But in Trump's Republican party voters don't just tolerate Russian oligarchies, they applaud them.
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Shadowy oligarchies have infiltrated the army and the bureaucracy in order to usurp elected politicians.
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"Democracies become oligarchies when wealth is too concentrated," Mr. Saez said in praising the plan.
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Is it a better form of government than other systems, such as dictatorships, oligarchies and monarchies?
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They build [the equivalent of] complex living spaces (mounds) with only rudimentary instructions (constitutional governments, oligarchies, technocracies).
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Monarchies turn into tyranny, aristocracies become oligarchies, and democracies tend toward anarchy—unless they check and balance each other.
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There is the Sanders voter, a white, social-media-savvy millennial sick of corporate oligarchies and paying student loans.
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Further, Trump's presidency shows that corporate oligarchies and autocratic politics go hand-in-hand in America no less than in Russia.
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Countries rarely embrace democracy as their first choice; they have often tried monarchies, oligarchies or other forms of coercive government first.
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The U.S. dollar is an unofficial currency in both unstable economies (such as the Philippines) and under-the-table oligarchies (China, Russia).
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" In Granma, Cuba praised long-term ally Venezuela for its "tough and victorious diplomatic battle" against "the meddling plan of imperialism and oligarchies.
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Simonton is a professor at Arizona State University, expert in ancient Greek oligarchies, and author of the book, Classical Greek Oligarchy: A Political History.
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Oligarchies give way to democracies when the elites fail, when they become spoiled, lazy, profligate, and when they develop interests apart from those they rule.
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In the ancient world, it was characteristic of oligarchs and oligarchies that as long as they weren't subjected to any scrutiny, they could pretty much do whatever they wanted.
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Sitaraman has written about a movement toward a progressive foreign policy that promotes diplomacy over military might, but understands the risks of partnering with "nationalist oligarchies" like Russia and China.
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Older voters too are fed up at a lack of progress on tackling corruption and oligarchies too, analysts note, and they have also viewed Zelensky as a breath of fresh air.
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America has a violent history of forcibly union-busting and the road to unionization, particularly for industrial labourers, was paved with the blood of many victims (the human resources of capitalist oligarchies).
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The business is fully independent, female-owned and operated, and steadfastly sex-positive—a breath of fresh air in a genre long-dominated by industry oligarchies and, face it, straight, white men.
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"The big Filipino families, the oligarchies, are not able to transition away from agriculture because they can't transition to manufacturing," says Lisandro E. Claudio, a Southeast Asian historian at the University of California, Berkeley.
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In the absence of dictators or oligarchies to mobilize against, the risk with political liberalism is that it becomes an increasingly niche type of special interest, a preoccupation for lawyers, human rights activists, and members of Liberty.
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If that is the case, the future North America and Europe may look a lot like Brazil and Mexico, with nepotistic oligarchies clustered in a few fashionable metropolitan areas but surrounded by a derelict, depopulated, and despised 'hinterland.
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In those days and for decades after, the country was pretty homogeneous, trust in big institutions was high and the federal government worked more effectively than state and local governments to build a safety net and break up local economic oligarchies.
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It said profit for the sake of profit and not for the greater good was "illegitimate" and condemned a "reckless and amoral culture of waste" that has created oligarchies in some countries while leaving great masses of impoverished people "without any means of escape".
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"This is a system literally on life support as it suffers through the final stages of disinvestment and destruction by a handful of non-democratic fiscal oligarchies (hedge funds and distressed-asset players) who control most of the country's newspapers," he wrote in the Times.
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"I agree with the idea of an anti-establishment government, they should press ahead with stronger policies in the interest of Italy and (against) the European bureaucracies and the financial oligarchies," Massimo Wailbacher said as he queued up to vote at one of the stands in Milan.
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These larger oligarchies that are being created are becoming more and more dangerous to the public good, in my opinion, because the political power that they are gaining as well as the market power that they are gaining — and we come from a great tradition, from the trust busting and the history of that.
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Mining oligarchies seeking political support after the breakdown of the "coffee with milk" policy, engaged in alliances between oligarchies who were opposed to the political situation. Among these oligarchies that supported Minas Gerais, it can highlight the states of Rio Grande do Sul and Paraíba and some opposition groups from other states, including the Democratic Party, which was active in the "Liberal Alliance".
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Those periods included numerous societies that frequently changed types of regime. Those societies abruptly stopped fighting other oligarchies if they became oligarchies and abruptly stopped fighting other democracies if they became a democracies. That pattern immediately reversed if the regime type changed again. Weart argues that the only clear case of war between oligarchies is a 1656 battle between Bern and Lucerne, which was caused by religious fervor during the Reformation.
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Earlier democracies and oligarchies did not include non-Europeans in the ingroup since they perceived them to be racially inferior and to be living in autocracies and anocracies. That allowed colonial and imperialistic wars and exploitation. The book also describes an "appeasement trap." The autocratic leaders misunderstand the conciliatory methods used by democracies and oligarchies and see it as an admission of weakness that can be exploited with little risk.
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Weart's explanation for the democratic and the oligarchic peace is the human tendency to classify other humans into an ingroup and an outgroup, as has been documented in many psychological studies. Members of the outgroup are seen as inherently inferior and so exploitation of them is justified. Citizens of democracies include citizens of other democratic states in the ingroup. The elites of oligarchies include the elites of other oligarchies in the ingroup.
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However, the legacy of the oligarchies is still strongly visible in what is described as Neo-Coronelism or electronic coronelism. Brazilian politics is still known for being highly patrimonial, oligarchic, and personalistic.
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The decade of the 1930s was a period of interrelated political and economic changes. The decade started with the 1930 revolution, which abolished the Old Republic (1889–1930), a federation of semi-autonomous states. After a transitional period in which centralizing elements struggled with the old oligarchies for control, a coup in 1937 established the New State (Estado Novo) dictatorship (1937–45). To a large extent, the revolution of 1930 reflected a dissatisfaction with the political control exercised by the old oligarchies.
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Regardless, Pessoa still represented the interests of the traditional oligarchies of Minas Gerais and São Paulo. There is another view of this election, however: the belief that after the death of Rodrigues Alves the elite of Minas Gerais and São Paulo wanted to choose a new candidate from outside their own ranks. That Artur Bernardes of Minas Gerais was elected president in the next election supports the conspiracy theory that the oligarchies had never lost control in the intervening years. Pessoa was an unavowed racist.
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Using those definitions, Weart finds numerous wars between the same and different kinds of societies but also two exceptions. Democracies have never fought one another, and oligarchies have almost never fought one another. Wars between democracies and oligarchies have, however, been common. The book argues that the pattern is sharply evident, for example in the 300 years of Ancient Greek history, the Swiss cantons since the 14th century, the County of Flanders during the 14th century, the three-and-a-half centuries of the Hanseatic League, and Renaissance Italy.
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Because autocrats need a power structure to rule, it can be difficult to draw a clear line between historical autocracies and oligarchies. Most historical autocrats depended on their nobles, the military, the priesthood, or other elite groups.Tullock, Gordon. "Autocracy", Springer Science+Business, 1987. .
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The constitutions of Upper and Lower Canada differed greatly, but shared a basis on the principle of "mixed monarchy"—a balance of monarchy, aristocracy and democracy. The colonies, however, lacked the aristocratic element, and found their non-elective Legislative Councils dominated by local oligarchies that controlled local trade and the institutions of state and religion. In Lower Canada they were known as the Château Clique; in Upper Canada they were known as the Family Compact. Both office-holding oligarchies were affiliated with more broadly based "Tory parties" and opposed by a Reform opposition that demanded a radically more democratic government than existed in each colony.
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Throughout history, oligarchies have often been tyrannical, relying on public obedience or oppression to exist. Aristotle pioneered the use of the term as meaning rule by the rich,Winters (2011) p. 26-28. "Aristotle writes that 'oligarchy is when men of property have the government in their hands... wherever men rule by reason of their wealth, whether they be few or many, that is an oligarchy, and where the poor rule, that is a democracy'." for which another term commonly used today is plutocracy. In the early 20th century Robert Michels developed the theory that democracies, as all large organizations, have a tendency to turn into oligarchies.
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Initially, there was much resistance within the movement against the founding of a political party, motivated by Robert Michels' iron law of oligarchy, which claims that movements inevitably degenerate into oligarchies when they create a formal organization.Rauli Mickelsson. Suomen puolueet - Historia, muutos ja nykypäivä. Vastapaino 2007, 429 pages.
