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191 Sentences With "people of Ireland"

How to use people of Ireland in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "people of Ireland" and check conjugation/comparative form for "people of Ireland". Mastering all the usages of "people of Ireland" from sentence examples published by news publications.

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So. People of Ireland, Canada, Australia and pretty well everywhere else.
This week, the people of Ireland will take part in a historic vote.
"Celebrating repeal, your father expressed his 'gratitude to the people of Ireland,'" wrote Watson.
And now the government and people of Ireland are learning that the hard way.
"I do not believe the smart people of Ireland want this unrestricted, abortion-on-demand bill."
Today, the people of Ireland are turning out to vote on whether to repeal the Eighth Amendment.
AND I WONDER IF YOU ARE EXPECTING THAT TO RESONATE WITH THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND AFTER THIS DECISION?
That moment in Galway when the pope said, 'Young people of Ireland, I love you,' I believed him.
Mr. O'Gorman had come to realize that no, the pope had not loved the young people of Ireland.
In this Tory political game, the people of Ireland, our peace, economy and institutions, would all become collateral damage.
But a vision told him that the people of Ireland were calling him to go back and spread the Christian faith.
That agreement was founded on the democratic principle that the people of Ireland, North and South, should determine their own future.
ALTHOUGH the people of Ireland voted to overturn the country's ban on abortion on May 25th, in one part of the island the restrictions continue.
And so, the people of Britain voted to leave that kind of abusive arrangement and now the people of Ireland may do the same — if they're smart.
The people of Ireland have enjoyed an enormous economic boost from the country's inviting investment climate, as U.S.-based companies have come to dominate its business landscape.
I marveled as I walked around on the same old floorboards that he did, then I had the privilege to address the people of Ireland on College Green.
That is hugely emotive for the people of Ireland who endured a civil war and heavy U.K. military presence for decades until a breakthrough peace agreement in 1998.
St. Patrick's Day is a cultural and religious celebration of one of Ireland's patron saints, St. Patrick, who is responsible for converting the people of Ireland to Christianity.
National debate Cora Sherlock, a spokeswoman for the anti-abortion group "Pro Life Campaign Ireland," told CNN on Sunday the people of Ireland should be very proud of the amendment.
Since 1983 and the insertion of the Eighth Amendment to our constitution, the people of Ireland have lived in the shadow of one of the most restrictive abortion laws in the world.
"The bond between the people of America and the people of Ireland stretches back into the mists of American history," he told a group of prominent Irish-Americans on Wednesday night in Washington.
The people of Ireland voted in a historic referendum Friday to repeal a constitutional clause that created one of the world's worst anti-abortion regimes by giving a fetus the same rights as a woman.
Editorial The people of Ireland have shown a commendable willingness to strike anachronistic bias from the country's laws, most emphatically in legalizing gay marriage last year in a referendum approved by three out of five voters.
Op-Ed Contributor Dublin — IN 1998, for the first time since partition in 1921, the people of Ireland, North and South, joined in voting for change when they took part in referendums on the Good Friday Agreement.
One key quote: "The presidency belongs not only to any one person but to the people of Ireland... I will be a president for all the people, for those who voted for me and those who did not," Higgins said.
But unlike Pope John Paul II's trip—which saw the country come to a standstill, as though God himself had said, "Young people of Ireland, I love you"—Francis will be greeted by a number of protests over past abuses carried out by the church.
" "On behalf of the people of Ireland, I extend my deepest sympathies on the death of Senator John McCain, a wise and remarkable statesman, US ally of Ireland and a proud Scots Irishman who was a champion for immigration reform in the US Senate.
LONDON (Reuters) - British Prime Minister Theresa May will tell parliament she will look at how to meet the promises she has made to the people of Ireland and Northern Ireland in a way that can win the backing of parliament for her Brexit deal, the BBC reported.
DUBLIN (Reuters) - The people of Ireland are set to liberalize some of the world's most restrictive abortion laws by a landslide, two exit polls from a referendum showed on Friday, as voters demanded change in what two decades ago was one of Europe's most socially conservative countries.
Title page from the 1724 pamphlet To the Whole People of Ireland The Drapier's fourth letter, To the Whole People of Ireland, A Word or Two to the People of Ireland, A Short Defense of the People of Ireland, was written on 13 October 1724 and was either published on 21 October 1724 or on 22 October 1724, the day Lord Carteret arrived in Dublin. Throughout the letter, the Drapier pretends that Carteret's transfer to Ireland to enforce Wood's patent was a rumour produced by Wood's allies, although Swift had knowledge to the contrary.Ferguson p. 114 The fourth letter was written in response to the many charges put forth by the British supporters of Wood's patent against the Irish, including claims of papal influence and of treason.
On 20 May 2018, the parents of Halappanavar called for a Yes vote in Ireland's referendum on the repeal of the Eighth Amendment with her father saying, "I hope the people of Ireland will vote yes for abortion, for the ladies of Ireland and the people of Ireland. My daughter, she lost her life because of this abortion law, because of the diagnosis, and she could not have an abortion. She died." On 25 May 2018, the people of Ireland voted Yes to repeal the Eighth Amendment by a margin of 2 to 1.
121 Regardless of the proclamation against the Drapier and the words issued by important Irish officials, the people of Ireland had stood by the writer, and it was their support that protected Swift.Drapier's Letters pp. xlii–xliii Some critics have viewed this support as resulting from the letter's appeal to the "mob", or common people, of Ireland.
Pope John Paul II visited Ballybrit racecourse on 30 September 1979 during his visit to Ireland. There was a mass held for the young people of Ireland where the Pope famously said "Young people of Ireland, I love you". There were 280,000 people in attendance that day. Doughiska has also hosted numerous outdoor concerts for the Galway Arts Festival.
The Conmhaícne Ceara or Conmaicne Cúile Ceara () were an early people of Ireland. Their tuath comprised some or all of the barony of Carra, County Mayo.
The Conmhaícne Cúile or Conmaicne Cuile Tolad () were an early people of Ireland. Their tuath comprised, at minimum, most of the barony of Kilmaine, in County Mayo.
The Conmhaícne Dúna Móir (), or Cenéoil Dubáin (Conmaicne of Dubain race) were an early people of Ireland. Their tuath comprised at least the barony of Dunmore, in County Galway.
The Conmhaícne Angaile (the Conmaicne descended from Angall), were an early people of Ireland. Their tuath comprised the territory of Angaile, now County Longford. They were known also as "Muintir Angaile".
The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is responsible for protecting and improving the environment as a valuable asset for the people of Ireland. It operates independently under the Department of the Environment, Climate and Communications.
Today the name of McCormack, Mullins, McFadden, and Courtney are some of the names that still follow the roads to bring entertainment to the people of Ireland both in the city and remote country areas.
The Conmhaícne Luacháin (Conmaicne descended from Luchan) or Cenel Luchain (race of Luchan), were an early people of Ireland, whose tuath comprised the parishes of Oughteragh and Drumreilly, barony of Carrigallen, in southern County Leitrim.
The Conmhaícne Mheáin Maigh or Conmaicne Mhein or Conmaicne Máenmaige or Conmaicne Críche Meic Erca (the Conmaicne of the central plain), were an early people of Ireland, their tuath comprising the barony of Loughrea, in County Galway.
The Conmhaícne Mara or Conmaicne Mara (the Conmaicne of the sea), were an early people of Ireland. Their tuath settled in the extreme west of County Galway, giving their name to Connemara, an anglicised form of Conmhaicne Mara.
The Cluain Conmhaícne (Conmaicne of the pasture), or Cluain Conmaicne, were an early people of Ireland. Their tuath comprised the entire parish of Cloone, located in the baronies of Maigh Rein (Mohill) and Carrigallen, in south County Leitrim.
Craik p. 74 The Drapier believed that God's providence supported the people of Ireland, but his will required the people of Ireland to stand up against the treasonous British.Johnson p. 76 The most famous and controversial statement of the Drapier's Letters follows claims of loyalty to the Irish king: :I have digressed a little to refresh and continue that spirit so seasonably raised amongst you, and to let you see that by the laws of GOD, of NATURE, of NATIONS, and of your own COUNTRY, you ARE and OUGHT to be as FREE a people as your brethren in England.
Ehrenpreis p. 240 In referring to this point, the Drapier asks, "Were not the People of Ireland born as Free as those of England?" The final image of this letter is that of the small but brave David versus the giant Goliath.Beaumont p.
The Ireland lunar sample displays are two commemorative plaques consisting of small fragments of Moon rock brought back to Earth by the Apollo 11 and Apollo 17 lunar missions and given to the people of Ireland by United States President Richard Nixon as goodwill gifts.
Other critics emphasise that the letter's object, Lord Molesworth, was targeted to bind the higher and lower classes together. Using Molesworth, a religious dissenter, a nobleman, and the opposite of Swift, the Drapier unites all of the various people of Ireland in a common nationalist cause.
On Christmas Day 2010 Zig and Zag will host a special ‘Smells Like Saturday’ show,RTÉ radio Christmas line up featuring lots of listener ‘shout outs’, Christmas music and they will fly to the North Pole to deliver a present to Santa from the people of Ireland.
In 1968 the government formed the committee known as Coiste an Asgard and placed Asgard under their guidance and control to be used as a sail training vessel for the young people of Ireland. Sail training cruises were carried out on Asgard each year from 1969 to 1974.
He is buried in Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin. The Chester Beatty Library on Shrewsbury Road and the collection it housed was bequeathed to a trust on behalf of the people of Ireland. In 2000, it opened in its current location: the eighteenth-century Clock Tower building in the grounds of Dublin Castle.
On 12 October 2018, Gallagher praised Higgins calling him an "inspiring politician", that the people of Ireland were tired of negative politics, and that Gallagher wanted to "succeed Michael D, not replace". On 10 October 2018, the Irish Times when reviewing the candidates campaign videos, described Gallagher's video as an "electrifying exercise in grand patriotic baloney", and that it was "Fashioned lovingly from the finest garbage". On 15 October 2018, the Irish Times reported Gallagher wrote to Higgins in the Aras regarding his inability to attend all televised debates calling Higgins "insulting to the people of Ireland and shows contempt for the integrity of our electoral process". The final major opinion poll before the election placed Gallagher second, but his polling had fallen to 11%, with Higgins at 69%.
