141 Sentences With "political practice" | Random Sentence Generator

John McTernan is head of political practice at PSB, a strategic research consultancy.

It was to be paid lip service in constitutions but ignored in political practice.

His research explores the impact of technological change on the public sphere and political practice.

Now you can reframe any innocuous pleasant activity as a requisite component of your political practice.

It encompasses music practices, political practice, power structure, how you can modify power structure from inside institutions.

The Vera List Center is pleased to announce VLC Forum 2019 dedicated to art as a political practice.

In a stark reversal of common political practice, candidates are scrambling to communicate their support for gun safety. Why?

But as a political practice, it is almost as old as multi-party democracy, and very hard to uproot.

But today's ability to download and disseminate vast banks of information constitutes a new chapter in journalistic and political practice.

I think that in every business practice or political practice, the easiest thing, on some level, is to do that.

And well before Trump, it was clear that "free markets" are, in political practice, a slogan, not a core value.

Such files are a common political practice, but their contents are seen as extremely sensitive for both political and privacy reasons.

The incorporation into normal political practice of the suggestion that political opponents should be imprisoned is not a good or healthy sign!

Until this year, the witch fantasy of the 22010s has existed primarily as a religious practice, a political practice, and an aesthetic.

The book is a history of democracy as both idea and political practice, from ancient Athens to the Occupy Wall Street movement.

Does a sudden and thorough about-face in social, economic, and political practice feel like something that's in the offing this year?

But to arrive at its conclusion the court has had to pluck unwritten constitutional principles from what they take to be political practice.

This despite the fact that there was no distribution of food or souvenir posters—a well-known political practice known in México as acarreo.

Some of these people are bringing new technologies and techniques to bear on the deeply political practice of mapping the spaces in which we live.

But if we declare our artworks, our exhibitions, our critical discourse a political practice we can meet the challenges of this incoming administration — and Post Democracy in general — much more effectively because Inclusiveness will be implemented along a multitude of criteria: If we declare art a political practice, we can operate along different timeframes simultaneously, pursuing immediate impact as well as long-term nurturing, such as education.

If Art Is Politics considers how, at this moment of political reckoning with democratic institutions and alternatives to traditional party politics, art operates as a political practice.

Enter H.R. 1, a comprehensive package of revisions to current political practice that House Democrats are looking to introduce in the opening weeks of the next Congress.

If we declare art a political practice, we can spell out goals at different scales, from super- localized to global, and define distinct yet aligned sets of deliverables.

Clearly, Donald Trump, who is taking the political practice of "evolving" on popular issues to a new extreme, got the memo about how to talk about the minimum wage.

Trump is facing criticism for not releasing tax returns, a political practice that is not required by law but has been done by every White House nominee since 1973.

In a book called American Politics and the Promise of Disharmony, Huntington argued that a driving force in American politics is the gap between our ideals and our political practice.

If we focus on the formal qualities of art as well as its literal, material foundations, we can explore entirely new orders of an inclusive political practice that can reach beyond the human.

However, the translation of the Gospel and church teaching into public policy, political practice and influence and articulated cultural values is work that must include the rest of the members of the church.

Latin American conceptualism, as opposed to Western-born conceptual art, is a resolutely political practice: the dematerialization of the art object allows artists to convey subversive ideas while eluding authority and slipping by censors.

Ann Laura Stoler, Willy Brandt Distinguished University Professor of Anthropology and Historical Studies, The New School, will deliver "Archiving an Anti-Colonial Avant-Garde: Elsewhere and Otherwise," the keynote lecture on art as political practice.

The release comes as Republican Donald Trump is facing criticism for not releasing his tax returns - a political practice that is not required by law but has been done by every White House nominee since 1973.

He rose through the ranks to become a partner, joining with the head of the firm's political practice, Robert F. Bauer, to build Perkins Coie into the dominant Democratic firm in the lucrative election law industry.

Washington (CNN)Wisconsin voter Helen Harris says she hopes an upcoming Supreme Court case will revolutionize the way state and county legislators draw district maps and bring an end to a political practice she believes has gone amok.

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Supreme Court justices clashed on Tuesday over whether courts should curb the long-standing U.S. political practice of drawing electoral maps to entrench one party in power, with conservative Anthony Kennedy likely to cast the deciding vote.

One of the recurring themes of the Trump candidacy and now presidency, as I've argued before, has been not the total upending of everything we'd come to expect from politics, but the blend of norm violation with standard political practice.

Today, left-wing political practice seems to have degenerated into a fatuous contest of who can appear the most "woke," measured in terms of how many "microaggressions" one can identify and how easily triggered one is at the smallest perceived offense.

An early morning tweet Trump reacted to the EgyptAir crash by characteristically ignoring standard political practice that would suggest waiting for the facts before firing off an opinion and chose a social media account rather than a formal presidential-style setting to vent.

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - It is a political practice nearly as old as the United States - manipulating the boundaries of legislative districts to help one party tighten its grip on power in a move called partisan gerrymandering - and one the Supreme Court has never curbed.

Carin Kuoni, director of the Vera List Center, said: The imminent assault on our civil liberties is of such magnitude … I believe that if I want to remain effective and advance Inclusiveness, I need to turn to art and declare art itself a political practice.

So, the idea that the UK might be to blame for an attack of this kind is one that could only come from Russia, where murder in the interests of the state or its ruling elite still lies comfortably in the mainstream of political practice.

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. Supreme Court is giving itself another chance to make a definitive ruling on the legality of the long-established but often-criticized political practice called partisan gerrymandering in which state legislators draw electoral districts with the intent of entrenching their party in power.

Charles Spies, leader of the political practice at law firm Clark Hill and chief financial officer of Mitt Romney's 2008 presidential campaign, said there may have been an agreement between the Trump administration and Bolton to transfer fundraising power to a new leader while they maintain their financial apparatus.

Far from serving as an excuse for self-pity or left melancholy, it functioned as an effective counter-inaugural: a ceremony marking the beginning of a wider commitment to shared struggle, and a chance to begin to think together about how best to operate within these new parameters of aesthetic and political practice.

After all, the President has spent most of his first 100 days in office torching conventional political practice, trading in untruths and exaggerations, and pouring oil on political controversies on Twitter -- including accusations that his campaign had links to the Kremlin at a time when Moscow was being accused of interfering in the US election.

Information Society: From Theory to Political Practice. Budapest: Gondolat Kiadó, 2008, s. 132.

In modern political practice, among the most notable examples are U.S. states and constituent entities of the Russian Federation.

The Marxist–Leninist Communist Organization – Proletarian Way ( or OCML-VP) is a French Maoist organization formed in 1976, whose political practice is Marxist, Leninist and Maoist.

As a symbol of the ideological divisions within Francoism, it can be contrasted to National syndicalism (Spanish: nacionalsindicalismo), an essential component of the ideology and political practice of the Falangists.

