Phonologically, this vowel is an archiphoneme representing the neutralization of and . A rounded vowel , corresponding to the happY vowel, is widely used in British works for words such as influence , into . Phonologically, this vowel is an archiphoneme representing the neutralization of and .
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They are marked as . Even though and were phonetically certainly vowels, phonologically they were syllabic sonorants.
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Palmela is an extinct and poorly attested Cariban language. Kaufman (2007) notes that it was phonologically divergent.
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Within this subgroup, "Morrobolam and Lamalama form a phonologically innovative branch, while Rumanggudinhma forms a more conservative branch".
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Although Numbami is phonologically conservative, it retains very little productive morphology, most of it related to person and number marking.
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An example of this would be recalling "B" as opposed to the actual item "P". These items are phonologically similar and can cause acoustic errors. These are related to the suffix effect as well, which found that the rececny effect was only removed when phonologically similar stimuli were used.Bjork, E. L., & Healy, A. F. (1974).
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It is reported to be contrastive only in Gimi in which it is phonologically the voiced equivalent of the glottal stop .
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Sekani has two tones: low and high. High tone is the more common tone. Syllables phonologically marked for tone are low.
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Many commonly-used nouns such as month names were burrowed from Akkadian as well as being influenced phonologically, morphologically and syntactically.
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Dungmali, or Dungmali-Bantawa, is a Kiranti language spoken in Nepal. It is largely cognate with Bantawa, but differs grammatically and phonologically.
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The voiced consonant behaves phonologically like a glottal stop, but does not have full closure. Phonetically it is a creaky-voiced glottal approximant .
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Third, where locative case suffixes are missing, the underlying governor ALLATIVE case, which is phonologically empty anyhow, is assumed to be missing as well.
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In particular morphological (such as a result of Proto-Indo-European ablaut) and phonological conditions (like in the last syllable of nominative singular of a noun ending on sonorant, in root syllables in the sigmatic aorist, etc.; compare Szemerényi's law, Stang's law) vowels and would lengthen, yielding respective lengthened-grade variants. The basic lexical forms of words contained therefore only short vowels; forms with long vowels, and appeared from well-established morphophonological rules. Lengthening of vowels may have been a phonologically-conditioned change in Early Proto-Indo-European, but at the period just before the end of Proto-Indo-European, which is usually reconstructed, it is no longer possible to predict the appearance of all long vowels phonologically, as the phonologically-justified resulting long vowels have begun to spread analogically to other forms without being phonologically justified.
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In Norwegian, each stressed syllable must contain, phonetically, either a long vowel or a long (geminate) consonant (e.g. male , "to paint" vs malle , "catfish") . In Danish, there are no phonologically long consonants, so the opposition is between long and short vowels ( vs ). Both languages have a prosodic opposition between two "accents", derived from syllable count in Old Norse and determined partly phonologically, partly morphologically and partly lexically.
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Phonologically, Hokkien is a tonal language with extensive tone sandhi rules. Syllables consist maximally of an initial consonant, a vowel, a final consonant, and a tone.
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Syllables consist of a vowel nucleus preceded and followed by a maximum of one consonant: (C)V(C). Word stress is normally phonologically determined, and rarely distinctive.
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Phonologically, the Ryukyuan languages have some cross- linguistically unusual features. Southern Ryukyuan languages have a number of syllabic consonants, including unvoiced syllabic fricatives (e.g. Ōgami Miyako 'breast'). Glottalized consonants are common (e.g.
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Simple clitics are free morphemes, meaning they can stand alone in a phrase or sentence. They are unaccented and thus phonologically dependent upon a nearby word. They only derive meaning from this "host".
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Yoy has five phonologically distinctive tones in non-checked syllables. Checked syllables in Yoy can carry only tone 1 (mid-leveled tone), tone 2 (high-rising tone), and tone 5 (low-falling creaky).
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Samareh 1977, Pisowicz 1985, Najafi 2001), the three vowels traditionally considered long (, , ) are currently distinguished from their short counterparts (, , ) by position of articulation rather than by length. However, there are studies (e.g. Hayes 1979, Windfuhr 1979) that consider vowel length to be the active feature of the system, with , , and phonologically long or bimoraic and , , and phonologically short or monomoraic. There are also some studies that consider quality and quantity to be both active in the Iranian system (such as Toosarvandani 2004).
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Working memory is often treated as the temporary activation of the representations stored in long-term memory that are used for speech (phonological representations). This sharing of resources between working memory and speech is evident by the finding that speaking during rehearsal results in a significant reduction in the number of items that can be recalled from working memory (articulatory suppression). The involvement of the phonological lexicon in working memory is also evidenced by the tendency of individuals to make more errors when recalling words from a recently learned list of phonologically similar words than from a list of phonologically dissimilar words (the phonological similarity effect). Studies have also found that speech errors committed during reading are remarkably similar to speech errors made during the recall of recently learned, phonologically similar words from working memory.
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Some of these ideas include: # Speech is planned in advance. # The lexicon is organized both semantically and phonologically. That is by meaning, and by the sound of the words. # Morphologically complex words are assembled.
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Barcelona: Edicions Ariel, 1964 Catalan never underwent the shift from to or the shift from to (except in unstressed syllables in some dialects) and so had diverged phonologically before those changes affected Old Occitan.
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Grammatically, the Damin registers of the Lardil and Yangkaal use all the grammatical morphology of those languages, and so therefore are broadly similar, though it does not employ the phonologically conditioned alternations of that morphology.
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Over time some of the characters represented different sounds, which makes it difficult to read certain texts with the historical phonological values as compared to those with the modern phonological values known to most modern readers of published Ismaili literature. This is particularly true of the implosives, aspirants, and normal forms of ba, da, and ja, which shifted to render the implosive letter as a normal letter phonologically, the normal letter as an aspirant letter phonologically, and rendered the aspirant letter unnecessary. The implosive for ja began to represent za.
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John M. Lipski groups Colombian dialects phonologically into four major zones. Canfield refers to five major linguistic regions. Flórez proposes seven dialectal zones, based on phonetic and lexical criteria. Still others recognize eleven dialect areas, as listed below.
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Adding an item that is phonologically different (e.g. A, Q) will not have this effect.Parmentier, F. B., Tremblay, S., & Jones, D. M. (2004). Exploring the suffix effect in serial visuospatial short-term memory. Psychonomic Bulletin and Review, 11(2).
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The Chakhar (Mongolian script: Čaqar, Cyrillic: Цахар, Tsakhar; ) dialect is a variety of Mongolian spoken in the central region of Inner Mongolia. It is phonologically close to Khalkha and is the basis for the standard pronunciation of Mongolian in Inner Mongolia.
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Under the naïve hypothesis that there exist phonologically null quantifiers (annotated as [QSubscript \varnothing]), then each of the examples in (1) through (4) would be represented as follows: (1) [Q.ALL \varnothing] cats are animals. (2) [Q.MOST \varnothing] cats like fish.
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Phonologically, Kokota has a diverse array of vowels and consonants and makes interesting use of stress assignment. Regarding its basic syntax, Kokota is consistently head-initial. The sections below expand on each of these topics to give an overview of the Kokota language.
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One of the language characteristics found in Mixtec Mixtepec is cliticization, that is identified as <’> in orthography. It is a feature in syntax and morphology that has syntactically features of a word yet, it is phonologically dependent another (like a bound morpheme).
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Hamburg: Buske. This proposal, if accurate, would suggest that Na-Dene languages may have arrived in North America after (although not long after) Eskimo-Aleut languages. Phonologically, the Eskimo–Aleut languages resemble other languages of northern North America and far eastern Siberia.
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Adyghe is a language of the Northwest Caucasian family which, like the other Northwest Caucasian languages, is very rich in consonants, featuring many labialized and ejective consonants. Adyghe is phonologically more complex than Kabardian, having the retroflex consonants and their labialized forms.
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Repetition blindness tasks usually are words in lists and in sentences. They are called phonologically similar items (Bavelier & Potter, 1992). There are also pictures, and words that include pictures. An example of this is a picture of the sun and the word sun (Bavelier, 1994).
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In morphology and syntax, a clitic (, backformed from Greek "leaning" or "enclitic"Crystal, David. A First Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1980. Print.) is a morpheme that has syntactic characteristics of a word, but depends phonologically on another word or phrase.
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Mlahsô is phonologically less conservative than Turoyo. This is particularly noticeable in the use of s and z for classical θ and ð. The classical v has been retained though, while it has collapsed into w in Turoyo. Also sometimes y (IPA /j/) replaces ġ.
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Itelmen is now highly endangered, and most speakers are aged over sixty and live in scattered communities. However, there is a movement to revive the language, and educational materials are being developed. Modern Itelmen has been heavily influenced by Russian lexically, phonologically and grammatically.
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As mentioned above, the verb is by far the most morphologically complex part of speech in Madí. However, the precise delineation of a "single verb" is difficult, since certain grammatically bound inflections can nonetheless form independent phonological words. For example, the masculine declarative suffix -ke is phonologically bound to the verb root in the word kake "he is coming", but part of a phonologically independent word in the sentence okofawa oke "I drink (something) with it". For this reason, Dixon prefers to analyse Madí in terms of "predicates" and "copulas" - sentence-level grammatical units which includes the verb root, personal pronouns in any position, and inflectional affixes, but excludes noun phrases.
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13, pp. 131–133. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, p. 132. Phonologically, it shows the Lower Carniolan development of ě > ', circumflected o > u, e and ę > ie, neoacute o and ǫ > u, syllabic ł > ', r > ər/ar, and ə > a, but is distinguished by the diphthongizations i > ' and u > '.
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Yong (Nyong) is a Southwestern Tai language of Thailand. It is used by Tai Yong people, who are descended from Tai Lue people from Xishuangbanna, China and Kengtung, Myanmar. Ethnologue reports that Yong is phonologically similar to the Tai Lue language. There were 12,600 speakers as of 2000.
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There are 33 local communities on Kikai Island. Despite being a small, flat island, Kikai shows considerable variations in lexicon, phonology and morphology. The languages on the island are mutually intelligible. The northern communities of Onotsu, Shitooke (and Sateku) are phonologically more conservative than the rest of the island.
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This manifests in higher female international PISA scores in reading and higher female Grade 12 scores in national reading, writing and study skills. Researchers Joseph M. Andreano and Larry Cahill have also found that the female verbal advantage extends into numerous tasks, including tests of spatial and autobiographical abilities. Another 2008 study published in the journal Act Psychologica found no sex differences in remembering phonologically-unfamiliar novel words but higher female ability to remember phonologically-familiar novel words. Meanwhile, higher depth of processing in semantic analysis among females compared to males have also been found in brain imaging studies, while greater female performance in many verbal abilities might be linked to their higher verbal memory.
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Stress in Matigsalug always occurs penultimately, that is, on the second-to-last vowel. Because it is completely predictable, stress is not marked orthographically. Matigsalug does have small one-syllable clitics. When these phonologically join to the previous word, they cause the stress to shift in order to maintain penultimate stress.
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For example, the Cyrillic alphabets adapted to the Caucasian languages, which are phonologically very different from Russian, make extensive use of digraphs, trigraphs, and even a tetragraph in Kabardian кхъу for . The Romanized Popular Alphabet created for the Hmong languages includes three tetragraphs: nplh, ntsh, and ntxh, which represent complex consonants.
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Phonetic variants of a complex structured phonological sound sequence may be determined not only phonetically but also phonologically, by underlying sequences on the phonological level. The variant relation is postulated as a third component of the sound system of an idiolect system, in addition to its phonetic and phonological parts.