The plaintiff (Miss Kathleen Byrne) was walking on a footpath outside her home in Co. Wicklow on September 18, 1965, when it subsided causing her an injury; a cable-laying team from the Department of Posts and Telegraphs had been working on the sidewalk. Byrne sued the People of Ireland and the Attorney General for negligence, breach of statutory duty and nuisance as a result of the actions of the state's servants. After an intervention by the Chief State Solicitor, "Ireland" was substituted for the "People of Ireland" in the action. The case originally went to the High Court (Ireland) in 1968, which dismissed the plaintiff's case with Murnaghan J. holding that Article 5 of the Constitution, where the sovereignty of the state is asserted, precludes actions where the state would be a defendant.
Ehrenpreis p. 243 The Declaratory Act removed the ability for any in Ireland to speak for the people of Ireland, and it was necessary for the act to be removed before the people could be heard.Fabricant p. 481 However, such an attack on the Declaratory Act was common in Swift's works, and he constantly argued against the act by promoting Irish autonomy.
He was taken by ambulance to the South Infirmary Hospital but was pronounced dead on arrival. He was 58 years-old. The news of his death came as a great shock to the people of Ireland, and particularly to the people of Cork. His funeral was one of the biggest ever seen in Cork with up to 60,000 people lining the streets.
It often presents itself in populist terms as a group of amateurs speaking for the plain people of Ireland as against academic historians, whom it presents as elitist snobs with sinister political agendas.Coolacrease Book has Numerous Axes to Grind , Sunday Business Post. Spring 2009. Dublin Review of Books published a response by two of the book's authors in Autumn 2009.
So in 1823 he was elected President of the RCSI. After his presidency Kirby proposed that a National Surgical Hospital be established under the management of the College. He then published a pamphlet arguing that a national hospital would be more beneficial to the people of Ireland than extending a museum. This extension was, of course, what the College was considering doing at that time.
Together with Tony Ward, Moss Keane, Donal Spring and Ciaran Fitzgerald, MacNeill declined to take part in the 1981 Ireland rugby union tour of South Africa during the apartheid era. In the aftermath of the 1996 Docklands bombing, together with Trevor Ringland, MacNeill helped organise a friendly between Ireland and the Barbarians at Lansdowne Road to show that the people of Ireland wanted peace.
He returned to Ireland in 1786 and commenced studies in science, philosophy and politics. In July 1790 he met Theobald Wolfe Tone in the visitor's gallery in the Irish House of Commons and they became firm friends. In 1796, Russell published an ambitious and far-sighted document, Letter to the People of Ireland, which laid out his vision of social and economic reform for the Irish nation.
Brendan Clifford, introduction to Moore (1993), p. 15. Despite his mother being a devout catholic, and like O'Connell acknowledging Catholicism as Ireland's "national faith",Moore, as "Their Devoted Servant", dedicates The Travel of an Irish Gentleman "to the People of Ireland" as a "Defence their Ancient and National Faith", Moore appears to have abandoned the formal practice of his religion as soon as he entered Trinity.
The exterior of the dome is surmounted by a dramatic gilded crown and cross, which were a gift from the people of Ireland in 1924. The exterior facade of the basilica was modified in 2007 to include a depiction of the Luminous Mysteries, which are not a part of traditional fifteen, but of an extended version of it by Pope John Paul II in 2002.
Soon after arriving he was stationed at Tullow as assistant priest. Catholic education in Ireland had been denied to the people of Ireland since the seventeenth century; in consequence, much of the population suffered from poverty, hunger and drunkenness. Delany tried to bring back the traditional Catholic education to the community. He started by the establishment of Sunday schools for the youth of Tullow.
It was possibly a break of legal continuity, since the new constitution was not enacted by the Dail but merely approved by it pending a plebiscite through statute, but was instead given legitimacy by the people of Ireland through a plebiscite. The process de Valera engaged in from 1932 to 1937 has been described by Professor John M. Kelly and others as 'constitutional autochthony'.
Cllr Pat Dunne People Before Profit by Andrew Nally, The Liberty, 3 May 2011. Collins committed to facilitating the nomination of Senator David Norris for a place on the ballot paper ahead of the 2011 presidential election. She said that the people of Ireland should be allowed to decide Norris's suitability for the role. On 20 September 2011, she confirmed she had signed the relevant papers.
Upon its creation, the Wolfe Tone Society declared that its aim was to further the creation of a united, independent, democratic Irish Republic as declared in the 1916 Proclamation of the Irish Republic. To achieve this it would focus on trying to convince the people of Ireland to support its creation, via meetings, publications and other means. To help promote its message, the organisation published a newsletter called Tuairisc.
The Declaratory Act 1719 declared that the king and parliament of Great Britain had "full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient validity to bind the Kingdom and people of Ireland", and that the Irish House of Lords had no power to hear appeals from Irish courts.The Law & Working of the Constitution: Documents 1660-1914, ed. W. C. Costin & J. Steven Watson. A&C; Black, 1952. Vol.
In 2010 he was named one of the top Youth Leaders in both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland by the National Association of Principals and Deputy Principals and the General Teaching Council for Northern Ireland. McGrath continues to maintain a public profile in the area of political activism, and in 2012 he was named one of the top ten outstanding young people of Ireland by Junior Chamber International.
Bureau of Military History. Witness Statement 741: Michael J Kehoe, Member Irish Brigade, Germany, 1916. pp. 18, 23, 40, 47, 57, 62 was a military organisation established in 1913 by Irish nationalists. It was ostensibly formed in response to the formation of the Ulster Volunteers in 1912, and its declared primary aim was "to secure and maintain the rights and liberties common to the whole people of Ireland".
This depiction, of a very young woman facing directly forwards, is much more in keeping with Bernadette's descriptions of the apparition than the iconic statue in the niche in the Grotto. The gilded crown and cross surmounting the dome The exterior of the dome is surmounted by a dramatic gilded crown and cross, which were a gift from the People of Ireland in 1924. The cross was regilded in 2000-2.
According to a tradition unsupported by evidence, Ivrea is the place where Saint Patrick was consecrated bishop, c. 431, before evangelizing Ireland. Saint Malachy of Armagh passed through Ivrea in 1139 on his way to Rome. In 1847 the Bishop of Ivrea sent the Archbishop of Dublin forty pounds for the famine-stricken people of Ireland in memory of an Irish pilgrim who had died in Ivrea in 1492.
On 28 April 2020, at the next hearing on the matter, Gardaí and barriers prevented crowds from entering the court. About forty supporters of the applicants turned up, and no arrests were made. At the hearing, the judge fixed the applicant's appeal for hearing on 5 May 2020. At the meeting, O'Doherty said that the people of Ireland were under "mass house arrest" and Gardaí were "using guns" to frighten people.
In 1983, the people of Ireland added the Eighth Amendment to their constitution that “acknowledges the right to life of the unborn and, with due regard to the equal right to life of the mother, guarantees in its laws to respect, and, as far as practicable, by its laws to defend and vindicate that right.” This was repealed in 2018 by the Thirty- sixth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland.
Mahony p. 517 However, as he continued, many recent critics have re-examined this nationalistic claim and asserted a counterclaim that Swift is speaking more for the Protestants of Ireland than for the entire nation. Many critics, including Carol Fabricant, have asked who "the Whole People of Ireland" are, "who" the Drapier's Letters are speaking "to", and if Swift has the right, as a Protestant Englishman, to speak for the entire nation.Fabricant p.
Donngus Ua hAingliu (died 22 November 1095), also known as Donatus and Donat O'Haingly, was the third Bishop of Dublin. Donngus was elevated to the see of Dublin following bishop Gilla Pátraics death in 1084. He was consecrated by Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury in 1085 at "the request of the king, clergy, and people of Ireland" (Acta Lanfranci)Flanagan, p. 905 Donngus had been trained as a monk at Christ Church in Canterbury.
Following the final President Mary McAleese and Taoiseach Brian Cowen gave Egan some glowing tributes. "I am delighted to learn of Kenny's wonderful accomplishment today in Beijing," the President said. "The people of Ireland are uplifted by this outstanding achievement which continues a tradition of Irish Olympic boxing excellence dating back to 1952." Cowen echoed these remarks by saying "Kenny fought a brave fight and gave everything in a wonderful bout of top class boxing".
Delaney p. 217 The emphasis on religious unity, also found in "On the Wisdom of this World", comes from Swift's understanding of St. Paul's treatment of religious dissension among the early Christians.Daw "Favorite Books" p. 204 Paul's words, "that there should be no schism in the body", were important in the formation of this sermon, and served as part of Swift's encouragement to the people of Ireland to follow the same religion.
The Irish Apollo 17 Goodwill Moon Rock is located at the National Museum of Ireland. The Apollo 17 Goodwill Moon Rock was given to Irish President Erskine Childers, who later died in office. When his widow requested the rock as a keepsake of her late husband, the request was denied, as the Irish Government reasoned the Irish Goodwill Moon Rock belonged to the people of Ireland and not just to one individual.
The Republic of Ireland has no set criminal code. Instead, criminal law is set out in a diverse range of statutes and court decisions. Crime is investigated by the police force, the Garda Síochána. Serious offences are prosecuted by the Director of Public Prosecutions in the name of the People of Ireland, and are normally tried before a jury, although terrorist, and increasingly organised crime, trials are held in the juryless Special Criminal Court.
O'Kelly was appointed Minister for Finance in 1941.Townshend, p.463. He secured the passing of The Central Bank Act in 1942. On 17 July 1942, at the fifth and final stage of the Dáil debate on the "Central Banking Bill", he argued that the owner of the credit issued by the Central Bank of Ireland, should be the private property of the joint stock banker and not the property of the people of Ireland.
An Irish kingship ritual, from British Library Royal MS 13 B VIII, 1220 Kingfishers and a stork, from British Library Royal MS 13 B VIII, c. 1220 Hugh De Lacy by Gerald of Wales. Diarmaid_Mac_Murrough as depicted in the Expugnatio Hibernica, ca. 1189 Topographia Hibernica (Latin for Topography of Ireland), also known as Topographia Hiberniae, is an account of the landscape and people of Ireland written by Gerald of Wales around 1188, soon after the Norman invasion of Ireland.
The Famine Memorial in Dublin, Republic of Ireland Following the reformation of the Poor Laws in 1834, Ireland experienced a severe potato blight that lasted from 1845–1849 and killed an estimated 1.5 million people. The effects of the famine lasted until 1851. During this period the people of Ireland lost much land and many jobs, and appealed to the Westminster Parliament for aid. This aid generally came in the form of establishing more workhouses as indoor relief.