In political practice under Margaret Thatcher's administration, it was implemented by measures such as the sale at affordable prices of public housing to tenants (right to buy program), and privatization.

This type of political practice led to new practices of political expression emanating from average citizens. For example, see Sponti groups, revolutionary spontaneity or guerilla communication strategies. Umberto Eco : For a semiological guerrilla (1967).

Alternatives aims to explore the possibilities of new forms of political practice and identity under increasingly global conditions. The journal promotes a range of critical, normative and interdisciplinary approaches to political, social, cultural and ecological developments.

Squiers, A. (2018). The Politics of the Sacred in America: The Role of Civil Religion in Political Practice. New York: Springer. p. 51-74. . This belief system has historically been used to reject nonconformist ideas and groups.

Aspiration and Urbanization in the Twenty-First Century (University of California Press). Van der Veer serves on the Advisory Board of China in Comparative Perspective, Political Theology, and the Journal of Religious and Political Practice. He has just started a new journal: Cultural Diversity in China.

1\. Попова И. Ф. [Popova I. F.]. Политическая практика и идеология раннетанского Китая [Political Practice and Ideology of Early Tang China]. Moscow, Vostochnaya Literatura Publishers, 1999, 279 pp.; Review: V. S. Myasnikov. In: Problemy Dal’nego Vostoka (Problems of the Far East), 2001, No. 1, pp. 179–182. 2\.

To improve the work of the university, the university researchers developed a number of software systems including "Entrant", "Number of students", "Session", "Current control", "Social and political practice," "Graduate student," "Control of decision implementation", and "Human Resources Staff". From the early 1970s to 1985, approximately 14,300 students graduated from the university.

She valorizes subaltern forms and methods of knowing, being, and creating that have been marginalized by Western thought, and theorizes her writing process as a fully embodied artistic, spiritual, and political practice. Light in the Dark contains multiple transformative theories including include the nepantleras, the Coyolxauhqui imperative, spiritual activism, and others.

Iskandar Tedjasukmana was the Chairman of the Political Bureau of the party between 1951 and 1956. Iskandar Tedjasukmana represented the party in government, serving as Minister of Labour in the Sukiman, Wilopo and Burhanuddin Harahap cabinets (1951–1956). The party was officially Marxist, but in political practice more influenced by nationalism.

Capitalism Nature Socialism, 16(2), 9-14. Embodied materialism is a theoretical tool for political practice, that analyses this materiality from a dialectical understanding of the daily life of women, peasants, and indigenous peoples in their particular relation to nature, in other words, the relations and knowledge of the meta-industrial class.

The SRSP was supposed to function as a political force transcending clan lines, but in reality there was little change in political practice. Power was concentrated to three clans. The party developed an intelligence branch, Baadhista xisbiga, which worked parallel to state intelligence and paramilitary groups. At most SRSP had around 20,000 members.

Doing so, he holds, will enable human liberation. Unger has long been active in Brazilian opposition politics. He was one of the founding members of the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party and drafted its manifesto.Simon, William H. "Social Theory and Political Practice: Unger's Brazilian Journalism", Northwestern University Law Review 81 (1986-87): p. 312.

04, available here – this is, provided scholars agree there was such.many tend to see Francoism as political practice rather than a coherent political theory; within this perspective, elements from various concepts were first accommodated and then dumped according to needs of the moment. Franco regime used cultural Traditionalism of menendezpelayano sort when looking for its historical legitimization, see e.g.

The front of the building was where Socrates met Euthyphro and had the conversation which Plato recreated in his Euthyphro. It was where Socrates was formally charged with impiety by Meletus. Historians believe that the voting for ostracism, a political practice in Athens during the 5th century BC, may have taken place in front of the Royal Stoa.Cf. e.g.

1760–1832 (Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 69. The Ultra- Tories were defending "a doctrine essentially similar to that which ministerial Whigs had held since the days of Burnet, Wake, Gibson and Potter".J. C. D. Clark, English Society, 1688–1832. Ideology, social structure and political practice during the ancien régime (Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 408.

However, since the time of Aristotle, logic has changed. For example, Modal logic has undergone a major development that also modifies rhetoric.George A. Kennedy, Aristotle, On Rhetoric: A Theory of Civic Discourse (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991). Yet, Aristotle also outlined generic constraints that focused the rhetorical art squarely within the domain of public political practice.

A constituent state is a state entity that constitutes a part of a sovereign state. A constituent state holds regional jurisdiction over a defined administrative territory, within a sovereign state. Government of a constituent state is a form of regional government. Throughout history, and also in modern political practice, most constituent states are part of complex states, like federations or confederations.

The Bolsheviks were supported, although not without criticism of their political practice,Some of the mistakes of this criticism were examined by Georg Lukács in his work «Critical Notes on the Brochure of Rosa Luxemburg "Russian Revolution"» // Georg Lukacs. History and Class Consciousness. Moscow: Logos–Altera, 2003. Pages 346–365 by left–wing theorists in Europe, such as Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht.

In practice, the doctrine of the divine right of kings persistedJ.C.D. Clark, English Society 1688–1832: ideology, social structure and political practice in the ancien regime (1985), pp 119–198 Old animosities had diminished, and a new spirit of toleration was abroad. Restrictions on Nonconformists were mostly either ignored or slowly lifted. The Protestants, including the Quakers, who worked to overthrow King James II were rewarded.

Crossley is known for an interpretation of the source of twentieth-century identities. In her view overland conquest by the great empires of early modern Eurasia produced a special form of rulership which gave high priority to the institutionalization of cultural identity. Crossley suggests that these concepts were encoded in political practice and academic discourse on "nationalism," and prevailed till the end of the twentieth century.

Murray Bookchin, The Greening of > Politics: Toward a New Kind of Political Practice, Green Perspectives: > Newsletter of the Green Program Project, No. 1 January 1986 . Bookchin described three concepts of possession, namely property itself, possession and usufruct, i.e. appropriation of resources by virtue of use.Ellie Clement and Charles Oppenheim, Department of Information Science, Loughborough University, Loughborough, Leics Great Britain, Anarchism, Alternative Publishers and Copyright, Journal of Anarchist Studies, undated.

Constituent states united in a confederal union under a confederal government are more specifically known as confederated states. Some of the most notable historical examples of constituent states within a confederation are the United States under the Articles of Confederation, the States of the German Confederation and States of the Confederate States of America. In modern political practice, notable examples are Cantons of Switzerland or Entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

In political anthropology, a theatre state is a political state directed towards the performance of drama and ritual rather than more conventional ends such as warfare and welfare. Power in a theatre state is exercised through spectacle. The term was coined by Clifford Geertz in 1980 in reference to political practice in the nineteenth-century Balinese Negara,Geertz, C. (1980) Negara: The Theatre State in Nineteenth-Century Bali. Princeton University Press. .

