural Roots of Negationism in France », South Central Review, vol. 23 « Fascism, Nazism : Cultural Legacies of Reaction », no 1, 2006, p. 67-88.
He returned after the war to complete a second degree at Cambridge, in history. Jones entered the Diplomatic Service in 1947 and served in various overseas and London postings until 1971 when he was seconded first to the Lord President's Office and then the Cabinet Office to assist in the Great Debate which preceded the United Kingdom's entry to the European Economic Community and to help steer the European Communities Bill through Parliament. He left government service in 1973 to become the Director General of the English Speaking Union (ESU). Jones' father had been a Liberal and his political sympathies were always towards the Liberal Party, although as a public servant or ESU administrator he could not participate in national political activity.
This may have been prompted by his political sympathies. Like many in the early 1780s in the Netherlands he became very critical of the policies of the stadtholder, William V, Prince of Orange and his regime, that was accused of mismanaging the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War. As a Freemason he was a member of the same lodge as Joan Derk van der Capellen tot den Pol, the author of the revolutionary pamphlet Aan het Volk van Nederland, published in 1781, that criticized both the current policies of the regime, and the oligarchic constitution of the Republic, with a regenten-class that monopolized access to political offices. A political movement of opposition to the Orangist, called the Patriots arose, of which d'Averhoult became a member.
By 1943 and 1944, courts martial were taking place in India of former personnel of the British Indian Army who were captured fighting in INA ranks or working in support of the INA's subversive activities. These did not receive any publicity or political sympathies and support till much later. These charges in these earlier trials were of "Committing a civil offence contrary to the Section 41 of the Indian Army Act,1911 or the Section 41 of the Burma Army Act" with the offence specified as "Waging War against the King" contrary to the Section 121 of the Indian Penal Code and the Burma Penal Code as relevant.Stephen P. Cohen "Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army" Pacific Affairs Vol.
Al-Ya'qubi describes him as "a voracious eater ... attractive and eloquent ... a tall man, white, and with a body that could not bear hunger". Despite his lifestyle, his political sympathies laid with the pious, chiefly evidenced by his deference to Raja's counsel. He also cultivated ties to the religious opponents of al-Hajjaj in Iraq, was financially generous toward the Alids (the closest surviving kinsmen of the Islamic prophet Muhammad), and installed as governor of Medina Abu Bakr ibn Muhammad al-Ansari, a member of the city's pious circles, despite his family's role in the fatal rebellion against the early clansman and patron of the Umayyads, Caliph Uthman (r. 644–656), revenge for whom had served as an ideological rallying point and foundational event for the Umayyad dynasty.
Although Grimm's South African sojourn lasted only fourteen years, from 1897 to 1911, it had a profound effect on him: with few minor exceptions all his literary work — several collections of short stories and novels — is set in Southern Africa. His most famous novel is Volk ohne Raum (1926). The programmatic title "A people without space" indicates Grimm's belief that Germany's problems, exacerbated by defeat in the First World War, were caused by its lack of space at home or in overseas colonies: individuals, and therefore the nation, were unable to develop to their fullest potential. The novel established him as one of Germany's leading writers and demonstrated clearly his political sympathies with the political Right in Weimar Germany, and the title became a popular slogan of the National Socialist movement.
Polomé was a friend of J. P. Mallory, who would eventually assume many of his duties at the journal. Polomé was a co-editor of Mankind Quarterly, which like the JIES is published by the anthropologist Roger Pearson. Polomé was along with Gimbutas, Colin Renfrew, Arthur Koestler and many other scholars of prominence a member of the patronage committee of ', which is the journal of Alain de Benoist's Nouvelle Droite think tank GRECE. While Pearson and Benoist have been associated with far-right politics, Polomé and Gimbutas have not been suspected of harboring such political sympathies.. "[N]one of Pearson’s writing appeared in the one publication at the institute of acknowledged academic value, the Journal of Indo-European Studies, which he left to the control of respected scholars Edgar Polomé and Marija Gimbutas...".