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In rhotic accents, and are also realized as syllabic or . A syllabic consonant may be analyzed phonologically either as just the consonant, or as consisting of an underlying schwa followed by the consonant. For example, cycle may be phonemized as either or . When a syllabic consonant occurs, an alternative pronunciation is also possible.
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Akhmimic was the dialect of the area around the town of Akhmim (). It flourished during the fourth and fifth centuries, after which no writings are attested. Akhmimic is phonologically the most archaic of the Coptic dialects. One characteristic feature is the retention of the phoneme , which is realised as in most other dialects.
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Ranges of West Greenlandic monophthongs on a vowel chart. The Greenlandic three vowel system, composed of , , and , is typical for an Eskimo–Aleut language. Double vowels are analyzed as two morae and so they are phonologically a vowel sequence and not a long vowel. They are also orthographically written as two vowels.
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Either of two surface tone distinctions, H (high) or L (low), is possible for each syllable (and in certain limited cases rising (LH) and falling (HL) tones are possible too). There is a subtype within the L tone category: when a syllable is 'depressed' (that is, from a depressor consonant in the onset position, or a morphologically or lexically imposed depression feature in the syllabic nucleus), the syllable is produced phonetically at a lower pitch. This system of tone depression is phonologically regular (that is, the product of a small number of phonological parameters), but is highly complex, interacting extensively with the morphology (and to some extent with the lexicon). Phonologically, Phuthi is argued to display a three-way High/Low/toneless distinction.
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Abaza has some 45,000 speakers, 35,000 in Russia and 10,000 in Turkey. It is a literary language, but nowhere official. It shares with Abkhaz the distinction of having just two phonemic vowels. Abaza is phonologically more complex than Abkhaz, and is characterised by large consonant clusters, similar to those that can be found in Georgian.
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The Caribbean or Coastal (costeño) dialect is spoken in the Caribbean Region of Colombia. It shares many of the features typical of general Caribbean Spanish and is phonologically similar to Andalusian and Canarian Spanish. Word-final is realized as velar . Syllable-final is typically pronounced and sk costa ("coast") is pronounced and rosales ("roses") becomes .
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Menchi and katsu are phonologically modified versions of the words "mince" and "cutlet". Katsu may refer to any deep-fried meat cutlet coated with flour, egg, and bread crumbs. It is an example of yōshoku, or foods adapted from western cuisine. Katsu by itself usually refers to tonkatsu, which is made with pork cutlets.
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Right after the nominal marker can come a "version" marker. Phonologically, version markers consist of any one of the vowels except for /o/. Version markers are semantically diverse. They can add either an unpredictable lexical meaning to the verb, or a functional meaning including causativity, passive voice, subjective version, objective version and locative version.
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Also, brain activation of these two orthographically and phonologically outlying languages showed striking overlap (i.e. the direct contrast did not indicate significant differences). Single word comprehension using L1 generated greater activation in the temporal pole than comprehension of words in L2. Language comprehension studies of bilinguals using neuroimaging give more conclusive results than production studies.
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In sociolinguistics, a style is a set of linguistic variants with specific social meanings. In this context, social meanings can include group membership, personal attributes, or beliefs. Linguistic variation is at the heart of the concept of linguistic style—without variation there is no basis for distinguishing social meanings. Variation can occur syntactically, lexically, and phonologically.
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The dialect spoken in Wuchuan County, about 60 km north of the city, has a recognizably different flavour. The same applies to the dialect in Siziwang Banner. The dialect around Tumed Left Banner, west of the city, is significantly different phonologically, but lexically similar. In Zhangjiakou, Hebei, however, the dialect seems relatively similar and has little variation.
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Noun morphology is modest. The main examples are prefixes that mark possession of kinship terms. The first person has several allomorphs including the prefix ʔa꞉- and CV꞉ reduplication; the latter is informal and is associated with phonologically less marked stems, no doubt derived historically from child pronunciations. The prefixes mi-, miya꞉-, ma- mark second, third, and reflexive ("one's own").
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There are three word-boundary processes in Caddo, all of which occur word-initially: :1. n → t / # __ :2. w → p / # __ :3. y → d / # __ :ni-huhn-id-ah/ → [tihúndah] "she returned" Such processes are generally not applicable in the case of proclitics (morphemes that behave like an affix and are phonologically dependent on the morpheme to which they are attached).
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Paamese spoken in different parts of the island (and then those on other islands) does differ slightly phonologically and morphologically but not enough to determine definite ‘dialects splits’. Even in the extreme north and extreme south, places with the biggest difference, both groups can still communicate fully. There is no question of mutual intelligibility being impaired.
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However, phonologically and diachronically, it is often derived from two instances of . Even with so few vowels, there are many vowel allophones, affected by the secondary articulation of the consonants that surround them. Eleven basic phonetic vowels appear, mostly derived from the two phonemic vowels adjacent to labialised or palatalised consonants. The phonetic vowels are and .
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In New Rapa, the Tahitian elements are phonologically modified as an attempt to create words that sound more similar to Old Rapa instead of Tahitian. As a means of being identified as a "true local" Rapa speaker, the newer generation are modifying the Reo Rapa language so that it sounds less like Tahitian and more like Old Rapa.
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An example of a phonologically related stimulus from the study would be for instance when participants were presented with a picture of an elephant, which is pronounced zou in Japanese, before being presented with the Chinese character , which is also read zou. No effect of phonologically related context pictures were found for the reaction times for reading Chinese words. A comparison of the logographic languages Japanese and Chinese is interesting because whereas the Japanese language consists of more than 60% homographic heterophones (characters that can be read two or more different ways), most Chinese characters only have one reading. Because both languages are logographic, the difference in latency in reading aloud Japanese and Chinese due to context effects cannot be ascribed to the logographic nature of the languages.
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281 There are also languages, such as the Northern Ryukyuan languages, whose phonologically-unmarked sound is aspirated, and the tenuis consonants are marked and transcribed explicitly. In Unicode, the symbol is encoded at . An early IPA convention was to write the tenuis stops etc. if the plain letters were used for aspirated consonants (as they are in English): 'pie' vs. 'spy'.
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There is some syntactically and phonologically triggered variation in the form of numerals. There are, for example, masculine and feminine forms of the numbers "two" (' and '), "three" (' and ') and "four" (' and '), which must agree with the grammatical gender of the objects being counted. Numerals change as expected according to normal rules of consonant mutation; some also trigger mutation in some following words.
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A rare type of agreement that phonologically copies parts of the head rather than agreeing with a grammatical category. For example, in Bainouk: _ka_ tama-ŋɔ in- _ka_ / _ka_ tama- _ā_ -ŋɔ in- _ka_ - _ā_ river-prox. this / river-pl-prox. these In this example, what is copied is not a prefix, but rather the initial syllable of the head "river".
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Alternation in the phonetic shapes of morphemes is frequent and most often vocalic. Vocalic alternations result from processes (ablaut, epenthesis and truncation) that can be morphologically or phonologically conditioned. Consonantal alternations arise from two processes: velar stops /k kʼ/ may palatalize to /c č/ and affricates /c č/ become /t/ before /s š/. For instance, /c/ + /š/ becomes /t/ + /š/.
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Compared with English as spoken in the United Kingdom, North American EnglishNorth American English is a collective term used for the varieties of the English language that are spoken in both the United States and Canada. is more homogeneous and any phonologically unremarkable North American accent is known as "General American". This section mostly refers to such General American features.
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Tamil phonology is characterised by the presence of retroflex consonants and multiple rhotics. Tamil does not distinguish phonologically between voiced and unvoiced consonants; phonetically, voice is assigned depending on a consonant's position in a word. Tamil phonology permits few consonant clusters, which can never be word initial. Native grammarians classify Tamil phonemes into vowels, consonants, and a "secondary character", the āytam.
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Attributive adjectives normally follow the noun they modify. In Biblical Hebrew, possession is normally expressed with status constructus, a construction in which the possessed noun occurs in a phonologically reduced, "construct" form and is followed by the possessor noun in its normal, "absolute" form. Pronominal direct objects are either suffixed to the verb or alternatively expressed on the object-marking pronoun .
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Ukiyo-e by Hiroshige In ancient times, Lake Hamana was a freshwater lake. However, a great earthquake in 1498 altered the topography of the area and connected the lake to the ocean. As a result, the water in the lake is now brackish. The old name for this lake is , which means "distant fresh-water lake" and later changed phonologically to .
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Both Japanese and Chinese homophones were examined. Whereas word production of alphabetic languages (such as English) has shown a relatively robust immunity to the effect of context stimuli, Verdschot et al. found that Japanese homophones seem particularly sensitive to these types of effects. Specifically, reaction times were shorter when participants were presented with a phonologically related picture before being asked to read a target character out loud.
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"Jism" or its variant "jizz" (which is not attested in the Historical Dictionary of American Slang until 1941) has also been suggested as a direct source for "jazz". A direct derivation from "jism" is phonologically unlikely. "Jasm" itself would be, according to this assumption, the intermediary form. Compare the analogous relationship between the slang terms "spasm" and "a sudden burst of energy", as in "spasm band".
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Dutch has an extensive vowel inventory consisting of thirteen plain vowels and at least three diphthongs. Vowels can be grouped as front unrounded, front rounded, central and back. They are also traditionally distinguished by length or tenseness. The vowels are included in one of the diphthong charts further below because Northern SD realizes them as diphthongs, but they behave phonologically like the other long monophthongs.
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It has been found that a bilingual's two languages are simultaneously active, both phonologically and semantically, during language use. This activation is indicated by electrophysiological measures of performance. Not only is an individual's dominant language (L1) active when using the less dominant language (L2), but their L2 is also activated when using L1. This happens once the individual is adequately proficient in the L2.
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It has been suggested that the term in fact comes from the old French , meaning to seize or take by force. One suggested etymology of the word, from Edward Lye in the 18th century, is in the Icelandic territorial division , meaning 'district or tract of land'. However, this is rejected in the New English Dictionary, and according to the English Place-Name Society is 'phonologically impossible'.
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The speech sound map - assumed to be located in the inferior and posterior portion of Broca's area (left frontal operculum) - represents (phonologically specified) language-specific speech units (sounds, syllables, words, short phrases). Each speech unit (mainly syllables; e.g. the syllable and word "palm" /pam/, the syllables /pa/, /ta/, /ka/, ...) is represented by a specific model cell within the speech sound map (i.e. punctual neural representations, see above).
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Also the delineation of Vogtländisch against Oberostfränkisch seems to be rather troublesome, if tried within small-scale regional comparisons. One tendency seems to be the absence of the "rolled R" in Vogtlandian, while distinctive exceptions may still occur. The area surrounding Hof, also referred to as Bavarian Vogtland, is part of the transitional zone where many originally Vogtlandian features occur, while phonologically Oberostfränkisch seems to be closer.
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Unlike Ancient Greek, which had a pitch accent system, Modern Greek has variable (phonologically unpredictable) stress. Every multisyllabic word carries stress on one of its three final syllables. Enclitics form a single phonological word together with the host word to which they attach, and count towards the three-syllable rule too. In these cases, primary stress shifts to the second-to-last syllable (e.g.
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Schnitt, a German phrase meaning "he made a good profit from it" is interpreted with a popular Serbian saying, pala mu sekira u med (his axe fell into honey). Phonologically, morphologically, and lexically, vernacular Serbian used in the Avramović Dictionary reflects a dialect of the Serbs of Vojvodina. It also exhibits some archaic grammatical traits, and the usage of aorist is more common than in modern Serbian.Gudkov 1972, pp.