With Mark Dion, she is a founder of The Mildred's Lane Project, an experimental artist's residency program. Karen Archey, writing in Art in America, described Mildred's Lane as an "ongoing experiment in pedagogy, a social space, a site for artistic and architectural intervention, a residency program, and home to Puett..." Located on a 96-acre farm in rural Berlin Township Pennsylvania, the residency focuses on social and political practice in the arts.

C. D. Clark, English Society, 1688-1832. Ideology, social structure and political practice during the ancien regime (Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 392. On 7 June Lord John Russell withdrew his motion for Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts but pledged to introduce it again in the next session of Parliament. On 8 August Canning died and the coalition fell apart, with the Duke of Wellington forming a ministry.Clark, p. 293.

Though on the right of the party, Auer was a pragmatist and viewed attempts to formulate social democratic reformism theoretically as harmful to its real political practice. He remarked to Bernstein during the controversy over the latter's theory of revisionism, "What you call for, my dear Ede, is something which one neither admits openly nor puts to a formal vote; one simply gets on with it." Auer died in Berlin on 10 April 1907.

As a science or science based political practice geostrategy uses factual and empirical analysis,Deiniol Jones, Cosmopolitan Mediation?: Conflict Resolution and the Oslo Accords, Manchester University Press, 1999, p. 43 thus theoretical formulations in geostrategy usually heavily rely on empirical base although facts-values relations or conclusions are differently observed by different and/or competitive geostrategic approaches. Geostrategic conceptions that stems from the theory become base for the countries foreign and international policies.

C.D. Clark, English Society 1688-1832: ideology, social structure and political practice in the ancien regime (1985), pp 119-198 Old animosities had diminished, and a new spirit of toleration was abroad. Restrictions on Nonconformists were mostly either ignored or slowly lifted. The Protestants, including the Quakers, who worked to overthrow King James II were rewarded. The Toleration Act of 1689 allowed nonconformists who have their own chapels, teachers, and preachers, censorship was relaxed.

Provision Prime Minister Sir Al Khatim Al Khalifa called elections to be conducted in May–June 1965 as demanded by the Northern political parties. The Southern parties, then SANU inside and Southern Front boycotted the elections. Nevertheless, the North went for partial elections, an exclusion of the South, which had become a political practice from 1946 to independence and beyond. Elections, despite the Southern boycott, was held in the North on time scheduled.

Innocent III The sun and moon allegory is used to image a medieval political theory of theocracy which submits the secular power to the spiritual power, stating that the Pope is like the sun i.e. the only source of own light, while the Emperor is like the moon, which merely reflects lights and has no value without the sun. It was espoused by the Roman Catholic Church of Innocent III and instantiated to some extent in medieval political practice.

Widow's succession was a political practice prominent in some countries in the early part of the 20th century, by which a politician who died in office was directly succeeded by his widow, either through election or direct appointment to the seat.Melville Currell, Political Woman. Many of the earliest women to hold political office in the modern era attained their positions through this practice. It also occurred when politicians stood down from a particular office without necessarily passing away.

The Hariri family started to rise to political and economic prominence in the 1980s and became perhaps the most influential family in Lebanon by the middle 1990s. It is now one of the most organized in political terms and it follows modern forms of political practice through a large party (Future Movement) that cuts across various economic classes but that is usually seen as a Sunni political movement with regional weight due to its close ties with Saudi Arabia.

Indonesian Constitution does not mention referendums at all, and as such, referendums are not a part of Indonesian political practice. In 1985, the People's Consultative Assembly issued Law no. 5/1985UU No. 5 Tahun 1985, retrieved 21 March 2016 (in Indonesian) that officially recognized referendum as a legitimate political process in Indonesia, but revoked in 1999 by Law no. 6/1999.UU No. 6 Tahun 1999, retrieved 21 March 2016 (in Indonesian) According to explanation given in Law no.

NVR's principles are based on the socio-political practice of nonviolent resistance (or nonviolent action), which refers to achieving goals through nonviolent methods, such as symbolic protests, civil disobedience, and economic or political noncooperation. The modern leading father of nonviolent resistance as a form of political struggle is Mahatma Gandhi, the Indian leader who used peaceful protests to seek independence from the British. NVR draws upon the approaches used by Gandhi Gandhi, A. (2004). Nonviolence as a comprehensive philosophy.

In Missouri v. Holland, the United States Supreme Court upheld that the new law was constitutional in order to support the treaty. It has been suggestedThe Policy Laundering ProjectACLU's Stop Policy Laundering ProjectBarry Steinhardt (ACLU) "The Problem of Policy Laundering" that policy laundering has become common political practice in areas related to terrorism and the erosion of civil liberties. In the air- travel industry, an example of policy laundering might be the requirement for passengers to show photographic identification.

The degree at which social stigma takes place is bringing about the sort of shame and seclusion that has ravished the community during this time period. Steam Clean (1990) is a video commissioned by the Gay Men's Health Crisis (GMHC) of New York, and the AIDS Committee of Toronto. This work focuses on the discourse of sexual performance, and the intersectional nature of identity and political practice. Steam Clean shows two men having sex in a steam room.

And while communities in the Third World may find that there > is a need for some sort of organised or directed change—in part to reverse > the damage done by development—this undoubtedly will not take the form of > 'designing life' or social engineering. In this long run, this means that > categories and meanings have to be redefined; through their innovative > political practice, new social movements of various kinds are already > embarked on this process of redefining the social, and knowledge itself.

The early studies on the notion of language and gender are combined into the fields of linguistics, feminist theory, and political practice. The feminist movement of the 1970s and 1980s started to research on the relationship between language and gender. These researches were related to the women's liberation movement, and their goal was to discover the linkage between language usage and gender asymmetries. Since, feminists have been working on the ways that language is maintaining the existing patriarchy and sexism.

It represents feudal traditions rather than the > tendency really involved in contemporary industry, science, or philanthropy. > Those dark ages, from which our political practice is derived, had a > political theory which we should do well to study; for their theory about a > universal empire and a Catholic church was in turn the echo of a former age > of reason, when a few men conscious of ruling the world had for a moment > sought to survey it as a whole and to rule it justly.

No such deference appears to have existed in the Visigothic Kingdom at the same time, however. Chris Wickham portrays the Visigothic king Euric (466-484) as "the first major ruler of a 'barbarian' polity in Gaul - the second in the Empire after Geiseric - to have a fully autonomous political practice, uninfluenced by any residual Roman loyalties." Imperial rule in the West eroded further from the late 6th century. In Britain, to the extent discernible from scarce documentation, Roman rule was at best a distant memory.