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In the battle, the Spartans routed the Achaean phalanx, killing many of the Achaeans and capturing others. Following this victory, Cleomenes captured the city of Lasium and presented it to the Elians. The oligarchies opposed the Cleomenian reforms. With Cleomenes' quick victories this opposition increased throughout all the Peloponnese.
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In each colony, Tories contested elections as the personal party of the governor. Business elites who surrounded the governor also hoped to gain patronage. In Upper Canada this was the Family Compact, in Lower Canada the Chateau Clique. Opposition to the rule of these oligarchies resulted in the Rebellions of 1837.
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The source of power determines the difference between democracies, oligarchies, and autocracies. In a democracy, political legitimacy is based on popular sovereignty. Forms of democracy include representative democracy, direct democracy, and demarchy. These are separated by the way decisions are made, whether by elected representatives, referenda, or by citizen juries.
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2 Competition among Greek cities and their ruling oligarchies was mainly for marks of preeminence, especially for titles bestowed by the Roman emperor. Such titles were ordered in a ranking system that determined how the cities were to be outwardly treated by Rome.David S. Potter, ed. A Companion to the Roman Empire.
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2 It "distinguished itself with violent attacks on both the Muscovite [communist] ideal and the grand capitalist oligarchies.""Nos commentaires de Vichy", in Feuille d'Avis de Neuchatel et du Vignoble Neuchâtelois, July 9, 1941, p. 1 The party logo showed four converging arrowheads over a diamond and a circle, with the French national colors.Littlejohn, pp.
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Map of India during the Vedic period, including Sindh. Literary evidence from the Vedic period suggests a transition from early small janas, or tribes, to many janapadas (territorial civilizations) and gana- samgha societies. The gana samgha societies are loosely translated to being oligarchies or republics. These political entities were represented from the Rigveda to the Astadhyayi by Pāṇini.
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Examples include Sparta and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. :Democracies are states that are similar to oligarchies, but there is no sharp and clear distinction between an elite and the rest of the domestic population. Usually, more than two thirds of the males have the right to vote. A borderline case is the Athenian democracy, which excluded metics and slaves.
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Weart's argument on the Sicilian Expedition is similar to the position of the prominent scholar G.E.M. de Ste. Croix. The same review also includes a list of possible wars between Greek oligarchies, including the recurrent wars between Sparta and Argos. Weart mentions the wars in a footnote with references in which he states that Argos was a democracy.
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The Kuchkabals were divided into municipalities called batalib (plural: batalibob). Each Batalib was ruled by a batab (plural: batabob). The ruler of a Kuchkabal was called a Halach Uinik, which means "person of fact, person of command". A Halach Uinik was a monarch, but some kuchkabals were oligarchies, with each batalib having a seat on a senate.
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The democratic form of government in the city-state of Athens remained an anomaly, however, as the rest of the Greek city-states were run either as tyrannies or, most often, by oligarchies. Both Thucydides and Aristotle wrote that "the revolution was provoked by defeat in Sicily."Osborne, R., Athens and Athenian Democracy, Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 273.
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In the same year, the presidential campaign divided the oligarchies. Some military officers planned a coup to stop the candidate of the party in power, Artur Bernardes, if he was elected. However, the imprisonment of ex-president Hermes da Fonseca and the closing of the Military Club precipitated the start a rebellion on July 5, 1922.
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Presidentialism was adopted as the form of government and the State was divided into three powers (Legislative, Executive and Judiciary) "harmonic and independent of one another". The presidential term was fixed at four years, and the elections became direct. After 1894, the presidency of the republic was occupied by coffee farmers (oligarchies) from São Paulo and Minas Gerais, alternately.
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Besançon had a reasonably democratic form of government, unlike most free imperial cities, which gradually became oligarchies. The government consisted of twenty-eight councillors elected every year by the seven parishes. These, in turn, chose fourteen governors, who dealt with the day-to-day business. The main business was dealt with by both councillors and governors sitting together.
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Unlike most Free Imperial Cities which gradually became oligarchies, Besançon had a reasonably democratic form of government. The government consisted of 28 councillors elected every year by the seven parishes. These, in turn, chose 14 governors, who dealt with the day-to-day business. The main business was dealt with by both councillors and governors sitting together.
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There may be frequent shifts back and forth between anocracy and autocracy if a leader temporarily gains enough power to suppress all opponents in a territory. :Oligarchies are states in which participation in government is restricted to an elite. Voting decides policy, and opposition is accepted within the elite. Voting is usually restricted to less than a third of the males.
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The Allahabad Pillar inscription, a prashasti (eulogy) composed by his courtier Harishena, credits him with extensive military conquests. It suggests that he defeated several kings of northern India, and annexed their territories to his empire. He also marched along the south-eastern coast of India, advancing as far as the Pallava kingdom. In addition, he subjugated several frontier kingdoms and tribal oligarchies.
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Montesquieu included both democracies, where all the people have a share in rule, and aristocracies or oligarchies, where only some of the people rule, as republican forms of government.Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, Bk. II, ch. 2–3. Other terms used to describe different republics include democratic republic, parliamentary republic, semi-presidential republic, presidential republic, federal republic, and Islamic republic.
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The long time period made Weart often reliy on the works of other historians, but he consulted at least five works for even trivial crises involving democracies and oligarchies. Some cases have never been studied with that question in mind, and he then used primary sources, which included reading works in French, German (including Alemannic German), Italian (including the Tuscan dialect), Spanish, Greek, and Latin.
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Gap Crisis in Transition Democracy and the Challenges of Proper Expectation Framework; Lecture of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ), Kogi State Council; Glass House, Government House, Lokoja, 2 September 2003. National Conference in Nigeria: by Who, For Who, . . .Power Oligarchies or Citizens?; Lecture of the Movement for Democracy and Social Justice (MDSJ), Sokoto, Main Auditorium of the Uthman Dan Fodio University, Sokoto, 25 September 2003.
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Socrates took a poor view of oligarchies, in which members of a small class of wealthy property owners take positions of power in order to dominate a large class of impoverished commoners. He used the analogy of a maritime pilot, who, like a powerholder in a polis, ought to be chosen for his skill, not for the amount of property he owns.Plato. The Republic, Book VIII.
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The Kuchkabals were divided into municipalities called batalib (plural batalibob), and each Batalib was ruled by a batab (batabob plural). The ruler of a Kuchkabal was called a Halach Uinik, which means "real man". A Halach Uinik was a monarch, but some kuchkabals were oligarchies, with batabil having a seat on a senate. As in the case of Ekab one batalib usually had more powerful batabob.
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Since Rome supported oligarchies, similar to their own system, the senates of cities such as Capua and Tarentum were largely pro-Roman. Carthaginian society was itself even more oligarchic than Rome's.Goldsworthy (2001) 17, 18.Eckstein (2006) 162 But by necessity, rather than from ideological conviction, the Carthaginians backed the anti-Roman democratic factions. Tarentum (212 BC) was delivered to Hannibal by the local democratic faction.
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This inevitably led to spiritual and scientific impoverishment. In Peru, this phenomenon occurred due to the survival of the semi-feudal economic structure, but it also happened in Argentina, despite being a more industrialized and democratized country. The movement of university reform in Latin America necessarily had to attack the root of evil. At the same time, the conservative oligarchies had to react against the reform.
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In 1911, a German sociologist, Robert Michels propounded a view that all democratic organisations were prone to become oligarchies because of the growth and size of modern organisations, the need for specialisation of officials, and the necessity that this division of labour would lead the rank and file to struggle to understand the activities of their leaders. Michels argued that this amounted to an iron law of oligarchy: all groups, regardless of how democratic they may be at the start, eventually and inevitably develop into oligarchies with swollen bureaucracies. Michels himself, after falling out with the German Social Democrat Party, migrated to Italy and joined Mussolini's Fascist Party. Nevertheless, his ideas were popularized after the Second World War in particular by Seymour Martin Lipset, Trow, and James Samuel Coleman in a book entitled, Union Democracy: The Internal Politics of the International Typographical Union (1957).
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Literary evidence from the Vedic Era suggests a transition from early small janas, or tribes, to many Janapadas (territorial civilisations) and gaṇa sangha societies. The latter are loosely translated to being oligarchies or republics. These political entities were represented from the Rig Veda to the Astadhyayi by Panini. Archaeologically, the time span of these entities corresponds to phases also present in the Indo-Gangetic divide and the upper Gangetic basin.