Over the next centuries more missions followed and spread through Anglo-Saxon England and the Frankish Empire. Since the 18th and 19th centuries, these early missions were called 'Celtic Christianity', though aside from some idiosyncratic cultural features, this version was still orthodox and maintained relationships with the Holy See. The Latin term Scotti refers to the Gaelic-speaking people of Ireland and western Scotland. In early medieval times Ireland was known as "Éire" (Irish), "Hibernia" and "Scotia" (Latin).
Gash, p. 474. On 16 April the Radical MP John Bright criticised the Bill: > Does Irish discontent arise because the priests of Maynooth are now > insufficiently clad or fed? I have always thought that it arose because one- > third of the people were paupers. I can easily see how, by the granting of > this sum, you might hear far less in future times of the sufferings and > wrongs of the people of Ireland than you have heard heretofore.
The name England ( or ) originates from these people.The Monarchy of England: Volume I – The Beginnings by David Starkey (extract at Channel 4 programme 'Monarchy') Celtic, in this context, refers to the people of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, the Isle of Man and Cornwall. Recorded usage dates as far back to at least the mid-19th century. A newspaper of the name, The Anglo-Celt (pronounced in this case as 'Anglo-Selt'), was founded in County Cavan in Ireland in 1846.
The bitterness that developed helped Parnell later in his Home Rule campaign. Davitt's views as seen in his famous slogan: "The land of Ireland for the people of Ireland" was aimed at strengthening the hold on the land by the peasant Irish at the expense of the alien landowners. Parnell aimed to harness the emotive element, but he and his party were strictly constitutional. He envisioned tenant farmers as potential freeholders of the land they had rented.
Irish missionaries out of monasteries in Ireland and Scotland (Iro-Schotten, Hiberno-Scottish) were instrumental in the spread of Christianity in Continental Europe during the Middle Ages.The Latin term Scotti refers to certain Gaelic-speaking people of Ireland (Hibernia) and Western Scotland. In early medieval times Ireland was known, not only as Éire, but also as Scotia as well as Hibernia, the Roman name for Ireland. By late Medieval times it referred more exclusively to what is now Scotland.
The Irish Apollo 17 Goodwill Moon Rock is located at the National Museum of Ireland. The Apollo 17 Goodwill Moon Rock was given to Irish President Erskine Childers who later died in office. When the widow of President Childers, Rita Dudley Childers, requested the rock as a keepsake of her late husband, the request was denied, as the Irish Government reasoned the Irish Goodwill Moon Rock belonged to the people of Ireland and not just to one individual.
Title page from the 1724 pamphlet To the Shop-keepers The Drapier's first letter, To the Shop-keepers, Tradesmen, Farmers, and Common- People of Ireland, was printed in March 1724. Shortly afterwards, a copy of the first letter was forwarded by Swift to Lord Carteret on 28 April 1724, and knowledge of the letter's contents had spread all the way to London. By April 1724, the letter was popular and Swift claimed that over 2,000 copies had been sold in Dublin.Letters p.
In 1155 at the Roman Curia, John of Salisbury, Secretary to the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was good friends with the recently elected Anglo-Norman Pope Adrian IV, made an "extraordinary intervention" in regards to Norman involvement in Ireland to reform the "barbaric and impious" people of Ireland. This resulted in the Papal bull Laudabiliter, or an equivalent, where Henry II received Papal authority for intervening in Ireland, such as by conquest.Austin Lane Poole. From Domesday book to Magna Carta, 1087–1216.
The term brogue ( ) generally refers to an Irish accent. Less commonly, it may also refer to certain other regional forms of English, in particular those of Scotland or the English West Country. The word was first recorded in 1689. Multiple etymologies have been proposed: it may derive from the Irish bróg ("shoe"), the type of shoe traditionally worn by the people of Ireland and the Scottish Highlands, and hence possibly originally meant "the speech of those who call a shoe a 'brogue'".
Markku Suksi, Bringing in the People: A Comparison of Constitutional Forms and Practices of the Referendum (Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1993), 190. After a new constitution was drafted by John Hearne, supervised by de Valera, the draft was accepted by the Oireachtas. The Oireachtas passed the Plebiscite (Draft Constitution) Act 1937, which allowed for a plebiscite to be held so that the people of Ireland could either accept or reject the new constitution. The second motive for replacing the original constitution was primarily symbolic.
Every citizen who is thirty-five or older is eligible to be nominated for the presidency; and must be nominated by either twenty or more representatives from Houses of the Oireachtas (the national parliament) or four administrative counties. The term of office is for seven years and no president may serve more than two terms. The president must reside in or near Dublin. The president acts as chief diplomat and represents all the people of Ireland in their engagements home or abroad.
Foy and Barton, pp. 7–8 The Irish Volunteers' stated goal was "to secure and to maintain the rights and liberties common to all the people of Ireland". It included people with a range of political views, and was open to "all able-bodied Irishmen without distinction of creed, politics or social group".Macardle, pp. 90–92 Another militant group, the Irish Citizen Army, was formed by trade unionists as a result of the Dublin Lock-out of that year.
Holmes wrote prose and verse for the Press, a publication associated with the Society of United Irishmen. In 1799 she was active, along with members of her extended family, in the movement opposed to the legislative union of Ireland with the United Kingdom. The pamphlet An address to the people of Ireland was attributed to her, but is now thought to have been written by Roger O'Connor. Holmes' poems were included in her daughter's 1833 book of verse The dream and other poems.
The Synod of Cashel of 1172 was organised by Henry II of England. The Synod sought to regulate some affairs of the Church in Ireland and to condemn some abuses, bringing the Church more into alignment with the Roman Rite. It has been suggested that the seventh act of the Synod called upon the clergy and people of Ireland to acknowledge Henry II of England as their king. However, a careful reading of the seventh act would not support this interpretation.
Other IRA leaders in attendance were Dáithí Ó Conaill, Martin McGuinness, Gerry Adams, Seamus Twomey and Ivor Bell. Leading the delegation, Mac Stíofáin spelled out the three basic demands of the Provisionals: (1) The future of Ireland to be decided by the people of Ireland acting as a unit; (2) a declaration of intent by the British government to withdraw from Northern Ireland by January 1975; and (3) the unconditional release of all political prisoners. Tim Pat Coogan, The IRA (New York:Palgrave, 2002), 392-395.
Ireland has been at the forefront of international famine relief. In 1985 Bob Geldof, Irish rock star and founder of Live Aid, revealed that the people of Ireland had given more to his fundraising efforts per head of population than any other nation in the world. Irish NGOs Goal, Concern, Trócaire and Gorta play a central role in helping famine victims throughout Africa. In 2000, Bono, lead singer with Irish band U2, played a central role in campaigning for debt relief for African nations in the Jubilee 2000 campaign.
" Tánaiste Joan Burton described Ireland as a "rainbow nation" and said "In Ireland, we are known as a nation of storytellers and today, the people have told quite some story. Together, the people of Ireland have struck a massive blow against discrimination as we extend the right of marriage to all our citizens." Leo Varadkar, Minister for Health and Ireland's first openly gay cabinet minister, said "It is a historic day for Ireland. We are the first country in the world to enshrine marriage equality in our constitution and to do it through popular mandate.
Retrieved 21 November 2016 At the General Post Office, where Patrick and William fought during the Easter Rising, the funeral cortege paused for a minute's silence before proceeding to Glasnevin Cemetery. Éamon de Valera gave an oration as she was laid to rest, which praised her inspiring courage, charity and cheerfulness during the years after her son's death. After Margaret's death, her daughter, Mary Margaret, continued to reside at St. Enda's. Upon Mary Margaret's death in 1968, as per her mother's request, she passed the house on to the people of Ireland.
ICA recruitment document The Irish Citizen Army underwent a complete reorganisation in 1914. In March of that year, police attacked a demonstration of the Citizen Army and arrested Jack White, its commander. Seán O'Casey, the playwright, then suggested that the ICA needed a more formal organisation. He wrote a constitution, stating the Army's principles as follows: "the ownership of Ireland, moral and material, is vested of right in the people of Ireland" and to "sink all difference of birth property and creed under the common name of the Irish people".
Among his duties, Rozmiarek attended to Black Jack, the famous riderless horse in the funeral of President John F. Kennedy. He also consulted on the health of the Kennedy family dog and cared for some Irish deer that had been a gift to Kennedy from the people of Ireland. The remainder of his 20-year military career took him to Thailand where he conducted infectious disease research with the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). And he spent several years as director of The U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases (USAMRIID) in Frederick, Maryland.
A new chapter began for Emo Court when the Jesuits sold the property to Major Cholmeley Harrison in 1969. Cholmeley Harrison commissioned the London architect Sir Albert Richardson, a leading authority on Georgian architecture, to take on the restoration of the house. While the house remained a private residence, the public were encouraged to enjoy the gardens every Sunday for a fee. The final phase began in 1994 when Cholmeley Harrison presented Emo Court to the President of Ireland, Mary Robinson, who received it on behalf of the people of Ireland.
His policy was to leave the Roman Catholics in Ireland subjected to penal legislation. By a statute enacted through Boulter's influence Catholics were excluded from the legal profession, and disqualified from holding offices connected with the administration of law. Under another act passed through Boulter's exertions they were deprived of the right of voting at elections for members of parliament or magistrates—the sole constitutional right which they had been allowed to exercise. His actions were often viewed with suspicion by the people of Ireland, including Jonathan Swift.
In 1868 Guinness was elected Conservative Member of Parliament for the City of Dublin, a seat he held for only a year. His election was voided because of his election agent's unlawful efforts, which the court found were unknown to him.Commons debate June 1869 He was re-elected at the next election in 1874. A supporter of Disraeli's "one nation" conservatism, his politics were typical of "constructive unionism", the belief that the union between Ireland and Britain should be more beneficial to the people of Ireland after centuries of difficulties.
Unlike some of his political opponents, he was characterized by many close personal friendships within the movement. It has been justly said that while some were devoted to "the idea of Ireland", Collins was a people person whose patriotism was rooted in affection and respect for the people of Ireland around him. Among his famous last words is the final entry in his pocket diary, written on the journey which ended his life, "The people are splendid."Michael Collins field diary, 22 August 1922 Kitty Kiernan In 1921–22, he became engaged to Kitty Kiernan.
After her release from prison, Dugdale was active in the campaign in support of protesting Irish republican prisoners during the 1981 Irish hunger strike. She is a veteran activist in the political party Sinn Féin. In 2007, she spoke out in support of the Shell to Sea campaign against the proposed construction of a high- pressure raw gas pipeline through Rossport by Shell, saying the Shell contract was invalid and needed "to be renegotiated on behalf of the people of Ireland". She is also a director at Dublin Community Television.