The practice of nomination rotation for the House of Representatives began to decline after the Civil War. It took a generation or so before the direct primary system, civil service reforms, and the ethic of professionalism worked to eliminate rotation in office as a common political practice. By the turn of the 20th century the era of incumbency was coming into full swing. A total of 8 presidents served two full terms and declined a third and three presidents served one full term and refused a second.

Since 1990 he has focused on the ethnic factor in Russian transformation as well as on the theory and political practice of ethnicity. Tishkov’s theoretical challenge came also from his formula ‘Forget the Nation’ (2000) where he suggested a post-nationalist understanding of nationalism. He argued that the nation is a powerful metaphor which two forms of social groupings – polity and ethnic entity – are fighting to have as their exclusive property. There is no sense in defining states and ethnic groups by the category of nation.

This means that alternative ideas (e.g., feminist, economic, spiritual) are sometimes implicitly undermined. Critics suggest that we idealize the situation when we think of therapy only as a helping relationship—arguing instead that it is fundamentally a political practice, in that some cultural ideas and practices are supported while others are undermined or disqualified, and that while it is seldom intended, the therapist–client relationship always participates in society's power relations and political dynamics. A noted academic who espoused this criticism was Michel Foucault.

Elbridge Thomas Gerry (; July 17, 1744 (OS July 6, 1744) – November 23, 1814) was an American politician and diplomat. As a Democratic-Republican he served as the fifth vice president of the United States under President James Madison from March 1813 until his death in November 1814. The political practice of gerrymandering is named after Gerry. Born into a wealthy merchant family, Gerry vocally opposed British colonial policy in the 1760s and was active in the early stages of organizing the resistance in the American Revolutionary War.

Right- libertarians also disagree with classical liberals as being too supportive of central banks and monetarist policies. Like libertarians of all varieties, right-libertarians refer to themselves simply as libertarians. Being the most common type of libertarianism in the United States, right-libertarianism has become the most common referent of libertarianism there since the late 20th century while historically and elsewhereBookchin, Murray (January 1986). "The Greening of Politics: Toward a New Kind of Political Practice". Green Perspectives: Newsletter of the Green Program Project (1).

Juan Vázquez de Mella Mellismo () was a political practice of Spanish ultra- Right of the early 20th century. Born within Carlism, it was designed and championed by Juan Vázquez de Mella, who became its independent political leader after the 1919 breakup. The strategy consisted of an attempt to build a grand ultra-Right party, which in turn would ensure transition from liberal democracy of Restauración to corporative Traditionalist monarchy. Following secession from Carlism Mellismo assumed formal shape of Partido Católico- Tradicionalista, but it failed as an amalgamating force and decomposed shortly afterwards.

The President, the second and the third President are elected by the majority of the National Council at the beginning of each legislative session. The Presidium even remains active after the dissolution of the National Council, until the Council obtains its new elected leadership. This also applies if the President of the former legislative session has no mandate in the new session. In the second republic it became a political practice, that the most powerful party receives the President and the second and third most powerful party the second and third president.

668–671 and almost every single historian who has examined the issue has highlighted the substantial amount of continuity between the periods before and after 1828–1832.Professor Frank O'Gorman, review of English Society 1688-1832: Ideology, Social Structure and Political Practice During the Ancien Regime (review no. 41b), accessed 25 July 2012. Eric J. Evans emphasizes that the political importance of Catholic emancipation in 1829 was that it split the anti-reformers beyond repair and diminished their ability to block future reform laws, especially the great Reform Act of 1832.

Year of Multiculturalism in Azerbaijan Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory is a 2000 non-fiction book by the British political theorist Bhikhu Parekh and published by Harvard University Press. It creates and defines multiculturalism in the form of political theory as well as political practice in the modern era, being based on Parekh's experience of Multiculturalism in British society as well as other areas around the world. Parekh's book addresses several topics, primarily multicultural politics, as well as the practice and theory behind addressing these politics.

In 1941 Grigg was elected onto the Ashburton Hospital Board and became its first woman member. She was also president of the Ashburton Plunket Society, a member of the Red Cross executive and President of the Mount Somers Ladies' Guild. When her husband Arthur Grigg rejoined the army, she took over his parliamentary duties in the electorate. She was elected to represent the Mid-Canterbury electorate in Parliament from 1942 after the death (on 29 November 1941) of her husband Arthur Grigg in a political practice known as widow's succession.

Whereas Realpolitik refers to political practice, the concept of political realism in international relations refers to a theoretical framework aimed at offering explanations for events in the international relations domain. The theory of political realism proceeds from the assumption that states—as actors in the international arena—pursue their interests by practicing Realpolitik. Conversely, Realpolitik can be described as the exercise of policies that are in line with accepted theories of political realism. In either case, the working hypothesis is generally that policy is chiefly based on the pursuit, possession and application of power (see also power politics).

According to theory of restructurization of welfare systems, a new way of using the concept of civil society became a neoliberal ideology legitimizing development of the third sector as a substitute for the welfare state. The recent development of the third sector is a result of this welfare systems restructuring, rather than of democratization. From that time stems a political practice of using the idea of civil society instead of political society. Henceforth, postmodern usage of the idea of civil society became divided into two main ones: as political society and as the third sector – apart from plethora of definitions.

Highlighted are the campaigns in favor of disobedience to compulsory military service or the fight against repression, arrests and torture during the Olympic Games in Barcelona. With the national leadership of Esquerra headed by Àngel Colom and Pilar Rahola there is a distancing between the two organizations due to discrepancies over methods of action and political practice. In 1996, the JERC celebrated its national congress in Tarragona where they chose Camil Ros as Secretary General to continue betting and extending the ideological struggle to build a party that embodies the values of the left and independence.

The Norwegian Constitution does not mention referendums at all, and as such, referendums are not a part of Norwegian political practice. However, six advisory referendums have been held in Norway, most notably, the referendums on Norwegian EU membership, and the referendum for dissolving the union with Sweden. It is worth noting that these referendums, and potential future referendums, although legitimate as part of Norwegian constitutional convention, will not have any legal binding: They will merely be advisory, and the final decision will be taken by the Norwegian parliament, who may choose (albeit unlikely) to disregard the will of the Norwegian people as expressed through the referendum.

Many critics, both non-Marxist and some Marxist philosophers, feel that this is too quick a dismissal of the post-Marxian philosophical tradition. Much sophisticated and important thought has taken place after the writing of Marx and Engels; much or perhaps even all of it has been influenced, subtly or overtly, by Marxism. Simply dismissing all philosophy as sophistry might condemn Marxism to a simplistic empiricism or economism, crippling it in practice and making it comically simplistic at the level of theory. Nonetheless, the force of Marx's opposition to Hegelian idealism and to any "philosophy" divorced from political practice remains powerful even to a contemporary reader.