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Politically, Cyme is assumed to have started as a settler democracy following in the tradition of other established colonies in the region although Aristotle concluded that by the 7th and 6th centuries BCE the once great democracies in the Greek world (including Cyme) evolved not from democracies to oligarchies as was the natural custom but from democracies to tyrannies.Aristóteles (edited by Trevor J. Saunders). Politics. Oxford University Press, 1999.
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Fomenko has published and sold over one million copies of his books in his native Russia. Many Internet forums have appeared which aim to supplement his work with additional amateur research.Melleuish et al. 2009. His critics have suggested that Fomenko's version of history appealed to the Russian reading public by keeping alive an imperial consciousness to replace their disillusionment with the failures of Communism and post-Communist corporate oligarchies.
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Resistance in Latin America: The Pentagon, The Oligarchies, and Non-Violent Action, National Peace Literature Service, 1970. He was often invited to speak on peace in the United States, and was a strong yet tactful voice at international peace conferences throughout the world.Quaker Experiences in International Conciliation, C.H. Mike Yarrow, Yale University Press, 1978. The Casa Heberto Sein, a Quaker Center in Hermosillo, Sonora, Mexico is named for him.
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The crisis of the Old Republic extended throughout the 1920s. The political leaders of the Old Republic had been losing strength due to the mobilization of the industrial workers, influenced by the Nazi and Fascist revolts and political schisms that weakened other major oligarchies. These events threatened the stability of the traditional rural alliance between the states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais - i.e. the "coffee with milk policy".
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The common name used in contemporary documents was "The Lacedemonians and their allies", emphasizing the leadership of Sparta. However, other poleis could hold influence comparable to Sparta herself, especially Corinth, due to its wealth and navy.L. G. Pechatnova, A History of Sparta (Archaic and Classic Periods) The league provided protection and security to its members. It was a conservative alliance which supported oligarchies and opposed tyrannies and democracies.
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As a senatorial Emperor, Trajan was inclined to choose his local base of political support from among the members of the ruling urban oligarchies. In the West, that meant local senatorial families like his own. In the East, that meant the families of Greek notables. The Greeks, though, had their own memories of independenceand a commonly acknowledged sense of cultural superiorityand, instead of seeing themselves as Roman, disdained Roman rule.
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In contrast, the leaders of autocracies are the survivors of a culture of violence against opponents. They use similar methods to deal with other states, which often cause wars. The book presents earlier statistical studies and case studies to show that democracies and oligarchies conduct diplomacy very differently from autocracies. Weart argues against explanations like more trade between democracies since he fjnds the pattern to change too abruptly for that to be the case.
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The valley, along with the rest of Chile, underwent intensive agrarian reform in the mid-1960s. This is a result of President Eduardo Frei and his Christian Democratic Party, who rose to power in the mid-1960s with strong reformist attitude. This eroded the power of the rural based oligarchies. A major component of the agrarian reforms was the expropriation of large estates that were deemed to not be producing enough and forming collective farms.
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Boroughs had existed in England and Wales since mediæval times. By the late Middle Ages they had come under royal control, with corporations established by royal charter. These corporations were not popularly elected: characteristically they were self-selecting oligarchies, were nominated by tradesmen's guilds or were under the control of the lord of the manor. A Royal Commission was appointed in 1833 to investigate the various borough corporations in England and Wales.
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The connection of the students with the workers' protests, in vogue then, gave a revolutionary character to the University Reform. • Politics and University Education in Latin America.- The economic and political regime determined by the predominance of colonial aristocracies had placed the universities of Latin America under the tutelage of those oligarchies and their clientele. Having converted university education into a privilege of money and class, the universities had fallen into academic bureaucratization.
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Like most of the Kuchkabalob of Yucatán Hocabá-Homún was a province of the League of Mayapan before 1441. After the League was destroyed its former territory was separated into seventeen polities. These Kuchkabalob (plural of Kuchkabal the form of government used by the polities) were mostly monarchies although some were oligarchies. Hocabá-Homún was constantly at war with the surrounding Kuchkabalob, Sotuta, Tutul-Xiu (who conquered the Kuchkabal Calotmul), Ah Kin Chel, Ceh Pech, and Chakan.
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Vernon (1989, p. 8); see also Watt steam engine and James Watt Raghuram Rajan, former governor of the Reserve Bank of India, has said: "One of the greatest dangers to the growth of developing countries is the middle income trap, where crony capitalism creates oligarchies that slow down growth. If the debate during the elections is any pointer, this is a very real concern of the public in India today". Tavleen Singh, columnist for The Indian Express, has disagreed.
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In 2001, Marshall Sahlins took over the press, renamed it Prickly Paradigm,Russell Jacoby, "Books; The Three P's: Publishing Perishable Prose", The New York Times, August 1, 2004. and re-published his own pamphlet (Waiting for Foucault) and also Richard Rorty's.Against Bosses, Against Oligarchies: A Conversation with Richard Rorty, Prickly Paradigm Press, Chicago. In 2004, Justin Shaffner scanned the original Prickly Pear pamphlets into a PDF format and made them freely available for distribution on the Internet.
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Most of the representatives of any dynasty ruling for more than one generation (kings, emperors, sultans, etc.) would fall into that category. Thus majority monarchies and some autocracies, oligarchies, and theocracies would be ruled by traditional leaders. Often the male head of a common family should be considered a traditional leader. This could also be the case in a family-owned business if its director and other leadership positions are chosen based on family ties and/or age.
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In 357 four members of the Athenian Confederacy (Byzantium, Rhodes, Chios, and Kos) suffered internal revolts in which their democratic governments were overtaken by oligarchies, the reported motivation being the heavy-handed way Athens was managing the league. Each city then announced it was seceding from the Confederacy. In the initial action of the war, the Athenian admiral Chares was sent with a fleet to the various cities and set things right. Chabrias was appointed trierarch for this expedition.
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Chile, prior to the agrarian reforms of the 1960s, was dominated large land estates owned by rural based oligarchies. The peasants were split into two groups: permanent residents on the estate, known in Spanish as inquilinos, and day laborers, known in Spanish as afuerinos. These peasants were largely landless, minus the few inquilinos who were given small plots of land to do subsistence farming. This is indicated by a patron- client relationship, which dictated parts of social, political, and cultural life.
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K'awiil was depicted on Manikin scepters, a royal object carried by Halach Uiniks The Kuchkabalob were divided into municipalities called batalib (plural batalibob) each Batalib was ruled by a batab (batabob plural). The ruler of a Kuchkabal was called a Halach Uinik which means "person of fact, person of command". A Halach Uinik was a monarch, but some kuchkabalob were oligarchies, with batabil having a seat on a senate. As in the case of Ekab one batalib usually had more powerful batabob.
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Although commonly called the Peasants' War, the movement also included the free citizens, who saw their rights restricted in the cities, too. Contrary to the development in the Holy Roman Empire, where the hostilities escalated and the rebellion was put down by force, there were only isolated armed conflicts in the confederation. The authorities, already involved in reformatory or counter-reformatory activities, managed to subdue these uprisings only by granting concessions. Yet the absolutist tendencies kept slowly transforming the democrat cantons into oligarchies.
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In practice, relatively few citizens actually spoke or proposed actions. A citizen who made a proposal might be subjected to a future prosecution (graphe paranomon) if the proposal was illegal or came to be seen as detrimental to Athens. There was a rule that citizens aged over 50 had a right to be heard first. Democratic government at Athens was suspended in 411 BC and again in 404 BC with the assumption of power by oligarchies during crises in the Peloponnesian War.
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In the central Maghrib, the Abdalwadid founded a dynasty that ruled the Kingdom of Tlemcen in Algeria. For more than 300 years, until the region came under Ottoman suzerainty in the 16th century, the Zayanids kept a tenuous hold in the central Maghrib. Many coastal cities asserted their autonomy as municipal republics governed by merchant oligarchies, tribal chieftains from the surrounding countryside, or the privateers who operated out of their ports. Nonetheless, Tlemcen, the "pearl of the Maghrib," prospered as a commercial center.