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It demonstrates the same findings of phonologically similar and different items found in earlier studies. Another model of serial memory processing is the model for item recognition. This model helps to explain how items in the memory set are compared to the target item. It explains the processes that go into the response decision of whether the target item was present in the original memory set of items.
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At 18–20 months infants can distinguish newly learned ‘words’, even if they are phonologically similar, e.g. ‘bih’ and ‘dih’. While infants are able to distinguish syllables like these already soon after birth, only now are they able to distinguish them if they are presented to them as meaningful words rather than just a sequence of sounds. Children are also able to detect mispronunciations such as ‘vaby’ for ‘baby’.
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Kaytetye is phonologically unusual in a number of ways. Words start with vowels and end with schwa; full CV(C) syllables only occur within a word, as in the word arrkwentyarte 'three' (schwa is spelled , unless initial, in which case it is not written and often not pronounced). Stress falls on the first full syllable. There are only two productive vowels, but numerous consonants, including pre-stopped and pre-palatalized consonants.
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Lexical modernization has also been critical to the development of Quechua. Language planners have attempted to coin new Quechua words by combining Quechua morphemes to give new meanings. Generally, loanwords from other languages are considered only when there are no possibilities to develop the word through existing Quechua structures. If loanwords are adopted into the language, linguists attempt to phonologically adapt the word to match typical Quechua pronunciation norms.
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For example, the memorization of phonologically similar stem- irregular past tense pairs (e.g. spring-sprung, sing-sang) may allow for memory-based generalization to new irregularities, either from real words (bring-brought) or from novel ones (spring-sprung). This ability to generalize could underlie some degree of productivity within the memory system. While declarative memory deals with irregularities of morphology, procedural memory uses regular phonology and regular morphology.
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Phonologically, stressed syllables are mostly realised not only by the lack of aforementioned vowel reduction, but also by a somewhat longer duration than unstressed syllables. More intense pronunciation is also a relevant cue, although this quality may merge with prosodical intensity. Pitch accent has only a minimal role in indicating stress, mostly due to its prosodical importance, which may prove a difficulty for Russians identifying stressed syllables in more pitched languages.
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For example, mual kal // means these men, mual kelal /mwææl kke + laal/ means those men, ' /mwææl kke + we/ means those men in the past. 9\. The longer object pronouns were sometimes separated from the preceding verb stem, while the shorter pronouns are identical attached. For example, ' means he sees me, versus ' means he sees us. 10\. Sometimes morphemes were not written if they were phonologically assimilated to other morphemes.
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In phonetics, ejective consonants are usually voiceless consonants that are pronounced with a glottalic egressive airstream. In the phonology of a particular language, ejectives may contrast with aspirated, voiced and tenuis consonants. Some languages have glottalized sonorants with creaky voice that pattern with ejectives phonologically, and other languages have ejectives that pattern with implosives, which has led to phonologists positing a phonological class of glottalic consonants, which includes ejectives.
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Bouyei's syllable initials match up closely to the other Northern Tai languages, with relatively fast simplification and merging. Bouyei sentences can be shown to contain many different levels of phrasing. The contemporary Bouyei script was developed after the abandonment of the Bouyei-Zhuang Script Alliance Policy in 1981 and was designed from 1981 to 1985. It is focused and phonologically representative and takes the Wangmo County dialect as its foundation.
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It has been suggested that these may have originally been non-Austronesian languages that have borrowed nearly all of their vocabulary from neighboring Austronesian languages, but no connection with the Papuan languages of Timor has been found. In general, the Central–Eastern Malayo-Polynesian languages are marked by a significant historical Papuan influence, lexically, grammatically, and phonologically, and this is responsible for much of the diversity of the Austronesian language family.
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Thus, Replace is significantly more restricted than Succeed. Although they ultimately have the same effect of establishing sponsorship, Replace and Succeed are subject to different rules and laws than each other. The distinction helps define when exactly sponsorship can occur, and so while not technically necessary, it is useful for the purpose of brevity. operations occur between arcs when it becomes necessary to specify which linguistic level is phonologically attested.
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The Austlang database formerly listed Morrobolam as Umbuygamu (an exonym; Morrobolam is a clan name). Quoting linguist Jean- Cristophe Verstraete (2018), it says that "Morrobalama" is a mistranscription, and that Lamalama, Rimanggudinhma (Mbariman-Gudhinma) and Morrobolam form a genetic subgroup of Paman known as Lamalamic, "defined by shared innovations in phonology and morphology". Within this subgroup, "Morrobolam and Lamalama form a phonologically innovative branch, while Rumanggudinhma forms a more conservative branch".
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However, Hiberno-English's diverse accents and some of its grammatical structures are unique, with some influence by the Irish language and some instances of phonologically conservative features: features no longer common in the accents of England or North America. Phonologists today often divide Hiberno-English into four or five overarching classes of dialects or accents:Hickey, Raymond. A Sound Atlas of Irish English, Volume 1. Walter de Gruyter: 2004, pp. 57-60.
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Modern Hebrew is phonetically simpler than Biblical Hebrew and has fewer phonemes, but it is phonologically more complex. It has 25 to 27 consonants and 5 to 10 vowels, depending on the speaker and the analysis. Hebrew has been used primarily for liturgical, literary, and scholarly purposes for most of the past two millennia. As a consequence, its pronunciation was strongly influenced by the vernacular of individual Jewish communities.
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Irish, like Manx and colloquial Scottish Gaelic, uses two mutations on consonants: lenition ( [ˈʃeː.vʲuː]) and eclipsis ( [ˈʊ.ɾˠuː]) (the alternative names, aspiration for lenition and nasalisation for eclipsis, are also used, but those terms are misleading). Originally these mutations were phonologically governed external sandhi effects: lenition was caused by a consonant being between two vowels, and eclipsis when a nasal preceded an obstruent, including at the beginning of a word.
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Cambridge University Press. p. 159.Labov, p. 222. the precise influence of American English, British English and other sources on Canadian English varieties has been the ongoing focus of systematic studies since the 1950s. Phonologically, Canadian and American English are classified together as North American English, emphasizing the fact that the vast majority of outsiders, even other native English speakers, cannot distinguish the typical accents of the two countries by sound alone.
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The high tone /H/ (but not the mid tone /M/) will spread through following toneless moras until coming into contact another /H/ or /M/ tone or the end of an intonational phrase. The /M/ or /H/ tones that the spreading /H/ tone runs in to will be downstepped phonetically, but will remain /M/ or /H/ phonologically. /M/ tones on monomoraic enclitics will become /H/ tones if its host's tone is /M/ or /ØM/.
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Preverbals are nearly always unbound and are phonologically separate from the verb, contrasting with the corresponding class in Athabaskan which may be incorporated or not. One preverbal is most common, but combinations of two are equally possible, as in ’uya’ ’Adq’Ach’ k’udAdAGu’ "hot water bottle" (in it onto self something/someone is kept warm). There are more than 100 Eyak basic preverbal morphemes. Postpositions relate directly to an object outside of the verb.
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In Georgian, the verb consists of a root and several optional affixes. The subject and object markers might appear as suffixes or prefixes, according to the verb class, the person and number, the tense and aspect of the verb, etc.; they also interact with each other phonologically. The polypersonal verbal system of Georgian allows the verb compound to convey the meanings of subject, direct object, indirect object, genitive, locative and causative meanings.
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The Gta language belongs to the South Munda subgroup of the Munda branch of the Austroasiatic language family. Within South Munda, Gta is generally considered to be the first branch off a node that also subsumes the Remo and Gutob languages; this subgroup of South Munda is known as Gutob–Remo–Gataq. It is phonologically and morphologically divergent within that branch. Gta has two main varieties, namely Plains Gta and Hill Gta.
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From a synchronic perspective, Kalmyk is the most prominent variety of Oirat. It is very close to the Oirat dialects found in Mongolia and the People’s Republic of China, both phonologically and morphologically. The differences in dialects, however, concern the vocabulary, as the Kalmyk language has been influenced by and has adopted words from the Russian language and various Turkic languages. Two important features that characterise Kalmyk are agglutination and vowel harmony.
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The electrical stimulation seemed to enhance language training outcome in patients with chronic aphasia. Contextual repetition priming treatment is a technique which involves repeated repetition of names of pictures that are related semantically, phonologically, or are unrelated. Patients with impaired access to lexical-semantic representations show no long-term improvement in naming, but patients with good access to semantics show long-term benefits. Development of self-cueing strategies can also facilitate word retrieval.
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During her studying of master's degree, she received a GPA of 4.9/5.0. Sweeney wrote a master's thesis called “Sprees, a Finite-State Orthographic Learning System that Recognizes and Generates Phonologically Similar Spellings”, where she was the finalist in MasterWorks. She continued to study at MIT for her Ph.D. degree, where she advanced in computer science. She received the degree in 2001 and finished her Ph.D. thesis “Computational Disclosure Control: Theory and Practice”.
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Like many languages in southern China, the Hmong–Mien languages tend to be monosyllabic and syntactically analytic. They are some of the most highly tonal languages in the world: Longmo and Zongdi Hmong have as many as twelve distinct tones.Goddard, Cliff; The Languages of East and Southeast Asia: An Introduction; p. 36. They are notable phonologically for the occurrence of voiceless sonorants and uvular consonants; otherwise their phonology is quite typical of the region.
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Although the grammatical structures of Yupik and Inuit languages are similar, they have pronounced differences phonologically. Differences of vocabulary between Inuit and any one of the Yupik languages are greater than between any two Yupik languages. Even the dialectal differences within Alutiiq and Central Alaskan Yup'ik sometimes are relatively great for locations that are relatively close geographically. Despite the relatively small population of Naukan speakers, documentation of the language dates back to 1732.
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The Claflin family are a Scottish American family of 17th century New England origins. The descendants of Robert Maclachlan of Wenham, Massachusetts, a Scottish soldier and prisoner of war assumed to have belonged to the Clan Maclachlan,First recorded spelled Mackclothlan in Massachusetts, for which see Wight, p. 11 and passim. The Gaelic -ch- is historically difficult for native English speakers to phonologically process and then reproduce, concerning which see also Clan Maclachlan#Early history.
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Bareqi Arabic has many aspects that differentiate it from all other dialects in the Arab world. Phonologically, Bareqi Arabic is similar to the majority of Yemeni dialects and Himyaritic language. All Bareqi dialects also share the unusual feature of replacing the definite article al- with the prefix am-. The dialects of many towns and villages in the wadi and the coastal region are characterized by having changed ج () to a palatal approximant ي (called yodization).
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Embodied bilingual language also assumes that comprehension of language activates parts of the brain that correspond with emotion. Research provides evidence that emotion words are embedded in a rich semantic network. Given this information, emotion is better perceived in a first language because linguistic development coincides with conceptual development and development of emotional regulation systems. Linguistic conditioning spreads to phonologically and semantically related words of the same language, but not to translation equivalents of another language.
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For instance, Bolivian Quechua is morphologically distinct from Cusco and Ayacucho Quechua, while North Bolivian is phonologically quite conservative compared to both South Bolivian and Cusco so there is no bifurcation between Ayacucho and Cusco–Collao. Santiagueño also lacks the aspirated and ejective series, but it was a distinct development in Argentina. It also maintains remnants of the Quechua s–š distinction, which has otherwise been lost from Southern Quechua, which suggests other varieties of Quechua in its background.