Jakob Wolloch, her new husband, was not so lucky and she was obliged to lobby extensively to try and hasten his release, at the same time using all her contacts to lobby more widely against the policy of arresting political refugees. Sources are silent about the effectiveness of her campaigning on her husband's behalf. Within a year or two the British government had changed its mind about the problem of the enemy aliens, and most were quietly released, The Wolloch marriage quickly broke apart, ending in divorce. The British security services were aware of Eva Wolloch's political sympathies and aware of concerns within the political establishment that known communists among the German and Austrian refugees might make common cause with Britain's home-grown communists, to the detriment of British interests.
In his address at the opening on 1 February 1814, Drennan promised that "the mysterious veil that makes one knowledge for the learned and another for the vulgar... would be torn down". Admission would be "perfectly unbiased by religious distinctions", fees held "as low as possible", and, perhaps most startling for the times, that discipline would rely on "example" rather than on "manual correction of corporal punishment". At a St. Patrick's Day dinner in 1816 board members did not disguise their broader political sympathies. They led one another, and staff, in a series of radical toasts: to the French and South American Revolutions, to Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary Reform, and, most controversially, to "The exiles of Erin" under "the wing of the republican eagle" in the United States.
Djuvara was born during World War I; as an infant, he was taken by his family into refuge in Iași after the occupation of southern Romania by the Central Powers, and then, through Imperial Russia, into Belgium (where Trandafir Djuvara was Minister Plenipotentiary). He attended lycée in Nice, France, and graduated in Letters (1937) and Law (1940) from the University of Paris (his Law thesis dealt with the antisemitic legislation passed by the governments of King Carol II in Romania). Djuvara later stated that, at the time, his political sympathies veered towards the far right: he became a supporter of the Romanian fascist movement, the Iron Guard, and took part in the February 1934 riot against the French Radical-Socialist government of Édouard Daladier. During World War II, he returned to Romania, where he married and fathered a daughter.
The War Department was concerned about the political sympathies of residents in Maryland during the American Civil War, so the United States Naval Academy was moved in 1861 from Annapolis to Fort Adams. In September 1861, the academy moved to the Atlantic House Hotel in Newport and remained there for the rest of the war. Among the midshipmen assigned to the Naval Academy while it was at Fort Adams was Robley D. Evans who was wounded at Fort Fisher, North Carolina in 1865, commanded the battleship during the Spanish–American War, and later commanded the Great White Fleet on the first leg of its epic around the world voyage. Among Evans' classmates at Fort Adams were future Rear Admiral Charles Sigsbee, who commanded the battleship , and future Captain Charles Vernon Gridley who commanded the cruiser at the Battle of Manila Bay.
Due to his political affiliations, Brunner was forced out of his university post in 1945 and worked for a number of years as an independent scholar before being appointed to the chair of medieval history at Hamburg in 1954 as successor to Hermann Aubin, a scholar of eastern European history with notably similar political sympathies. In the post-war period, Brunner continued to write on medieval and early modern social history. Land und Herrschaft remained a standard text in Germany for the history of medieval social organization from a cultural perspective. In 1949, Brunner published his second acclaimed work, Adeliges Landleben und Europäischer Geist (Noble Rural Life and the European Spirit), a highly original biography of the Austrian baron Wolf Helmhard von Hohberg (1612-1688) which illuminated the shared cultural and intellectual values of the European nobility in the early modern period.
He won the Christopher Ewart-Biggs Memorial Prize and the Wolfson Literary Prize for History for his book Culture and Anarchy in Ireland, 1890-1939, published in 1979. He was awarded honorary doctorates by five universities and was a Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature and of the British Academy and was Visiting Professor at Princeton University. His principal works include Ireland Since the Famine, the standard university textbook for Irish history from the mid-19th to late-20th century, which The Times called "the definitive work of modern Irish history" and a biography of Charles Stewart Parnell. Lyons was critical of Cecil Woodham-Smith's much-acclaimed history of the Great Irish Famine and has generally been considered among the "revisionist" historians whose political sympathies underplayed the negative role of the British state in events like the Famine.