Judith Butler Jacques Derrida has had a great influence on contemporary political theory and political philosophy. Derrida's thinking has inspired Slavoj Zizek, Richard Rorty, Ernesto Laclau, Judith Butler and many more contemporary theorists who have developed a deconstructive approach to politics. Because deconstruction examines the internal logic of any given text or discourse it has helped many authors to analyse the contradictions inherent in all schools of thought; and, as such, it has proved revolutionary in political analysis, particularly ideology critiques. Richard Beardsworth, developing from Critchley's Ethics of Deconstruction, argues, in his 1996 Derrida and the Political, that deconstruction is an intrinsically political practice.

Mihailović was not overtly involved in the following discussions. In common with political practice under the period of royal dictatorship from 1929, the congress formed a new political party, the Yugoslav Democratic National Union (, JDNZ), and Topalović was appointed as its chairman. Despite the very small size of the Socialist Party before the war, Topalović was apparently chosen due to his links with two Labour Party members of the Churchill war ministry, Clement Attlee and Ernest Bevin. The committee established for the new party included a large number of Serbs and Montenegrins, as well as three Croats – Vladimir Predavec, Djuro Vilović, and Niko Bartulović.

Protesters from the Tea Party movement, a right-wing populist formation in the United States Stanley noted that rather than being restricted purely to populists, appeals to "the people" had become "an unavoidable aspect of modern political practice", with elections and referendums predicated on the notion that "the people" decide the outcome. Thus, a critique of the ideational definition of populism is that it becomes too broad and can potentially apply to all political actors and movements. Responding to this critique, Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser argued that the ideational definition did allow for a "non-populism" in the form of both elitism and pluralism. Elitists share the populist binary division but reverse the associations.

On the other hand, there is still strong Yugonostalgia among the ethnic Macedonian population, that has swept also over other ex-Yugoslav states. Macedonian nationalism also has support among high-ranking diplomats of North Macedonia who are serving abroad, and this continues to affect the relations with neighbors, especially Greece. In August 2017, the Consul of the Republic of Macedonia to Canada attended a nationalist Macedonian event in Toronto and delivered a speech against the backdrop of an irredentist map of Greater Macedonia. This has triggered strong protests from the Greek side, which regards this as a sign that irredentism remains the dominant state ideology and everyday political practice in the neighboring country.

This charismatic spread allowed any church that used this method of practice to gain a boost in congregation members and this left any church not following suit at a loss or stagnancy in terms of turnout.Ebenezer Obadare (2016) The Muslim response to the Pentecostal surge in Nigeria: Prayer and the rise of charismatic Islam, Journal of Religious and Political Practice, 2:1,75-91 The first charismatic praise group arose in Kumasi: the Methodist Prayer Fellowship, which began in 1984. A few years after its first national assembly, the Methodist Church Ghana wanted to replicate this charismatic worship service. This decision encouraged the church to spread the charismatic movement throughout the whole congregation instead of just one focused group.

While the President has the theoretical authority to dissolve a hostile National Council, constitutional convention prevents this power from being exercised. Austria accordingly functions as a parliamentary democracy: for all intents and purposes, the cabinet is subject to approval by the National Council and is responsible to it, with the president being little more than a figurehead. A related discrepancy between Austrian constitutional theory and Austrian political practice is that the constitution defines the President of the National Council to be Austria's second highest public official, junior only to the president proper. As a practical matter, however, the Chancellor, who nominally ranks third in the Austrian order of precedence, is the country's leading political figure.

Most importantly, he does not regard republican governments as sufficient by themselves to produce peace: freedom of travel, though not necessarily migration, (hospitality); and a league of nations are necessary to consciously enact his six-point program. Unlike some modern theorists, Kant claims not that republics will be at peace only with each other, but are more pacific than other forms of government in general. The general idea that popular and responsible governments would be more inclined to promote peace and commerce became one current in the stream of European thought and political practice. It was one element of the American policy of George Canning and the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston.

During colonial rule, these local gatherings were transformed into a more political practice which would be targeted against political institutions. They would include multiple communities, although still remaining closely related to specific ethnic groups, and would be aligned with political parties. During this period, key issues for mobilization included threats to female land tenure, rumors of the sale of land to different ethnic groups, crop destruction caused by grazing animals which had increased in the grasslands, and disputes over the required use of new agricultural techniques (namely, contour cultivation). The traditional tools of shaming and ostracizing individuals grew to target and be organized against colonial authorities and specific political parties using protests, disruptions in public spaces, roadblocks, and other nonviolent means.

An analysis understood in terms of interdependent practices helps us to conceive of how society is organized, but also permits us to comprehend social change and thus provides a theory of history. Althusser explains the reproduction of the relations of production by reference to aspects of ideological and political practice; conversely, the emergence of new production relations can be explained by the failure of these mechanisms. Marx's theory seems to posit a system in which an imbalance in two parts could lead to compensatory adjustments at other levels, or sometimes to a major reorganization of the whole. To develop this idea, Althusser relies on the concepts of contradiction and non-contradiction, which he claims are illuminated by their relation to a complex structured whole.

From the 1990s to the present, kapu aloha began to take shape and a term was adopted that replicated its evolution from a strictly Kanaka Maoli, cultural, social, spiritual, and ceremonial edict to a political practice that incorporated all of these frames. In 2015, kapu aloha was introduced to a wider audience when kiaʻi mauna (mountain protectors) took to protecting Mauna Kea/Mauna a Wākea from the development of the Thirty Meter Telescope (TMT). The philosophy of kapu aloha was reinvigorated when Hawaiʻi State officials announced that the construction of the TMT would start again on July 15, 2019. Kiaʻi have been successful in delaying the development of the TMT establishing a puʻuhonua (place of refuge) at the Kīpuka Puʻuhuluhulu.

Milner's first book, John Milton and the English Revolution, was an application of Goldmann's 'genetic structuralist' sociology of literature to the political, philosophical and poetical writings of John Milton, the great poet of the English Revolution. It argued that the seventeenth-century revolutionary crisis had witnessed the creation and subsequent destruction of a rationalist world vision, which found political expression in the political practice of 'Independency'. A detailed analysis of Paradise Lost, Paradise Regained and Samson Agonistes interpreted the poems as articulating distinct and separate responses to the problem of defeat, whether actual or potential, and to the triumph of unreason over reason. Literature, Culture and Society was published in two editions, the first in 1996 and the second, very substantially revised, in 2005.

UCL demonstration in Paris, January 2019 At a founding congress organized in the Allier from 8 to 10 June 2019, Alternative Libertaire (AL) and the Coordination of Anarchist Groups (CGA) enacted their fusion, the result of a year of discussions. AL, the successor of the Libertarian Communist Workers' Union founded in 1991, and the CGA, a split of the Anarchist Federation founded in 2002, were two libertarian communist organizations. Close ideologically and in their political practice, they began their merger in February 2018.Abel Mestre, "À l'extrême gauche, les libertaires jouent l’union", Le Monde The new organization, which wants to set up self-organized struggles, aims to lead feminist, anti-racist, pro-LGBTI and ecologist struggles at the same time as the anarcho-communist and revolutionary struggle.

