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44 Sentences With "panegyrical"

How to use panegyrical in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "panegyrical" and check conjugation/comparative form for "panegyrical". Mastering all the usages of "panegyrical" from sentence examples published by news publications.

Gone indeed was artists' panegyrical imagery of the Revolution and Empire.
But in these panegyrical orations, they oftimes rather exceed than excel.
There is no panegyrical emphasis, no calumnious innuendo, in his sketches.
So now she filled a whole page of her diary with panegyrical regrets.
His work On Justinian's Buildings, was composed at the emperor's behest, and is panegyrical in tone.
The whole mythological and legendary heritage is condensed in allusions found in lyrical and panegyrical poetry.
We have studiously avoided portraying fashionable life according to the vulgar notions, whether depreciatory or panegyrical.
The official history of this period is rendered almost worthless by its sustained note of panegyrical laudation.
It is rather satirical than panegyrical in character, and its poetical worth is very far from high.
He is perhaps weakest, like all poets with the signal exception of Dryden, when he is panegyrical.
A fuller report of the above speech is given at f. 108, some panegyrical verses at ff.
Demonstrative or panegyrical oratory is associated with the past and urges an audience to honor and imitate a virtuous subject.
Let us, saith he, celebrate this feast, not in a panegyrical but divine, not in a worldly but supersecular manner.
Any panegyrical reference to this feat is worth it, even assuming that Kumble is not the first but the second Indian to reach this milestone.
He was buried in the St Botolph's Church, Cambridge, where a monument with his bust, and a panegyrical inscription, was placed by desire of his wife Alicia.
The poet's attitude to Domitian tends to be laudatory and friendly, employing the full spectrum of Virgilian panegyrical language and imagery.W. MacDermott and A. Orentzel, pp. 29-34 Silius was considered highly educated by contemporaries.
There is a panegyrical Life of Lord Keith by Alex. Allardyce (Edinburgh, 1882); and biographical notices will be found in John Marshall's Royal Naval Biography, i. 43 (1823–1835), and the Naval Chronicle, x. I. (D. H.).
His numerous dedications and epistles dedicatory show what a panegyrical turn he could give to his silvery periods. He appears to have died in 1650, and was buried at Dulverton. An elder brother, Roger Sydenham, matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford, and entered the Middle Temple in 1607.
During his years in Moscow, Symeon continued to develop an imperial style of panegyrical verse, rife with protracted tirades, which were enlivened by occasional allusions to classical mythology. "With Simeon, a whole museum of ancient gods, muses, heroes, authors, and philosophers entered Russian literature".The Cambridge History of Russian Literature (ed. by Charles Moser).
He wrote also against other heretics, but whether in the same work or in another is not clear; and disputed against the pagans. Apparently on his return from Milan he visited Constantinople, where Gregory of Nazianzus had just been appointed to the patriarchate (379). Gregory received him with the highest honour; and delivered a panegyrical oration (Oration 25), in the man's own presence in full church, before the celebration of the Eucharist.
Thomas and John were Roger's two older brothers, while Anthony Ascham was the youngest son of the Ascham family. The authority for this statement, as for most here concerning Ascham's early life, is his close friend Edward Grant (1540s–1601), headmaster of the venerable and still extant Royal College of St. Peter at Westminster—better known as Westminster School—who collected and edited his letters and delivered a panegyrical oration on his life in 1576.
Instead of offering a more typical survey of laws, institutions, and important political and military achievements of Frederick's reign, the book struck a distinctly panegyrical tone, portraying Frederick as a tragic hero and the idealized embodiment of the German nation. It included no footnotes and seemed to elide historical events with more fanciful legends and propagandistic literary depictions. The work elicited a combination of bewilderment and criticism from the mainstream historical academy.
This is supported by Whitby's analysis of Procopius's depiction of the capital and its cathedral in comparison to contemporary pagan panegyrics.Buildings, Book I. Procopius can be seen as depicting Justinian as essentially God's vicegerent, making the case for buildings being a primarily religious panegyric.Whitby, Mary: "Procopius' Buildings Book I: A Panegyrical Perspective", in Antiquité Tardive 8 (2000), 45–57. Procopius indicates that he planned to write an ecclesiastical history himselfSecret History, 26.18.