Bread riots in St Helier, 1847The Charlots and Magots contested power at elections until in 1819 the progressive Magots adopted the rose as their emblem, while the conservative Charlots wore laurel leaves. The symbolism soon became entrenched to the extent that gardens displayed their owners' allegiances, and pink or green paintwork also showed political sympathies. Still today in Jersey, the presence of established laurels or rose gardens in old houses gives a clue to the past party adherence of former owners, and the chair of the Constable of Saint Helier in the Assembly Room of the Parish Hall still sports the carved roses of a former incumbent. In order to help control voting in Jersey, it was not unknown for citizens to find themselves taken and stranded on the Écréhous until after voting had taken place.
He may have been influenced in the decision to leave Spain by political sympathies with the liberal insurgency that sought to depose the king in these years. For twenty years Masarnau divided his life between Paris, London and Madrid. In both Paris and London he was close to the Spanish composer José Melchor Gomis (1791–1836), himself a Spanish rebel living in exile, who composed the Himno de Riego, since used as the national anthem by the various republican governments of Spain. He also wrote some successful operas in Paris and got some respectful reviews from Hector Berlioz, was also active in London, and perhaps introduced Masarnau to London musical life. As a consequence of his studies and work in Paris and London, Masarnau became acquainted with Johann Baptist Cramer, Pierre-Alexandre Monsigny, Rossini, Paganini, and, it appears, Felix Mendelssohn, who is said to have admired Masarnau’s nocturne, Spleen.
A second volume of his poetry, Somnul singurătății ("The Slumber of Solitude"), saw print in 1936. It notably received praise from Costenco in Viața Basarabiei—according to Colesnic, although Robot was a "very subtle competitor" of Costenco, such appreciation from the latter illustrated "a justified literary solidarity, given that both had leftist political sympathies and promoted them consistently." At the time, Costenco was nuancing his own support for a neo-traditionalist school in literature (for which he had sought inspiration in the work of Romania's nationalist ideologue Nicolae Iorga), and was growing fond of avant-garde tendencies. Alexandru Burlacu, "Poezia basarabeană: Arcadia în negativ (I)" , in Convorbiri Literare, March 2002 The same year, the Bucharest-based official literary review, Revista Fundațiilor Regale, hosted the essay of modernist critic Vladimir Streinu, which discussed in four individual sections the works of poets Robot, Haig Acterian, Ștefan Baciu and Cicerone Theodorescu.
Prince Gustaf Adolf, Hermann Göring and the prince's grandfather King Gustaf V of Sweden in Berlin 1939 Some recent journalists and historians portray Gustaf Adolf as sympathetic towards the Nazi movement in Germany in the 1930s, a highly debated and criticised opinion. As an official representative of Sweden, Gustaf Adolf met with many Nazi leaders, including Adolf Hitler and Hermann Göring (the latter had lived in Sweden and had many friends among the Swedish upper class). His father-in-law, Charles Edward, the deposed Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, was one of the few members of any of the former German princely houses who was a Nazi supporter,Die Zeit, 2001 but this does not mean Gustaf Adolf was. As the prince very rarely spoke of political matters and left no written evidence of any political sympathies of any kind, the subject remains very much a matter of speculation.