47 Fitzwilliam publicly endorsed a bill brought forward by Henry Grattan to repeal the last of the Penal Laws, that which prevented Catholics being sworn as members of parliament. But this was at the cost of his position. With less than three months in post, Fitzwilliam was recalled to London. New evidence suggests Drennan is the author of the "Marcus letters", published in Dublin in 1797–8, which accuse Fitzwilliam's successor, John Pratt, 1st Marquess Camden, of bringing to the people of Ireland only massacre, rape, desolation and terror.
Archbishop Charles John Brown said: "It is an excellent decision for the people of Ireland and will be beneficial to Ireland in making its distinctive and important contribution to international relations. We are all grateful to those who worked so hard to make this day possible". On 11 November 2014, the then–newly appointed Irish Ambassador to the Holy See, Emma Madigan presented her Letters of Credence to Pope Francis. It was reported that the Holy See was anxious to welcome her as a sign of thawing relations.
The act meant the Church of Ireland was no longer entitled to collect tithes from the people of Ireland. It also ceased to send representative bishops as Lords Spiritual to the House of Lords in Westminster. Existing clergy of the church received a life annuity in lieu of the revenues to which they were no longer entitled: tithes, rentcharge, ministers' money, stipends and augmentations, and certain marriage and burial fees. The passage of the Bill through Parliament caused acrimony between the House of Commons and the House of Lords.
The association has had a long history of promoting Irish culture. Through a division of the association known as Scór (Irish for "score"), the association promotes Irish cultural activities, running competitions in music, singing, dancing and storytelling. Rule 4 of the GAA's official guide states: > The Association shall actively support the Irish language, traditional Irish > dancing, music, song, and other aspects of Irish culture. It shall foster an > awareness and love of the national ideals in the people of Ireland, and > assist in promoting a community spirit through its clubs.
The historian Cecil Woodham-Smith wrote in The Great Hunger: Ireland 1845–1849 that no issue has provoked so much anger and embittered relations between England and Ireland "as the indisputable fact that huge quantities of food were exported from Ireland to England throughout the period when the people of Ireland were dying of starvation". John Ranelagh writes that Ireland remained a net exporter of food throughout most of the five-year famine.Ranelagh, John O'Beirne, A Short History of Ireland. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, England, Second edition, 1994.
The Drapier spends most of his letter responding to the "Report of the Committee of the Most Honourable the Privy-Councill in England". This document released by Walpole served as a defence of Wood's coin; the report argued that the coin was important to the people of Ireland. However, the report was not officially released by Walpole in the Parliament's Gazette, but published without Parliament's authority in the London Journal in August 1724. Some scholars have speculated that Walpole had the report published in a non- Parliamentary magazine so that he would not be connected directly to Wood's coin.
St. Patrick (4th century) may have spent time in County Mayo and it is believed that he spent forty days and forty nights on Croagh Patrick praying for the people of Ireland. From the middle of the 6th-century hundreds of small monastic settlements were established around the county. Some examples of well-known early monastic sites in Mayo include Mayo Abbey, Aughagower, Ballintubber, Errew Abbey, Cong Abbey, Killala, Turlough on the outskirts of Castlebar, and island settlements off the Mullet Peninsula like the Inishkea Islands, Inishglora and Duvillaun. In 795 the first of the Viking raids took place.
During this period the Irish Government had declined the offer of the Hunt's collection, so the requirement to find a suitable home and owner to take responsibility for the artifacts became more urgent. The Hunt Museums Trust was established in 1974 to hold the Collection and the property at Craggaunowen (a 16th-century four-storey tower house, typical of late medieval Ireland, purchased and restored by John and Gertrude Hunt) in trust on behalf of the people of Ireland. The trust established The Hunt Museum Ltd., the sole purpose of which was the establishment of a permanent home for the museum.
He took with him a large quantity of arms and military supplies and a very large sum of money. These supplies meant that Rinuccini had a big influence on the Confederates' internal politics and he was backed by the more militant Confederates such as Owen Roe O'Neill. At Kilkenny Rinuccini was received with great honours, asserting that the object of his mission was to sustain the King, but above all to help the Catholic people of Ireland in securing the free and public exercise of the Catholic religion, and the restoration of the churches and church property, but not any former monastic property.
'Dublin 4' or its abbreviation, 'D4', is sometimes used as a pejorative adjective to describe Dublin's upper-middle class based on the perceived characteristics of residents of this area. However, it sometimes even used to refer to the Irish upper middle class in general, regardless of whether or not they live in the D4 area. In this sense the term signifies a set of attitudes apparently in opposition to those held by "the plain people of Ireland" by Irish commentators such as Desmond Fennell.Fennell, Nice People and Rednecks:Ireland in the 1980s (Gill & Macmillan, 1986) and Stephen Howe, Ireland and Empire (Oxford, 2002) pp.
77, 120. While the area has, for most of its existence, been seen as well-to-do, the use of the term "D4" as an adjective emerged in the 1990s.How Dublin 4 turned into Dublin forlorn, By Kim Bielenberg, Sunday Independent, 8 August 2009, retrieved 17 December 2009 The fictional jock Ross O'Carroll-Kelly was meant as a caricature of this. The term has been used to describe very aspirational middle-class people from south Dublin and also used by Fianna Fáil members who like to portray themselves as being on the side of "the plain people of Ireland".
The sweepstake was established because there was a need for investment in hospitals and medical services and the public finances were unable to meet this expense at the time. As the people of Ireland were unable to raise sufficient funds, because of the low population, a significant amount of the funds were raised in the United Kingdom and United States, often among the emigrant Irish. Potentially winning tickets were drawn from rotating drums, usually by nurses in uniform. Each such ticket was assigned to a horse expected to run in one of several horse races, including the Cambridgeshire Handicap, Derby and Grand National.
This would be problematic especially since Ulster was the wealthiest and most prosperous part of Ireland. In January 1913, the Unionist Council reorganised their volunteers into a paramilitary Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), whose members threatened to resist by physical force the implementation of the Act and the authority of any restored Dublin Parliament by force of arms.Stewart (1967), pp.69–78 On 28 November 1913, Irish Nationalists responded by forming the Irish Volunteers "to secure the rights and liberties common to all the people of Ireland"Annie Ryan, Witnesses: Inside the Easter Rising, Liberties Press, 2005, p.
1896 (Dublin: Irish National Federation, 1896) (multiple formats at archive.org). Archbishop Walsh of Toronto had said: "Let a great National Convention be held in Dublin, composed of chosen representatives of the clergy and people of Ireland and of an advisory representation of the Irish race abroad." John Dillon on behalf of the INF replied: "That this party approves of the suggestion made by the Archbishop of Toronto in favour of a National Convention representative of the Irish race throughout the world."1896 Convention booklet Pope Leo XIII sent a blessing in Latin: "Sanctissimus, bonum spirituale et temporale Hibernorum exoptans, finem dissensionum precatur".
The Fomorians were mythological enemies of the people of Ireland, often equated with the mythological "opposing force" such as the Greek Titans to the Olympians, and during Bres's reign they imposed great tribute on the Tuatha Dé, who became disgruntled with their new king's oppressive rule and lack of hospitality. By this time Nuada had his lost arm replaced by a working silver one by the physician Dian Cecht and the wright Creidhne (and later with a new arm of flesh and blood by Dian Cecht's son Miach). Bres was removed from the kingship, having ruled for seven years, and Nuada was restored.
In March 2010, McGrath was announced one of the Top Youth Leaders in the Republic of Ireland by the National Association of Principals and Deputy Principals and Pramerica Systems Ireland. He was nominated for the award for developing links between local government and young people, ensuring young people were involved in the decision-making process. In May 2012 he was nominated by JCI Fingal President Joanna Michalski to be named one of the top ten outstanding young people of Ireland. He was youngest nominee of 2012, and attended a ceremony in Cloonacauneen Castle, Galway to accept the award.
This followed a similar interview, in January 2019 with LifeSiteNews, in which Kelly denounced what he called the "great replacement of our children". In a 2019 Twitter post, Kelly stated that "those talking about a Great Replacement in Ireland have a point". Later in 2019, Kelly stated that, before an Irish government could make policy changes which result in "population increases [..] immigration or otherwise, it must first consult the people of Ireland". In interviews and Twitter posts, Kelly has stated that he does not support the idea of separate races or racial superiority, while also advocating for a "mono cultural society".
Cornwallis would report that "The mass of the people of Ireland do not care one farthing about the Union". For the idea to succeed, Pitt knew that he needed large scale public support in Ireland for the idea from both Protestants and Catholics, and as such Catholic Emancipation would need to be delivered along with the union. Catholic Emancipation alone he knew would be enough to secure the stability of Ireland. The Catholic middle classes and the Catholic hierarchy, led by John Thomas Troy, the Archbishop of Dublin, were willing to support the union if Catholic Emancipation did indeed follow.
World War II had a substantial impact on the development of Ireland's peat industry and the foundation of Bord na Móna in 1946. During the war, it was necessary to stockpile peat as a fuel given that coal was in short supply. This was due to a sharp reduction in imports and because the coal being imported was of poor quality. World War II resulted in the implementation of a number of emergency fuel schemes with a particular focus on peat as fuel for the people of Ireland, both inside and outside of traditional turf areas.
Sir James Alleyn was born in County Meath, where he later owned lands. He became justice of the liberty of Ulster in 1425 and was knighted in the same year. In 1427 he was sent by the Parliament of Ireland with the Lord Chief Justice, Sir Henry Fortescue, to England to complain to the English Crown of numerous wrongs suffered by the people of Ireland. Some of these grievances were personal, as Fortescue and Alleyn complained of numerous insults and assaults they had suffered in connection with the mission itself, since those opposed to it had physically assaulted them.
Celtic's traditional rivals are Rangers; collectively, the two clubs are known as the Old Firm and seen by some as the world's biggest football derby. The two have dominated Scottish football's history; between them, they have won the Scottish league championship 101 times since its inception in 1890 – all other clubs combined have won 19 championships. The two clubs are also by far the most supported in Scotland, with Celtic having the sixth highest home attendance in the UK during season 2014–15. Celtic have a historic association with the people of Ireland and Scots of Irish descent, both of whom are mainly Roman Catholic.