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After the reform of parliamentary constituencies the boroughs established by royal charter during the previous seven centuries were reformed by the Municipal Corporations Act 1835. The Act required members of town councils (municipal corporations) in England and Wales to be elected by ratepayers and councils to publish their financial accounts. Before the passing of the Act, the municipal boroughs varied depending upon their charters. In some boroughs, corporations had become self-perpetuating oligarchies, with membership of the corporation being for life, and vacancies filled by co-option.
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94 However, by the Archaic period and the first historical consciousness, most had already become aristocratic oligarchies. It is unclear exactly how this change occurred. For instance, in Athens, the kingship had been reduced to a hereditary, lifelong chief magistracy (archon) by 1050 BC; by 753 BC this had become a decennial, elected archonship; and finally by 683 BC an annually elected archonship. Through each stage more power would have been transferred to the aristocracy as a whole, and away from a single individual.
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Michels put forward a thesis about incompatibility of democracy and large- scale social organizations. He observed that contrary to democratic and egalitarian principles, both society in general, and specific organizations in particular are dominated by the leadership – the oligarchy. This, according to Michels, was not because of any particular weakness of a particular society or organization in question, but a characteristic of any and all complex social systems. Such social systems have to be organized along the bureaucratic principles, and bureaucracies inevitably develop oligarchies.
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According to Affonso de Taunay, around 300 holders had their income linked to coffee: farmers, bankers and traders. The title of baron thus became a symbol of the legitimization of local power, making those who held it intermediaries between the people and the government. During this period the Brazilian Imperial Family sought to efface republican sentiments with a wide distribution of titles, mainly among important political leaders in the provinces, some aristocrats and also members of provincial oligarchies; 114 were awarded in 1888, and 123 in 1889.
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Aristocratic oligarchies may also develop traditions of public lists of virtues they believe appropriate in the governing class, but these virtues differ significantly from those who are generally identified under the category of civic virtue, stressing martial courage over commercial honesty. Constitutions became important in defining the public virtue of republics and constitutional monarchies. The earliest forms of constitutional development can be seen in late medieval Germany (see Communalism before 1800) and in the Dutch and English revolts of the 16th and 17th centuries.
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However, the oligarchic elites and the democratic citizens view each other as an outgroup. Democracies viewing the elites as exploiting the rest of the population, and the oligarchic elites viewing democracies as governed by inferior men and are afraid that the democratic ideals may spread to their state. The democratic and oligarchic peace are also strengthened by the culture of arbitration and the respect for the ingroup opposition in both democracies and oligarchies. Similar policies are applied to foreign policy to deal with states belonging to the ingroup.
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The Magadha economy, under Mauryan royal government, depended mainly on agriculture and the state owned large farm lands for cultivation. The other income of the state came from the taxes levied on agriculture, land, trade, and industrial products such as handicrafts. Mauryan agriculture had two type of landholdings, one were the Rashtra type of holdings which were the direct descendants of the holdings of the former tribal oligarchies who had been subjugated in pre- Mauryan times. The Rashtra landholdings were independent of the state machinery in their internal functioning and administration.
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Cleomenes took Corinth and other strategic places. The Cleomenian reforms, although they were not intended to be applied to the defeated populations, was a significant factor behind the campaign successes of the Spartan king. Indeed, some of the Achaean population wanted to be debt-free and were willing to share their lands for more equity. In reality, Cleomenes did not care that much about the defeated population and chose to negotiate with the oligarchies even if the enmity between Aratus and Cleomenes was too great to enable them to come to an agreement.
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He achieved international recognition for his historical and sociological study, Zur Soziologie des Parteiwesens in der modernen Demokratie. Untersuchungen über die oligarchischen Tendenzen des Gruppenlebens, which was published in 1911; its title in English is Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy. In it, he presented his "Iron law of oligarchy" theory that political parties, including those considered socialist, cannot be democratic because they quickly transform themselves into bureaucratic oligarchies. Michels attended the First International Eugenics Congress in 1912 where he delivered a paper entitled "Eugenics in Party Organization".
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In cities of ancient Greece, the Boule (, boulē; plural βουλαί, boulai) was a council of over 500 citizens (βουλευταί, bouleutai) appointed to run daily affairs of the city. Originally a council of nobles advising a king, boulai evolved according to the constitution of the city: In oligarchies boule positions might have been hereditary, while in democracies members were typically chosen by lot (→ Sortition), and served for one year. Little is known about the workings of many boulai, except in the case of Athens, for which extensive material has survived.
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At 3pm on November 3rd, 1930, the junta handed power and the presidential palace to Getulio Vargas, ending the Old Republic and knocking down all state oligarchies except from Minas Gerais and those from Rio Grande do Sul. At the same time, in downtown Rio de Janeiro, the gaúcho soldiers fulfilled the promise of tethering horses to the obelisk on Rio Branco Avenue, symbolically marking the triumph of the Revolution of 1930. Vargas became head of the provisional government with broad powers. The constitution of 1891 was repealed and Vargas came to rule by decree.
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With the decline of Nri kingdom in the 15th to 17th centuries, several states once under their influence, became powerful economic oracular oligarchies and large commercial states that dominated Igboland. The neighboring Awka city-state rose in power as a result of their powerful Agbala oracle and metalworking expertise. The Onitsha Kingdom, which was originally inhabited by Igbos from east of the Niger, was founded in the 16th century by migrants from Anioma (Western Igboland). Later groups like the Igala traders from the hinterland settled in Onitsha in the 18th century.
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The Eisenhower-Dulles approach sought to overthrow unfriendly governments, but did so in a covert way. Throughout much of Latin America, reactionary oligarchies ruled through their alliances with the military elite and the United States. Although the nature of the U.S. role in the region was established many years before the Cold War, the Cold War gave U.S. interventionism a new ideological tinge. But by the mid-20th century, much of the region passed through a higher state of economic development, which bolstered the power and ranks of the lower classes.
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In effect this made the borough parliamentary franchise the same as the county franchise. In 1833 a commission inquired into the administration of the municipal corporations, the commissioners found far more corporations than parliamentary Boroughs, many of which had fallen into desuetude or were purely nominal if not moribund. Those that were active were essentially oligarchies of a closed number of families, there were a few exceptions whereby the councils were elected by all the local residents or those born there. The majority were not representative of the inhabitants.
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The chaos provoked during the 1992 presidential election, the weak leadership of socialist Prime Minister Giuliano Amato, the eruption of Tangentopoli with many ministers and majority MPs investigated or arrested, and the new electoral law, nicknamed Mattarellum (from its author Sergio Mattarella, the future President of Italy), led to the removal of almost all party oligarchies (from both majority and opposition, with the exceptions of the post-communists, MSI, Lega Nord and other regional parties), the subsequent dissolution of all the parties of Pentapartito and to a snap election after two years in March 1994.
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Over the centuries the office of Hajib increased in importance, at first being major-domo of the palace, then intermediary between the Amir and his cabinet, and finally de facto the first minister. State authority was publicly asserted by impressive processions: high officials on horseback parading to the sound of kettledrums and tambors, with colorful silk banners held high, all in order to cultivate a regal pomp. In provinces where the Amir enjoyed recognized authority, his governors were usually close family members, assisted by an experienced official. Elsewhere provincial appointees had to contend with strong local oligarchies or leading families.
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The Rebellion of 1837 had taken place six years before the Kinnear and Montgomery murders in 1843, but it still affected public sentiment. The Rebellion terrorized the upper classes even though the rebels were quickly defeated. Government reforms made soon after the Rebellion reduced corruption and restricted the power of the ruling oligarchies, which also worried the upper classes. The idea that the lower classes could rise above their station by hard work or cleverness (rather than by ancestry and inheritance) was finding acceptance in the United States, so the Canadian aristocracy, basing their identity on their English heritage, felt threatened.
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A marriage of state is a diplomatic marriage or union between two members of different nation-states or internally, between two power blocs, usually in authoritarian societies and is a practice which dates back into ancient times, as far back as early Grecian cultures in western society, and of similar antiquity in other civilizations. The fable of Helen of Troy may be the best known classical tale reporting an incidence of surrendering a female member of a ruling line to gain peace or shore up alliances of state between nation- states headed by small oligarchies or acknowledged royalty.
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Until the 10th century, much of the land in Old Castile and León was in the collective ownership of peasants carrying on mixed subsistence farming including small-scale, local livestock activity.Pascua Echegaray, p.211 However, by the 14th and 15th centuries, most of such communities had become dependent, first on monasteries, later on lay lords and finally on neighbouring cities and large towns whose councils were controlled by oligarchies. The early part of this process social and economic differentiation in the 11th to 13th centuries coincided with, and probably promoted, the rise of large-scale transhumance.