426 "politically committed" Fernando del Rey, The Spanish Second Republic and Political Violence, [in:] Journal of Contemporary History 51/2 (2016), pp. 432-433 and named "small group of historians determined to defend at all costs the vision of a sacred and ‘heroic’ republican democracy". del Rey 2015, p. 432 Their supposed political sympathies are clearly described as Left-wing, with references to "historiografía ‘progresista’", Rey Reguillo 2016, p. 301 "nueva [progressist] religión civil", González Cuevas 2008 "anti- Fascist historiography", Antonio Cazorla-Sánchez, ‘Beyond They Shall Not Pass. How the Experience of Violence Re-shaped Political Values in Franco’s Spain, [in:] Journal of Contemporary History 40/3 (2005), pp. 503–520 "political correctness", "post-Marxist ideology", "militant history" Ruiz 2012, p. 201 and "anti-Francoist, progressive historians". Nigel Townson, Preface, [in:] Manuel A lvarez Tardıo, Roberto Villa García, El precio de la exclusión: La política durante la Segunda Republica, Madrid, 2010, , p.
His vacillating stance during the Mellista crisis in 1914-1919, rapprochement towards the Alfonsinos in the Republic years or bypassing Carlist command when pushing for almost unconditional adherence to the generals' coup of 1936 are less of an issue; it is Rodezno's stance on unification and pro-Juanista lobbying which earned him most hostility.from works of Partido Carlista sponsored socialismo autogestionario supporters like Josep Carles Clemente 1977, 1999, 2011 or Fermín Pérez-Nievas Borderas, Contra viento y marea. Historia de la evolución ideological del carlismo a través de dos siglos de lucha, Estella 1999, , to scholarly discourse flavored by political sympathies like Martorell Pérez 2009, to orthodox Traditionalist discourse of César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, Though scholars speculate on his different motives, the opinion which gained particular popularity is that he has never been a genuine Carlist, adhering to the movement mostly out of respect for his father.
The main issue of contention between the new monarch and the legislators was the retention of her cabinet ministers; political division prevented Liliʻuokalani from appointing a balanced council. The 1887 constitution retained the monarch's right to appoint her own cabinet minister but gave the legislature the power to vote for the dismissal of her cabinet. Seven resolutions of want of confidence were introduced during this session, and four of her self-appointed cabinets (the Widemann, Macfarlane, Cornwell, and Wilcox cabinets) were ousted by votes of the legislature. On January 13, 1893, after the legislature dismissed the Wilcox cabinet (which had political sympathies to the Reform Party), Liliʻuokalani appointed the new Parker cabinet, which had ties to the National Reform Party and consisted of Samuel Parker, as minister of foreign affairs; John F. Colburn, as minister of the interior; William H. Cornwell, as minister of finance; and Arthur P. Peterson, as attorney general.
However, the time of Ballard's appointment meant that the real reason for his appointment was to report to Canberra the situation inside the French colony, including the political sympathies of the colonial administration. The administration in Nouméa at the time was decidedly pro-Vichy French, but the Australian Government continued to be hesitant in encouraging a takeover of the colony or encouraging Free French elements in the colony. However, Ballard's report of 8 September 1940 noted that the provisional Governor, Colonel Denis, was not likely to be accommodating to a settlement in any case and that the people of the colony would "welcome and follow" a Governor appointed by De Gaulle, spurred the Australian Government, led by Minister for External Affairs, John McEwen, into action. This action culminated in the sending of HMAS Adelaide to escort Free French Governor-designate Henri Sautot to Nouméa, bringing the colony to Free France on 19 September.
Folk music, which often carried the stigma of left-wing associations during the 1950s Red Scare, was driven underground and carried along by a handful of artists releasing records. Barred from mainstream outlets, artists like Seeger were restricted to performing in schools and summer camps, and the folk-music scene became a phenomenon associated with vaguely rebellious bohemianism in places like New York City (especially Greenwich Village), North Beach, and in the college and university districts of cities like Chicago, Boston, Denver, and elsewhere. Ron Eyerman and Scott Baretta speculate that: > [I]t is interesting to consider that had it not been for the explicit > political sympathies of the Weavers and other folk singers or, another way > of looking at it, the hysterical anti-communism of the Cold War, folk music > would very likely have entered mainstream American culture in even greater > force in the early 1950s, perhaps making the second wave of the revival > nearly a decade later [i.e., in the 1960s] redundant.