St Paraskeva (Patriarchate of Peć, 1719-20). Example of Greek Orthodox visual hagiography. This is one of the best known surviving Byzantine mosaics in Hagia Sophia – Christ Pantocrator flanked by the Virgin Mary and John the Baptist made in the 12th century. In the 10th century, a Byzantine monk Simeon Metaphrastes was the first one to change the genre of lives of the saints into something different, giving it a moralizing and panegyrical character.
Panegyrics played an important role in the transmission of culture. A common panegyrical device was anachronism, the use of archaic names for contemporary things. Romans were often called "Trojans" and Salian Franks were called "Sicambri". A notable example related by the sixth-century historian Gregory of Tours states that the Merovingian Frankish leader Clovis I, on the occasion of his baptism into the Catholic faith, was referred to as a Sicamber by Remigius, the officiating bishop of Rheims.
In 1820 an editor of "Syn otechestva" journal, Aleksandr Voeikov, permitted himself an unauthorized publication of an epitaph by Batyushkov. The author overreacted: Batyushkov, infuriated, sent Gnedich a letter intended for "Syn otechestva", claiming he had abandoned his writing forever. Pletnev, a genuine admirer of Batyushkov, attempted to palliate his "guilt" by publishing a panegyrical "inscription" to Batyushkov — who took it as yet another insult. Batyushkov's mind became clouded, and in a fit of depression he destroyed his latest manuscripts.
Alexios was made co-emperor by his father in 1122, but died in 1142. This was the year before his father's death as the result of a hunting accident. The reign of John II is less well chronicled than those of his father, Alexios I, or successor, Manuel I, and coverage of the life of his son Alexios is very sparse. A panegyrical poem by Theodore Prodromos was addressed to John and his son on the occasion of the coronation of Alexios.
93, 113, 247; vii. 249 and by several of the early Christian writers, as well as by others. Among the writings of Neanthes there were: #Memoirs of king Attalus #Hellenica #Lives of illustrious men #Pythagorica #Τὰ κατὰ πόλιν μυθικά #On Purification #Annals He probably wrote an account of Cyzicus, as we can infer from a passage in Strabo. He may also have written many panegyrical orations and a work Περὶ κακοζηλίας ῥητορικῆς or Περὶ ζηλοτυπίας against the Asiatic style of rhetoric.
Alfred de Lacaze, 'Lucas (Paul), voyageur et antiquaire francais', in Nouvelle Biographie Générale, ed. by Ferdinand Hoefer (Paris: Firmin Didot Frères, 1852-66), XXXII, cols 122-25. Lucas is one of the earliest sources of information from Upper Egypt, visiting among other places Thebes (though he does not identify it) and the Nile up to the cataracts. A panegyrical portrayal of Lucas is also afforded in the Arabic autobiography of Hanna Diyab, a Syrian whom Lucas employed as an interpreter, assistant, and servant from around 1707-10.
As Ämirxan was paralyzed, they stayed in neighboring rooms of the Amur Hotel, where the editorial board was situated. In the first days of 1913 he wrote The Frost, a witty poem depicting how Kazaners of different social classes behave during frost. The next notable poem was devoted to the 300th anniversary of the Romanov dynasty. The poem was rather panegyrical, as was the vulgar- sociological critique of the early 1920s, based on this poem, proclaimed Tuqay to be a pan-Islamist and Tsarist.
Panegyrical and occasional poetry after Statius was strongly influenced by his work. Statian influence can be particularly seen in the works of Claudian and Nemesianus. In the Renaissance,This section depends on Van Dam, H. "Wandering Woods Again: From Poliziano to Grotius" in The Poetry of Statius ed. Smolenaars, J., Van Dam, H., and Nauta, R. (Leiden, 2008) the Silvae received modern commentaries, first by Domizio Calderini (1469) and more importantly by Angelo Poliziano (1480) who is credited with popularizing the collection to western literature and writing an extensive commentary.
The composer of the hymn, Muthuswami Dikshitar. "Vatapi Ganapatim", also known as "Vatapi ganapatim bhajeham" or "Vatapi ganapatim bhaje", is a Sanskrit kriti song by the South Indian poet-composer Muthuswami Dikshitar (1775–1835), one of the "Trinity of Carnatic music". The panegyrical hymn praises Vatapi Ganapati, Ganesha (Ganapati) worshipped in a shrine in Tiruchenkattankudi in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. The hymn is composed in Hamsadhvani raga (musical mode); however, in tradition of kritis, individual performers add their own variations in the tune as a part of improvisation.