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Khmer uses reduplication for several purposes, including emphasis and pluralization. The Khmer script includes a reduplication sign, , indicating that the word or phrase preceding it is to be pronounced twice. Reduplication in Khmer, like many Mon–Khmer languages, can express complex thoughts. Khmer also uses a form of reduplication known as "synonym compounding", in which two phonologically distinct words with similar or identical meanings are combined, either to form the same term or to form a new term altogether.
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When the recently acquired information is phonologically and semantically similar with the known knowledge, the rate of retroactive interference is increased through confusion between the two materials. The encoding process, retrieval traces and contextual cues of the newly learned information play significant roles in impairment. The ways that information is encoded can impair the retrieval performance of that information. The better encoding, the better retrieval will be, especially under circumstances of appropriate retrieval traces and sufficient contextual cues.
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In January 2019, the ISO database changed its reference name to Lamalama, from Lamu-Lamu. , Glottolog calls it Lamalama, while AIATSIS' Austlang database thesaurus heading is Mbarrumbathama language. Austlang says, quoting linguist Jean-Cristophe Verstraete (2018), that Lamalama, Rimanggudinhma (Mbariman- Gudhinma) and Morrobolam form a genetic subgroup of Paman known as Lamalamic, "defined by shared innovations in phonology and morphology". Within this subgroup, "Morrobolam and Lamalama form a phonologically innovative branch, while Rumanggudinhma forms a more conservative branch".
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Today, many Wenchang Hainanese still return to Putian for ancestors tomb cleaning (). Many Hainanese who have surnames largely found only in Cantonese people like 麥, 鄺, 莫, 譚, 岑, 龐, 梅, etc. have ancestry from Cantonese immigrants who immigrated to the island in waves especially during the Ming dynasty as indicated in historical records and their jiapus. Standard Chinese (phonologically based on Beijing Mandarin) is also the lingua franca in the island province as in the rest of China.
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Vowel length was phonologically distinctive in Classical Nahuatl, but vowel length was rarely transcribed in manuscripts, leading to occasional difficulties in discerning whether a given vowel was long or short. In this article, long vowels are indicated with a macron above the vowel letter: <ā, ē, ī, ō>. Another feature which is rarely marked in manuscripts is the saltillo or glottal stop ([ʔ]). In this article, the saltillo is indicated with an h following a vowel.
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This system has since become the most common way of Berber transcription in scientific documents and literature. Various writing standards were used since the 19th century, some are phonetically oriented, other phonologically oriented. While the Tuarg languages use a phonetically oriented transcription, the northern Berber languages use on the other hand a mixed transcription, the latter is recommended by the French institute of languages, INALCO and has been adopted by the HCA in Algeria and IRCAM in Morocco (although in Neo- Tifinagh) .
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In Miyakonojō, Miyazaki (small black area on map), there is a single accent: all phonological words have a low tone until the final syllable, at which point the pitch rises. That is, every word has the pitch pattern of Kagoshima irogami. This is called an ikkei (one-pattern) accent. Phonologically, it is the same as the absence of an accent (white areas on map), and is sometimes counted as such, as there can be no contrast between words based on accent.
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The Mixtepec Mixtec tone system features three distinct tones: high, mid (which is considered to be unmarked), and low. Since mid tones are not marked in the IPA, just the vowel is used with no tonal diacritics. The tone system also features two bi-level contour tones: rising, falling; and two tri-level tones: falling-rising, rising-falling. In the IPA transcriptions there is no difference made between high and rising tones and low and falling tones because these are phonologically non-contrastive.
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Enclitics suggest that the four markers could be either: ergative, genitive, instrumental and locative, where each enclitic represent different kinds of morphemes (Fleck, 2003 p.827). The locative noun phrase can be replaced by deictic adverbs where as an ergative, genitive, and instrumental are replaced by pronouns in the language. The locative postpositional enclitic -n is the core argument marker, and additionally is phonologically identified to the ergative case marker. This means, that it can code two different semantic roles, locative and temporal.
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Chinese children can exhibit more severe difficulties due to dyslexia when compared to those using an alphabetic script. Not only are Chinese dyslexic children phonologically at a disadvantage, but visiospatial processing disorder prevents activation of the semantic information. In alphabetic languages, phonological awareness plays a central role in reading acquisition; while phonological awareness in Chinese is much less important. Rather, reading in Chinese is strongly related to a child's writing skills, which depend on orthographic awareness and on motor memory.
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Southern Alta is spoken primarily in the Sierra Madre of eastern Nueva Ecija and in nearby coastal areas of Quezon Province. Lawrence Reid collected data from San Miguel, located east of Rio Chico, a barrio (barangay) of General Tinio, Nueva Ecija. There are also Southern Alta living further south near Norzagaray in Bulacan (Reid 2013: 339). A phonologically more conservative dialect is spoken by a group known as the Edimala in Dicapanikian and Dicapanisan, on the coast north of Dingalan (Reid 2013: 339).
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Hakuchi (Xakuchi; Хьакӏуцубзэ Kh′ak′ucubză or Къарацхаибзэ Qaracxaibză in Hakuchi Adyghe) is a variety of the Shapsug sub-dialect of West Adyghe dialect of the Adyghe language spoken in Turkey. The dialect is phonologically peculiar when compared to the other Adyghe sub-dialects. Its lexicon and consonantal system are substantially affected by the Ubykh language, the first language of many Hakuchi speakers before its death. Hakuchi Adyghe is one of the most divergent dialects from the literary dialect of Adyghe.
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Others, including the, this, every, and both, mark the NP as definite. In some other languages, the marker is a clitic that attaches phonologically to the noun (and often to modifying adjectives): the Hebrew definite article ha- or the Arabic definite article al-. In yet other languages, definiteness is indicated by affixes on the noun or on modifying adjectives, much like the expression of grammatical number and grammatical case. In those languages, the inflections indicating definiteness may be quite complex.
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11 For example: : The suffix ' marks Susan as the obviative, or 'fourth' person, the person furthest away from the discourse. The Cree language has grammatical gender in a system that classifies nouns as animate or inanimate. The distribution of nouns between animate or inanimate is not phonologically transparent, which means gender must be learned along with the noun. As is common in polysynthetic languages, a Cree word can be very long, and express something that takes a series of words in English.
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Université de Genève. The time of Proto-Hmong-Mien has been estimated to be about 2500 BP (500 BC) by Sagart, Blench, and Sanchez-Mazas using traditional methods employing many lines of evidence, and about 4243 BP by the Automated Similarity Judgment Program (ASJP), an experimental algorithm for automatic generation of phonologically based phylogenies. Paul K. Benedict, an American scholar, extended the Austric theory to include the Hmong–Mien languages. The hypothesis never received much acceptance for Hmong–Mien, however.
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In linguistics, voicelessness is the property of sounds being pronounced without the larynx vibrating. Phonologically, it is a type of phonation, which contrasts with other states of the larynx, but some object that the word phonation implies voicing and that voicelessness is the lack of phonation. The International Phonetic Alphabet has distinct letters for many voiceless and modally voiced pairs of consonants (the obstruents), such as . Also, there are diacritics for voicelessness, and , which is used for letters with a descender.
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The belief is that this meaningless item will be remembered instead of the second-to-last item which was originally remembered due to the recency effect. However, the suffix effect varies based on the similarity of the item to the set. For visual stimuli, adding in the meaningless item, whether or not it is visually similar to the original memory set, will remove the recency effect. For auditory stimuli, adding in the meaningless item will only remove the recency effect if it is phonologically similar.
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Yan Zhengqing, compiler of the Yunhai jingyuan The (c. 780) Yunhai jingyuan 韻海鏡源 Ocean of Rhymes, Mirror of Sources Chinese dictionary, which was compiled by the Tang dynasty official and calligrapher Yan Zhengqing (709–785), was the first phonologically-arranged rime dictionary of words rather than characters. Although the Yunhai jingyuan is a lost work, several later dictionaries, such as the (1711) Peiwen Yunfu, followed its system of collating entries by the tone and rime of the last character in a term.
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Preaspiration is comparatively uncommon across languages of the world, and is claimed by some to not be phonemically contrastive in any language. note that, at least in the case of Icelandic, preaspirated stops have a longer duration of aspiration than normally aspirated (post-aspirated) stops, comparable to clusters of +consonant in languages with such clusters. As a result, they view preaspiration as purely a distributional feature, indistinguishable phonetically and phonologically from clusters with , and prefer to notate preaspirated stops as clusters, e.g. Icelandic kappi "hero" rather than .
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The vast majority of roots are bisyllabic and, with few exceptions, suffixes are monosyllabic. Roots conform to the template (C)V(C)CV, with CVCV being predominant. The majority of suffixes are CV, though there are some exceptions: CVCV, CCV, CCVCV and even VCV are possible but rare. The agglutinative nature of this suffixal language, coupled with morphophonological alternations caused by vowel deletion and phonologically conditioned constraints, gives rise to interesting surface structures that operate in the domain of the morpheme, syllable, and phonological word/phrase.
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It has long been noted that in many languages, both phonologically and historically, the glottal consonants do not behave like other consonants. Phonetically, they have no manner or place of articulation other than the state of the glottis: glottal closure for , breathy voice for , and open airstream for . Some phoneticians have described these sounds as neither glottal nor consonantal, but instead as instances of pure phonation, at least in many European languages. However, in Semitic languages they do appear to be true glottal consonants.
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Nominal morphology is very simple. The only affix which can apply to a noun is the accusative suffix -ra, which is essentially extinct in Jarawara (although still common in Jamamadí and Banawá); a remnant of this can be seen, however, in the non-singular object pronouns era, otara, tera, mera. There is also a grammatically bound but phonologically independent marker taa, which signifies contrast with a previous noun (not X "but Y"). This inflection follows the noun, but precedes the accusative -ra in Jamamadí and Banawá.
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Emperor Renzong of Song (r. 1022-1063) commissioned the Leipian character dictionary project in 1039 and it was completed in 1066. There were four chief editors, three of whom died before completing the dictionary: Wang Zhu 王洙 (997-1057), Hu Xiu 胡宿 (995-1067), Zhang Cili 張次立 (1010-1063), and Fan Zhen 范鎮 (1007-1088). Emperor Renzong also ordered the compilation of the (1037) Jiyun, which was a phonologically arranged rime dictionary intended to complement the Leipian character dictionary.
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Moreover, as these sound changes appear to be unique to Seneca, they have had the effect of making Seneca highly phonologically divergent from the languages most closely related to it, as well as making the underlying morphological richness of the language incredibly opaque. Today, Seneca is spoken primarily in western New York, on three reservations, Allegany, Cattaraugus, and Tonawanda, and in Ontario, on the Grand River Six Nations Reserve. While the speech community has dwindled to approximately one hundred native speakers, revitalization efforts are underway.
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The closest examples in English are consonant clusters such as the [nd] in candy, but many languages have prenasalized stops that function phonologically as single consonants. Swahili is well known for having words beginning with prenasalized stops, as in ndege 'bird', and in many languages of the South Pacific, such as Fijian, these are even spelled with single letters: b [mb], d [nd]. A postnasalized plosive begins with a raised velum that lowers during the occlusion. This causes an audible nasal release, as in English sudden.