A year later, his mother's former friend ascended the throne as King Charles X. Polignac's political sympathies did not alter, and he was one of the most conspicuous ultra-royalists during the Restoration era. At the time, it was rumoured that Polignac supported ultra-royalist policies because he thought he was receiving inspiration from the Virgin Mary. There is little historical evidence for this story, however. There is no mention of such motivation in Polignac's personal memoirs or in the memoirs of the Restoration court. On 8 August 1829, Charles X appointed him to the ministry of foreign affairs and in the following November, Polignac became president of the council, effectively the most powerful politician in France. His appointment was considered a step towards overthrowing the constitution and Polignac, with other ministers, was held responsible for the decision to issue the Four Ordinances, which were the immediate cause of the revolution of July 1830.
After three years of post-graduate research in Paris and Munich, he returned in 1904 to Serbia, where he taught French and French Literature at the Grandes Écoles where he had been educated before becoming professor of Serbian Literature at the same institution (when the University of Belgrade was established) the following year. Skerlić was a member of the Skupština (Serbian Parliament), and founder and editor of several literary periodicals. His political sympathies made him an ally of the Serbian socialist Svetozar Marković, whose posthumous biography Skerlić came to write. Skerlić always insisted on the parallel between Svetozar Marković and Dositej Obradović, seeing in the former a reincarnation of the latter: "This young man's role in our public life in the nineteenth century was the same as that of the ex-monk Dositej Obradović at the end of the eighteenth century...." At the beginning of the 20th century, Skerlić became a member of the Independent Radical Party.
Otegui fathered also stories and other short pieces in Basque Two Carlist poets somewhat popular at the time were Enrique de Olea and Florentino Soria López;who published under the pen-name "Pedro Sánchez Egusquiza" especially the latter was rather unambiguous in his political sympathies, on display in the Cantos a la Tradición volume (1911).Dios. Patria. Rey. Cantos a la Tradición (1911), a collection of 16 poems dedicated to Don Jaime, del Burgo 1978, p. 897 Joan Bardina during his Carlist phase in the 1890s fathered militant and exalted poemsone of the poems, A mi novio, was styled as a letter from a girl to her fiancé; she explained why she would never marry a Liberal; in another one, A Carlos VII, en lo dia del seu sant, Bardina was offering his life to the claimant, Carlos VII and satires.they remain unknown even in the Catalan literature, published mostly in a satirical weekly El Voluntario, Jordi Canal, El carlismo catalanista a la fi del segle XIX: Joan Bardina i Lo Mestre Titas (1897-1900), [in:] Recerques 34 (1996), p.
The French press published detailed accounts and comments relating to the court proceedings. Divergent assessments of the assassination committed by Schwartzbard coincided with the political sympathies and antipathies of the particular newspapers, which fell into three groups: # Those that approved of Schwartzbard, stressing the pogroms of the Jewish population, and from the very outset treating the victim of the assassination as a defendant (the most conspicuous example being the communist newspaper L'Humanité) # Papers that restricted themselves to an exact observation of the court trial, but refused to print commentaries, or did so very cautiously (Le Temps, L'Ere Nouvelle or Le Petit Parisien) # Papers that portrayed Schwartzbard's crime in an unambiguously negative light, and treated the assassin predominantly as a Bolshevik agent (centrist publications, especially the right-wing L'Intransigeant, L'Écho de Paris or L'Action Française). The French governing circles, headed by Quai d'Orsay, were not interested in granting the case further publicity, since it could deteriorate the already tense relations with the Soviet Union, which the latter threatened to sever.The Trial of Samuel Schwartzbard .