However, each state's legislature appointed its executive, and each state's legislature had impeachment authority and appointed the judiciary members, except for Maryland's in which the executive appointed the judiciary. What more than anything else makes the use of Montesquieu's maxim in 1776 perplexing is the great discrepancy between the affirmations of the need to separate the several government departments and the actual political practice the state governments followed. Madison believes that the fundamental principle of their constitutions have been violated, and wishes not to be seen as disapproving the states' governments, but by bringing light upon the inconsistency that was taking place, and the unjustified scrutiny upon the new constitution. In No. 47, Madison analyzes the importance, and controversy over the separation of powers, and checks in balances in the new constitution.

Human geographers often connected to the postmodernist school have been using the term (and the author's propositions) to help understand the contemporary emergence of (cultural, social, political, economic) difference and identity as a central issue in larger multicultural cities. The idea of place (more often related to ethnicity and gender and less often to the social class issue) as a heterotopic entity has been gaining attention in the current context of postmodern, post-structuralist theoretical discussion (and political practice) in Geography and other spatial social sciences. The concept of a heterotopia has also been discussed in relation to the space in which learning takes place. There is an extensive debate with theorists, such as David Harvey, that remain focused on the matter of class domination as the central determinant of social heteronomy.

The ideas that have been developed and disseminated throughout the region and abroad via exhibitions, seminars, videos and publications.Los Angeles Times - Culture Monster (25 January 2011) Top REDCAT curator leaving for post at Walker Art Center in MinneapolisPrins Claus Fonds (2010) profile Dozens of local and international architects are allied with the institute. Furthermore, it works together with a large number of artists, film makers and activists.Decolonizing Architecture institute, participants Ozler, Levent (22 November 2010) Decolonizing Architecture The architectural studio and art residency was established with the aim of engaging with a complex set of architectural problems centered on one of the most difficult dilemmas of political practice: how to act both propositionally and critically in an environment in which the political force fields, as complex as they may be, are so dramatically skewed.

Mao emphasizes--like Marx in trying to confront the "bourgeois idealism" of his time--that knowledge must be based on empirical evidence. Knowledge results from hypotheses verified in the contrast with a real object; this real object, despite being mediated by the subject's theoretical frame, retains its materiality and will offer resistance to those ideas that do not conform to its truth. Thus in each of these realms (economic, scientific and political practice), contradictions (principle and secondary) must be identified, explored and put to function to achieve the communist goal. This involves the need to know, "scientifically", how the masses produce (how they live, think and work), to obtain knowledge of how class struggle (the main contradiction that articulates a mode of production, in its various realms) expresses itself.

Marxist philosophy or Marxist theory are works in philosophy that are strongly influenced by Karl Marx's materialist approach to theory, or works written by Marxists. Marxist philosophy may be broadly divided into Western Marxism, which drew out of various sources, and the official philosophy in the Soviet Union, which enforced a rigid reading of Marx called dialectical materialism, in particular during the 1930s. Marxist philosophy is not a strictly defined sub-field of philosophy, because the diverse influence of Marxist theory has extended into fields as varied as aesthetics, ethics, ontology, epistemology, theoretical psychology and philosophy of science, as well as its obvious influence on political philosophy and the philosophy of history. The key characteristics of Marxism in philosophy are its materialism and its commitment to political practice as the end goal of all thought.

In the 1950s and the 1960s, liberation theology was the political praxis of Latin American theologians, such as Gustavo Gutiérrez of Peru, Leonardo Boff of Brazil, Juan Luis Segundo of Uruguay and Jon Sobrino of Spain, who made popular the phrase the "Preferential option for the poor". While liberation theology was most influential in Latin America, it has also been developed in other parts of the world such as black theology in the United States and South Africa, Palestinian liberation theology, Dalit theology in India and Minjung theology in South Korea. Consisting of a synthesis of Christian theology and Marxist socioeconomic analyses, liberation theology stresses social concern for the poor and advocates for liberation for oppressed peoples. In addition to being a theological matter, liberation theology was often tied to concrete political practice.

The movement arose in conjunction with the crisis of the extra-parliamentary organizations that led to social struggles in the years after the 1968, together with the so-called mass university: after the 1969 school reform, also young people from proletarian families could attend a university, which, until then, had been a privilege held almost exclusively by students from more affluent classes. After a decade of disputes in schools and in society, the rigor of the old revolutionary groups appeared inadequate and outdated. Indeed, the protests were also addressed at the political practice of those organizations from which the participants in the movement of '77 originated. Moreover, the feminist movement, which since the early '70s had had a very strong growth, was present in the movement with its instances of sexual liberation.

John C. Calhoun In United States history, four periods of widespread Constitutional criticism have been characterized by the idea that specific political powers belong to state governments and not to the federal government—a doctrine commonly known as states rights. At each stage, states' rights advocates failed to develop a preponderance in public opinion or to sustain the democratic political will required to alter the generally held constitutional understanding and political practice in the United States. At its adoption among the people in the state ratification conventions, the "men of original principles" opposed the new national government as violating the Whig philosophy generally accepted among the original thirteen colonies in 1776. According to this view, Congress as a legislature should be only equal to any state legislature, and only the people in each state might be sovereign.

The book examines the theories of power and source in Foucault, the politics of French deconstruction and Richard Rorty, the politics of gender in Habermas, and the politics of need interpretation in two concluding essays which delineate her own position within contemporary socialist-feminist critical theory. Contemporaries such as Douglas Kellner have praised Fraser's writings as "seasoned with social hope" and effectively synthesizing feminist commitment to political agency and social progress with several forms of modern and postmodern social skepticism. However, others have criticized her goal of providing "the sort of big diagnostic picture necessary to orient [the current] political practice" of socialist feminism for being both too ambitious and ultimately too narrow. Patricia S. Mann, for example, summarizes the pitfalls of the text as follows: > I wish Fraser had made more of an effort to call upon the resources of > analytic philosophy.

Southern Appalachian Information Node: Resources about Arthropods Arthropods as a group have been very successful organisms on this planet, comprising over half of all the higher life forms. However the expanding human population has led to demise of many arthropod species through the mechanisms of deforestation, conventional farming, slash-and-burn methods in the tropics, habitat fragmentation via urban development, excessive use of pesticides and even the success of forest fire suppression. The social/political practice whereby a species is given a formal designation as "Endangered" or "Protected" is a different matter, called "Conservation status", and discussed elsewhere; see Endangered Species List for the United States, and IUCN Red List for international purposes. Only a tiny fraction of the planet's endangered arthropods are formally recognized as such, as no one has ever evaluated the conservation status of the vast majority of arthropod species.