At the start of the twentieth century, the people of Ireland were divided into two mutually hostile factions. The much larger group (nationalists) were mostly Roman Catholic, identified primarily as Irish, and wanted some form of Irish home rule or independence from Britain. The smaller group (unionists), concentrated primarily in the province of Ulster, were mostly Protestant, identified primarily as British (although many saw themselves as Irish and British), and were committed to remaining within the United Kingdom. In the years before World War I, both groups established armed militias intended to enforce their aims and protect their communities from the other side's militias.
In the second book, Columba performs various miracles such as healing people with diseases, expelling malignant spirits, subduing wild beasts, calming storms, and even returning the dead to life. He also performs agricultural miracles that would hold a special significance to the common people of Ireland and the Britain such as when he casts a demon out of a pail and restores the spilt milk to its container. The Vita contains a story that has been interpreted as the first reference to the Loch Ness Monster. According to Adomnán, Columba came across a group of Picts burying a man who had been killed by the monster.
Edward Carson signing the Ulster Covenant, 1912. The Home Rule Crisis was a political and military crisis in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland that followed the introduction of the Third Home Rule Bill in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom in 1912. Unionists in Ulster, determined to prevent any measure of home rule for Ireland, formed a paramilitary force, the Ulster Volunteers, which threatened to resist by force of arms the implementation of the Act and the authority of any Dublin Parliament. Irish nationalists responded by setting up the Irish Volunteers "to secure the rights and liberties common to all the people of Ireland".
During the Great Famine, a potato blight that originated in America spread to Europe decimated crops in Ireland. A Belfast newspaper predicted the devastating effect the blight would have on the common people of Ireland, particularly in rural areas. The potato crop in 1845 largely failed all-over Ireland with the exception of the west coast and parts of Ulster. One-third of the crop was inedible and fears that those spuds in storage were contaminated were soon realized. In October 1846, a Belfast journal The Vindicator made an appeal on behalf of the starving, writing that their universal cry was "give us food or we perish".
At the general election in August 1847 he was elected as one of the two Repeal Association MPs for Cork City. defeating the sitting Repeal MP Alexander McCarthy and taking his seat in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Later that year, he published "The life and times of Daniel O'Connell", prefacing the book with an address "To The people of Ireland" in which he described O'Connell as "the greatest man that this, or any other country, ever produced". Fagan resigned from Parliament on 14 April 1851 by appointment as Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds to become a Commissioner of Insolvency.
Winston Churchill, who had exerted pressure on Michael Collins and the Free State government to make the treaty work by crushing the rebellion, expressed the view that, "No man has done more harm or shown more genuine malice or endeavoured to bring a greater curse upon the common people of Ireland than this strange being, actuated by a deadly and malignant hatred for the land of his birth."From a speech given by Winston Churchill, 11 November 1922 in Dundee. Éamon de Valera said of him, "He died the Prince he was. Of all the men I ever met, I would say he was the noblest".
The train reached Cork at 8:00 p.m. and even though a carriage and pair were waiting, he was glad to seek refuge in the first covered car he could find, so dense was the crowd all around him, willing to shake his hand. The triumphal procession from the station to his home then began, and the hills all along the route were lighted with tar barrels. Amid emotional scenes Brian Dillon met his family, and afterwards appeared at one of the windows of the house and thanked the people of Ireland for the great reception he had received everywhere on his journey home to Cork.
He became known as one of the most popular preachers in Dublin and was also a playwright.Taylor, 1845 Several members of the Domville family were parishioners: perhaps the most eminent of them, Sir William Domville, the father-in-law of William Molyneux, and for many years Attorney General for Ireland, wrote A Disquisition Touching That Great Question Whether an Act of Parliament Made in England Shall Bind the Kingdom and People of Ireland Without Their Allowance and Acceptance of Such Act in the Kingdom of Ireland, which influenced Molyneux.Patrick Kelly. 'Sir William Domville, A Disquisition Touching That Great Question...', Analecta Hibernica, no. 40 (2007): 19-69.
'Sir William Domville, A Disquisition Touching That Great Question...', Analecta Hibernica, no. 40 (2007): 19–69. Following a debate in the English House of Commons, it was resolved that Molyneux's publication was 'of dangerous consequence to the crown and people of England by denying the authority of the king and parliament of England to bind the kingdom and people of Ireland'.James G. O'Hara, 'Molyneux, William (1656–1698)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004; online edn, Jan 2008 accessed 29 Feb 2008 Despite condemnation in England, Molyneux was not punished but his work was condemned as seditious and was ceremonially burned at Tyburn by the public hangman.
Batista Rinuccini (Florence) 1844, preface (p. vi) to the publication of Rinucci's official letters: see Giovanni Battista Rinuccini. Rinuccini hoped he could discourage the Confederates from allying with Charles I and the Royalists in the English Civil War and instead encourage them towards the foundation of an independent Catholic-ruled Ireland. At Kilkenny, Rinuccini was received with great honours, asserting in his Latin declaration that the object of his mission was to sustain the king but, above all, to rescue from pains and penalties the Catholic people of Ireland in securing the free and public exercise of the Catholic religion, and the restoration of the churches and church property.
Having come to the end of his resources, he applied himself zealously to practice at the bar, to which he had been called in 1791. A pamphlet in defence of Burke's ‘Reflections on the French Revolution,’ ‘against all his opponents,’ gained him the honour of an invitation to Beaconsfield, and an introduction to Lord Fitzwilliam, made useless by the viceroy's prompt recall. He was a "strenuous and vehement opponent of the Act of Union". In 1799 Goold wrote an ‘Address to the People of Ireland on the subject of the projected Union,’ and sat in the last session of the Irish parliament as a member of the opposition.
Burton-Conyngham was an absentee landlord in control of some territories in Ireland; particularly in County Donegal (covering Glenties, Arranmore and most of the barony of Boylagh) in Ulster. He showed little interest in these estates he claimed there. According to Thomas Campbell Foster in an 1845 report for The Times of London newspaper, entitled "Commissioner to report on the condition of the people of Ireland", he had visited the area once in his life for a few days. Burton-Conyngham instead hired John Benbow, an English MP, as his chief managing agent, who visited once a year and sub-agents collected rent from tenants each half a year.
He suggested that, if Ireland had a domestic Parliament, the ports would be thrown open and the abundant crops raised in Ireland would be kept for the people of Ireland, as the Dublin parliament had done during the food shortages of the 1780s. O'Connell maintained that only an Irish parliament would provide both food and employment for the people. He said that repeal of the Act of Union was a necessity and Ireland's only hope. John Mitchel raised the issue of the "Potato Disease" in Ireland as early as 1844 in The Nation, noting how powerful an agent hunger had been in certain revolutions.
Tone cited the examples of the American Congress and French National Assembly where "Catholic and Protestant sit equally" and of the Polish Constitution of May 1791 (also celebrated in Belfast) with its promise of amity between Catholic, Protestant and Jew. If Irish Protestants remained "illiberal" and "blind" to these precedents, Ireland would continue to be governed in the exclusive interests of England and of the landed Ascendancy. On Bastille Day 1792 in Belfast, the United Irishmen had occasion to make their position clear. In a public debate on "An Address to the People of Ireland", William Bruce and others proposed hedging the commitment to an equality of "all sects and denominations of Irishmen".
It is necessary before you reject the > Treaty to go further than that and to produce to the people of Ireland a > rational alternative. My heart is with those who are against the Treaty, but > my reason is against them, because I can see no rational alternative.Dáil > Debates, 21 December 1921 Gavan Duffy placed the onus on the people who were responsible for drafting the Constitution of the Irish Free State to frame it in accordance with the terms of the Treaty. He disagreed, however, with Griffith's decision to show the draft constitution to British Prime Minister Lloyd George who immediately ordered that references to the King had to be inserted as well as an Oath of Allegiance.
Overall, the agreement left O'Connor with a kingdom consisting of Ireland outside the provincial kingdom of Leinster (as it was then), Dublin and a territory from Waterford Dungarvan, as long as he paid tribute to Henry II, and owed fealty to him. All of Ireland was also subject to the new religious provisions of the papal bull Laudabiliter and the Synod of Cashel (1172). O'Connor was obliged to pay one treated cow hide for every ten cattle. The other "kings and people" of Ireland were to enjoy their lands and liberties so long as they remained faithful to the kings of England, and were obliged to pay their tribute in hides through O'Connor.
The region around Skibbereen experienced a significant famine in the years 1845–52, a time referred to as The Great Hunger or Great Famine (Irish: an Gorta Mór). The Skibbereen Heritage Centre estimates that 8,000 to 10,000 victims of the Famine are buried in the famine burial pits of Abbeystrewery cemetery close to the town. While there is some question on the accuracy of census data from the famine era, records indicate a drop of population from 58,335 in 1841 to 32,412 in 1861. Site of Famine Burial Pits at Abbeystrowery Skibbereen is also the name of a song about the Famine, and the impact it and the British Government had on the people of Ireland.
One of the earlier Christian overkingdoms, the Holy See of Rome, in 1171 abolished the High Kingship of Ireland (of 9th-century origin, successor to the Kingship of Tara) and devalued the ancient Kingdoms of Ireland. Under Laudabiliter, a papal bull, the ancient realm was disestablished and turned into a feudal province of the Secretariat of State of the Roman Catholic Church under the temporal power of the monarch of England who henceforth held the title Lord of Ireland, relinquishing to the papacy the annual tribute levied upon the nobility and people of Ireland. The Act was passed in the Parliament of Ireland, meeting in Dublin, on 18 June 1541, being read out to parliament in English and Irish.
This controversial work—through application of historical and legal precedent—dealt with contentious constitutional issues that had emerged in the latter years of the seventeenth century as a result of attempts on the part of the English Parliament to pass laws that would suppress the Irish woolen trade. It also dealt with the disputed appellate jurisdiction of the Irish House of Lords. Molyneux's arguments reflected those made in an unpublished piece written by his father-in-law Sir William Domville, entitled A Disquisition Touching That Great Question Whether an Act of Parliament Made in England Shall Bind the Kingdom and People of Ireland Without Their Allowance and Acceptance of Such Act in the Kingdom of Ireland.Patrick Kelly.
165 A proclamation of independence, addressed from 'The Provisional Government' to 'The People of Ireland' was produced by Emmet, echoing the republican sentiments expressed during the previous rebellion: However, failed communications and arrangements produced a considerably smaller force than had been anticipated. Nonetheless, the rebellion began in Dublin on the evening of 23 July. Emmet's forces were unable to take Dublin Castle, and the rising broke down into rioting, which ensued sporadically throughout the night. Emmet escaped and hid for some time in the Wicklow Mountains and Harold's Cross, but was captured on 25 August and hanged on 20 September 1803, at which point the Society of United Irishmen was effectively finished.