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Between the ages of one and a half and two and a half the infant can produce short sentences (telegraphic phase). After two and a half years the infant develops systems of lemmas used in speech production. Around four or five the child's lemmas are largely increased, this enhances the child's production of correct speech and they can now produce speech like an adult. An adult now develops speech in four stages: Activation of lexical concepts, select lemmas needed, morphologically and phonologically encode speech, and the word is phonetically encoded.
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The oldest Germanic languages all share a number of features, which are assumed to be inherited from Proto- Germanic. Phonologically, it includes the important sound changes known as Grimm's Law and Verner's Law, which introduced a large number of fricatives; late Proto-Indo-European had only one, /s/. The main vowel developments are the merging (in most circumstances) of long and short /a/ and /o/, producing short /a/ and long /ō/. That likewise affected the diphthongs, with PIE /ai/ and /oi/ merging into /ai/ and PIE /au/ and /ou/ merging into /au/.
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Dravidian and other South Asian languages share with Indo- Aryan a number of syntactical and morphological features that are alien to other Indo-European languages, including even its closest relative, Old Iranian. Phonologically, there is the introduction of retroflexes, which alternate with dentals in Indo-Aryan; morphologically there are the gerunds; and syntactically there is the use of a quotative marker (iti). These are taken as evidence of substratum influence. It has been argued that Dravidian influenced Indic through "shift", whereby native Dravidian speakers learned and adopted Indic languages.
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It has been found that bilinguals are more susceptible to the tip of the tongue, in cases where the phonology of a word is different in both languages. For example, when recalling a word such as "hair" in English, there is more interference from the French word "cheveux", because they sound and are spelled differently. However, when a word is phonologically similar in both languages, bilinguals produce less errors than individuals who are monolingual. For example, the word "chocolate" is similar to the translated word in French, which is "chocolat".
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While there are a number of similarities, diphthongs are not the same phonologically as a combination of a vowel and an approximant or glide. Most importantly, diphthongs are fully contained in the syllable nucleus while a semivowel or glide is restricted to the syllable boundaries (either the onset or the coda). This often manifests itself phonetically by a greater degree of constriction, but the phonetic distinction is not always clear. The English word yes, for example, consists of a palatal glide followed by a monophthong rather than a rising diphthong.
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The Tihami Arabic or Tihamiyya dialect has many aspects which differentiate it from all other dialects in the Arab world. Phonologically Tihami is similar to the majority of Yemeni dialects, pronouncing the ' () as and the ' () as a velar plosive (the ' pronunciation is also shared with Egyptian Arabic) unlike San'ani and Hadhrami Arabic which pronounce the ' () as . Grammatically all Tihami dialects also share the unusual feature of replacing the definite article (al-) with the prefix (am-). The future tense, much like the dialects surrounding Sanaa, is indicated with the prefix (š-), for all persons, e.g.
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The medial groups phonologically with the rime rather than the onset, and the combination of medial and rime is collectively known as the final. Some linguists, especially when discussing the modern Chinese varieties, use the terms "final" and "rime/rhyme" interchangeably. In historical Chinese phonology, however, the distinction between "final" (including the medial) and "rime" (not including the medial) is important in understanding the rime dictionaries and rime tables that form the primary sources for Middle Chinese, and as a result most authors distinguish the two according to the above definition.
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The voiced glottal fricative, sometimes called breathy-voiced glottal transition, is a type of sound used in some spoken languages which patterns like a fricative or approximant consonant phonologically, but often lacks the usual phonetic characteristics of a consonant. The symbol in the International Phonetic Alphabet that represents this sound is , and the equivalent X-SAMPA symbol is `h\`. In many languages, has no place or manner of articulation. Thus, it has been described as a breathy-voiced counterpart of the following vowel from a phonetic point of view.
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Consonant gradation involves an alternation in consonants between a strong grade in some forms of a word and a weak grade in others. The strong grade usually appears in the nominative singular of nominals and the first infinitive of verbs. However, there are phonologically predictable sets of nominals and verbs where nominatives and infinitives feature the weak grade, while other forms have the strong grade. The consonants subject to this change are plosives /p, t, k/ when preceded by a vowel, sonorant /m, n, l, r/, or /h/.
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The South Midland dialect (now considered the upper portion of the Southern U.S. dialect and often not distinguished phonologically) follows the Ohio River in a generally southwesterly direction, moves across Arkansas and some of Oklahoma west of the Mississippi, and peters out in West Texas; it also includes some of North Florida, namely around Jacksonville. It most noticeably has the loss of the diphthong , which becomes . It also shows fronting of initial vowel of to (often lengthened and prolonged) yielding ; nasalization of vowels, esp. diphthongs, before ; raising of to ; can't → cain't, etc.
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He found out that while Polish and Russian place names in Central Slovakia are missing, the names in the whole Slovakia (Western, Central and Eastern) are phonologically unified. He also observed that the Eastern and Western Slovak dialect were largely uniform in the 13th century what was unlikely to achieve in a short period. More, the adoption of Slavic place names by Hungarians could be explained easier and more naturally, if they came to the land already settled by the Slavs. Chaloupecký a Húščava were then criticized by Daniel Rapant.
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Verb conjugations are given in accordance with stem class, and Gordon often gives the historical reasons for particular changes in word form. There are also notes on the text selections, particularly glosses of difficult lines, as well as notes on differences between branches of Old Norse, both phonologically and in writing. It includes a comprehensive glossary that often includes cross-references to specific paradigm numbers, including a portion of names that occur within the selected readings. Various illustrations occur throughout, typically of Norsemen and Scandinavian-related halls, weapons, etc.
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Mian is an Ok language spoken in the Telefomin district of the Sandaun province in Papua New Guinea by the Mian people. It has some 3,500 speakers spread across two dialects: West Mian (a.k.a. Suganga), with approximately 1,000 speakers in around Yapsiei, and East Mian, with approximately 2,500 speakers in and around Timeilmin, Temsakmin, Sokamin, Gubil, Fiak and Hotmin. Phonologically, Mian is very similar to other Papuan languages in the size of its phoneme inventory, but it nevertheless has some peculiarities, such as its contrast between a plain [a] and a pharyngealized [aˤ].
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Five main findings provide evidence for the phonological loop: # The effect of phonological similarity: Lists of words that sound similar are more difficult to remember than words that sound different. Semantic similarity (similarity of meaning) has comparatively little effect, supporting the assumption that verbal information is coded largely phonologically in working memory.a) b) # The effect of articulatory suppression: Memory for verbal material is impaired when people are asked to say something irrelevant aloud. This is assumed to block the articulatory rehearsal process, leading memory traces in the phonological loop to decay.
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Alternatively a possible corruption from an earlier Anglo- Saxon derivation of spyre would give a similar meaning, a spyre-mann meaning 'one who tracks and sees'. Pire Hill is the highest point for some distance; there is nothing higher between it and the river Trent, and it seems to have a good view down the Trent valley. On topographical grounds there is nothing against such derivations. Old English 'pear-tree' may be possible phonologically, but seems less likely for other reasons The English Hundred Names, by Olof Anderson, Lund (Sweden), 1934.
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The acquisition of nasals in German differs from that of Dutch, a phonologically closely related language. German children produce proportionately more nasals in onset position (sounds before a vowel in a syllable) than Dutch children do. German children, once they reached 16 months, also produced significantly more nasals in syllables containing schwas, when compared with Dutch-speaking children. This may reflect differences in the languages the children are being exposed to, although the researchers claim that the development of nasals likely cannot be seen apart from the more general phonological system the child is developing.
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Each list of 10 priming words had between two and eight words that were phonologically related to the correct answer of the question, with the remaining words being unrelated. Caffeinated participants had fewer TOT experiences than the placebo group, suggesting better memory recall. However, in the unrelated condition, the caffeinated group did not do as well as the placebo group in their ability to retrieve words. The results suggest that this dose of caffeine (equivalent to two cups of coffee) can temporarily hinder a person's short-term recall of certain words.
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One source supports the claim that Northwest Maidu had at least nine dialects, designated today according to the locality in which each was spoken. These dialects were: Otaki; Mikchopdo; Cherokee; Eskeni; Pulga; Nemsu; Feather Falls; Challenge; and Bidwell Bar. Lexicon of each remains scant. In addition, there may have been many family variations within each dialect group; thus, certainly there was no one Konkow language, but Konkow means a phonologically distinct pronunciation from what is popularly defined as 'Maidu' or 'Mountain Maidu', namely in terms of stress patterns on lexicon.
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In some early documents making use of written accents, a grave accent could often be added to any syllable with low pitch, not just the end of the word, e.g. . Some scholars, such as the Russian linguist Nikolai Trubetzkoy, have suggested that because there is usually no fall after a grave accent, the rise in pitch which was heard at the end of a clause was phonologically not a true accent, but merely a default phrasal tone, such as is heard in languages like Luganda., quoting N.S. Trubetzkoy (1939); cf. also Blumenfeld (2003).
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In psycholinguistics, lexicalization is the process of going from meaning to sound in speech production. The most widely accepted model, speech production, in which an underlying concept is converted into a word, is at least a two-stage process. First, the semantic form (which is specified for meaning) is converted into a lemma, which is an abstract form specified for semantic and syntactic information (how a word can be used in a sentence), but not for phonological information (how a word is pronounced). The next stage is the lexeme, which is phonologically specified.
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In linguistics, anaphoric clitics are a specific subset of clitics: morphologically-bound morphemes that syntactically resemble one word unit, but are bound phonologically to another word unit. Anaphoric clitics are a type of anaphor, meaning that they refer to previously mentioned constituents. Anaphoric clitics thus fill a position in a clause that would otherwise be occupied by a noun phrase, meaning that they are in complementary distribution with full noun phrases. A sentence can thus either contain an anaphoric clitic or a full noun phrase carrying out a particular grammatical function, but not both.
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Numbami (also known as Siboma or Sipoma) is an Austronesian language spoken by about 200 people with ties to a single village in Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea. It is spoken in Siboma village (), Paiawa ward, Morobe Rural LLG.English-Numbami dictionary Numbami is a phonologically conservative isolate within the Huon Gulf languages, and is the last Austronesian language on the south coast of the Huon Gulf. Its nearest relatives along the coast to the southeast are 270 km away, Maisin and Arifama-Miniafia in Oro Province (Northern Province in the former colony of Papua).
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However, as already noted, there are fewer individuals becoming highly proficient at later ages of acquisition. Language comprehension research on bilinguals used fMRI techniques. Groups of two orthographically and phonologically outlying languages (English and Mandarin) were the basis of analysis. Sentence comprehension was measured through visually presented stimuli, showing significant activation in several key areas: the left inferior and middle frontal gyri, the left superior and middle temporal gyri, the left temporal pole, the anterior supplementary motor area, and bilateral representation of the superior parietal regions and occipital regions.
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The ability to store verbal material in working memory, and the storage of verbal material in short-term memory relies on a phonological loop. This loop, proposed by Baddeley and Hitch, represents a system that is composed of a short-term store in which memory is represented phonologically, and a rehearsal process. This rehearsal preserves and refreshes the material by re-enacting it and re- presenting it to short-term storage, and subvocalization is a major component of this rehearsal. The phonological loop system features an interaction between subvocal rehearsal and specific storage for phonological material.
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He had worked at the University for over thirty years, until he resigned in protest of the University's handling of a sexual harassment complaint about T. Florian Jaeger, a junior member of his department. His research covers many areas, but the bulk of it concerns statistical learning, visual perception, speech perception, language development, and visual development. A great deal of his work focuses on understanding how higher-level cognitive representations and structures are constructed from lower-level sensory input statistics, including how acoustic variation in speech to infants yields phonologically distinct speech sound categories in adults.