But this hypocrisy reflects once more the radicalism of Moses Mendelssohn's contract of tolerance: If the religion's business has to be reduced to the "inner side" and religion itself cannot be the formal subject of this contract, it simply means that state affairs like executive, legislature and judiciary will be no longer religious affairs. Nevertheless, he was denying the contemporary practice of rabbinic jurisdiction, which was hardly acceptable for a lot of orthodox Jews. And one year after the publication of his book the denial of rabbinic jurisdiction became political practice in the Habsburg Monarchy, when a state edict, added to the "tolerance patent", submitted Jewish subjects to its own law court without regarding them on an equal footing with Christian subjects. Moses Mendelssohn is supposed to be the first Maskilim of his time who denied the present conditions and the rabbinic practice attached to it.

So Bacon himself offers a whole series of measures and reforms that should be implemented, reducing the rate of interest, avoiding excessively large estates, increased wages, promoting external trade increasing the value of raw materials through work, and assuring provisions of transport to foreign countries. While the differences between Bacon and Machiavelli appear subtle, it was 250 years later that the political model of reforms changed, why? Foucault was not much interested into the notion of reform as 'cure', but what was behind the underlying mechanism that was driving the system of reform ensuring reforms become a permanent feature of 'failure'. Foucault begins to trace through this development through the political model of reform and one crucial development was the economy, a politics of economic calculation with Mercantilism and for Foucault this was not just a theory but was above all else a political practice.

The party leadership of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) announced in August 2010 that it would investigate whether to terminate Sarrazin's membership, because his theses could be understood as diametrically opposed to basic social-democratic values.SPD Website Secretary- General Sigmar Gabriel's announcement of the expulsion proceedings An arbitration committee, meeting in Berlin on 21 April 2011, decided that Sarrazin could remain a member of the party. The formal accusation that he had damaged the party with his theories could not be upheld, in particular because Sarrazin read a statement in which he said he had never intended to depart from social democratic values and that he had never intended to suggest that social-Darwinist theories should be implemented in political practice."Sarrazin remains SPD member", The Local – Germany's News in English, 22 April 2011 This in turn led to dissatisfaction among many SPD party leaders.

Tully's approach to the study and teaching of politics is a form of historical and critical reflection on problems of political practice in the present. It is an attempt to renew and transform the tradition of public philosophy so it can effectively address the pressing political problems of our age in a genuinely democratic way. It does this by means of a dual dialogue of reciprocal and mutual learning among equals: between academics in different disciplines addressing the same problems (multidisciplinary); and between academics and citizens addressing the problems and struggles on the ground by their own ways of knowing and doing (democratic). The aim is to throw critical light on contemporary political problems by means of studies that free us to some extent from hegemonic ways of thinking and acting politically, enabling us to test their limits and to see and consider the concrete possibilities of thinking and acting differently.

This is where a divide appears in eschatological groups: while some believe that the True Dharma can be recovered through more assiduous practice and a return to correct transmission, understanding and application of True Dharma (Chappell 127), other groups believed that it was due to incorrect political practice from the state, and that a Saviour was required in order to overthrow the established order and set up a new era of peace and True Dharma. These ideologies were of course frowned upon by the court and such apocryphal texts, deemed dangerous, heretical, and subversive (Zürcher (Perspectives) 170), and were a source of inspiration for the burning of apocryphal scripture. Of these saviours, one Bodhisattva in particular was eventually linked with China and so is an ideal candidate for the study of these anti-establishment groups: the Bodhisattva which came to be called Yueguang, or Prince Moonlight.

Haywood and his wife Gwendolyn Midlo Hall were among the founders of the Provisional Organizing Committee for a Communist Party (POC), formed in New York City in August, 1958 by 83 mostly Black and Puerto Rican and White trade unionists, mainly coal miners from Williamsport, Pennsylvania and maritime workers including Al Lannon, Director of the Maritime Section of the CPUSA for many years, all delegates from the CPUSA. Its membership included Coleman Young, later elected the first black mayor of Detroit, and Theodore W. Allen, best known later for his "White skin privilege" theory and widely acclaimed historical writings. According to Haywood, the POC rapidly degenerated into an isolated, dogmatic, ultraleft sect, completely removed from any political practice. Nevertheless, the (POC) did release many highly trained organizers from the dead hand of the CPUSA as the civil rights and the black power movement began to hit the streets.

To substantiate her thesis, Brown examines the tolerance discourse of figures like George W. Bush, Jimmy Carter, Samuel Huntington, Susan Okin, Michael Ignatieff, Bernard Lewis, and Seyla Benhabib and argues that "tolerance as a political practice is always conferred by the dominant, it is always a certain expression of domination even as it offers protection or incorporation to the less powerful." Among those influenced by Brown's thinking on this subject are Joan Wallach Scott and Slavoj Žižek, whose respective works The Politics of the Veil (2007) and Violence: Six Sideways Reflections (2007) draw heavily on Brown's account of tolerance discourse. In a debate with Rainer Forst at the ICI in Berlin Brown addressed this problematic again,The power of tolerance – Debate between Wendy Brown and Rainer Forst, ICI Berlin, 2008] (July 16, 2015). later published as a co- authored book, The Power of Tolerance (2014).

George Mason University law professor Ilya Somin argued the Constitution imposes no such duty upon the Senate to hold confirmation hearings and to give a nominee an up-or-down vote. Jonathan H. Adler agreed, writing that while he personally has "long argued that the Senate should promptly consider and vote on every presidential judicial nominee, ... there is no textual or historical basis" for the contention that the Senate has a constitutional obligation to do so. Eugene Volokh argues that there has not been a "constant practice of Senators agreeing that every nominee should be considered without regard to there being a looming election" and that "in the absence of such a practice, we come down to more results-oriented politics." George Mason University law professor David Bernstein argued that while "preexisting constitutional norms" would suggest that "hearings and eventual votes on Supreme Court nominees" were mandatory, this norm is not required by the constitutional text and has been undermined by recent political practice.

Initial media coverage interprets the 2019 election results as a "green wave" marking a leftward shift of the Swiss electorate on the political spectrum. It remains to be seen what effect the changes in the relative vote and seat shares will have on the composition of the Federal Council, or at least on the government's agenda and legislative initiatives, if there is no change in party representation in the executive branch. In contrast to Germany and Austria, the Swiss federal government has for decades been composed of representatives of the four largest parties as a matter of political practice (rather than constitutional design), and has long operated on a consensus-seeking model characterized by accommodation of competing interest and viewpoints, rather than imposition of the will of the majority over the opposition. Switzerland's confederate structure and frequent initiatives and referendums pose additional constraints on what elected politicians are collectively able to accomplish.