Attacks on slavery in the United States were considered "wanton and intolerable provocation". In 1845 John Blake Dillon reported to Thomas Davis "everybody was indignant at O’Connell meddling in the business": "Such talk" was "supremely disgusting to the Americans, and to every man of honour and spirit". In the United States Bishop John Hughes of New York urged Irish Americans not to sign O'Connell's abolitionist petition ("An Address of the People of Ireland to their Countrymen and Countrywomen in America") lest they further inflame anti-Irish nativist sentiment. O'Connell was entirely undaunted: crowds gathered to hear him on Repeal were regularly treated to excursions on the evils of human traffic and bondage.
Logo of Scór Scór (, meaning "Score") is a division of the Gaelic Athletic Association charged with promotion of cultural activities, and the name of a series of annual competitions in such activities. Rule 4 of the GAA's official guide reads: > "The Association shall actively support the Irish language, traditional > Irish dancing, music, song, and other aspects of Irish culture. It shall > foster an awareness and love of the national ideals in the people of > Ireland, and assist in promoting a community spirit through its clubs.GAAs > Official Guide, book 1" The group was formally founded in 1969, and is promoted through various GAA clubs throughout Ireland (as well as some clubs outside Ireland).
Charles Jervas's portrait of Jonathan Swift (1718) Swift analysed the forensic and economic disadvantages of Wood's inferior coinage and the effects it would have over Ireland in the first of the pamphlets, A Letter to the Shop-keepers (1724). In the pamphlet, Swift adopted the persona of the "Drapier": a common Irishman, a talented and skilled draper, a religiously devout individual who believes in scripture, and a man loyal to both the Church of Ireland and to the King of Ireland.Beaumont p. 44 Swift's pseudonymous choice served two essential purposes: it provided him with an alternate persona which he could use to hide from potential political reprisals, and it allowed him to create an identity that was closely aligned with the common people of Ireland.
By withdrawing the Irish Representation from the British Parliament and by denying the right and opposing the will of the British Government or any other foreign Government to legislate for Ireland. 2\. By making use of any and every means available to render impotent the power of England to hold Ireland in subjection by military force or otherwise. 3\. By the establishment of a constituent assembly comprising persons chosen by Irish constituencies as the supreme national authority to speak and act in the name of the Irish people, and to develop Ireland's social, political and industrial life, for the welfare of the whole people of Ireland. 4\. By appealing to the Peace Conference for the establishment of Ireland as an Independent Nation.
The Moylurg Tower, a viewing tower built in 1973, stands on the site of the old Rockingham house overlooking the lake to the north and lawns to the south. There are many amenities in the park including boat tours, boats for hire, water activities, camping and caravan park, an outdoor playground and shop. A 2007 development added a number of new attractions including a forest canopy walkway and children's play areas, to cater to the "21st century visitor." Sir Cecil Stafford-King-Harman (1895–1987), second (and last) Baronet of Rockingham, ensured that the land went back to the people of Ireland through the Irish Land Commission, who subdivided the pasture land into several farms of approximately and granted these to local people.
In all subsequent columns the name "Myles na gCopaleen" ("Myles of the Little Horses" or "Myles of the Ponies" - a name taken from The Collegians, a novel by Gerald Griffin) was used. Initially, the column was composed in Irish, but soon English was used primarily, with occasional smatterings of German, French or Latin. The sometimes intensely satirical column's targets included the Dublin literary elite, Irish language revivalists, the Irish government, and the "Plain People of Ireland." The following column excerpt, in which the author wistfully recalls a brief sojourn in Germany as a student, illustrates the biting humor and scorn that informed the "Cruiskeen Lawn" writings: Ó Nuallain/na gCopaleen wrote "Cruiskeen Lawn" for The Irish Times until the year of his death, 1966.
The cost of building the exchange was met by the Parliament of Ireland, and this is reflected by the initials "SPQH", standing for "Senatus PopulusQue Hibernicus", meaning "The senate and people of Ireland" (an Irish version of SPQR). The city government had originally been located in the mediæval Tholsel at the corner of Nicholas Street and Christchurch Place, approximately 300 metres to the west (where the 'Peace Park' is today), and before that on the Thingmount, where Suffolk Street now runs. In the 18th century, meetings were held in South William Street (formerly the Civic Museum). In 1815 the metal balustrade of the exchange fell, owing to the pressure against it by a crowd, which led to the death of nine people, with much more injured.
John of Salisbury, he notes, claims in Metalogicus to have been the ambassador for Henry II and obtained Laudabiliter for him and gives the year 1155 as the date when it was granted. With Bernard of Clairvaux's Life of Malachy and its description of the Irish as little more than savages, John of Salisbury found a ready audience in Rome when he spoke about the barbaric and impious people of Ireland. Salisbury finished his work called Polycraticus, written before Metalogicus he dedicated it to Thomas Becket, then Chancellor of England and later a saint, who at this time was with Henry at the siege of Toulouse. This was in 1159; and in that year, Salisbury was presented to Henry apparently for the first time, by Thomas.
Much of the slaughtered pork would have been cured to provide ham and bacon that could be stored over the winter. Chickens were not raised on a large scale until the emergence of town grocers in the 1880s allowed people to exchange surplus goods, like eggs, and for the first time purchase a variety food items to diversify their diet. The over reliance on potatoes as a staple crop meant that the people of Ireland were vulnerable to poor potato harvests. The first Great Famine of 1739 was the result of extreme cold weather, but the famine of 1845–1849 (see Great Irish Famine) was caused by potato blight which spread throughout the Irish crop which consisted largely of a single variety, the Lumper.
Following the founding meeting of the Mayo Tenants Defence Association in Castlebar, County Mayo on 26 October 1878 the demand for The Land of Ireland for the people of Ireland was reported in the Connaught Telegraph 2 November 1878. The first of many "monster meetings" of tenant farmers was held in Irishtown near Claremorris on 20 April 1879, with an estimated turnout of 15,000 to 20,000 people. This meeting was addressed by James Daly (who presided), John O'Connor Power, John Ferguson, Thomas Brennan, and J. J. Louden. The Connaught Telegraph's report of the meeting in its edition of 26 April 1879 began: > Since the days of O'Connell a larger public demonstration has not been > witnessed than that of Sunday last.
106-107 As the Drapier points out, the constitution establishing Ireland as a kingdom limits the authority of the monarch because it forces the people of Ireland to use only gold or silver coins as official currency. Throughout this argument, the Drapier compares the king's ability to print money with the petty amount of political power held by Wood, which undermines the image of the king as the supreme authority in Ireland while hinting that the king is not protecting the rights of the Irish people. The Drapier stops himself before he commits treason, and he instead argues that the king would never accept a patent that could harm Ireland; to the Drapier, the king would never act in such a way as to help Wood harm the people of Ireland.Ferguson p.
Pope Francis was greeted by Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade Simon Coveney and his family. He then travelled in a Škoda Rapid (his preferred mode of transport for the visit to Dublin), to Áras an Uachtaráin, where he met with President Michael D. Higgins, his wife Sabina Higgins, government minister Katherine Zappone, Ambassador of Ireland to the Holy See Emma Madigan, the Archbishop Eamon Martin, Archbishop of Dublin Diarmuid Martin, the Secretary of State of the Vatican Cardinal Pietro Parolin, and Syrian asylum seekers, amongst others. The Pope signed the visitors' book with the following message: "With gratitude for the warm welcome I have received. I assure you and the people of Ireland of my prayers that almighty god may guide and protect you all. Francis".
Rinuccini departed France from Saint-Martin-de-Ré near La Rochelle on 18 October 1645 on the frigate San Pietro and arrived in Kenmare, County Kerry, on 21 October 1645 with a retinue of twenty-six Italians, several Irish officers, and the Confederacy's secretary, Richard Bellings. He proceeded to Kilkenny, the confederate capital, where Rinuccini was received with great honours. He asserted in his Latin declaration that the object of his mission was to sustain the King, but above all to help the Catholic people of Ireland in securing the free and public exercise of the Catholic religion, and the restoration of the churches and church property. Rinuccini sent ahead arms and ammunition: 1000 braces of pistols, 4000 cartridge belts, 2000 swords, 500 muskets and 20,000 pounds of gunpowder.
For nine long months this question received no clear and > convincing answer. In January, 1917, and opportunity of solving the doubt > occurred at the by-election. A candidate was carefully chosen whose election > would be a clear proof that the hearts and minds of the people of Ireland > were with the men of Easter Week. In a letter to Alice Stopford Green dated 30 July 1916, containing signatures collected for the petition to reprieve Sir Roger Casement, O'Flanagan expressed his admiration for "the men of Easter Week," commenting: > Some of us do not like the quasi apology for the execution of the Irish > Volunteer Leaders, insinuated in the fourth paragraph but we are willing to > waive that point for the purpose of doing our part for Roger Casement.
Since its inception, music has been provided by the combined bands of the several Army Commands and Dr. Bernadette Greevy until her death in September 2008. The ceremonies begin with an interfaith service, comprising prayers, hymns and readings by senior representatives of the main Christian denominations and of the Jewish and (since 1994 ) Islamic faiths. The military ceremonies include an honour guard of the Cadet School, the laying of a wreath by the President on behalf of the people of Ireland, Reveille, the raising of the national flag and the playing of the National Anthem. The National Day of Commemoration is, along with Easter Sunday, Easter Monday, and Saint Patrick's Day, one of the days on which the Department of the Taoiseach's protocol section has advised all government buildings to fly the national flag.
An individual can register as an anonymous elector if his/her safety (or that of any other person in the same household) would be at risk were his/her name and address to be disclosed publicly on the Electoral Register, but the application needs to be supported by a relevant court order, injunction or an attestation by a chief police officer or a Director of Social Services.Representation of the People Act 1983, Section 9B The right of Commonwealth and Irish citizens to vote is a legacy of the Representation of the People Act 1918, which limited the vote to British subjects. At that time, "British subjects" included the people of Ireland — then part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland — and all other parts of the British Empire.
Under the Constitution, in assuming office the president must subscribe to a formal declaration, made publicly and in the presence of members of both Houses of the Oireachtas, judges of the Supreme Court and the High Court, and other "public personages".Constitution of Ireland: Article 12.8 The inauguration of the president takes place in St Patrick's Hall in Dublin Castle. The declaration is specified in Article 12.8: : :In the presence of Almighty God, I, [name], do solemnly and sincerely promise and declare that I will maintain the Constitution of Ireland and uphold its laws, that I will fulfil my duties faithfully and conscientiously in accordance with the Constitution and the law, and that I will dedicate my abilities to the service and the welfare of the people of Ireland. May God direct and sustain me.