Karion Istomin started as a regular scrivener, then held the post of an editor, and later became the head of the yard. He is known to have authored and translated from Latin historical, religious, and pedagogical works, including his Arithmetics (Арифметика) and the Book of Reasoning (Книга вразумления), in which Istomin directed the 11-year-old Peter I on proper manners. Also, he wrote numerous acathistuses, prayers, epitaphs, and panegyrical, congratulatory, and edifying poems. In 1690s, Istomin compiled the Small Alphabet Book (Малый букварь) and Big Alphabet Book (Большой букварь) for tsarevich Alexei Petrovich, in which verse facilitated learning.
Although the work inspired panegyrical sermons preached in honour of the Virgin of Guadalupe between 1661 and 1766, it was not popular and was rarely reprinted. Shorn of its devotional and scriptural matter and with a few additions, Sánchez' account was republished in 1660 by a Jesuit priest from Puebla named Mateo de la Cruz, whose book, entitled Relación de la milagrosa aparición de la Santa Virgen de Guadalupe de México ("Account of the miraculous apparition of the Holy Image of the Virgin of Guadalupe of Mexico"), was soon reprinted in Spain (1662), and served greatly to spread knowledge of the cult.; cf. , .
Nixon and Rodgers, 6. Because the collection is thematically unconnected and chronologically disordered, Nixon and Rodgers conclude that "it served no political or historical purpose", and was simply a tool for students and practitioners of panegyrical rhetoric. Roger Rees, however, argues that the circumstances of its composition (if Pacatus is taken as its compiler) suggest that it was intended to illustrate Gaul's continuing loyalty to Rome. Along the same line, Pacatus' speech of 389 might have been meant to reassure Theodosius (who had defeated the usurper Magnus Maximus in Gaul the previous year) that Gaul was completely loyal to him.
To commemorate the victory, two Orthodox churches were erected: the Church of the Holy Trinity and the Church of Saint Nicholas, which remain among the most impressive examples of Orthodox Church architecture in Lithuania. Immediately after the victory, the Polish–Lithuanian state started to exploit the battle for its propaganda aimed at other nations in Europe, with the intent of improving the image of Poland- Lithuania abroad. Several panegyrical accounts of the battle were sent to Rome. "The Polish message was similar to Bomhover's: the Muscovites are not Christians; they are cruel and barbaric; they are Asians and not Europeans; they are in league with Turks and the Tatars to destroy Christendom".
He is depicted showing particular concern for the water supply, building new aqueducts and restoring those that had fallen into disuse. Theodora, who was dead when this panegyric was written, is mentioned only briefly, but Procopius's praise of her beauty is fulsome. Due to the panegyrical nature of Procopius's Buildings, historians have discovered several discrepancies between claims made by Procopius and accounts in other primary sources. A prime example is Procopius's starting the reign of Justinian in 518, which was actually the start of the reign of his uncle and predecessor By treating the uncle's reign as part of his nephew's, Procopius was able to credit Justinian with buildings erected or begun under Justin's administration.
Ibn Hani played an important role in establishing the political propaganda for the Fatimid State through his poetry. He claimed in a number of panegyrical verses that not only all of the Muslim world, but the entire world belongs legitimately to the Fatimid Caliph. Also, his political mentioning dramatically merges with his religious views whereby he claims that the Umayyads and the Abbasids rule over illegitimate territories as they have defied the sayings of Prophet Muhammad by usurping and killing the Ahl al Bait for whom the Prophet willed obedience, loyalty and allegiance and the Fatimid Imam is that very descendant who claims absolute loyalty of the Muslim world. The Fatimids believed themselves surrounded by these two and the Byzantine Empire as enemies.
