And to kick off this year, Linksys — one of the router world's old guards — is getting into the game.
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We're seeing a huge shift from the old guards of traditional media to platforms where anyone can have a voice.
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As a security precaution, Mr. Cifuentes said, the old guards would not be told where the crew was headed next.
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Two more players the Celtics have drafted in the first round -- 23-year-old guards Marcus Smart and Terry Rozier -- are more proof of the stable of young and talented players on the Boston roster.
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These old guards remain relevant — the same evening that the ambassadors ate at Fiola Mare, Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. had a family dinner at Cafe Milano in celebration of his granddaughter, Finnegan Biden, turning 18.
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"The major parties in Nigeria have built deep political structures since 1999, and the current crop of young contestants, especially those vying in the presidential election are representing parties which do not have the required grass root to be a formidable force against the old guards," he said.
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AND YET THEY WERE WILLING TO PUT THAT INTO FUJI XEROX, AND THEN YOU FIND OUT THAT FIVE MEMBERS OF THE BOARD, THE OLD GUARDS SO TO SPEAK, WERE GOING TO GET FIVE-YEAR CONTRACTS TO BE ON THE BOARD OF FUJI -- OF THE NEW COMPANY, FUJI XEROX, OR THE MERGE COMPANY.
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But it was also a victim, in the early aughts, of the rise of "web 2.0" and the subsequent age of social media, and the emergence of a fully mobile internet that made it tough for the old guards of AIM, MSN, and Yahoo to compete with up-and-coming young whippersnappers like Snapchat, Twitter, or WhatsApp.
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On the coda at the beginning of The Old Guards credits, Rucka said "In case of sequel, break glass. It’s very straightforward. You want another one? Here’s a way to get into it".
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This foundation gathering elected Mayor Jasper McLevy of Bridgeport, Connecticut as National Chairman of the new organization.Lewis Conn, "Elect McLevy to Head Party of Old Guards," The Socialist Call, vol. 3, whole no. 116 (June 5, 1937), pg. 11.
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All the girls married, with the exception of Caroline who died. Many of the descendants of these marriages reside in and around Hernando County today. McKethan, Hernando County: Our Story, p. 26-27. Francis Ederington was a member of the old Guards Mounted Rangers during the Civil War.
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Its name was coined by the literary critic Bernard Frank, who grouped several figures under the ironic name of "hussards" (French for "hussars") in an article published in December 1952 in the journal Les Temps modernes, titled "Grognards et hussards" ("Old Guards and Hussars"). Frank chose that name because of Roger Nimier's novel The Blue Hussar (Le Hussard bleu).
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The COG was first performed by men from the Singapore Armed Forces Guards Unit before the responsibility was handed over to the SAFMPC on 4 May 1980. The Silent Precision Drill Squad was added to the ceremony in 1987. The COG begins at 6 pm. The new guards begin their march at 5:45 pm, and the old guards end their march by around 6:30 pm.
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By 5:00 pm on 6 March, Meunier captured Vauclair Abbey from the Russians. Meunier and the Old Guard battalions captured Heurtebise Farm several times, but its Russian defenders threw them out each time and remained in possession of the place. The Russian forces involved were the 13th and 14th Jäger Regiments. That evening, Meunier withdrew a little to the north while the Old Guards occupied part of the Chemin des Dames ridge that they seized.
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The composition of the Presidential Council showed the power balance between the three major factions more accurately then did Bitar's cabinet. Hafiz, Umran and Nureddin al-Atassi were Military Committee–Regionalist loyalists while Bitar and Atrash were Aflaqite old guards. Bitar was the only member of the Presidential Council who was not a member of either the National Command or the Syrian Regional Command. Bitar's cabinet triedwithin the limits given to it by the Presidential Councilto regain the people's trust in the Ba'ath Party.
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The third phase centers around the new platoon's constant practice of The Citadel Series in anticipation of their debut performance on the Citadel's Corps Day Weekend. Corps Day Weekend usually occurs in early March. It is at this time that there is a ceremonial passing of rifles and the new members of the unit officially take the title of Summerall Guards. After the old Guards hand over their rifles, and officially end training, the new Summerall Guards perform for the first time in public.
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At the beginning of the 2000s, Baydoun was a pro-Syrian politician, who had close ties with "old guards" in Damascus such as Hikmat Shihabi and Abdul Halim Khaddam. In June 2008, Baydoun stated that Saad Hariri was unable to organize the Sunni community or defend it and to build the institutions of state. The Shiite community of Lebanon has been dominated by a number of feudal families. Although Baydoun is not part of these families, he is among the individuals who has influence on the Shiite community.