The Downing Street Declaration (DSD) was a joint declaration issued on 15 December 1993 by the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, John Major, and the Taoiseach of the Republic of Ireland, Albert Reynolds at the British Prime Minister's office in 10 Downing Street. The declaration affirmed both the right of the people of Ireland to self-determination, and that Northern Ireland would be transferred to the Republic of Ireland from the United Kingdom only if a majority of its population was in favour of such a move. It also included, as part of the prospective of the so-called "Irish dimension", the principle of consent that the people of the island of Ireland had the exclusive right to solve the issues between North and South by mutual consent.Peatling, Gary (2004).
Any union between Ireland and Great Britain would have to be in the form of a treaty in all but name, meaning that any act of union would need to be passed separately in both the Dublin and Westminster parliaments. There was strong support for it in Westminster, however Dublin was not as keen. An amendment was moved on 22 January 1799, seeking the House to maintain "the undoubted birthright of the people of Ireland to have a free and independent legislature". The debate which followed consisted of eighty speeches, made over the course of twenty-one uninterrupted hours. The next day a vote was held which resulted in a defeat of the amendment by one vote (106 to 105), however the following day another motion against any union passed 111 to 106.
The front page featured a photograph of Michaela's body under the headline "Exclusive". A spokesperson for the Harte and McAreavey families said: “As the families struggle to come [to terms] with the result from the trial - this action by the newspaper is not only insensitive to their grief but marks another low in the treatment of John, the two families and the dignity of Michaela.” Reacting to the publication, Taoiseach Enda Kenny stated: "On behalf of the people of Ireland, the Government will be lodging a formal complaint in the strongest possible terms, with the government of Mauritius". The McAreavey family lawyer in Mauritius, Dick Ng Sui Wa, called for the perpetrator to be arrested and asked for a full inquiry from the Commission of Police in Mauritius.
The Apollo 11 lunar sample display commemorative podium style plaque given to Ireland, once housed at the Dunsink Observatory in Dublin, consisted of four Moon rock fragments – rice-size particle specimens that were collected by Apollo 11 astronauts Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin in 1969 – and a small flag that was taken to the Moon and back on Apollo 11. The four fragments weighed about 0.05 grams in total and were entirely enveloped in a clear plastic ball the size of a coin, mounted on a wooden board approximately one foot square on a small podium pedestal display. The display also had a small Irish flag mounted on it that had gone to the Moon and back on Apollo 11. The display was given to the people of Ireland as a gift by United States President Richard Nixon.
Charles Hamilton Teeling (1778–1848) was an Irish political activist, journalist, writer, and publisher from Lisburn, County Antrim, Ulster. He was the second son of Luke Teeling, a wealthy Catholic linen manufacturer in Lisburn At the age of 16 he joined his elder brother Bartholomew Teeling in the Society of United Irishmen, formed in 1791 by Protestant reformers in Belfast. In defiance of the Ascendancy Parliament in Dublin, and of the Dublin Castle Executive answerable to London, the Society sought "an equal representation of all the people" of Ireland in a "national government." With his brother-in-law John Magennis, the Teeling brothers helped connect the United Irishmen with the Defenders.. A vigilante response to Peep O'Day Boy raids upon Catholic homes in the mid 1780s, by the mid 1790s the Defenders, like the United Irishmen, developed into an extensive oath-bound fraternity.
SDLP MLA Nichola Mallon said it was "the first step in a journey that every militant group in the history of the Irish republican tradition has ever taken" and that "they should now take steps two, three and four to avoid unnecessary and unwanted violence that the people of Ireland have rejected at every opportunity". Democratic Unionist Party MLA Lord Maurice Morrow said that the action showed that dissidents "realise they are failing to gain support in their campaign and have moved into the political sphere". He added that it "will be very interesting to see what, if any, support this new political party will have". Ulster Unionist Party declared that it welcomed anyone engaging in the political process but that Saoradh have adopted "a tired and outdated abstentionist programme that has failed in the past and will fail again".
The changes to Article 2 represent a strictly qualified provision of the Belfast Agreement recognizing: The qualification to that provision of the Belfast Agreement is contained in Annex 2 to the Belfast Agreement. That Annex specifies that the above-mentioned reference to "the people of Northern Ireland" only means "all persons born in Northern Ireland and having, at the time of their birth, at least one parent who is a British citizen, an Irish citizen or is otherwise entitled to reside in Northern Ireland without any restriction on their period of residence."Annex 2 of the British-Irish Agreement of 10 April 1998 Accordingly, the Belfast Agreement did not bind either state to provide for any unqualified entitlement to birthright citizenship. Article 2 further recognises the "special affinity" between the people of Ireland and the Irish diaspora.
Perry attained a BA in journalism from Dublin City University, with a work placement in Dublin radio station NewsTalk 106. She attained an MA in International Relations. She joined RTÉ in 2007 after previously worked at Newstalk and Today FM. Perry made headlines around the world after an encounter with United States President Donald Trump in June 2017 at the White House when, while he was on a call with the new Taoiseach Leo Varadkar, he summoned Perry to compliment her on having a "nice smile", which Irish Central described as Trump being "fixated with" Perry, The Daily Telegraph described as "creepy", and Perry herself described as "bizarre". She provided the people of Ireland with extensive coverage of the 2016 United States presidential election, and she subsequently wrote a book about her experience of the election entitled In America: Tales from Trump Country.
As a result of Poynings' Law of 1495, the Parliament of Ireland was subordinate to the Parliament of England, and after 1707 to the Parliament of Great Britain. The Westminster parliament's Declaratory Act 1719 (also called the Dependency of Ireland on Great Britain Act 1719) noted that the Irish House of Lords had recently "assumed to themselves a Power and Jurisdiction to examine, correct and amend" judgements of the Irish courts and declared that as the Kingdom of Ireland was subordinate to and dependent upon the crown of Great Britain, the King, through the Parliament of Great Britain, had "full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient validity to bind the Kingdom and people of Ireland".W. C. Costin & J. Steven Watson, eds., The Law & Working of the Constitution: Documents 1660–1914, vol.
He declared his willingness to "test" the Union: > The people of Ireland are ready to become a portion of the empire, provided > they be made so in reality and not in name alone; they are ready to become a > kind of West Britons if made so in benefits and in justice, but if not, we > are Irishmen again. Underscoring the qualifying clause--"if not we are Irishmen again"—historian J.C. Beckett proposes that the change was less that it may have appeared. Under the pressure of a choice between "effectual union or no union", O'Connell was seeking to maximise the scope of shorter-term, interim, reforms. O'Connell failed to stall the application to Ireland of the new English Poor Law system of Workhouses, the prospect of which, as de Tocqueville found, was broadly dreaded in Ireland.
Many of the later sources may also have formed part of a propaganda effort designed to create a history for the people of Ireland that could bear comparison with the mythological descent of their British invaders from the founders of Rome that was promulgated by Geoffrey of Monmouth and others. There was also a tendency to rework Irish genealogies to fit into the known schema of Greek or Biblical genealogy. It was once unquestioned that medieval Irish literature preserved truly ancient traditions in a form virtually unchanged through centuries of oral tradition back to the ancient Celts of Europe. Kenneth Jackson famously described the Ulster Cycle as a "window on the Iron Age", and Garret Olmsted has attempted to draw parallels between Táin Bó Cuailnge, the Ulster Cycle epic, and the iconography of the Gundestrup Cauldron.
Major, McWilliams and Chancellor of the Exchequer Norman Lamont made public statements that business would continue as normal in the City and that the Bishopsgate bombing would not achieve a lasting effect. Major later gave an account of the public stance taken by his government on the bombing: John Hume and Gerry Adams issued their first joint statement on the same day as the bombing, stating, "We accept that the Irish people as a whole have a right to national self-determination. This is a view shared by a majority of the people of this island, though not by all its people", and that, "The exercise of self-determination is a matter for agreement between the people of Ireland". The IRA's reaction appeared in 29 April edition of An Phoblacht, highlighting how the bombers exploited a security loophole after "having spotted a breach in the usually tight security around the City".
Caireall mac Curnain was a member of the Soghain people of Ireland, specifically those located in the kingdom of that name in what is now east County Galway. Dubhaltach Mac Fhirbhisigh identified them as part of a larger group called the Cruithin, and stated of them: "Of the Cruithin of Ireland are the Dál Araidhi (Dál nAraidi), the seven Lóigisi of Leinster, the seven Soghain of Ireland, and every Conaille (see Conaille Muirtheimne) that is in Ireland." The Soghain of Connacht were described by Seán Mór Ó Dubhagáin in his poem Triallam timcheall na Fodla where he states that: "The six Sogain let us not shun/their kings are without oblivion/Good the host of plundering excursions/to whom the spear-armed Sogain is hereditary." While the Book of Lecan lists their six branches as Cinel Rechta, Cinel Trena, Cinel Luchta, Cinel Fergna, Cinel Domaingen and Cinel Deigill.
William Drennan: "what is a country properly considered but a free constitution?"News Letter, Belfast, February 13, 1817: It was in the midst of this enthusiasm for events in France that William Drennan proposed to his friends "a benevolent conspiracy--a plot for the people", the "Rights of Man and [employing the phrase coined by Hutcheson] the Greatest Happiness of the Greater Number its end--its general end Real Independence to Ireland, and Republicanism its particular purpose." When Drennan's friends gathered, they resolved: > \--that the weight of English influence in the government of this country is > so great as to require a cordial union among all the people of Ireland; > [and] > \--that the sole constitutional mode by which this influence can be opposed, > is by complete and radical reform of the representation of the people in > parliament. The "conspiracy", which at Tone's suggestion called itself the Society of the United Irishmen, had moved beyond Flood's Protestant patriotism.
Ehrenpreis p. 303 Although nothing new would be discovered in an investigation, the letter served the purpose of trying to unite the people of Ireland to fight for further economic freedom. The Drapier refers to Ireland's lack of economic freedom when he claims, the Irish "are altogether Losers, and England a Gainer".Prose Works Letter 7 Swift's intentions behind the letter are uncertain, and some critics believe that Swift did not desire such an investigation into Wood's supporters while others contend that Swift was serious about promoting a public inquiry into the matter.Ehrenpreis p. 305 Ehrenpreis challenges Ferguson's characterization of Swift as not actually caring about an investigation The topics the Drapier addresses span from absentee land owners to importing of goods from Britain to the favouring of Englishmen over Irishmen for Irish governmental positions. These issues were the many issues that Swift cared about and saw as threatening Ireland before Wood's halfpence controversy.Ferguson p.