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A side effect of such extravagant spending was that junior and thus less wealthy members of the local oligarchies felt disinclined to present themselves to fill posts as local magistrates, positions that involved ever-increasing personal expense.Graham Anderson, Second Sophistic: A Cultural Phenomenon in the Roman Empire. London, Routledge, 2005, Google e-book, available at . Retrieved December 15, 2014 Roman authorities liked to play the Greek cities against one anotherPotter, 246something of which Dio of Prusa was fully aware: These same Roman authorities had also an interest in assuring the cities' solvency and therefore ready collection of Imperial taxes.
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Countries do not immediately transform from hegemonies and competitive oligarchies into democracies. Instead, a country that adopts democracy as its form of government can only claim to have switched to polyarchy, which is conducive to, but does not guarantee, democratization. Dahl's polyarchy spectrum ends at the point in which a country becomes a full polyarchy at the national level and begins to democratize at the subnational level, among its social and private affairs. Dahl is not deeply concerned about the limits of his polyarchy spectrum because he believes that most countries today still have a long way before they reach full polyarchy status.
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In the late Vedic period, around the 6th century BCE, the small states and chiefdoms of the Ganges Plain and the north-western regions had consolidated into 16 major oligarchies and monarchies that were known as the mahajanapadas. The emerging urbanisation gave rise to non-Vedic religious movements, two of which became independent religions. Jainism came into prominence during the life of its exemplar, Mahavira. Buddhism, based on the teachings of Gautama Buddha, attracted followers from all social classes excepting the middle class; chronicling the life of the Buddha was central to the beginnings of recorded history in India.
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Given the exclusive and ancestral concept of citizenship held by Greek city-states, a relatively large portion of the population took part in the government of Athens and of other radical democracies like it, compared to oligarchies and aristocracies. Some Athenian citizens were far more active than others, but the vast numbers required for the system to work testify to a breadth of direct participation among those eligible that greatly surpassed any present-day democracy. Athenian citizens had to be descended from citizens; after the reforms of Pericles and Cimon in 450 BC, only those descended from two Athenian parents could claim citizenship.Thorley, J., Athenian Democracy, Routledge, 2005, p.59.
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He was 41 years old, the youngest Brazilian president up until then.Galeria de Presidentes do Período da República Velha (1889–1930) (visited 4 September 2008) Nilo Peçanha in a postage stamp His presidential government had many political troubles and Nilo Peçanha proved himself a man of wit and courage. The balance of power of the Brazilian República Velha (Old Republic) was a compromise of the governing elites of the states of Minas Gerais and São Paulo. The deceased president, Afonso Pena, was elected with the support of this political alliance, but Peçanha assumed the presidency through being his vice-president and friction between the state oligarchies intensified.
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Some aspects of the direct democracy that was practiced in Athens may have been more open and democratic than the representative democracy that is used today. In contrast, the Confederate States was an oligarchy. To help differentiate between oligarchies and democracies, Weart requires the classification not to differ from how the people at the time viewed the differences, the oligarchic elite should live in constant fear of a rebellion, and a war should not have been prevented if everyone had the vote in democracies. For example, it was the Greeks who first created the concepts of democracy and oligarchy and who classified Athens as a democracy while Sparta was an oligarchy.
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There was no mention in the historical record of fears of a revolt by the slaves in Athens, but such fears were frequent in Sparta and the Confederate States. Weart uses a broader definition of war than is usual in his research on the democratic peace theory and includes any conflict causing at least 200 deaths in organized battle by political units against one another. He requires the democracies and the oligarchies to have tolerated dissent for at least three years since he finds that time to be necessary for a political culture in a nation to change and to be reflected in foreign policy.
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Getúlio Vargas, who had by this time become Brazil's legally-recognized president (no longer merely ad interim), thus looked to a form of authoritarian government. He endeavored to suppress his enemies on the left, led by Prestes, through violence and state terror in order to survive with his coalition intact during the agitated years that began in 1934. Vargas had become allied with Brazils' agrarian oligarchies, having an established network of economic and political power, and the Integralists, a fascist movement with a mass popular support-base in urban Brazil. Vargas' political power forced the Brazilian Congress to respond to the growth of the Communist movement.
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Kleptocracies are generally associated with dictatorships, oligarchies, military juntas, or other forms of autocratic and nepotist governments in which external oversight is impossible or does not exist. This lack of oversight can be caused or exacerbated by the ability of the kleptocratic officials to control both the supply of public funds and the means of disbursal for those funds. Kleptocratic rulers often treat their country's treasury as a source of personal wealth, spending funds on luxury goods and extravagances as they see fit. Many kleptocratic rulers secretly transfer public funds into hidden personal numbered bank accounts in foreign countries to provide for themselves if removed from power.
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The decay of established sugar oligarchies of the Northeast had begun dramatically with the severe drought of 1877. The rapid growth of coffee-producing São Paulo state started at the same time. After the abolition of slavery in the 1880s, Brazil saw a mass exodus of emancipated slaves and other peasants from the Northeast to the Southeast, thus ensuring a steady supply of cheap labor for the coffee planters. Under the Old Republic, the politics of café com leite ("coffee with milk)" rested on the domination of the republic's politics by the Southeastern states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais, which were Brazil's largest states in terms of population and economy.
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Favoring a state interventionist policy utilizing tax breaks, lowered duties, and import quotas to expand the domestic industrial base, Vargas linked his pro-middle class policies to nationalism, advocating heavy tariffs to "perfect our manufacturers to the point where it will become unpatriotic to feed or clothe ourselves with imported goods!" Vargas sought to mediate disputes between labor and capital. For instance, the provisional president quelled a paulista female workers' strike by co-opting much of its platform and requiring their "factory commissions" to use government mediation in the future. With the Northeastern oligarchies now incorporated into the ruling coalition, the government focused on restructuring agriculture.
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The regimiento, cabildo de regidores or concejo cerrado ("closed council") was a system of local government established from the 14h century onwards in the Crown of Castile.; ; A feature of the progressive oligarchization of the form of government in the cities, the change from the overruled concejo abierto system entailed a reduction of the government to a relatively small number of regidores. Urban oligarchies intended to fully capture the nomination of the regidores (appointed by the monarch in the case of realengo) since the beginning. The bulk of the establishment of the new regime chiefly took place between 1345 and the later years of the reign of Alfonso XI of Castile.
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The Manuscript itself covers the years 1912 through 1932 in which the Oligarchy (or "Iron Heel") arose in the United States. In Asia, Japan conquered East Asia and created its own empire, India gained independence, and Europe became socialist. Canada, Mexico, and Cuba formed their own Oligarchies and were aligned with the U.S. (London remains silent as to the fates of South America, Africa, and the Middle East.) In North America, the Oligarchy maintains power for three centuries until the Revolution succeeds and ushers in the Brotherhood of Man. During the years of the novel, the First Revolt is described and preparations for the Second Revolt are discussed.
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Fix suggested that of the northern Italian cities, it was Florence which most closely resembled a true Republic,Note: the term 'commune' denoted a 'republic' back then. whereas most Italian cities were "complex oligarchies ruled by groups of rich citizens called patricians, the commercial elite." Florence's city leaders figured that civic education was crucial to the protection of the Republic, so that citizens and leaders could cope with future unexpected crises. Politics, previously "shunned as unspiritual", came to be viewed as a "worthy and honorable vocation", and it was expected that most sectors of the public, from the richer commercial classes and patricians, to workers and the lower classes, should participate in public life.
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By the mid-nineteenth century, the Torodbe almamis in Senegambia had become hereditary oligarchies that imposed a harsh and oppressive rule on the people. The French provided political and economic support to the Torodbe leaders, who in return let the French build fortified posts along the Senegal valley. Jihad leaders in the region who followed the Torodbe revolutionary tradition in the late nineteenth century included Maba Diakhou Bâ in the Gambia, Mahmadu Lamine in Senegal and Samori Ture who founded the short-lived Wassoulou Empire in what is now Guinea. These men attempted to overthrow the Europeans and their allies in the cause of Islam, but were eventually defeated by superior forces.
