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"noncognitive" Definitions
  1. not cognitive: such as
  2. not relating to or based on conscious intellectual activity
  3. not based on or capable of being reduced to empirical factual knowledge

29 Sentences With "noncognitive"

How to use noncognitive in a sentence? Find typical usage patterns (collocations)/phrases/context for "noncognitive" and check conjugation/comparative form for "noncognitive". Mastering all the usages of "noncognitive" from sentence examples published by news publications.

One intriguing issue is the gender difference in noncognitive skills.
Education research often calls traits like delaying gratification "noncognitive" factors.
First, the spectrum of noncognitive skills and character strengths are a major factor in American class stratification.
Attempts to develop educational strategies to promote the development of noncognitive skills are still in the beginning stages.
And there is evidence that noncognitive skills, like collaboration and openness to compromise, are benefiting women in today's labor market.
Reeves found noncognitive skill levels rose significantly not only as family income grew but also as the mother's education level rose.
These positive influences in children's early lives can have a profound effect on the development of what are sometimes called noncognitive skills.
The new BCAP will involve cognitive and noncognitive assessments to include written and verbal tests, a fitness evaluation, and a psychological assessment.
Unfortunately, the recent narrow focus on cognitive skills has caused too many to overlook the importance of noncognitive skills, or soft skills.
Many experiments are being conducted in high-poverty, high-crime neighborhoods where the challenges in developing noncognitive skills have been most acute.
The scholars attributed this "misalignment" to differences in "noncognitive skills": attentiveness, persistence, eagerness to learn, the ability to sit still and work independently.
Cognitive ability, years of education, experience and noncognitive traits (like conscientiousness, enthusiasm and emotional stability) are all strong predictors of income and health status.
James Heckman, a Nobel laureate and economist at the University of Chicago, is an expert in the assessment of the economic utility of noncognitive skills.
There's even a movement to test schools on how well they teach these noncognitive skills, as they're called, although it must be said that Duckworth strongly opposes this.
As the accompanying chart demonstrates, upper-income kids perform well on tests of noncognitive skills, but there are substantial numbers of low-income children who do well also.
The result is a vicious circle: family disruption perpetuates disadvantage by creating barriers to the development of cognitive and noncognitive skills, which in turn sharply reduces access to college.
The Nobel laureate James J. Heckman has written that teaching "noncognitive" skills, including recognizing and regulating emotions, would be a cost-effective way to increase work force productivity and quality.
For liberals and the Democratic Party, the continued failure of government initiatives to achieve measurable gains in the acquisition of valuable noncognitive skills by disadvantaged youngsters constitutes a major liability.
While Tough is not incorrect in identifying persistence and self-control as prerequisites for success, his assertion that these capacities are reflections of "character" and "noncognitive" reflects a lack of familiarity with the last several decades of research in cognitive neuroscience.
In a 603 paper, "The Character Factor: Measures and Impact of Drive and Prudence," Reeves and two co-authors, Kimberly Howard and Joanna Venator, focus on what they call "performance character strengths" and the crucial role played by noncognitive skills in educational attainment, employment and earned income.
But in practice, noncognitive capacities are simply a set of emotional and psychological habits and mind-sets that enable children to negotiate life effectively inside and outside of school: the ability to understand and follow directions; to focus on a single activity for an extended period; to interact calmly with other students; to cope with disappointment and persevere through frustration.
Statistics educators have cognitive and noncognitive goals for students. For example, former American Statistical Association (ASA) President Katherine Wallman defined statistical literacy as including the cognitive abilities of understanding and critically evaluating statistical results as well as appreciating the contributions statistical thinking can make.
Itasca, IL: Riverside Publishing. Neuropsychological functioning, according to this model represented an interaction of various cognitive,noncognitive,emotional and sensory motor functions. Thus, the Dean-Woodcock Neuropsychological Assessment Battery was adapted from the [Dean-Woodcock Model], integrating information processing features as a foundation for neuropsychology assessment.Dean, R .