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41 Thus, the standard variety of Macedonian is phonologically and morphologically based on the central Western Macedonian dialects (in particular, the Prilep-Bitola and Skopje-Veles dialect) with its lexicon influenced by all Macedonian dialects. Educated speakers will usually use, or aim to use, the sanctioned standard in public settings and in most forms of written language. Probably the best exemplars of this type of speech, though not always the case, are actors, teachers and writers. A high degree of social prestige and respect is assigned to those who can use the standard language in the appropriate situations.
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Umuahia is composed of five sister clans, socially and phonologically homogenous at most, with each clan having its own version of autonomy and social evolution. Umuahia was established by the British colonial administration of Nigeria in the early 20th century. Umuahia was declared the second (and soon became the longest serving) capital of the short-lived nation of the Republic of Biafra on 28 September 1967 after the first capital, Enugu was captured by Nigerian troops. On June 28, 1968, Umuahia was captured by Nigerian troops during Operation OAU but was re-captured by Biafran troops on July 23 that same year.
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The word or phrase entries in the Yunhai jingyuan were phonologically arranged by the 106 rime groups of the Pingshui (lit. 平水 "level water") system, which is based on the traditional four tones: ping "level", shang "rising", qu "departing", and ru "entering". Note that the term rime is used, as opposed to common rhyme, in the linguistic sense of syllable rime or Chinese rime table. A dictionary user looks up a word by the tone and rime of the final character, which presumes that the user already knows, or can guess, how to pronounce the character.
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While the consonantal phonology of the Egyptian language may be reconstructed, the exact phonetics are unknown, and there are varying opinions on how to classify the individual phonemes. In addition, because Egyptian is recorded over a full 2000 years, the Archaic and Late stages being separated by the amount of time that separates Old Latin from Modern Italian, significant phonetic changes must have occurred during that lengthy time frame. Phonologically, Egyptian contrasted labial, alveolar, palatal, velar, uvular, pharyngeal, and glottal consonants. Egyptian also contrasted voiceless and emphatic consonants, as with other Afroasiatic languages, but exactly how the emphatic consonants were realised is unknown.
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'thing that is pregnant'). Compound nouns can be formed of either noun + noun, or noun + verb. In both cases, the second element modifies the first one, for example fane rapuoh, a compound of fane 'pig' and rapuoh 'forest', means wild pig, which is a kind of pig. A compound noun is phonologically a single word, but each of the two elements retains its stress (unless this would result in two consecutive stressed syllables, in which case the stress of the first element is moved to the left), with the stress on the second element becoming the main stress of the compound.
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Watters argued that Kusunda is indeed a language isolate, not just genealogically but also lexically, grammatically, and phonologically distinct from its neighbors. This would imply that Kusunda is a remnant of the languages spoken in northern India before the influx of Tibeto- Burman- and Indo-Iranian-speaking peoples, however it is not classified as a Munda or a Dravidian language. It thus joins Burushaski, Nihali and (potentially) the substrate of the Vedda language in the list of South Asian languages that do not fall into the main categories of Indo-European, Dravidian, Sino-Tibetan and Austroasiatic.
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There are 10 monophthongal and 3 diphthongal vowel phonemes in Czech: . Czech is a quantity language: it differentiates five vowel qualities that occur as both phonologically short and long. The short and long counterparts generally do not differ in their quality, although long vowels may be more peripheral than short vowels. As for the high front vowel pair , there are dialectal differences with respect to phonetic realisation of the contrast: in the Bohemian variety of Czech, the two vowels are differentiated by both quality and duration, while in the Eastern Moravian variety of Czech the primary difference is that of duration.
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Voklo was attested in written sources in 1238 as Hv̊lwe (and as apud Hvlwin in 1238, Hulven in 1270, and Hůlben in 1349). The Slovene name is derived from (v) Lókvo (literally, 'to the watering hole'), thus referring to a local geographical feature. Phonologically, it is the result of a dialect development in which l- > w- (lokev > wọ́ku, genitive wọ́kwe) followed by dissimilation of the genitive (wọ́kwe > wọ́kle), creation of the new feminine nominative wọ́kla, and subsequent reanalysis of the accusative wọ́klo as a neuter nominative. In the local dialect, the name of the village is Wọ́ku (genitive Wọ́kləga).
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Hlonipha, or isihlonipho, is a traditional system of avoidance speech in Nguni Bantu languages and Sotho of southern Africa including Zulu, Xhosa and Swazi and Sotho. This special speech style and correlating respectful behaviors may be used in many contexts, but is most strongly associated with married women in respect to their father-in-law and other senior male relatives. Women who practice hlonipha may not say the names of these men or any words with the same root as their names. They avoid the taboo words phonologically (substituting sounds) or lexically (substituting words with synonyms, etc.).
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Later studies indicate that it diverged from its parent stock in the 10th century and became a Creole and a stable independent language by the 13th century, under the influence of Sinhala. The parent Vedda language(s) is of unknown genetic origins, while Sinhala is of the Indo-Aryan branch of Indo-European languages. Phonologically it is distinguished from Sinhala by the higher frequency of palatal sounds C and J. The effect is also heightened by the addition of inanimate suffixes. Vedda language word class is morphologically divided into nouns, verbs and variables with unique gender distinctions inanimate nouns.
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Other common English-origin profanities used are bitch and fuck. Such words are often rendered in a more-or-less diligent English pronunciation, suggesting code-switching, though more assimilated Swedish approximations, for shit, for fuck, are also common. More humorous is spelling pronunciation of fuck as , but the verb fucka upp, calqued on fuck up, and its participle uppfuckad, for fucked up, usually have the spelling pronunciation. Commonly used as euphemisms are certain numerals, especially sjutton ('seventeen'; phonologically reminiscent of skit), and variant form tusan from tusen ('thousand'), plus nonsense numerals used as intensifiers like femtielva ('fifty-eleven').
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The following schematic represents the full range of possible elements that may exist in a noun phrase: [Determiner/demonstrative] [numeral (+classifier)] [adjective(s)] [NOUN] [noun-phrase possessor] [relative clause] Determiners and demonstratives: The initial position of the noun phrase may be occupied by either the determiner te (often followed by the final-position clitic, =e), or a demonstrative. They behave like proclitics, phonologically joining the following independent word. Te serves two functions in the noun phrase, as a marker of both definiteness and grammatical topic. In this sense it is similar to the definite articles in French or Spanish.
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The Battle of ShancaowanChinese Character Database: With Word-formations Phonologically Disambiguated According to the Cantonese Dialect 茜 and 扇 carry the same syllable in Cantonese -- sin3.] (), also known as Battle of Veniaga Island (Portuguese: Batalha da Ilha da Veniaga) was a naval battle between the Ming dynasty coast guard and a Portuguese fleet led by Martim Afonso de Mello that occurred in 1522. The Ming court threatened to expel Portuguese traders from China after receiving news that the Malacca Sultanate, a Ming tributary, had been invaded by the Portuguese. In addition, the Portuguese had been purchasing slaves on the Chinese coast, to sell in Portuguese Malacca.
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Therefore, he concluded that glossolalia is not "a specimen of human language because it is neither internally organized nor systematically related to the world man perceives". On the basis of his linguistic analysis, Samarin defined Pentecostal glossolalia as "meaningless but phonologically structured human utterance, believed by the speaker to be a real language but bearing no systematic resemblance to any natural language, living or dead". Practitioners of glossolalia may disagree with linguistic researchers and claim that they are speaking human languages (xenoglossia). Felicitas Goodman studied a number of Pentecostal communities in the United States, the Caribbean, and Mexico; these included English-, Spanish- and Mayan-speaking groups.
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The voiceless glottal fricative, sometimes called voiceless glottal transition, and sometimes called the aspirate, is a type of sound used in some spoken languages that patterns like a fricative or approximant consonant phonologically, but often lacks the usual phonetic characteristics of a consonant. The symbol in the International Phonetic Alphabet that represents this sound is , and the equivalent X-SAMPA symbol is `h`, although has been described as a voiceless vowel because in many languages, it lacks the place and manner of articulation of a prototypical consonant as well as the height and backness of a prototypical vowel: Lamé contrasts voiceless and voiced glottal fricatives.
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Hangzhou dialect (, Rhangzei Rhwa) is spoken in the city of Hangzhou and its immediate suburbs, but excluding areas further away from Hangzhou such as Xiāoshān (蕭山) and Yúháng (余杭) (both originally county-level cities and now the districts within Hangzhou City). The number of speakers of the Hangzhou dialect has been estimated to be about 1.2 to 1.5 million. It is a dialect of Wu, one of the Chinese varieties. The Hangzhou dialect is of immense interest to Chinese historical phonologists and dialectologists because phonologically, it exhibits extensive similarities with the other Wu dialects; however, grammatically and lexically, it shows many Mandarin tendencies.
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In linguistics, pre-stopping, also known as pre-occlusion or pre-plosion, is a phonological process involving the historical or allophonic insertion of a very short stop consonant before a sonorant, such as a short before a nasal or a lateral . The resulting sounds () are called pre-stopped consonants, or sometimes pre-ploded or (in Celtic linguistics) pre-occluded consonants, although technically may be considered an occlusive/stop without the pre- occlusion. A pre-stopped consonant behaves phonologically as a single consonant. That is, like affricates and trilled affricates, the reasons for considering these sequences to be single consonants lies primarily in their behavior.
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A 2006 study examined the acquisition of German in phonologically delayed children (specifically, issues with fronting of velars and stopping of fricatives) and whether they applied phonotactic constraints to word-initial consonant clusters containing these modified consonants. In many cases, the subjects (mean age = 5;1) avoided making phonotactic violations, opting instead for other consonants or clusters in their speech. This suggests that phonotactic constraints do apply to the speech of German children with phonological delay, at least in the case of word-initial consonant clusters. Additional research has also shown that spelling consistencies seen in German raise children's phonemic awareness as they acquire reading skills.
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However, which letters the basic consonants were differs between the two accounts. Whereas the Haerye implies that the graphically simplest letters ㄱㄴㅁㅅㅇ are basic, with others derived from them by the addition of strokes (though with ㆁㄹㅿ set apart), Ledyard believes the five phonologically simplest letters ㄱㄷㄹㅂㅈ, which were basic in Chinese phonology, were also basic to hangul, with strokes either added or subtracted to derive the other letters. It was these five core letters which were taken from the Phagspa script, and ultimately derive from the Tibetan letters ག ད ལ བ ས. Thus they may be cognate with Greek Γ Δ Λ Β and the letters C/G D L B of the Latin alphabet.
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Her research group also demonstrated that the impact of bilingualism is not limited to language processing, but also influences visual search and changes how speakers of different languages focus their attention. For example, English and Spanish speakers look at different objects when searching for the same item (e.g., clock) in identical visual displays. Whereas English speakers searching for the clock also look at a cloud, Spanish-English bilinguals searching for the clock look at both a cloud and a gift, because the Spanish names for gift (regalo) and clock (reloj) overlap phonologically. These differences in looking patterns emerge despite an absence of direct linguistic input, suggesting that peoples’ lifelong experience with language can influence visual search.