A women's lodge existed in Boston during the last quarter of the eighteenth century. Hannah Mather Crocker, in an apology for Freemasonry written in 1815, claims to have presided over such a lodge, yet her description, "founded on the original principles of true ancient masonry, as far as was consistent with the female character" leaves the actual constitution open to question. It is also clear that St. Anne's lodge was extinct at the time of her writing about it. H. M. Crocker, A Series of Letters on Free Masonry, John Eliot, Boston, 1815 Crocker’s leadership of this exclusively female Masonic lodge stands as an alternative to historical frameworks that emphasize the formal political exclusion and public silencing of women in the development of republican, liberal political practice in the West. Eileen Hunt Botting, "Ascending the Rostrum: Hannah Mather Crocker and Women's Political Oratory", The Journal of Politics 74 no. 4 (2012): 978.

" — Ernesto Laclau, author of On Populist Reason "Hermeneutic Communism is one of those rare books that seamlessly combines postmetaphysical philosophy and political practice, the task of a meticulous ontological interpretation and decisive revolutionary action, the critique of intellectual hegemony and a positive, creative thought. Vattimo and Zabala, unlike Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, do not offer their readers a readymade political ontology but allow radical politics to germinate from each singular and concrete act of interpretation. This is the most significant event of twenty- first-century philosophy!" — Michael Marder, author of Groundless Existence: The Political Ontology of Carl Schmitt "The authors argue that ‘weak thought,’ or an antifoundational hermeneutics, will allow social movements to avoid both the violence attending past struggles and, if triumphant, a falling back into routines of domination—the restoration of what Jean-Paul Sartre called the ‘practico-inert.’ Vattimo and Zabala end with Latin America as a case study of applied weak thought politics, where the left in recent years has had remarkable success at the polls.

In January 2009, the Los Angeles County District Attorney began investigating allegations that Temple City's mayor, Judy Wong, along with city council members David Capra, and former mayor Cathe Wilson solicited bribes in exchange for support of the proposed $75 million Temple City Piazza mall project and both women were charged with lying on fair political practice commission disclosure forms. Randy Wang, developer of the Piazza project, made allegations that Wong, Wilson and Councilman David Capra demanded and received cash bribes for their support of the development. Wang raised the allegations as part of his counter-suit against the city, which sued him in April 2008, claiming he failed to meet contractual deadlines of construction on the Piazza project. Temple City's lawsuit asks that the property, at Las Tunas Drive and Rosemead Boulevard, be returned to the city because of the delays after two groundbreaking ceremonies. Wong, 55, the city's first Asian council member, was elected in 2003, was re-elected in 2007, and served as the city's first Asian mayor in 2007.

Notable exhibitions during Kalmár’s tenure include presentations on and collaborations with artists and curators such as Chris Kraus and Julie Ault, Danh Vo, Bernadette Corporation, Cameron Rowland, Laura Poitras, Zilia Sánchez, Lukas Duwenhögger, Marc Camille Chaimowicz and The Estate of Charlotte Posenenske. In a review of the Charlotte Posenenske exhibition, The New York Times art critic, Roberta Smith, wrote, 'It occurred to me that if Alfred H. Barr Jr., founding director of the Museum of Modern Art, were dropped into Mr. Kalmár’s shoes, he would have come up with something similar'. In 2016 Kalmár said that Artists Space has been increasingly involved in addressing the interplay and blurred lines between contemporary art and political practice with a focus on gentrification and how contemporary arts organisations “institutionalise antagonisms.” Artists Space and Common Practice invited artists Nitasha Dhillon and Amin Husain of the collective MTL+ to facilitate programming that would unite activist groups across the city under five “strands”: Indigenous Struggle, Black Liberation, Free Palestine, Global Wage Workers, and De-Gentrification.

The main objective of NK95, outside the most obvious, the popularization of the 45 theses of the NK95 manifesto, is to galvanize the political life in Lithuania by bringing to the fore of public debate leftist political values and ideas, with the hope that sooner or later the whole political mindset and with it political practice will shift leftwards, given the unforgiving social and political reality which demands a new left approach and ideas. Thus, the group actively promotes the values of social justice, equality, individual and collective emancipation, as well as supporting a broader socially progressive agenda (e.g. gay rights). In order to achieve this aim two strategies are employed: 1) stirring up the debate by individual or group texts (mainly channeled through Internet news portals which allow more freedom of expression for non-staff writers as comparing to traditional media which are too corrupt), 2) organizing PR campaigns by indirect actions getting media and commentators involved in the cycle of self- denial, which helps to raise publicity for a particular issue.

The motive of Nathan who replied with the ring parable, was taken from Boccaccio's "Decamerone" and Lessing intended to create his drama as a monument of tolerance and enlightenment dedicated to Moses Mendelssohn. Lessing was an open-minded and modern type of freemason and he himself had a public theological dispute (Fragmentenstreit) about the historical truth of the New Testament with the orthodox Lutheran Hauptpastor Johann Melchior Goeze in Hamburg during the 70s. Finally he was banned 1778 by the Herzog of Brunswick. Lessing's new way to ask about the fundament of a certain religion and to regard its efforts on religious tolerance was intended as a reflection of the current political practice. In 1782, after the declaration of the so-called "Toleranzpatent" in the Habsburg Monarchy under Joseph II and the realization of the «lettres patentes» in the French Monarchy under Louis XVI, religion and especially the Jewish emancipation became a favorite subject of private debates in Alsace-Lorraine and these debates were often followed by publications of Christian clerics and Abbés.. Mendelssohn's Jerusalem or on Religious Power and Judaism may be regarded as his contribution to the debate.

Basing primarily on the documents of the Tang dynasty, Popova has contributed to the study of imperial rulership in medieval China and the study of the influence of the political practice and imperial ideology in pre-modern China. She has introduced into the academic use the original documents from Dunhuang and Turfan, Chinese epigraphic texts, visual sources on the history of Qing dynasty, archival material on the history of Russian expeditions in Central Asia and history of the Oriental studies. Popova is an author of more than 200 academic works [6], including 9 monographs (5 of them are collective); editor of 19 collected works; Editor- in-chief of academic journals: “Pis'mennye pamiatniki Vostoka” (“Written Monuments of the Orient” in Russian), “Strany i narody Vostoka” (“Countries and Peoples of the Orient”), “Written Monuments of the Orien” (English version); Deputy Chair of the Editorial Board of the academic series “Pamiatniki pismennosti Vostoka” (“Written Monuments in the Oriental Scripts”). Member of the editorial boards of Russian and foreign academic periodicals, including “Turfan Studies” (“Tulufan Yanju”, in China), “Study of the Documents in the Chinese Minorities Scripts” (“Minzu guji Yanju”, China), “Studia Orientalia Slovaca” (University of Bratislava), etc.