At the instigation of the Bridewell Governors and to make a grander architectural statement of "charitable munificence", the hospital was designed as a single- rather than double-pile building, accommodating initially 120 patients. Having cells and chambers on only one side of the building facilitated the dimensions of the great galleries, essentially long and capacious corridors, high and wide, which ran the length of both floors to a total span of . Such was their scale that Roger L'Estrange remarked in a 1676 text eulogising the new Bethlem that their "Vast Length ... wearies the travelling eyes' of Strangers".Roger L'Strange, Bethlehems Beauty, Londons Charity, and the Cities Glory, A Panegyrical Poem on that Magnificent Structure lately Erected in Moorfields, vulgarly called New Bedlam.
Fernan (or Fernando) Perez de Guzman (1376–1458) was a Spanish historian and poet. He belonged to a family distinguished both for its patrician standing and its literary connections, for his uncle was Pero López de Ayala, Grand Chancellor of Castile, historian and poet, and a kinsman was the Marquis of Santillana, one of the most important authors of the time of Juan II of Castile. Part of his verse, such as the "Proverbios" and the "Diversas virtudes", is purely moral and didactic. The more important part is represented by the panegyrical Loores de los claros varones de España, which in 409 octaves gives a full account of the leading figures in Spanish history from Roman times down to that of Benedict XIII.
550 to c. 1307' shows that William of Poitiers was just as much a panegyrist as a historian. She summarises Gesta Guillelmi as 'biased, unreliable account of events, and unrealistic portraits of the two principle protagonists.'Antonia Gransden, Historical Writing in England c. 550 to c. 1307 (London, 1974) p.102 Moreover, Orderic Vitalis, who uses the Gesta Guillelmi as his principal source in creating his 'Ecclesiastical History', chooses to omit or contradict many of Poitiers' passages in the Guesta Guillelmi, including denial of King William's mercy to the conquered English; having been brought up in England from 1075–1085, Orderic knew better. However, the Gesta Guillelmi cannot be dismissed; most of the panegyrical passages are easy to isolate, and there is a lot of material that William of Poitiers probably reports accurately.
The city then formed a nexus of diplomatic intrigue, as George I of Great Britain had the aim of arming the northern powers against Peter the Great, and Bestuzhev received the commission to counteract that. On the occasion of the Treaty of Nystad (1721), which terminated the Great Northern War's 21 years of struggle between Russia and Sweden, Bestuzhev designed and had minted a commemorative medal with a panegyrical Latin inscription, which so delighted Peter, then at Derbent, that he sent a letter of thanks written in his own hand along with his portrait. The sudden death of Peter the Great (8 February 1725) seriously injured Bestuzhev's prospects. For more than ten years, he remained at Copenhagen, looking vainly towards Russia as a sort of promised land from which he was excluded by enemies or rivals.
It also describes, in adulatory tones, a meeting Caesar had with Queen Anne before her death in 1714. Rumbold remarks: '[d]espite its mixture of memoir, journal and commonplace book, it is in fact generated by a coherent vision of a group of friends formed in the golden age of Queen Anne, and the values which they embody for her'; and later that '[a]lthough ostensibly a prose narrative, Mary Caesar's book is in many respects closer to the panegyrical poetry of the Renaissance'. Pickard suggests that the text represents Caesar's attempt to shape history through literary means: '[a]lthough Caesar's journal provides many instances of its author's involvement in political affairs, it is through her narration of those affairs that she can shape them most fully'. Pickard notes, however, that the text was likely not circulated widely during Caesar's lifetime, given the conspiratorial and underground character of Jacobitism.
Psellos's Chronographia is largely useless in understanding the life of Nikephoros; while he provides a contemporary source from the view of the Byzantine nobles, he is far from objective in his review of events, although his retelling of Michael's letter to Nikephoros is useful as it shares both Michael's and Pselloss opinion of the events. While Attaleiates generally provides a favorable account of Nikephoros, he does mention some of his failings, such as his defeat by the Oghuz Turks in 1063, whereas Psellos intentionally fails to mention several failings of Michael VII in his panegyrical chapter on him, including his loss of Anatolia to the Seljuk Turks and the debasement of currency which took place under him. The other main source for Nikephoross reign is Anna Komnene's Alexiad, although she was born after the events, and the first sections of her account are usually derived from the writings of her husband Nikephoros Bryennios the Younger. She is also biased as a result of being the daughter of Byzantine Emperor Alexios I Komnenos, who seized the throne from Nikephoros, causing the account to be from the view of Alexios's rise.

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