Women are more risk averse than men. One potential explanation for gender differences is that risk and ambiguity are related to cognitive and noncognitive traits on which men and women differ. Women initially respond to ambiguity much more favorably than men, but as ambiguity increases, men and women show similar marginal valuations of ambiguity. Psychological traits are strongly associated with risk but not to ambiguity.
Education provides one of the most promising chances of upward social mobility and attaining a higher social status, regardless of current social standing. However, the stratification of social classes and high wealth inequality directly affects the educational opportunities and outcomes. In other words, social class and a family's socioeconomic status directly affect a child's chances for obtaining a quality education and succeeding in life. By age five, there are significant developmental differences between low, middle, and upper class children's cognitive and noncognitive skills.
Under his first pattern of analysis an ethical statement has two parts: a declaration of the speaker's attitude and an imperative to mirror it, so "'This is good' means I approve of this; do so as well."Stevenson, Ethics, 21 The first half of the sentence is a proposition, but the imperative half is not, so Stevenson's translation of an ethical sentence remains a noncognitive one. Imperatives cannot be proved, but they can still be supported so that the listener understands that they are not wholly arbitrary: The purpose of these supports is to make the listener understand the consequences of the action they are being commanded to do. Once they understand the command's consequences, they can determine whether or not obedience to the command will have desirable results.
Under his first pattern of analysis, an ethical statement has two parts: a declaration of the speaker's attitude and an imperative to mirror it, so "'This is good' means I approve of this; do so as well."Stevenson, Ethics, 21 The first half of the sentence is a proposition, but the imperative half is not, so Stevenson's translation of an ethical sentence remains a noncognitive one. Imperatives cannot be proved, but they can still be supported so that the listener understands that they are not wholly arbitrary: The purpose of these supports is to make the listener understand the consequences of the action they are being commanded to do. Once they understand the command's consequences, they can determine whether or not obedience to the command will have desirable results.
Kensho is insight, an understanding of our essential nature as Buddha-nature, or the nature of mind, the perceiving subject itself, which was equated with Buddha-nature by the East Mountain school. Contemporary understanding also describes kensho as an experience, as in "enlightenment experience"; the term "enlightenment experience" is itself a tautology: "Kensho (enlightenment) is an enlightenment (kensho)-experience". The notion of "experience" fits in a popular set of dichotomies: pure (unmediated) versus mediated, noncognitive versus cognitive, experiential versus intellectual, intuitive versus intellectual, nonrational versus rational, nondiscursive versus discursive, nonpropositional versus propositional. The notion of pure experience (junsui kuiken) to interpret and understand kensho was introduced by Nishida Kitaro in his An Inquiry into the Good (1911), under influence of "his somewhat idiosyncratic reading of western philosophy", especially William James, who wrote The Varieties of Religious Experience.
Further topics in the economics of education wherein Oosterbeek has performed important research include the impacts of extra funding for IT on disadvantaged pupils' school achievement, of financial rewards for students, of entrepreneurship education, student exchanges, class size, and differences in gender-specific competitiveness. In particular, he finds that extra funding for personnel or computers and software targeted at primary schools with large populations of disadvantaged students significantly decrease student achievement, with extra funding for IT being particularly detrimental for girls (with Leuven, Webbink and Mikael Lindahl). By contrast, he finds that smaller classes in the last three years of primary school in Sweden substantially increase cognitive and noncognitive ability at age 13, school achievement at age 16, and wages, earnings, and education completion throughout ages 27 to 42 (with Per Fredriksson and Björn Öckert). Regarding secondary school, he finds gender-specific differences in competitiveness among Dutch high school students to explain about a fifth of gender differences in the choice of academic tracks, wherein boys tend to choose substantially more prestigious and thus more math- and science-intensive tracks than girls, as they tend to be more competitive (with Thomas Buser and Muriel Niederle).

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