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Once the Seventh Crusade was defeated and Louis IX was captured, troubles began between Turanshah on one side and Shajar al-Durr and the Mamluks on the other. Turanshah, knowing he would not have full sovereignty while Shajar al-Durr, the Mamluks and the old guards of his late father were around, detained a few officials and started to replace old officials, including the deputy Sultan,Turanshah replaced the Vice-Sultan Hossam ad-Din with Jamal ad-Din Aqush. ( Al-Maqrizi, p.457/vol.1) with his own followers who had come with him from Hasankeyf.
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In 1856 Delibes' first stage work was premiered at the Folies-Nouvelles: Deux sous de charbon (Two sous-worth of coal), a one-act comic piece to a libretto by Jules Moinaux, described as an "asphyxie lyrique".Curzon, p. 13 Over the next fourteen years he produced more comic operas, at an average rate of about one a year. Many were written for the Bouffes-Parisiens, the theatre run by Jacques Offenbach, including Deux vieilles gardes ("Two Old Guards"), Delibes's second opera, which enjoyed enormous success, attributable in Macdonald's view to the composer's gift for "witty melody and lightness of touch".
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Dookeran, who was seen as the legitimate Political Leader of the UNC, was unable to exercise the full powers granted to him in the Party's Constitution. However, Dookeran's call for internal change within the UNC was negatively viewed by some of the party's 'old guards' who felt their position threatened. Panday loyalists organised themselves into a five-member Leadership Council, composed of the three Deputy Leaders (Persad-Bissessar, Wade Mark, and Jack Warner), the Party CEO Tim Gopeesingh, and the newly- returned Maharaj. Panday was said to have been appointed as an advisor to the Council.
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Nalin Kumar Kateel new BJP state president Reportedly the outgoing president B. S. Yediyurappa had favoured Arvind Limbavali for the post, but the National General Secretary (Organisation) of the party B.L. Santosh had favoured Kateel due to his credentials as a RSS loyalist. Soon after taking over as state unit president Kateel named Bhanuprakash and Nirmal Kumar Surana as Vice Presidents of the BJP state unit.The Hindu. Two old guards back as BJP Karnataka unit vice-presidents The two leaders, seen as part of the 'old guard' of the party, had been ousted from the state leadership in 2016.
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The painter's daughter asked her father a highly sensitive question in the film: "You love your motherland, but does the motherland love you?" The paramount leader Deng Xiaoping was annoyed by Peng Ning's film and personally organized the old guards to launch a political campaign against Bai in the national media for his violation of Deng's political dogma (specifically the leadership of the party). The criticism threatened to become another wave of political prosecution until the General Secretary of the party Hu Yaobang interfered on his behalf. The significance of this episode is that it effectively split the party into two camps.
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The old guards were replaced with new ones, adapted to the new society, the detention regime got rougher, beatings and torture during inquiry became common practice, together with mock trials. At first, the main target during the investigation were members of the Iron Guard and of former historical parties. Later, they were joined by those who opposed collectivization, who tried to illegally cross the border, members of resistance and, generally, opposers of the regime, even in nonviolent ways. Mircea Stănescu asserts that the communist regime did not consider imprisonment as a form of penitence, but a method of elimination from the social and political life, and, eventually, as a political reeducation environment.
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When the case reached the colonial authorities, though Agbaje was admonished and told to suspend his involvement in the native council, the authorities used the opportunity to make sweeping reforms including removing Oshun division from Ibadan province. The outcome was not favorable to many Ibadan groups and a few groups came together to unite politically to protect the interest of Ibadan. During the local elections in 1951, Adelabu's Egbe Omo Ibile, Augustus Akinloye, and a youth group from Ibadan Progressive Union formed the Ibadan People's Party as a challenge to the old guards of the Ibadan Progressive Union. Adelabu capitalized on some anti-Ijebu sentiments among native Ibadan residents especially after the loss of Oshun division which was supported by Action Group leaders such as Awolowo, an Ijebu-man and Akintola.
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Meera Nanda notes VOI to be the most strident medium of expression for Hindu triumphalism, wherein a common theme of Hindu superiority is put forward and which is increasingly penetrating public discourse in India. She observes VOI to be on the far right of even RSS and that its authors considering the old guards of RSS (and Bharatiya Janata Party) to be too soft on Islam, blame them for failing to provide a sound defense of Hinduism against other Abrahamic religions. Sebastian Kim notes that Goel and Voice of India are not officially associated with the Sangh Parivar or other mainstream Hindu nationalist groups, and that the latter had purposefully distanced themselves from Goel and VOI due to the shrill rhetoric. Moed Pirbhai notes an instance, where Goel was chided even by L. K. Advani, of Babri Masjid fame, for excessively strong language.
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