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A study by Hoshino & Kroll (2008) demonstrated that Japanese-English and Spanish-English bilinguals performed similarly in picture naming tasks even though the cognates for Spanish-English bilinguals shared phonological and orthographic (sound and spelling) information whereas the Japanese cognates were only phonologically similar (sound). Although the words were spelt and presented differently for Japanese-English bilinguals, this did not affect the simultaneous activation of both their languages. In 2011, Wu and Thierry conducted a study where Chinese-English bilinguals were shown picture pairs. Participants were asked to name the second picture in the pair when it was shown and then were asked to judge whether the word pairs corresponding to the pictured objects rhymed or not.
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Phonologically, it is noteworthy among the Omotic languages for having velar and uvular fricative phonemes. The basic word order is SOV (subject–object–verb), as in other Omotic languages, indeed as in all the languages of the core of the Ethiopian Language Area. The language, as well as the Dime people themselves, reportedly decreased in numbers over the 20th century due to predation from their neighbors the Bodi, and both are in danger of extinction. According to Ethiopian census figures, the 1994 census reported 6293 speakers of the Dime language in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples' Region alone;1994 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Results for Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples' Region, Vol.
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Initially there was considerable debate amongst linguists as to whether Vedda is a dialect of Sinhalese or an independent language. Later studies indicate that the language spoken by today’s Veddas is a creole which evolved from ancient times, when the Veddas came into contact with the early Sinhalese, from whom they increasingly borrowed words and synthetic features, yielding the cumulative effect that Vedda resembles Sinhalese in many particulars, but its grammatical core remains intact. The parent Vedda language(s) is of unknown linguistic origins, while Sinhalese is part of the Indo-Aryan branch of Indo-European language family. Phonologically, Vedda is distinguished from Sinhalese by the higher frequency of palatal sounds [c] and [ɟ].
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Furthermore, when performing on tasks with phonologically confusable initial sounds, hearing readers made more errors than deaf readers. Yet when given sentences that are sublexically confusable when translated into ASL, deaf readers made more errors than hearing readers. The body of literature clearly shows that skilled deaf readers can employ phonological skills, even if they don’t all the time; without additional longitudinal studies it is uncertain if a profoundly deaf person must know something about the phonology of the target language to become a skilled reader (less than 75% of the deaf population) or if by becoming a skilled reader a deaf person learns how to employ phonological skills of the target language.
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Although the mental lexicon is often called a mental "dictionary", in actuality, research suggests that it differs greatly from a dictionary. For example, the mental lexicon is not organized alphabetically like a dictionary; rather, it seems to be organized in a more complex manner, with links between phonologically and semantically related lexical items. This is suggested by evidence of phenomena such as slips of the tongue, which showed that replacing words such as anecdote for antidote. Also, while dictionaries contain a fixed number of words to be counted, and remain outdated as language is continually changing, the mental lexicon consistently updates itself with new words and word meanings, while getting rid of old, unused words.
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Japanese has only five native vowel sounds, each a pure vowel (monophthong) with a long and short form, and some degree of approximation is necessary when representing vowels from, for example, English. Diphthongs are represented by sequences of vowels, and pronounced with hiatus, as a sequence of discrete monophthongs, not a diphthong, as in ブラウン Bu-ra-u-n "Brown", ナイス na-i-su "nice", ディア di-a "dear/deer", レア re-a "rare". etc. The English spelling (phonologically /ɔː/ (RP) or /ɔːr/ (GA)) is usually "diphthongized" as o-a in Japanese (e.g. コア ko-a "core"), possibly because it is also pronounced as a diphthong (/oə/) in some accents of English.
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The accent of southern Midland American English (often identified as a South Midland accent) is documented as sharing key features with Southern American English, though to a weaker extent; this definition would additionally encompass the rest of Texas, Oklahoma, West Virginia, eastern and central Kansas, southern Missouri, southern Indiana, southern Ohio, and possibly southern Illinois. Southern American English as a regional dialect can be divided into various sub-dialects, the most phonologically advanced (i.e., the most innovative) ones being southern varieties of Appalachian English and certain varieties of Texan English. African-American English has many common points with Southern American English dialects due to the strong historical ties of African Americans to the South.
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The name Bulgaria is derived from the Bulgars, a tribe of Turkic origin that founded the country. Their name is not completely understood and is difficult to trace back earlier than the 4th century AD, but it is possibly derived from the Proto-Turkic word bulģha ("to mix", "shake", "stir") and its derivative bulgak ("revolt", "disorder"). The meaning may be further extended to "rebel", "incite" or "produce a state of disorder", and so, in the derivative, the "disturbers". Ethnic groups in Inner Asia with phonologically similar names were frequently described in similar terms: during the 4th century, the Buluoji, a component of the "Five Barbarian" groups in Ancient China, were portrayed as both a "mixed race" and "troublemakers".
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English has all three types: the vowel sound in hit is a monophthong , the vowel sound in boy is in most dialects a diphthong , and the vowel sounds of flower, , form a triphthong or disyllable, depending on dialect. In phonology, diphthongs and triphthongs are distinguished from sequences of monophthongs by whether the vowel sound may be analyzed into different phonemes or not. For example, the vowel sounds in a two-syllable pronunciation of the word flower () phonetically form a disyllabic triphthong, but are phonologically a sequence of a diphthong (represented by the letters ) and a monophthong (represented by the letters ). Some linguists use the terms diphthong and triphthong only in this phonemic sense.
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Note that the Maximal Subset Condition stated above is a formal instantiation of the elsewhere condition. Contextual specification is also used to account for phonologically conditioned suppletive allomorphy, using phonological contexts. Thus, the singular indefinite marker in English can be stated as follows (we could also underspecify one of the allomorphs to express a default morpheme): #[-def, +sg] ↔ an / _V #[-def, +sg] ↔ a / _C A prediction about suppletive allomorphy in Distributed Allomorphy is that, assuming exponents are inserted in a bottom-up fashion of the syntactic tree, it should always be ‘inward-looking.’ This means that contextual allomorphy can only involve the selection of an allomorph based on something lower in the tree.
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The Pirahã language is one of the phonologically simplest languages known, comparable to Rotokas (New Guinea) and the Lakes Plain language Obokuitai. There is a claim that Pirahã has as few as ten phonemes, one fewer than Rotokas, but this requires analyzing as an underlying . Although such a phenomenon is odd cross-linguistically, Ian Maddieson has found in researching Pirahã data that does indeed exhibit an unusual distribution in the language. The 'ten phoneme' claim also does not consider the tones of Pirahã, at least two of which are phonemic (marked by an acute accent and either unmarked or marked by a grave accent in Everett), bringing the number of phonemes to at least twelve.
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Pronunciation glosses are indicated with fanqie, using Xuanzang's phonologically sophisticated fanqie transcription system (Buswell and Lopez 2013: 1030). While Xuanying does not mention the (601) Qieyun rime dictionary, which uses different fanqie character "spellings" from the Yiqiejing yinyi, the similarity between the phonological systems of the two works indicates that they were based on the same Chinese dialect (Malmqvist 2010: 159). Xuanying's Yiqiejing yinyi made more detailed and specific semantic explanations than earlier dictionaries, "no judgements would be given before rigorous textual research had been carried out and meticulous comments added" (Yong and Peng 2008: 170). For elucidating word meanings, Xuanying quotes from more than 112 works in Chinese literature (Guang 2012: 235).
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Pro-drop is only licensed in languages that have a positive setting of the pro-drop parameter, which allows the null element to be identified by its governor. In pro-drop languages with a highly inflected verbal morphology, the expression of the subject pronoun is considered unnecessary because the verbal inflection indicates the person and number of the subject, thus the referent of the null subject can be inferred from the grammatical inflection on the verb. Even though in everyday speech there are instances when who or what is being referred to can be inferred from context, non-pro-drop languages still require the pronoun. However, pro-drop languages allow those referential pronouns to be omitted, or be phonologically null.
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For example, the verb meaning "she/he/they is/are crying" has the following morphological composition: Ø-Ø-cha where both the imperfective modal prefix and the third person subject prefix are phonologically null morphemes and the verb stem is -cha. In order for this verb to be complete a yi- peg element must be prefixed to the verb stem, resulting in the verb form yicha. Another examples are verb yishcha ('I'm crying') which is morphologically Ø-sh-cha (Ø- null imperfective modal, -sh- first person singular subject, -cha verb stem) and wohcha ('you [2+] are crying') which is Ø-oh-cha (Ø- null imperfective modal, -oh- second person dual-plural subject, -cha verb stem). The glide consonant of the peg element is before , before , and before .
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Prenasalized consonants are phonetic sequences of a nasal and an obstruent (or occasionally a non-nasal sonorant such as ) that behave phonologically like single consonants. The primary reason for considering them to be single consonants, rather than clusters as in English finger or member, lies in their behaviour; however, there may also be phonetic correlates which distinguish prenasalized consonants from clusters. Because of the additional difficulty in both articulation and timing, prenasalized fricatives and sonorants are not as common as prenasalized stops or affricates, and the presence of the former implies the latter. In most languages, when a prenasalized consonant is described as "voiceless", it is only the oral portion that is voiceless, and the nasal portion is modally voiced.
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The Paulician dialect is a Bulgarian dialect of the Rhodopean group of the Rup dialects. The Paulician dialect is spoken by some 40,000 people, nearly all of them Catholic Bulgarians, in the region of Rakovski in southern Bulgaria and Svishtov in northern Bulgaria. The language of the Banat Bulgarians, late 17th century Bulgarian Catholic migrants to Banat, is phonologically and morphologically identical to the Paulician dialect (Banat Bulgarian language). However, as a result of its three-century separation from Standard Bulgarian and its close interaction with German and Hungarian, Banat Bulgarian has adopted a number of loanwords not present in Standard Bulgarian and a Croatian-based Latin alphabet and is therefore now considered to be one of the three literary forms of Modern Bulgarian.
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Non-absolutive nominals are marked in one of the three following ways i) case-marking ii) phonologically independent, directly following postposition word or iii) occurs as a distinct form, that generally incorporates a nasal (Fleck, 2003 p.824). In contrast, ergative arguments are identifiable through ergative nouns or noun phrases’ that are “case-marked with the enclitic -n, identical to instrumental and genitive case markers, and to the locative/temporal postpositional enclitic” (Fleck, 2003 p.825). Important to note, is that pronoun forms are easier distinctive, in form and/or distribution (Fleck, 2003 p.826). There are four pronominal forms associated with the four -n enclitics and this suggests that there are four independent markers in contrast to a single morpheme with a broader range of functions.
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In 1958, one of the earliest studies of the relationship between social differences and dialect differences was published by John Gumperz, who studied the speech patterns in Khalapur, a small, highly stratified village in India. In all, the village has 31 castes, ranging from Brahmins and Rajputs at the top, to Chamars and Bhangis at the bottom, and 90% of the overall population was Hindu, with the remaining 10% Muslim. Gumperz observed that the different castes were distinguished both phonologically and lexically, with each caste having a vocabulary specific to their subculture. Remarkably, the speech differences between Hindus and Muslims "are of the same order as those between individual touchable castes and certainly much less important than the variation between touchables and untouchables".
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The situation following stressed short non-high vowels (/e/, /æ/, /ø/, /a/, /o/, /ɔ/) is much debated and was apparently different in the individual dialects.Homepage of a symposium on Old Norwegian vowel harmony, held in Bergen in March 2015 (in Norwegian) The u-umlaut of short /a/ (written ǫ in normalized Old Norse) is not as consistently graphically distinguished from non-umlauted /a/ as in Old Icelandic, especially in writings from the Eastern dialect areas. It is still a matter of academic debate whether this is to be interpreted phonologically as a lack of umlaut or merely as a lack of its graphical representation. Old Norwegian had alternative dual and plural first person pronouns, mit, mér, to the Common Norse vit, vér.