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John Grant, "Gulliver Unravels: Generic Fantasy and the Loss of Subversion" The full width and breadth of the medieval era is seldom drawn upon. Governments, for instance, tend to be uncompromisingly feudal-based, or evil empires or oligarchies, usually corrupt, while there was far more variety of rule in the actual Middle Ages.Alec Austin, "Quality in Epic Fantasy" Fantasy worlds also tend to be medieval in economy, and disproportionately pastoral.Jane Yolen, "Introduction" p viii After the King: Stories in Honor of J.R.R. Tolkien, ed, Martin H. Greenberg, Careful world-building plus meticulous attention to detail is often cited as the reason why certain fantasy works are deeply convincing and contain a magical sense of place.
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According to Diodorus Siculus, 4,000 high-ranking people were killed and 6,000 more exiled. In the end Agathocles was elected sole commander with full powers. Like all demagogues of this period he promised the cancellation of debts and the division and distribution of land, promises which it seems from the limited sources that he kept. According to Polybius, the cruel actions attributed to him were limited to his early days and were solely directed at the oligarchic class and never towards the general population. Sicily began to prosper again, though Agathocles' first decade was marked by conflicts with the oligarchies of Akragas, Gela and Messina, backed by Carthage which in 311 BC invaded Sicily again.
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McCann, Frank D.; Soldiers of the Pátria: A History of the Brazilian Army, 1889–1937 p. 261; Stanford University Press, 2004; Meanwhile, the divergence of interests between the coffee oligarchs and the burgeoning, dynamic urban sectors was intensifying. According to Latin American historian Benjamin Keen, the task of transforming society "fell to the rapidly growing urban bourgeois groups, and especially to the middle class, which began to voice even more strongly its discontent with the rule of the corrupt rural oligarchies". In contrast, despite a wave of general strikes in the post-war years, the labour movement remained small and weak, lacking ties to the peasantry, who constituted the overwhelming majority of the Brazilian population.
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Ultimately, the Rhodians reached a compromise with Demetrius – they would support Antigonus and Demetrius against all enemies, save their ally Ptolemy. Ptolemy took the title of Soter ("Savior") for his role in preventing the fall of Rhodes, but the victory was ultimately Demetrius's, as it left him with a free hand to attack Cassander in Greece. Demetrius thus returned to Greece and set about liberating the cities of Greece, expelling Cassander's garrisons, and the pro- Antipatrid oligarchies. This occupied much of Demetrius's efforts in 303 and 302 BC. Seeing that Demetrius's war effort was aimed at destroying his power in Greece, and ultimately in Macedonia, Cassander tried to come to terms with Antigonus.
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What the Greek oligarchies wanted from Rome was, above all, to be left in peace, to be allowed to exert their right to self- government (i.e., to be excluded from the provincial government, as was Italy) and to concentrate on their local interests. This was something the Romans were not disposed to do as from their perspective the Greek notables were shunning their responsibilities in regard to the management of Imperial affairsprimarily in failing to keep the common people under control, thus creating the need for the Roman governor to intervene. An excellent example of this Greek alienation was the personal role played by Dio of Prusa in his relationship with Trajan.
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The result of the inquiry was the Municipal Corporations Act 1835, which gave the municipal franchise to the ratepayers, but also allowed the freemen to remain on the Roll. In all the municipal corporations dealt with by the act, the town council came to consist of a mayor, aldermen and councillors, and the councils were given like powers, being divided into those with and those without a commission of the peace. The Commissions of the Peace were also an instrument of reform. Many Boroughs had borough courts of the previous oligarchies of Mayor and Aldermen, advised by a Recorder, these were abolished with the magistrates being appointed as per in the counties – many indeed were supposedly 'county boroughs'.
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30, available here though he also appeared on meetings of Partido Provincial Agrario.El Dia de Palencia 10.10.30, available here He called to do away with ruling corrupted oligarchies,one scholar claims Lamamie was part of the primoderiverista oligarchy himself as Salamanca's representative "in the dictator's National Assembly", Vincent 1991, p. 181. There is no confirmation of his place in the Asamblea Nacional Consultiva, and the official Cortes service does not list him (or any other Lamamie) as such but opposed the rising republican tide by lambasting “false liberties and democratic absurdities”;in March 1931 Lamamié demanded also derogation of penal code adopted during the dictatorship, El Adelanto 05.03.31, available here according to his vision, Castile as the heart of Spain remembered that “en primer término Dios”.
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Despite the populist rhetoric of the "father of the poor", the gaucho Vargas was ushered into power by planter oligarchies of peripheral regions amid a revolution from above, and was thus in no position to meet Communist demands, had he desired to do so. In 1934, armed with a new constitution drafted with extensive influence from European fascist models, Vargas began reining in even moderate trade unions and turning against the tenentes. His further concessions to the latifundios pushed him toward an alliance with the Integralists, Brazil's mobilized fascist movement. Following the end of the provisional presidency, Vargas' regime between 1934 and 1945 was characterized by the co-optation of Brazilian unions through state-run, sham syndicates, and suppression of opposition, particularly leftist opposition.
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She also wrote against the Díaz regime and criticized Díaz for not carrying out the requests and needs of the people. As a result, her newspaper was confiscated and she was also put in jail several times by Díaz between 1904 and 1920. She established a new newspaper called El Desmonte (1900-1919) and continued her writings. She encouraged workers and peasants to vote as she wrote “not to integrate power, but to disintegrate it, as a means of forming, not a new oligarchy but of transforming the oligarchies into truly public administrations.” She argued that the Mexican Population could not count on the leadership of political parties given that they wanted to obtain office in order to protect their own interests.
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Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 401 After the Athenian victory at Abydos, he took thirty triremes to attack the rebels on Euboea, who were building a causeway to Boeotia to provide land access to their island. Unable to stop the construction, he plundered the territory of several rebellious cities,Kagan, The Peloponnesian War, 409 then travelled around the Aegean suppressing oligarchies and raising funds from various cities of the Athenian Empire.Diodorus Siculus, Library 13.47 He then took his fleet to Macedon, where he assisted the Macedonian king Archelaus in his siege of Pydna, but, with that siege dragging on, he sailed on to join Thrasybulus in Thrace.Diodorus Siculus, Library 13.49 The fleet soon moved on from there to challenge Mindarus' fleet, which had seized the city of Cyzicus.
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Nilo Peçanha's last official photo At the end of his mandate, he returned to the Senate and two years later was again elected President (Governor) for the state of Rio de Janeiro. He gave up this post in 1917 to take up the position of Minister of Foreign Relations and during his rule Brazil declared war against the Central Powers in World War I. In 1918, he was again elected to the Senate. In 1921 he was a leader of the Republican Reaction Movement which had the goal of championing the politics of liberalism against those of the state oligarchies. His run for the presidency was supported by the state governments of Rio Grande do Sul, Rio de Janeiro and Pernambuco, and also by a large part of the military.
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Pelopidas and Epaminondas endowed Thebes with democratic institutions similar to those of Athens, the Thebans revived the title of "Boeotarch" lost in the Persian King's Peace and—with victory at Leuctra and the destruction of Spartan power—the pair achieved their stated objective of renewing the confederacy. Epaminondas rid the Peloponnesus of pro-Spartan oligarchies, replacing them with pro-Theban democracies, constructed cities, and rebuilt a number of those destroyed by Sparta. He equally supported the reconstruction of the city of Messene thanks to an invasion of Laconia that also allowed him to liberate the helots and give them Messene as a capital. He decided in the end to constitute small confederacies all round the Peloponnessus, forming an Arcadian confederacy (the King's Peace had destroyed a previous Arcadian confederacy and put Messene under Spartan control).
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Under Brazil's Old Republic, the patron-client political machines of the countryside enabled agrarian oligarchs, especially coffee planters in the dominant state of São Paulo, to dominate state structures to their advantage, particularly the weak central state structures that effectively devolved power to local agrarian oligarchies. Under the Old Republic, the coffee with milk politics rested on the domination of the republic's politics by the states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais -- the largest in terms of population and wealth. One can illustrate the extent of that domination by noting that the first presidents of the republic were from São Paulo and thereafter succeeded by an alternation between the outgoing governors of the two leading states in the presidency. The coffee with milk politics rested on an oligarchic system known as coronelism.