Paul Cernat, who stressed that it was the only one of Eliade's autobiographical works not to have been reworked by its author, concluded that the book documented Eliade's own efforts to "camouflage" his political sympathies without rejecting them altogether. Oișteanu argued that, in old age, Eliade moved away from his earlier stances and even came to sympathize with the non- Marxist Left and the hippie youth movement. He noted that Eliade initially felt apprehensive about the consequences of hippie activism, but that the interests they shared, as well as their advocacy of communalism and free love had made him argue that hippies were "a quasi-religious movement" that was "rediscovering the sacrality of Life".Eliade, in Oişteanu, "Mircea Eliade şi mişcarea hippie" Andrei Oișteanu, who proposed that Eliade's critics were divided into a "maximalist" and a "minimalist" camp (trying to, respectively, enhance or shadow the impact Legionary ideas had on Eliade), argued in favor of moderation, and indicated that Eliade's fascism needed to be correlated to the political choices of his generation.
She was far more likely to be legally emancipated than a first- time bride, and to have a say in the choice of husband. The marriages of Fulvia, who commanded troops during the last civil war of the Republic and who was the first Roman woman to have her face on a coin, are thought to indicate her own political sympathies and ambitions: she was married first to the popularist champion Clodius Pulcher, who was murdered in the street after a long feud with Cicero; then to Scribonius Curio, a figure of less ideological certitude who at the time of his death had come over to Julius Caesar; and finally to Mark Antony, the last opponent to the republican oligarchs and to Rome's future first emperor. Most wives were encouraged to remarry after either the death of the husband or a divorce; and a high death rate, low average life expectancy and high divorce rate meant frequent or multiple remarriages.Bradley, K. R. (1991) "Remarriage and the Structure of the Upper- Class Roman Family." in Marriage, Divorce, and Children in Ancient Rome, eds.
After moving to Berlin, she worked as a freelance journalist and author, publishing a travelogue about her journey Andorra with her then fiancé, the arch- conservative journalist and poet Hellmut Draws-Tychsen. She sunk further into intellectual and social isolation and financial troubles due to her liaison with the notorious conservative, and her subsequent works published in the early 1930s, such as the novel Ein Zierde für den Verein was met with tepid reviews and sales. This culminated in an attempted suicide in 1932 and her move back to Ingolstadt, where she married her first fiancé, the shop owner Bepp Haindl, who forbid her from writing and demanded that she work in his tobacco shop; her fall into contemporary obscurity was sealed in 1935, when she partially forbidden to write by the Nazis due to her leftist political sympathies and innovative modernist style. The 1930s and 1940s were a difficult period for Fleißer, who suffered from mental illness and unhappiness caused by the stresses and deprivations of war and the work demands placed on her by her husband; after the fall of the Third Reich in 1945, she managed to write little, such as the play Karl Stuart (1944).
Her political activism exposed her to the same slander as other politicians, and libellous pamphlets circulated accusing her of allowing her love affairs to affect her political sympathies. Among them were the rumor planted by Fryxell, exposing her alleged affair with a young nobleman of the Sture family. In 1733 Olof von Dahlin caricatured the political Swedish salon hostess in Den Swänska Argus as "Fru Kättia Sällskapslik" (Mrs Lusty Society) and condemned her for "laughing at virtue" by spending so much time with men and exchanging flirtatious jokes with them.Norrhem, Svante (in Swedish): Kvinnor vid maktens sida : 1632-1772 [Women by the side of power: 1632-1772] (2007) Lund (Nordic Academic Press) Pending the Riksdag of 1734, the leading Hat party member Carl Gyllenborg gave her the task of conducting negotiations with the French ambassador in Stockholm, Charles Louis de Biaudos de Casteja, and obtain French subsidies for the Hat Party,Norrhem, Svante (in Swedish): Kvinnor vid maktens sida : 1632-1772 [Women by the side of power: 1632-1772] (2007) Lund (Nordic Academic Press) thereby making an alliance between the party in France, a task she successfully fulfilled.