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Jan-Petter Blom and John J. Gumperz coined the linguistic term 'metaphorical code- switching' in the late sixties and early seventies. They wanted to "clarify the social and linguistic factors involved in the communication process ... by showing that speaker's selection among semantically, grammatically, and phonologically permissible alternates occurring in conversation sequences recorded in natural groups is both patterned and predictable on the basis of certain features of the local social system." They wanted to explain why, in a community where all the members of a community have access to two codes, a speaker will sometimes prefer one over another. They therefore did a study in Hemnesberget, a diglossic community in Norway, to test their hypothesis that switching was topic related and predictable.
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In the period 1915 - 1918 he served as the president of JAZU, and twice as the head of the philological-historical class of the Academy, first from 1906–1913, then a second time from 1919-1928. As a gymnasium student he published short literary works (signing as Tomislav). In the 1880s he focused on Croatian orthography and alphabet issues, having published a few papers on it (the study "Historija hrvatskoga pravopisa latinskijem slovima") in which he was laying foundations for the acceptance of phonologically-based orthography. At the end of the 19th century he published two grammars: the "academic" ("Gramatika i stilistika hrvatskoga ili srpskoga književnog jezika") and gymnasium ("Gramatika hrvatskoga jezika za niže razrede srednjih škola", both in 1899) version, in which he completely directed grammatical norm of the Croatian literary language towards Neoštokavian.
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In 1965, Dallett had discovered that this observed modality effect is greatly reduced by the addition of a "suffix" item to the presented list; this suffix is a distractor item that is not to be recalled. Robert Greene utilized this observation in 1987 to discover that this suffix effect has a larger impact on lists learned auditorally as opposed to visually. The culmination of all of these findings results in strong support of the theory that there is a short- term store that phonologically stores recently learned items. In addition, Bloom and Watkins found that the suffix effect is greatly diminished when the suffix is not interpreted as linguistic sound, which agrees with the phonological short term store theory as it would be largely unaffected by non- linguistic distractors.
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The three- word English phrase, "with his club", where 'with' identifies its dependent noun phrase as an instrument and 'his' denotes a possession relation, would consist of two words or even just one word in many languages. Unlike most languages, Kwak'wala semantic affixes phonologically attach not to the lexeme they pertain to semantically, but to the preceding lexeme. Consider the following example (in Kwak'wala, sentences begin with what corresponds to an English verb): kwixʔid-i-da bəgwanəmai-χ-a q'asa-s-isi t'alwagwayu Morpheme by morpheme translation: ::kwixʔid-i-da = clubbed-PIVOT-DETERMINER ::bəgwanəma- χ-a = man-ACCUSATIVE-DETERMINER ::q'asa-s-is = otter-INSTRUMENTAL-3SG- POSSESSIVE ::t'alwagwayu = club :"the man clubbed the otter with his club." (Notation notes: # accusative case marks an entity that something is done to.
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Although Oromo has been transcribed using two writing systems Sheikh Sapalo was familiar with, the Ge'ez script and the Arabic alphabet, both are "far from adequate" in Hayward and Hassan's opinion, for reasons they set forth. (Most important being that Amhara has only seven vowels while Oromo has 10.)Hayward and Hassan, "Shaykh Bakri Saṗalō", p. 556 While they "have no reason whatsoever to entertain the belief that Shaykh Bakri had ever studied modern linguistics, or was acquainted with the concept of the phoneme, it is nevertheless the case that his writing system is almost entirely phonemic; that is to say, it is a system achieving the ideal of just one graphic symbol for each phonologically distinctive sound of the language."Hayward and Hassan, "Shaykh Bakri Saṗalō", p.
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An issue in the cognitive and neurological study of reading and spelling in English is whether a single-route or dual-route model best describes how literate speakers are able to read and write all three categories of English words according to accepted standards of orthographic correctness. Single-route models posit that lexical memory is used to store all spellings of words for retrieval in a single process. Dual-route models posit that lexical memory is employed to process irregular and high-frequency regular words, while low-frequency regular words and nonwords are processed using a sub-lexical set of phonological rules. The single-route model for reading has found support in computer modelling studies, which suggest that readers identify words by their orthographic similarities to phonologically alike words.
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Jackendoff, Selkirk, Rooth, Krifka, Schwarzschild argue that focus consists of a feature that is assigned to a node in the syntactic representation of a sentence. Because focus is now widely seen as corresponding between heavy stress, or nuclear pitch accent, this feature is often associated with the phonologically prominent element(s) of a sentence. Sound structure (phonological and phonetic) studies of focus are not as numerous, as relational language phenomena tend to be of greater interest to syntacticians and semanticists. But this may be changing: a recent study found that not only do focused words and phrases have a higher range of pitch compared to words in the same sentence but that words following the focus in both American English and Mandarin Chinese were lower than normal in pitch and words before a focus are unaffected.
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Vedic Sanskrit has a number of linguistic features which are alien to most other Indo-European languages. Prominent examples include: phonologically, the introduction of retroflexes, which alternate with dentals, and morphologically, the formation of gerunds; Some philologists attribute such features, as well as the presence of non-Indo-European vocabulary, to a local substratum of languages encountered by Indo-Aryan peoples in Central Asia and within the Indian subcontinent, including the Dravidian languages. Scholars have identified a substantial body of loanwords in the earliest Indian texts, including clear evidence of Non-Indo-Aryan elements (such as -s- following -u- in Rigvedic busa). While some loanwords are from Dravidian, and other forms are traceable to Munda or Proto-Burushaski, the bulk have no sensible basis in any of these families, suggesting a source in one or more lost languages.
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They are produced with a partially constricted glottis and additional subglottal pressure in addition to tense vocal tract walls, laryngeal lowering, or other expansion of the larynx. An alternative analysis proposes that the "tensed" series of sounds are (fundamentally) regular voiceless, unaspirated consonants: the "lax" sounds are voiced consonants that become devoiced initially, and the primary distinguishing feature between word-initial "lax" and "tensed" consonants is that initial lax sounds cause the following vowel to assume a low-to-high pitch contour, a feature reportedly associated with voiced consonants in many Asian languages, whereas tensed (and also aspirated) consonants are associated with a uniformly high pitch. :5. The analysis of as phonologically plain or aspirated has been a source of controversy in the literature. Its characteristics are nearest to those of aspirated stops, as it generally doesn't undergo intervocalic voicing word-medially.
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Studies have found that peer tutoring provides academic benefits for learners across the subject areas of "reading, mathematics, science, and social studies" Peer tutoring has also been found to be an effective teaching method in enhancing the reading comprehension skills of students, especially that of students with a low academic performance at the secondary level in schools. Additionally, peer tutoring has been proven especially useful for those with learning disabilities at the elementary level, while there is mixed evidence showing the effectiveness of peer tutoring for those at the secondary level. One study suggests that phonologically based reading instruction for first-graders at risk for learning disability can be delivered by non-teachers. In the study, non- certified tutors gave students intensive one-to-one tutoring for 30 minutes, 4 days a week for one school year.
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The word Vükiped is unique among translations of the name Wikipedia because it conveys an adaptation of the original word's connotations while being composed entirely of existent Volapük morphemes. Instead of opting for an habitual calque of the English portmanteau of wiki and encyclopedia, the Volapük Wikipedia's community preferred to devise a neologism, because a borrowing of the prefix wiki- would be inconsistent with Volapük morphology. The resulting Vükiped is composed of morphemes vü- ("inter-", "among") and kiped ("to keep", "to preserve", "to maintain"), and has an implied meaning that roughly translates as: "the effort to maintain this Wikipedia is shared among a group of folks". The word was adopted in early 2004, for its autological conveyance of a central aspect of Wikipedia's nature and because it is both phonologically and orthographically similar to the original term Wikipedia.
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Reintegrationist and Lusist groups are protesting against this so-called language secessionism, which they call Castrapism (from castrapo, something like "patois") or Isolationism. Unlike in the case of Valencian Blaverism, isolationism has no impact in the scientific community of linguists, and it is supported for a small number of them but still has clear political support. Galician-Portuguese linguistic unity until the 16th century seems to be consensus, as does both Galician and European Portuguese being closer to each other and to the more conservative Portuguese variants of Brazil and Africa in the 18th century than in the 19th century, and also closer in the 19th century than in the 20th century and now. In this period, while Galician for the most part lost vowel reduction, velarization of and nasal vowels, and some speech registers of it adhered to yeísmo, all making it phonologically closer to Spanish.
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Phonologically Sylheti is distinguished from standard Bengali and other regional varieties by significant deaspiration and spirantization,"One of the properties that distinguish Sylheti from SCB or other regional varieties is the significant application of obstruent weakening involving de-aspiration and spirantization." leading to major restructuring of the consonant inventory"Consequently, the consonant inventory (especially the obstruents), of Sylheti exhibit a major reduction and restructuring compared to that of (Standard Colloquial Bengali)." and the development of tones."Also noteworthy is the development of tones due to loss of the breathiness and aspiration contrast." Although Grierson had classified Sylheti as an Eastern Bengali dialect, he had identified Sylheti sharing some features with Assamese including a larger set of inflections than Bengali. Particularly in the United Kingdom, the majority of the diaspora using Sylheti as the main vernacular has led some to view it as a distinct language, due to an environment that was somewhat uninfluenced by standard Bengali.
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Traditional Chinese syllable structure In Chinese syllable structure, the onset is replaced with an initial, and a semivowel or liquid forms another segment, called the medial. These four segments are grouped into two slightly different components: ; Initial (ι): optional onset, excluding sonorants ; Final (φ): medial, nucleus, and final consonantMore generally, the letter φ indicates a prosodic foot of two syllables :; Medial (μ): optional semivowel or liquidMore generally, the letter μ indicates a mora :; Nucleus (ν): a vowel or syllabic consonant :; Coda (κ): optional final consonant In many languages of the Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area, such as Chinese, the syllable structure is expanded to include an additional, optional segment known as a medial, which is located between the onset (often termed the initial in this context) and the rime. The medial is normally a semivowel, but reconstructions of Old Chinese generally include liquid medials ( in modern reconstructions, in older versions), and many reconstructions of Middle Chinese include a medial contrast between and , where the functions phonologically as a glide rather than as part of the nucleus. In addition, many reconstructions of both Old and Middle Chinese include complex medials such as , , and .
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Language and grammar for Tolkien was a matter of aesthetics and euphony, and Quenya in particular was designed from "phonaesthetic" considerations; it was intended as an "Elvenlatin", and was phonologically based on Latin, with ingredients from Finnish, Welsh, English, and Greek.Letters, no. 144. A notable addition came in late 1945 with Adûnaic or Númenórean, a language of a "faintly Semitic flavour", connected with Tolkien's Atlantis legend, which by The Notion Club Papers ties directly into his ideas about the inability of language to be inherited, and via the "Second Age" and the story of Eärendil was grounded in the legendarium, thereby providing a link of Tolkien's 20th-century "real primary world" with the legendary past of his Middle-earth. Tolkien considered languages inseparable from the mythology associated with them, and he consequently took a dim view of auxiliary languages: in 1930 a congress of Esperantists were told as much by him, in his lecture A Secret Vice, "Your language construction will breed a mythology", but by 1956 he had concluded that "Volapük, Esperanto, Ido, Novial, &c;, &c;, are dead, far deader than ancient unused languages, because their authors never invented any Esperanto legends".
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