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At least until the 1840s, when Portuguese- Brazilians from Pernambuco hastily left Brazil to settle down in Moçâmedes supported by the Portuguese Crown, Angolan and Brazilian oligarchies traded almost exclusively among themselves and Pernambuco was the main market place dealing with Luanda. After spending some years in Brazil and in the United States, Arsénio returned to Angola in 1837, where he started working for the slave trader Francisco Teixeira de Miranda - also known as Mirandinha. His main activities consisted in buying goods in America and distributing them to his agents, who travelled to the African interior and exchanged them for slaves. Arsénio promoted then the export of slaves to Brazilian markets, relying upon a web of front men who signed record books and documentation on his behalf, keeping his name unblemished.
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While these rebellions differed in that they also struggled for republicanism, they were inspired by similar social problems stemming from poorly regulated oligarchies, and sought the same democratic ideals, which were also shared by the United Kingdom's Chartists.Ducharme, Michel (2010) Le concept de liberté au Canada à l’époque des Révolutions atlantiques (1776–1838) McGill/Queens University Press: Montreal/Kingston. The book was awarded the John A. MacDonald award for best book 2010 by the Canadian Historical AssociationWim Klooster, Revolutions in the Atlantic World: A Comparative History (2009) The rebellion led directly to Lord Durham's Report on the Affairs of British North America, and to The British North America Act, 1840, which partially reformed the British provinces into a unitary system, leading to the formation of Canada as a nation in 1867.
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There is also evidence that the Alliance may have some elements of a technocracy, as in a flashback within the episode "Safe", Simon Tam's parents chastised Simon's fear for River as potentially threatening his future, including the possibility of becoming the medical-elect, presumably the equivalent of an elected Technocrat representing the Medical sector. In Serenity, the movie set in the Firefly universe, it is revealed that the Alliance is run by a Parliament, as well as a Prime Minister. This invites the possibility that the Alliance is a constitutional monarchy and Westminster parliamentary system with the inclusion of technocratically elected members, where outside of the central planets, oligarchies through lordships represent local colonial governance. It appears that this Alliance was a melding of the People's Republic of China and the United States.
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Many left-wing Labour members such as Arthur Scargill left the party because of New Labour's emergence; however, New Labour attracted many from the centre and centre-right into its ranks. Underlining the significant ideological shifts that had taken place and indicating why the reception of New Labour was negative amongst traditional left-wing supporters, Lord Rothermere, the proprietor of The Daily Mail, defected to the Labour Party, stating: "I joined New Labour because that was obviously the New Conservative party". Warwick University politics lecturer Stephen Kettell criticised the behaviour of the leadership of New Labour and their use of threats in parliament such as overlooking promotions for MP's in order to maintain party support. While referring to the other parties in Westminster as well, he likened these MPs as "little more than docile lobby-fodder for their respective oligarchies".
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Known as the "rule of the colonels", this term referred to the classic boss system under which the control of patronage was centralized in the hands of a locally dominant oligarch known as a "colonel", particularly under Brazil's Old Republic, who would dispense favors in return for loyalty. Meanwhile, other states resented this grip on the central state by São Paulo and Minas Gerais. The severe drought of 1877 in the Northeast and the ensuing economic collapse -- along with the abolition of slavery in the 1880s -- propelled the mass labor migration of emancipated slaves and other peasants from Northeast to Southeast, precipitating the decay of established sugar oligarchies of the North. With the concurrent growth of coffee in the Southeast, São Paulo, now emerging as the central state, began to increase in power under the Old Republic.
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Given the grievances with ruling regime in the Northeast and Rio Grande do Sul, Getúlio Vargas chose João Pessoa of the Northeast state of Paraíba as his vice-presidential candidate in 1930. With the understanding that the dominance of the landowners in the rural areas was to continue under Liberal Alliance government, the Northeastern oligarchies were thus integrated into the Vargas alliance in a subordinate status via a new political party, the Social Democratic Party (PSD). As a candidate in 1930, Vargas utilized populist rhetoric to promote middle class concerns, thus opposing the primacy (but not the legitimacy) of the paulista coffee oligarchy and the landed elites, who had little interest in protecting and promoting industry. However, behind the façade of Vargas' populism lies the intricate nature of his coalition - ever-changing from this point onward.
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The book addresses the factors that influence the power structure and decision making processes in organizations, with a specific focus on the political systems of democracy and oligarchy. The problem seen as central by the authors was the difficulty of maintaining democracy in organizations. The issue was first raised by Robert Michels in his Political Parties and termed the Iron law of oligarchy: all forms of organization, regardless of how democratic or autocratic they may be at the start, will eventually and inevitably develop into oligarchies. As organization increases in size, its bureaucracy will grow as well, and leaders of bureaucracy will use their position to increase and entrench their powers, departing further and further from any ideals of democracy the organization might have once possessed (Michels studied organizations that one would expect to be quite democratic: socialist parties and trade unions).
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Harmost (, "joiner" or "adaptor") was a Spartan term for a military governor. The Spartan general Lysander instituted several harmosts during the period of Spartan hegemony after the end of the Peloponnesian War in 404 BC. They were sent into their subject or conquered towns, partly to keep them in submission, and partly to abolish the democratic form of government, and establish oligarchies instead. Although in many cases they were ostensibly sent for the purpose of abolishing the tyrannical government of a town, and restoring freedom, they were accused of acting like kings or tyrants themselves, such that the first century AD grammarian Dionysius thought that harmost was merely another word for "king". In the peace of Antalcidas the Lacedaemonians pledged to reestablish free governments in their subject towns, but they nevertheless continued to install harmosts in them.
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Halifax became a hotbed of political activism as the winds of responsible government swept British North America during the 1840s, following the rebellions against oligarchies in the colonies of Upper and Lower Canada. The first instance of responsible government in the British Empire was achieved by the colony of Nova Scotia in January–February 1848 through the efforts of Howe. The leaders of the fight for responsible or self-government later took up the Anti-Confederation fight, the movement that from 1868 to 1875 tried to take Nova Scotia out of Confederation. During the 1850s, Howe was a heavy promoter of railway technology, having been a key instigator in the founding of the Nova Scotia Railway, which ran from Richmond in the city's north end to the Minas Basin at Windsor and to Truro and on to Pictou on the Northumberland Strait.
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Other components deemed necessary for a more rounded understanding of intelligence include concepts like emotional intelligence. As such, geniocracy's validity cannot really be assessed until better and more objective methods of intelligence assessment are made available. The matter of confronting moral problems that may arise is not addressed in the book Geniocracy; many leaders may be deeply intelligent and charismatic (having both high emotional/social intelligence and IQ) according to current means of measuring such factors, but no current scientific tests are a reliable enough measure for one's ability to make humanitarian choices (although online tests such as those used by retail chains to select job applicants may be relevant). The lack of scientific rigour necessary for inclusion of geniocracy as properly testable political ideology can be noted in number of modern and historical dictatorships as well as oligarchies.
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The incorporation of Buenos Aires to the Confederation required the suspension of the constitution and the resignation of the custom rights. This implied that for decades the president of the nation had to put up with the governor of Buenos Aires, who was the direct chief of the administration of the surrounding area, and meant that the presidential power often faced a wall of bureaucracy. The federalization of Buenos Aires didn't effectively take place until 1880, when the League of Governors, headed by Julio Argentino Roca, finally imposed it by the use of arms, against the porteño Bartolomé Mitre. Nevertheless, by that time the provincial oligarchies had already adopted a profile similar to that of their Unitarian counterparts, with the development of the model of agricultural exportations, and the formation of extensive Latifundios (large estates) that would control the national economy during the following five decades.
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His awareness, thoughtfulness, and wisdom were all traits to be emulated diplomatically, while his bravery and shrewdness in battle epitomized the heroic Greek commander. These historians point towards the unstable oligarchies established by Lysander in the former Athenian Empire and the failures of Spartan leaders (such as Pausanias and Kleombrotos) for the eventual suppression of Spartan power. The ancient historian Xenophon was a huge admirer and served under Agesilaus during the campaigns into Asia Minor. Plutarch includes among Agesilaus' 78 essays and speeches comprising the apophthegmata Agesilaus' letter to the ephors on his recall: And when asked whether Agesilaus wanted a memorial erected in his honor: Agesilaus lived in the most frugal style alike at home and in the field, and though his campaigns were undertaken largely to secure booty, he was content to enrich the state and his friends and to return as poor as he had set forth.