Meanwhile, Webern's characteristically passionate pan-German nationalism and censurable, sordid political sympathies (however naive or delusional and whether ever dispelled or faltered) were not widely known or went unmentioned; perhaps in some part due to his personal and political associations before the German Reich, his degradation and mistreatment under it, and his fate immediately after the war. Significantly as relates to his reception, Webern never compromised his artistic identity and values, as Stravinsky was later to note. It has been suggested that the early 1950s' serialists' fascination with Webern was concerned not with his music as such so much as enabled by its concision and some its apparent plainness in the score, thereby facilitating musical analysis; indeed, composer Gottfried Michael Koenig speculates on the basis of his personal experience that since Webern's scores represented such a highly concentrated source, they may have been considered the better for didactic purposes than those of other composers. Composer thus criticized the approach of early serialists to Webern's music as reductive and narrowly focused on some of Webern's apparent methods rather than on his music more generally, especially neglecting timbre in their typical selection of Opp. 27–28.
In October 1867, after the resignation of Lord Cowley, Lord Lyons was appointed to the most prestigious position in the British Diplomatic Service: British Ambassador to France, at Paris. The twenty years Lyons spent in Paris coincided with a crucial period in French history which included the last years of the Second French Empire, the Franco-Prussian War, the Paris Commune, the establishment of the Third Republic and the beginning of the Boulanger crisis, which threatened to destruct the republican settlement. Lyons served in this position for a continuous period of twenty years, making him one of the longest serving occupants of the position. He was also one of the most successful: Lyons maintained absolute political neutrality, which he considered to be an imperative quality for a diplomat, that enabled him to develop amicable relationships with Liberal ministers to whose political sympathies he was fundamentally averse: according to Jenkins, ‘the presence of such a reliable and conciliatory man in the most sensitive and important post in Europe gave both Liberal and Conservative British Governments an essential guarantee that their instructions would always be carried out according to the terms determined in London’.
The Last Party is a documentary film co-written by and starring Robert Downey Jr. Interviews and commentary cover moments of history during the 1992 presidential campaigns and investigate the issues of the day with Downey's particular brand of off-beat humor and satire. Although Downey's political sympathies are clear in the film, he lampoons both Democrats and Republicans equally, and provides elements of general social commentary, as well. The film also provides a snap-shot of Robert Downey Jr., at a point in his life where he was falling into drug addiction that later led to an interruption in his career. There are appearances of George H. W. Bush, Barbara Bush, Pat Buchanan, Bill Clinton, Patti Davis, Spike Lee, Jerry Brown, Roger Clinton, Oliver Stone, Al Sharpton, Dave Mustaine, G. Gordon Liddy, Marc Levin, Sean Penn, John Kerry, Peter Jennings, Jerry Falwell, Oliver North, Chelsea Clinton, Hillary Clinton, Mario Cuomo, John Dean, John Ehrlichman, Betty Friedan, Al Gore, Tipper Gore, H. R. Haldeman, Tom Hayden, Jesse Jackson, Ted Kennedy, Ross Perot, Dan Quayle, Dan Rather, Ronald Reagan, Ann Richards, Arnold Schwarzenegger, and Christian Slater.
On 8 June 1764 he was made a member of the Gelderland delegation in the States General of the Dutch Republic, which he remained until 1782Parlement & Politiek. On 15 August 1782 he was sent by the States-General to the peace negotiations between the participants in the American Revolutionary War in Fontainebleau as an Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary (together with ambassador Mattheus Lestevenon) for the Republic to negotiate the 1784 treaty that ended the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War (to which he was a signatory). While in France they negotiated the Treaty of Fontainebleau (1785) with Holy Roman Emperor Joseph II which maintained the continued closure of the Scheldt, in exchange for certain concessions from the Republic. In 1787 he was recalledBrantsen's family was "Orangist", but he himself was a moderate Patriot. Because of his posting abroad he was not directly involved in the political upheavals of the Patriot revolution of 1785 and its suppression by Anglo-Prussian intervention in 1787, but his political sympathies were known, which made him highly "suspect" in Orangist circles, even though the Patriots, according to Van der Aa, also suspected him of "double dealing" (cf. Van der Aa, p. 1199).

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