The Government of Ireland have made a firm commitment to the people of Ireland, solemnized in this Declaration, that a referendum will be held in Ireland on the adoption of any such decision and on any future Treaty which would involve Ireland departing from its traditional policy of military neutrality. # Ireland reiterates that the participation of contingents of the Irish Defence Forces in overseas operations, including those carried out under the European security and defence policy, requires (a) the authorisation of the operation by the Security Council or the General Assembly of the United Nations, (b) the agreement of the Irish Government and (c) the approval of Dáil Éireann, in accordance with Irish law. # The situation set out in this Declaration would be unaffected by the entry into force of the Treaty of Nice. In the event of Ireland's ratification of the Treaty of Nice, this Declaration will be associated with Ireland's instrument of ratification.
Section I of the Act noted that the Irish House of Lords had recently "assumed to themselves a Power and Jurisdiction to examine, correct and amend" judgements of the Irish courts, which it held to be illegal. As such, it declared that the Kingdom of Ireland was subordinate to and dependent upon the British crown, and that the King, with the advice and consent of the Parliament of Great Britain, had "full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient validity to bind the Kingdom and people of Ireland". Section II declared that the House of Lords of Ireland had no jurisdiction to judge, affirm or reverse any judgement, sentence or decree made in any court within the Kingdom of Ireland, and that all proceedings before the House upon any such matter was declared to be null and void to all intents and purposes whatsoever.The Law & Working of the Constitution: Documents 1660-1914, ed.
All pined and wasted, sickened and drooped; numbers died—the strong man, the fair maiden, the infant—the landlord got his rent… The 8,000 individuals who are owners of Ireland by divine right and the grant of God, confirm (by themselves) in sundry successive acts of parliament have a full view of these coming results [i.e. Ireland would become a pasture ground once gain. and its agricultural population would decay or vanish and become extinct at once] and have distinctly declared their intention of serving notice to quit on the people of Ireland…The landlords have adopted the process of depopulating the island and are pressing it forward to their own destruction, or to ours…” Fintan Lalor's view was that the Landlords were “enforcing self-defence on us.” In the September 1847, Fintan Lalor, along with Michael Doheny, organised at Holycross, in County Tipperary, for the purpose of putting forward his views on land reform.
The UK political landscape changed dramatically when the 1997 general election saw the return of a Labour government, led by prime minister Tony Blair, with a large parliamentary majority. A new leader of the Ulster Unionist Party, David Trimble, initially perceived as a hardliner, brought his party into the all-party negotiations which in 1998 produced the Belfast Agreement ("Good Friday Agreement"), signed by eight parties on 10 April 1998, although not involving Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party or the UK Unionist Party. A majority of both communities in Northern Ireland approved this Agreement, as did the people of the Republic of Ireland, both by referendum on 22 May 1998. The Republic amended its constitution, to replace a claim it made to the territory of Northern Ireland with an affirmation of the right of all the people of Ireland to be part of the Irish nation and a declaration of an aspiration towards a United Ireland (see the Nineteenth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland).
The subsequent dropping of the insistence led to another IRA ceasefire, as part of the negotiations strategy, which saw teams from the British and Irish governments, the UUP, the SDLP, Sinn Féin and representatives of loyalist paramilitary organisations, under the chairmanship of former United States Senator George Mitchell, produce the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. Under the Agreement, structures were created reflecting the Irish and British identities of the people of Ireland, creating a British-Irish Council and a Northern Ireland Legislative Assembly. Articles 2 and 3 of the Republic's constitution, which claimed sovereignty over all of Ireland, were reworded, and a power-sharing Executive Committee was provided for. As part of their deal, Sinn Féin agreed to abandon its abstentionist policy regarding a "six-county parliament", as a result taking seats in the new Stormont-based Assembly and running the education and health and social services ministries in the power-sharing government.
The right of a nation to sovereign independence rests upon immutable natural law and cannot be made the subject of a compromise. Any attempt to barter away the sacred and inviolate rights of nationhood begins in dishonour and is bound to end in disaster. The enforced exodus of millions of our people, the decay of our industrial life, the ever-increasing financial plunder of our country, the whittling down of the demand for the 'Repeal of the Union,' voiced by the first Irish Leader to plead in the Hall of the Conqueror to that of Home Rule on the Statute Book, and finally the contemplated mutilation of our country by partition, are some of the ghastly results of a policy that leads to national ruin. Those who have endeavoured to harness the people of Ireland to England's war-chariot, ignoring the fact that only a freely-elected Government in a free Ireland has power to decide for Ireland the question of peace and war, have forfeited the right to speak for the Irish people.
The plaintiff argued the following points: # The state is a juristic person # The acts of the state can only be carried out through its agents # The state cannot be immune from laws internal to Ireland, and is not above the law # The state is subject to the constitution # The injuries suffered by the plaintiff resulted from the negligence of agents of the state. The judge specified that where Ireland is mentioned in the constitution, it is also used interchangeably with the state, and referred to the national territory, but not the people of Ireland. The judge laid out that while Ireland has the characteristic of juristic personality (based on judgments in Comyn v Attorney General, and Commissioners of Public Works v. Kavanagh) because it holds property, it does not mean that it is "a juristic person capable of acting in every regard, and in all respects, as if were a company or a corporation; or that it is capable of being sued in the Courts" (Murnaghan, J, 1972:250).
If such a publication had appeared in England, I should have been very much inclined to think the good sense and sound judgment of the people would have rejected the article at once as a seditious invective, whose very violence, like an overdose of poison, prevented its effect. "But this language is addressed, not to the sober-minded and calm-thinking people of England, but to a people, hasty, excitable, enthusiastic and easily stimulated, smarting under great manifold distresses, and who have been for years excited to the utmost pitch to which they could go consistently with their own safety, by the harangues of democrats and revolutionists. "This paper was published at five pence, but, as I am informed, when the first number appeared, so much was it sought after, that, on its first appearance, it was eagerly bought in the streets of Dublin at one shilling and sixpence and two shillings a number. With the people of Ireland, my lords, this language will tell; and I say it is not safe for you to disregard it.
It also refuses to recognise the validity of the Good Friday Agreement as it argues that the referendum on the agreement did not offer the people of Ireland the choice of living in a united Ireland, and that the referendum was invalid since separate polls were held in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. It also opposes the Northern Ireland Assembly as it believes that this further entrenches British presence in Ireland, and that "those nationalists who took their seats in the new Stormont" were "guilty of treachery to the Irish Republic". Republican Sinn Féin does not consider the Defence Forces (descended from the pro-Treaty National Army of the Irish Civil War) to be the armed forces of the Irish Republic, rather it claims that the Irish Republican Army is the only organisation that has the right to the title of the Óglaigh na hÉireann. This includes in succession; the Irish Republican Army (1917–22), the Irish Republican Army (1922–69), the Provisional Irish Republican Army (1969–86) and since then the Continuity Irish Republican Army.
In 1926 de Valera founded Fianna Fáil to take a more pragmatic opposition than Sinn Féin to the Free State, and the following year the party abandoned abstentionism by entering the Free State Dáil. Fianna Fáil TD Seán Lemass famously described it in March 1928 as "a slightly constitutional party". De Valera came to power in 1932 and in 1937 proposed a new Constitution which was adopted by plebiscite, removing to his own satisfaction any remaining reservations about the state's legitimacy. In December 1938, seven of those elected in 1921 who continued to regard the Second Dáil as the last legitimate Dáil assembly, and that all other surviving members had disqualified themselves by taking the oath of allegiance, met and at a meeting with the IRA Army Council under Seán Russell, and signed over what they believed was the authority of the Government of Dáil Éireann to the Army Council until such a time as a new Dáil could once again be democratically elected by all the people of Ireland in all 32 counties.
Inspired by the American and French Revolutions, the Society of United Irishmen was founded in 1791 in Belfast and Dublin. The inaugural meeting of the United Irishmen in Belfast on 18 October 1791 approved a declaration of the society's objectives. It identified the central grievance that Ireland had no national government: "...we are ruled by Englishmen, and the servants of Englishmen, whose object is the interest of another country, whose instrument is corruption, and whose strength is the weakness of Ireland..."Denis Carroll, The Man from God knows Where, p. 42 (Gartan) 1995 They adopted three central positions: (i) to seek out a cordial union among all the people of Ireland, to maintain that balance essential to preserve liberties and extend commerce; (ii) that the sole constitutional mode by which English influence can be opposed, is by a complete and radical reform of the representation of the people in Parliament; (iii) that no reform is practicable or efficacious, or just which shall not include Irishmen of every religious persuasion.
Although the production and trade of corned beef as a commodity was a source of great wealth for the colonial nations of Britain and France (which were participating in the Atlantic slave trade), in the colonies themselves, the product was looked upon with disdain due to its association with poverty and slavery. Increasing corned beef production to satisfy the rising populations of the industrialised areas of Great Britain and Atlantic trade worsened the effects of the Irish Famine (1740–1741) and the Great Famine of Ireland (1845-1849): Despite being a major producer of beef, most of the people of Ireland during this period consumed little of the meat produced, in either fresh or salted form, due to its prohibitive cost. This was because most of the farms and its produce were owned by wealthy Anglo-Irish who were absentee landlords and that most of the population were from families of poor tenant farmers, and that most of the corned beef was exported. The lack of beef or corned beef in the Irish diet is especially true in the north of Ireland and areas away from the major centres for corned beef production.
In short, our vicious system of Government, and especially the infamous land laws, are the machinery that brought you to this pass." Commenting on this first edition of The United Irishman, Lord Stanley in the House of Lords, on 24 February 1848, maintained that the paper pursued "the purpose of exciting sedition and rebellion among her Majesty's subjects in Ireland... it is language used in no common way, and for this reason I have called the attention of her Majesty's Government to it. This is not a mere casual article in a newspaper—it is the declaration of the aim and object for which it is established, and of the design with which its promoters have set out; that object being to do everything possible to drive the people of Ireland to sedition, to urge them into open rebellion, and to promote civil war for the purpose of exterminating every Englishman in Ireland. I hope, my Lords, her Majesty's Government will not say that this is a matter quite in theory—that it is below contempt, and that we should allow it to pass by in silence.

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