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Washington Luís and his cabinet, 1926 Painting of Washington Luís as president Washington Luis with the presidential banner, 1926 Throughout the 1920s, the Old Republic suffered a deep wear due to demonstrations of opposition from the urban middle class, the lieutenants' and workers' movements and dissident oligarchies. Early in his administration, came to an end the Prestes Column, with 620 men who went into Bolivian territory and subsequently dissolved. The government of Washington Luís was no longer threatened by the lieutenants' rebellions and for the advancement of the labor movement, however, to restrain new opposition movements he created Celerada Act in 1927, which imposed press censorship and restricted the right of assembly, leading to underground the Brazilian Communist Party, which had been recognized by the government earlier that year. The global economic crisis of 1929, triggered with the stock market crash on 24 October, was the largest in the history of capitalism, reaching many countries and paralyzing economic activities.
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For the next 50 years Elymians and Phoenicians were spared serious Greek aggression because of Greek infighting in Sicily. Theron of Akragas and Hieron of Syracuse, Gelo's brother and successor nearly went to war in 476 BC, Gela split from Hieron's empire in 476 BC under his brother Polyzelos, Theron slaughtered Ionian Greeks of Himera while putting down a rebellion and settled Dorian Greeks there in 476 BC. Akragas and Syracuse fought a war in 472 BC, resulting in the destruction of Theron's empire, Hieron of Syracuse died in 467 BC, and soon Greek Sicily, where the tyrants of Akragas, Rhegion and Syracuse had controlled all the Greek cities except Selinus since 480 BC, split into 11 feuding entities under democracies and oligarchies by 461 BC.Freeman, Edward A., History of Sicily Vol II, pp296 – pp320 Carthage had not been invited to this party and probably saw no reason to gatecrash their way in.
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In early May 2004, Venezuelan authorities arrested at least 100 individuals that they accused of being Colombian paramilitaries and of scheming, together with part of the Venezuelan opposition, to begin a series of scheduled attacks against heavily fortified military targets within Caracas, aiming at the overthrow of President Hugo Chávez. The AUC officially denied that they had anything to do with them. President Uribe congratulated the Venezuelan president for the capture and pledged to cooperate with the investigation, while President Chávez himself declared that, as far as he was concerned, he did not believe that Uribe had anything to with the operation, for which he blamed "elements" within "the oligarchies of Miami and Bogotá", also implicating individual high-ranking U.S. and Colombian military officers, who have denied such involvement. Vice-president Francisco Santos Calderón added that he hoped that the Venezuelan government would pursue with equal zeal those FARC and ELN guerrillas who would also be present in Venezuela.
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Putin and Boris Yeltsin, both prominent figures of the development of authoritarian capitalism in Russia Gat Azar describes Russia along with China as a prominent example of a modern authoritarian capitalist nation, describing the nation as becoming increasingly authoritarian while maintaining a predominately capitalist economic model. Aaron L. Friedberg simplifies the evolution of the Russian model in the following statement: "The Russian system has also evolved from communist totalitarianism to a form of nationalist authoritarian capitalism that appears for the moment at least to be relatively stable". Friedberg also describes the 1996 presidential election as the point where authoritarian capitalism began forming within Russia, depicting an increasingly powerful majority party backed by media controlled by oligarchies and lead by Boris Yeltsin and later Vladimir Putin. From 1999 until today under Putin, Friedberg describes the Russian regime as solidifying its power through a re-obtaining state control of natural resources, obtaining control of media and limiting dissidence through measures such as restricting non-governmental organization operations.
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Coronelism, from the term Coronelismo () was the Brazilian political machine during the Old Republic (1889-1930), also known as the "rule of the coronels", responsible for the centralization of the political power in the hands of a locally dominant oligarch, known as a coronel, who would dispense favors in return for loyalty. The patron-client political machines of the countryside enabled agrarian oligarchs, especially coffee planters in the dominant state of São Paulo to dominate state structures to their advantage, particularly the weak central state structures that effectively devolved power to local agrarian oligarchies. In time, growing trade, commerce, and industry in São Paulo state would serve to undermine the domination of the republic's politics by the São Paulo landed gentry (dominated by the coffee industry) and Minas Gerais (dominated by dairy interests)--known then by observers as the coffee with milk (café com leite) politics. Under Getúlio Vargas, Brazil moved toward a more centralized state structure that has served to regularize and modernize state governments, moving toward universal suffrage and secret ballots, gradually freeing Brazilian politics from the grips of coronelismo.
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The Empire incorporates the cities of Cuzco, Nazca, Arequipa and Lima. Much of the rest of the continent is a wide collection of states ranging from democracies, corrupt oligarchies, and communist guerrillas known as Shining Path, to Mutants, Amazons, Aliens, Transdimensional Mercenaries, pre-historic creatures and dozens of others. In what was once Argentina, the "Silver River Republics" of Cordoba (the "South American Chi-Town"), Santiago (one of the most tolerant Human nations on Rifts Earth), Achilles (a nation founded by Mutants) and New Babylon (a nation where Humans and a race of Aliens live side by side) have thrived and created nations whose strength rivals that of the CS. In what was once Bolivia freed Human and D-Bees slave soldiers, of the race called "Dakir", have formed the "Megaversal Legion": a mercenary company with one of the highest levels of technology on Rifts Earth (possibly even the Megaverse). Their Inertia Beam weapons are truly one of a kind, allowing them to keep the edge over all opponents they face.
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A recommended Fuel mix disclosure display format, proposed in a note annexed to the Internal Market in Electricity Directive Home energy performance rating charts EU energy label for washing machine; similars are used for buildings and vehicles The climate and energy policy is a choice between democracy and autocracy. The choice is one between patronage-based oil-and-gas oligarchies on the one hand, and adaptive and innovative low-carbon economy on the other.EU energy strategy must counter Putin's fossil fuel-fed autocracy The role of climate and energy policy in the 'long game' that will play out between Russia and the west has been overlooked, The Guardian 7 April 2014 Under the requirements of the Directive on Electricity Production from Renewable Energy Sources, which entered into force in October 2001, the member states are expected to meet "indicative" targets for renewable energy production. Although there is significant variation in national targets, the average is that 22% of electricity should be generated by renewables by 2010 (compared to 13,9% in 1997).
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Northeastern landowners bitterly opposed rival oligarchs in São Paulo, explaining their role in the Revolution of 1930. There were more cases of organized political opposition to the coffee with milk politics before the Revolution of 1930, such as the 1910 presidential election, disputed by Hermes da Fonseca (PRC), supported by Minas Gerais, and Ruy Barbosa (PRP), endorsed by São Paulo by means of the Civilist Campaign; the election of Epitácio Pessoa (PRM) in 1919; and the creation of the Liberator Party (PL) in 1928, in Rio Grande do Sul. In time, growing trade, commerce, and industry in São Paulo would serve to undermine the domination of the republic's politics by the landed gentries of the same state (dominated by the coffee industry) and Minas Gerais (dominated by dairy interests) -- known then by observers as the politics of café com leite. Under Getúlio Vargas, ushered into power by the middle class and agrarian oligarchies of peripheral states resentful of the coffee oligarchs, Brazil moved toward a more centralized state structure that has served to regularize and modernize state governments, moving toward more universal suffrage and secret ballots, gradually freeing Brazilian politics from the grips of coronelismo.
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Retrieved December 12, 2014 It must be added that, although Trajan was wary of the civic oligarchies in the Greek cities, he also admitted into the Senate a number of prominent Eastern notables already slated for promotion during Domitian's reign by reserving for them one of the twenty posts open each year for minor magistrates (the vigintiviri).Brian Jones, The Emperor Domitian, Routledge, 2002, , p.171 Such must be the case of the Galatian notable and "leading member of the Greek community" (according to one inscription) Gaius Julius Severus, who was a descendant of several Hellenistic dynasts and client kings.Brian Jones, The Emperor Domitian, 172; Petit, Pax Romana, 52; Martin Goodman, The Roman World 44 BC–AD 180. Abingdon: Routledge, 2013, , page 120 Severus was the grandfather of the prominent general Gaius Julius Quadratus Bassus, consul in 105.Pergamum inscription (Smallwood NH 214), reproduced in Brian Campbell, The Roman Army, 31 BC – AD 337: A Sourcebook. London: Routledge, 2006, , page 63 Other prominent Eastern senators included Gaius Julius Alexander Berenicianus, a descendant of Herod the Great, suffect consul in 116.Junghwa Choi, Jewish Leadership in Roman Palestine from 70 C.E. to 135 C.E. .
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